Climate change in the United Kingdom

Climate change is impacting the environment and human population of the United Kingdom (UK). The country's climate is becoming warmer, with drier summers and wetter winters. The frequency and intensity of storms, floods, droughts and heatwaves is increasing, and sea level rise is impacting coastal areas. The UK is also a contributor to climate change, having emitted more greenhouse gas per person than the world average. Climate change is having economic impacts on the UK and presents risks to human health and ecosystems.
The government has committed to reducing emissions by 50% of 1990 levels by 2025 and to net zero by 2050. In 2020, the UK set a target of 68% reduction in emissions by 2030 in its commitments in the Paris Agreement. The country phased-out coal power in 2024. Parliament passed Acts related to climate change in 2006 and 2008, the latter representing the first time a government legally mandated a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. The UK Climate Change Programme was established in 2000 and the Climate Change Committee provides policy advice towards mitigation targets. In 2019, Parliament declared a 'climate change emergency'. The UK has been prominent in international cooperation on climate change, including through UN conferences and during its European Union membership.
Climate change has been discussed by British politicians since the late 20th century, but it has attracted greater political, public and media attention in the UK from the 2000s. Public opinion polls show concern amongst the majority of Britons. The British royal family have also prioritised the issue, with King Charles III having been outspoken "about climate change, pollution and deforestation" for the "last 50 years". Various climate change activism initiatives have taken place in the UK.
The Central England temperature series, recorded since 1659 in the Midlands, shows an observed increase in temperature, consistent with anthropogenic climate change rather than natural climate variability and change. According to the Met Office, climate change will affect the climate of the United Kingdom with warmer and wetter winters and hotter and drier summers. Spanish plumes will continue but bring more intense weather conditions such as hotter summer weather and summer thunderstorms.
By 2014, the United Kingdom's seven warmest and 4 out of its 5 wettest years had occurred between the years of 2000–2014. Higher temperatures increase evaporation and consequently rainfall. In 2014, England recorded its wettest winter in over 250 years with widespread flooding.
In parts of the south east of the UK, the temperature in the hottest days of the year increased by 1 °C per decade in the years 1960–2019. The highest ever recorded temperature in the United Kingdom was recorded in 2022 in Coningsby at 40.3 °C (104.5 °F). In 2020, the chances of reaching a temperature above 40 °C (104 °F) were low, but they are 10 times higher than in a climate without human impact. In modest emissions scenario, by the end of the century, it will happen every 15 years and in high emissions scenario every 3–4 years. Summers with temperatures above 35 °C (95 °F) occur in the UK every 5 years, but will occur almost every other year in the high emission scenario by 2100.
The Met Office outlines that more frequent and intense extreme weather events will affect the UK due to climate change.
Due to increased rainfall from warmer and wetter winters, increased flooding is expected. An interactive map from the UK government shows areas at risk of flooding.
Heat waves are becoming more intense and more likely in the UK due to climate change. Of the UK's top ten hottest days on record, nine have been recorded between 1990 and 2022. The 2022 heatwave resulted in the first code red extreme heat warning in the country, instigating a declaration of national emergency, and causing wildfires and widespread infrastructure damage.
Between 1900 and 2022, the UK's sea level rose by 16.5 centimetres (6.5 in). The rate of rise more than doubled between the early 20th and early 21st century to a rate of 3-5.2 millimetres per year. By 2050, it is predicted that around a third of England's coast will be impacted, leading to almost 200,000 homes needing to be abandoned. The most affected regions will be the South West, North West and East Anglia.
Droughts in the United Kingdom are expected to become more severe. Water quality in rivers and lakes may decline due to higher temperatures, reduced river flows and increased algal blooms in summer, and increased river flows in winter.
Warming temperatures are impacting wildlife and plant life. Some species' ranges are shifting north, and Scottish alpine plants have declined. With spring coming earlier each year, many plant and animal species are unable to adapt quickly enough. Birds are impacted by climate change, with warm weather species like cattle egrets and purple herons observed breeding in the UK for the first time in the 2010s, while cold-adapted birds like lapwings have declined. More regular droughts also have cumulative implications for many British species and ecosystems. For example, in 2022, Ouse Washes wetlands was at risk of drying out.
Climate change will also impact marine life around the British Isles, including some commercially valuable fish species. The distributions of many fish species are expected to shift, with cold adapted species declining and warm adapted species becoming established.
The National Health Service describes climate change as a "health emergency", citing the impacts of heat waves, floods, and storms on health, as well as the increased spread of infectious diseases such as tick-borne encephalitis and vibriosis.
Due to climate change, the UK has experienced a significant increase in severe heat waves which have dire health consequences. The 2022 heatwaves contributed to nearly 3000 excess deaths – meaning people who are not expected to die during this period. This represents the highest number of deaths during heatwaves since 2004. Most of the extra deaths occurred in those aged over 65. Without climate change mitigation or adaptation measures, heat-related deaths could increase sixfold by the 2050s, particularly affecting children, the elderly and people with pre-existing conditions.
Flooding in the UK presents another major threat, currently affecting over six million people. This number expected to rise significantly as temperatures increase. Beyond physical risks, floods have severe long-lasting mental health consequences for survivors, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
According to the Government, the number of households in flood risk will be up to 970,000 homes in the 2020s, up from around 370,000 in January 2012. The effects of flooding and managing flood risk cost the country about £2.2bn a year, compared with the less than £1bn spent on flood protection and management. UK agriculture is also being impacted by drought and weather changes.
In 2020 PricewaterhouseCoopers estimated that Storm Dennis damage to homes, businesses and cars could be between £175m and £225m and Storm Ciara cost up to £200m. Friends of the Earth criticised British government of the intended cuts to flood defence spending. The protection against increasing flood risk as a result of climate change requires rising investment. In 2009, the Environment Agency calculated that the UK needs to be spending £20m more compared to 2010 to 2011 as the baseline, each and every year out to 2035, just to keep pace with climate change.
The British government and the economist Nicholas Stern published the Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change in 2006. The report states that climate change is the greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen, presenting a unique challenge for economics. The Review provides prescriptions including environmental taxes to minimise economic and social disruptions. The Stern Review's main conclusion is that the benefits of strong, early action on climate change far outweigh the costs of not acting. The Review points to the potential impact of climate change on water resources, food production, health, and the environment. According to the Review, without action, the overall costs of climate change will be equivalent to losing at least 5% of global gross domestic product (GDP) each year, now and forever. Including a wider range of risks and impacts could increase this to 20% of GDP or more. The review leads to a simple conclusion: the benefits of strong, early action considerably outweigh the costs.
Climate change made the unusual rainfall in autumn and winter 2023-2024, 10 times more probable and 20% stronger. The rainfall led to "severe damage to homes and infrastructure, power blackouts, travel cancellations, and heavy losses of crops and livestock". The damage to arable crops alone is £1.2 billion, without counting vegetables. Claims for house insurance from weather related disasters increased by more than a third.
In 2019, Prime Minister Theresa May announced the UK would strive to reach carbon neutrality by 2050, making the country the first major economy to do so. Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced in 2020 that UK would set a target of 68% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 and include this target in its commitments in the Paris Agreement.
Calculations in 2021 indicated that, to give the world a 50% chance of avoiding a temperature rise of 2 degrees or more, the United Kingdom should increase its climate commitments by 17%. For a 95% chance, it should increase the commitments by 58%. To give a 50% chance of staying below 1.5 degrees, the UK should increase its commitments by 97%.
Under Margaret Thatcher, the UK's coal industry was reduced, with subsidies cut and coal miners' union weakened following a significant miners' strike in 1984. In 2015, the government announced all coal-fired power stations would be closed by 2025. In 2021, it brought forward this coal phase-out target to 2024.
The Climate Change Programme was launched in 2000 by the Government in response to its commitment agreed at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development.
There are in place national legislation, international agreements and the EU directives. The Climate Change and Sustainable Energy Act 2006 aimed to boost heat and electricity micro-generation installations in the UK, helping to cut emissions and reduce fuel poverty. The Climate Change Act 2008 makes it the duty of the Secretary of State to ensure the net UK carbon account for all six Kyoto greenhouse gases for 2050 is at least 80% lower than 1990. It also created the independent Climate Change Committee to advise the government on policies to reach its goals. The Act made the UK the first country to legally mandate reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.
These targets have since been expanded on in the UK's Sixth Carbon Budget of 2021, which set the targets of reducing carbon emissions by 78% in relation to 1990 levels by 2035, and reaching net zero emissions by 2050. The Health and Care Act 2022 includes a target of carbon neutrality for the National Health Service by 2040, and an 80% reduction in emissions by 2028-32.
In May 2019, Parliament approved a motion declaring a national climate change emergency. This does not legally compel the government to act, however. The Climate and Ecological Emergency Bill was tabled as an early day motion in September 2020 and received its first reading the same day.
The United Kingdom does not have a carbon tax. Instead, various fuel taxes and energy taxes have been implemented over the years, such as the fuel duty escalator (1993) and the Climate Change Levy (2001). The UK was a member of the European Union Emission Trading Scheme until it left the EU. It has since implemented its own carbon trading scheme.
Since the premiership of Tony Blair, climate change has been a high priority issue in the UK's foreign policy. The UK has raised the issue at meetings of international bodies of which it is a member, including the G8 and United Nations Security Council. The UK was also influential on the climate change policy of the European Union during its membership.
British diplomats have been involved in the negotiation of international agreements in United Nations summits. Ahead of the 2009 conference while talks had been stalling, prime minister Gordon Brown launched a manifesto calling for an international agreement that would bring investment into climate change adaptation in developing countries. The UK hosted the 2021 UN Climate Change Conference in Glasgow, during which the Glasgow Climate Pact was negotiated and agreed. In the lead-up to the conference, Richard Moore said the Secret Intelligence Service had begun monitoring the activities of major polluters to ensure they adhere to their commitments on mitigation and the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office said it would put £290m towards climate change initiatives in developing countries.
A Climate Change Levy is a tax on carbon use in industry, commerce and the public sector introduced by the British government in 2001, with the overall aim of promoting carbon efficiency and stimulating investment in low carbon technology. While representing what is classed as a "market-based instrument", in that it represents an economic incentive to manage carbon usage more effectively, the CCL is not what is understood as market governance. This is because CCL is not representative of the market steering actors in their carbon behaviour, but the government imposing a sanction to govern behaviour, which is constitutive of hierarchical governance.
Introduced at the same time as the CCL, Climate Change Agreements are "negotiated agreements between sector industry organisations and the government" whereby "energy-intensive industries can obtain a 65% discount from the CCL, provided they meet challenging targets for improving their energy efficiency or reducing carbon emissions". This is an example of governing carbon behaviour in a more indirect fashion. The DECC is still the authoritative body, but these voluntary agreements represent their attempt to create an atmosphere where it is seen as advantageous to business to manage carbon emissions. They have not done this through traditional regulatory controls, in that they have not imposed this rule upon industry. By instead offering businesses incentives to reduce carbon emissions through a tax reduction, they are enhancing the desire of business sectors to make the choice to become more carbon efficient. The DECC asserts its authority over the process by the imposition of penalties if participating industries do not comply with their agreed targets. It represents the government concerning itself with the outcome of the policy, rather than regulating the entire process.
This represents a further example of a government implemented, voluntary scheme that shapes the carbon behaviour of businesses, but the actual management of this scheme is delegated to a specialised body, The Carbon Trust. The scheme encourages businesses to invest in low-carbon technology by offering a "100% first-year capital allowances on their spending on qualifying plant and machinery". Only new equipment is eligible for an ECA – used or second-hand equipment does not qualify. Eligible equipment, and the criteria they have to meet, is published in the Energy Technology List. The criteria are reviewed annually to keep pace with technological progress
By providing a management service on behalf of the government, The Carbon Trust is actually helping govern a part of the carbon sector in England. Although created by the government in 2001, they are a private company, which means that, arguably, they represent the diminishment of central capacity to fulfil governing tasks. However, if the workings of the scheme and the part The Carbon Trust have to play is examined, then the opposite is true. In this instance DECC involved The Carbon Trust, as a body specialised in energy efficiency, and delegated responsibility to them "to ensure sufficient expertise" is brought to the governing process. It is still the government's decision to delegate such responsibility, and it is their policy that is being enacted. They have simply enlisted the help of an expert body to ensure that their desired outcomes are met.
The UK Emissions Trading Scheme is a massive part of carbon governance. While it has been argued that this is an attempt to allow markets to govern carbon emissions by incentivising their proper management and allowing them to be traded and priced by supply and demand, the hierarchical influence of the governmental institutions, the EU and DECC, are still evident and prevent emissions trading in England in its current form being considered market governance. There are two emissions trading systems operating in England at this present moment, and the way in which they are governed is emblematic of the hierarchical nature of carbon governance at the national level.
The former UK Emissions Trading Scheme was a voluntary cap-and-trade scheme where participants were allocated an allowance of emissions, which included other GHGs as well as carbon, and if a participating company emitted less than their cap for that year they could trade the remaining allowances. It has now closed to new participants but allowances are still traded. While this may appear as recourse to the market to effectively govern carbon emissions, the fact remains "in order to govern through markets, governments must first create those markets through the exercise of a hierarchical authority". The UK ETS was created by the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), the then responsible government department, and it was the government's ambitious emissions reduction target that "spurred the UK to innovate with" this particular instrument. The Trading Registry for emissions is also run through DECC, exemplifying the government's centralisation of the process and while it was left to businesses to decide how to manage their carbon emissions, and the market to decide the price, it was the governments desire to reach emissions targets and "reduce [the] economic cost" of doing so that was being represented.
A new post-Brexit UK Emissions Trading Scheme (UK ETS) came into operation on 1 January 2021 following the UK's departure from the European Union.
Introduced by the European Commission (EC) and launched in 2005, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme is similar to the UK ETS in the sense that it is a cap-and-trade scheme, but it is mandatory and its participants account for 40% of the EU's total GHG emissions. With regards to the governance of carbon in England, the scheme covers industries responsible for 48% of the UK's total carbon emissions. Because the European Commission, which supersedes the UK government in terms of legislative authority, enacted the system its introduction presents a challenge to the central power of the UK government in terms of carbon management. Rhodes cited "the loss of functions by British government to EU institutions" as evidence of the nation state becoming "hollowed out" and while this system was imposed upon England by an EU body, there is some evidence to suggest that the British government still retains some central authority.
The CRC Energy Efficiency Scheme is further evidence of the UK government's "recourse to specialised regulatory remits" in order to effectively govern carbon emissions in England. The CRC scheme is a further mandatory cap-and-trade scheme aimed at large public and private sector organisations who account for 10% of the UK's carbon emissions. It seeks to include organisations not covered by the EU ETS. It is again reflective of the UK government's disposition towards employing market mechanisms in order to govern carbon emissions, and it is they who have imposed this legislation on businesses, representing an exercise of central power. However, a large bulk of the implementation of the scheme is carried out by The Environment Agency.
The Environment Agency has a key role to play in the imposition of the scheme. It is responsible for collecting data regarding participating companies' emissions which it then ranks in a league table "based on participant's changes in energy use against a baseline and not their total emissions" with the hope that carbon efficiency will become a "reputational issue" for those involved. The Environment Agency also hosts the CRC Registry where participants can register details and trade their emissions. It is also responsible for administering any sanctions for non-compliance. This is a classic example of the government using the skills of, in this case, a non-governmental public body in order to administer a policy they have established. Again, it is not an example of the power to govern being taken away from central government as the "enactment of legislation is evident as an explicit assertion of hierarchy". It is the government who has delegated this responsibility to The Environment Agency, and they remain the ultimate statutory authority for the scheme.
The UK Climate Change Risk Assessment sets out the risks facing the UK. It informs the National Adaptation Programme.
The National Adaptation Programme (NAP) seek to create a "climate-ready society" and expects households to adapt to climate change. The NAP outline actions the government and other entities will take to adapt to climate change challenges e.g. in England over a five-year period. They cover aspects such as the natural environment, infrastructure, people and the built environment, business and industry, and local government sectors. NAP3 explains the government's plans to adapt to climate change between 2023–28.
A systematic review in Climatic Change concluded many households in the UK struggled to achieve long-term adaptive capacity. Increased flood risk has implications for the UK's privatised insurance sector and relevant governance of it. The Bank of England has outlined a policy of maintaining financial stability amid climate change impacts on the UK. The town of Happisburgh, where homes are being affected by coastal erosion and sea level rise, is the location of a "Pathfinder" project where owners of homes about to fall into the sea were offered market prices to relocate inland.
The Wildlife Trusts have suggested reintroduction of Eurasian beavers improves resilience of British rivers and wetlands to droughts, create carbon sinks and prevent flooding.
By 2021, YouGov recorded that 72% of Britons believe that climate change is caused by human activity, which had increased from 49% in 2013. According to the Office for National Statistics, as of October 2021, 75% of British adults said that they either very or somewhat worried about climate change, whilst 19% were neither worried or unworried. British women were more likely than men to be worried about the impact of climate change, as were younger compared to older age groups.
In 1989, Margaret Thatcher made two speeches that are considered among the earliest statements by a world leader on climate change.
Climate change has been discussed by members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom; in 2019, Carbon Brief analysed mention of climate change in the UK parliamentary record from Hansard. It found that mention of the "greenhouse effect" and "global warming" had appeared in British parliamentary records since the 1980s, with the term "climate change" used more since the late 1990s. The first mention was by Jestyn Philipps in 1969. It concluded that Labour MPs were the most vocal party on the issue, mentioning climate change 8,463 times, compared to 5,860 by Conservative MPs and 2,426 by Liberal Democrat MPs.
Before 2005 and 2006, climate change received little political attention in the UK. However, between 2006 and 2010, campaigns by environmental non-governmental organization generated attention towards climate change in British media, and it became a bipartisan issue in UK politics. The Climate Change Act 2008 passed with the support of 463 MPs from several political parties, and only 5 against. Under David Cameron, the Conservative Party adopted environmental policies as a means to connect with younger voters, with Cameron's support of the Big Ask campaign being a critical turning point. The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition maintained political momentum on climate policy, but criticism from the political right later weakened Cameron's international leadership on the issue. The Conservatives prioritised the issue during the premiership of Boris Johnson.
The Global Warming Policy Foundation is a climate change denialist think tank and lobby group founded by former chancellor Lord Nigel Lawson in 2009. In 2020, some members of the UK Independence Party were characterised as deniers who had dismissed climate change risks and the party has opposed climate policies, with some claims within its 2013 energy policy document found to be based on documents from the Global Warming Policy Foundation. The Global Warming Policy Foundation and some members of the Conservative Party shifted to opposing the perceived cost of net zero rather than outright denying the occurrence of climate change in the 2020s. According to analysis of social media posts in The Guardian, at least thirty Reform UK prospective parliamentary candidates in 2024 went beyond mere scepticism about net zero, to casting doubt on the validity of human-caused global warming, some employing accusations of "hoaxes" or "scams" by "globalist elites" or "the Illuminati".
Environmental direct action has occurred in the UK. Camps for Climate Action began in 2006 with the Drax Power Station, until their disbandment in 2011. School strikes took place from the 2010s, and groups such as Extinction Rebellion and Insulate Britain using tactics such as traffic obstruction in protest of climate change issues. Extinction Rebellion was founded by a group of UK activists in 2018, subsequently expanding to other countries and influencing the global climate movement.
In February 2014 during major flooding the Church of England said that it will pull its investments from companies that fail to do enough to fight the "great demon" of climate change and ignore the church's theological, moral and social priorities. In 2007, a London Live Earth concert took place to raise awareness of climate change and in 2019, numerous musicians, record labels and venues in the British music industry formed environmental pressure group Music Declares Emergency to demand mitigation.
British tabloid newspaper reporting on climate change between 2000 and 2006 significantly diverged from the scientific consensus that climate change is driven by human activity. The political leaning of newspapers influenced their likelihood of covering climate change, with the left-leaning The Guardian paper covering the issue more than the more conservative Times, Daily Telegraph and Daily Mail between 1997 and 2017. The BBC has faced criticism for inviting fringe views into coverage of climate change, and in 2018 admitted that it had covered climate change "wrong too often" and that it was false balance to invite deniers into its coverage. Media coverage of the July 2022 heat wave corresponded to different political viewpoints, particularly whether climate change was mentioned or the severity of the heat wave was downplayed.
The British royal family have advocated for climate change mitigation. Charles III has expressed concern over the impacts of climate change and called for action on the issue among world leaders, including advocating for a "Marshall-like plan" to address it. Elizabeth II called for action on climate change at COP26. Prince William and Prince Harry also adopted climate change causes, with The Royal Foundation funding the Earthshot Prize under William's patronage. Environmentalists have recognised their role in the cause, but have been critical of the ecological condition of the Crown Estate.
While there are several instruments employed by central government to set targets and influence carbon behaviour in businesses and in individuals, how these actors achieve the reductions being set is not specified explicitly by DECC. In this case, businesses often rely on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to help them deliver the targets being set by government regulation. These NGOs are experts in the carbon and energy field and are therefore consulted upon by businesses and the government in order to ensure that policies are delivered effectively. In that way DECC can be said to be at the centre of a "highly centralised network" of carbon governance actors. This does detract from their hierarchical authority of DECC as they are the central figure in the network, it is simply a recognition that they need to "forge coalitions with societal interests in order to achieve their policy goals".
A good example of an NGO that has close links with the government and helps deliver their policy goals is Climate Energy. Established in 2005, they are an energy agency "specialising in advice and funding solutions" for businesses and homeowners to help them with carbon efficiency. They offer a range of services including a consultancy service and grants for low carbon technologies. What is important to note here is that Climate Energy is a private company and therefore has no standing within government, but it does have a significant role to play in government legislation, as exemplified below.
CERT is another scheme introduced by the government that requires large energy supply companies to "make savings in the amount of CO2 emitted by householders". It obliges energy companies to "promote and offer funding towards measures that improve energy efficiency in the home". While a good intentioned scheme, individual householders are arguably not in a position to best judge what measures are best suited to their position, or may not be aware of what grants are available to them. Climate Energy offers a consultancy service promising to "leverage funding from utilities to support projects" for their clients through their connections in the industry. The initial government legislation was aimed at the energy suppliers with the overall aim of delivering individual household carbon reduction, but the actual delivery of this service has been performed by a private energy agency. The government is still the "central player" in that they have implemented the policy, but Climate Energy's services ensure that it is delivered and represents further evidence of central government steering the actions of actors at lower levels.
The Green Deal looks set to become a major part of carbon governance in the future, in that it is aimed at individual households in an attempt to improve carbon efficiency and make the transition for households to low-carbon energy as cost-effective as possible. Climate Energy have actually been consulted by DECC as part of the consultation process before The Green Deal is implemented fully. This is representative of a discretionary style of governance, in that the government department is keen to consult specialised agencies before implementing their scheme. The citing of Climate Energy as a consultee is used to legitimise the decision as it shows that a climate and energy efficiency expert has influenced the policy. The Green Deal will still be a centrally commissioned and regulated scheme, but the consultation process allows for specialist views to be taken into account when the policy is formulated.
London is particularly vulnerable to climate change, with concern among hydrological experts that households in the city may run out of water before 2050.
Emissions are reducing in Wales. After 2016, shutting the last coal-fired power station in Wales contributed "toward half" of the fall in emissions in 2016. Over the last 30 years, there has been a 31% cut in emissions. The goal for 2030 is to have reached a 63% reduction, and by 2050 to reach net-zero carbon emission. These aims are a significant challenge.
The Welsh Government owns a company, Ynnis Cymru, which funds community energy projects. The Welsh Government owns a company, Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru to develop state-owned energy - specifically offshore wind. Trydan Gwyrdd Cymru has been suggested as a model for Great British Energy.
The Environment (Wales) Act 2016 required the Welsh Government to set reduced emission targets by the end of 2018.
The government body responsible for climate change mitigation, the Department of Energy and Climate Change (DECC), is the "main external dynamic" behind governing actions in this area, and is responsible for central co-ordination". The department may rely on other bodies to deliver its desired outcomes, but it is still ultimately responsible for the imposition of the rules and regulations that "steer (carbon) governmental action at the national level". It is therefore evident that carbon governance in England is hierarchical in nature, in that "legislative decisions and executive decisions" are the main dynamic behind carbon governance action. This does not deny the existence of a network of bodies around DECC who are part of the process, but they are supplementary actors who are steered by central decisions. The other countries of the UK (Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) all have devolved assemblies who are responsible for the governance of carbon emissions in their respective countries.