First Jewish–Roman War

The First Jewish–Roman War (66–74 CE), also known as the Great Jewish Revolt, the First Jewish Revolt, the War of Destruction, or the Jewish War, was the first of three major Jewish rebellions against the Roman Empire. Fought in the province of Judaea, it resulted in the destruction of Jerusalem and the Jewish Temple, mass displacement, land appropriation, and the dissolution of the Jewish polity.
Judaea, once independent under the Hasmoneans, fell to Rome in the first century BCE. Initially a client kingdom, it later became a directly ruled province, marked by the rule of oppressive governors, socioeconomic divides, nationalist aspirations, and rising religious and ethnic tensions. In 66 CE, under Nero, unrest flared when a local Greek sacrificed a bird at the entrance of a Caesarea synagogue. Tensions escalated as Governor Gessius Florus looted the temple treasury and massacred Jerusalem's residents, sparking an uprising in which rebels seized the Roman garrison while pro-Roman officials fled.
To quell the unrest, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, invaded Judaea but was decisively defeated at Bethoron. A moderate government, led by Ananus ben Ananus, was established in Jerusalem. In 67 CE, General Vespasian was sent to suppress the revolt, invading the Galilee and capturing Yodfat, Tarichaea, and Gamla. As rebels and refugees fled to Jerusalem, the government was overthrown, leading to infighting between Simon bar Giora and John of Gischala. After Vespasian subdued most of the province, Nero's death prompted him to depart for Rome to claim the throne. His son Titus led the siege of Jerusalem, which fell in the summer of 70 CE, resulting in the Temple's destruction and the city's razing. In 71, they celebrated a triumph in Rome, and Legio X Fretensis remained in Judaea to suppress the last pockets of resistance, culminating in the fall of Masada in 73/74 CE.
The war had profound consequences for the Jewish people, with many killed, displaced, or sold into slavery. The sages emerged as leading figures and established a rabbinic center in Yavneh, marking a key moment in the development of Rabbinic Judaism as it adapted to the post-Temple reality. These events in Jewish history signify the transition from the Second Temple period to the Rabbinic period. The victory also strengthened the new Flavian dynasty, which commemorated it through monumental constructions and coinage, imposed a punitive tax on all Jews, and increased military presence in the region. The Jewish–Roman wars culminated in the Bar Kokhba revolt, the last major attempt to restore Jewish independence, which resulted in even more catastrophic consequences.
In 63 BCE, the kingdom of Judaea was conquered by the Roman Republic, ending Jewish independence under the Hasmonean dynasty. Roman general Pompey intervened in a civil war between Hyrcanus and Aristobolus, who vied for the throne after their mother, Queen Salome Alexandra, died. After capturing Jerusalem, Pompey entered the Temple's Holy of Holies—an act of desecration, as only the High Priest was permitted to enter. The Jewish monarchy was abolished, Hyrcanus was appointed to serve exclusively as High Priest, and parts of the kingdom were transferred to Hellenistic cities or to the Roman province of Syria.
Recognizing the nationalist character of Hasmonean rule, the Romans sought to suppress it by instituting a new, loyal dynasty. In 40 BCE, Antigonus II Mattathias, Aristobolus' son, briefly regained the throne with Parthian support, but was deposed by in 37 BCE by Herod, who had been appointed "King of the Jews" by the Roman Senate. Herod ruled Judaea as a client kingdom, taxed heavily, murdered family members, controlled Jewish institutions, and fueled resentment. After his death in 4 BCE, realm was divided among his sons: Archelaus served as ethnarch of Judea, Samaria, and Idumaea, while Herod Antipas governed Galilee and Perea. Archelaus's misrule led to his deposition in 6 CE, and the Roman Empire annexed his territories as the province of Judaea.
In the following decades, Jewish–Roman relations in Judaea faced repeated crises. With the onset of direct Roman rule, the census of Quirinius, instituted by the governor of Syria, triggered an uprising led by Judas of Galilee. Judas led the "fourth philosophy", a movement that recognized God as the only king and rejected foreign rule. Under Pilate (c. 26–36 CE), incidents such as the introduction of military standards into Jerusalem, the diversion of Temple funds for an aqueduct, and a soldier's indecent exposure near the Temple provoked unrest and bloodshed. Conflicts escalated during pilgrim festivals, as the influx of worshippers often fueled nationalistic sentiments.
Under Caligula's reign (37–41 CE), Roman policy in Judaea underwent a brief disruption. His insistence on the imperial cult intensified anti-Jewish sentiment, leading to violent outbreaks in Alexandria in 38 CE. Tensions escalated following a dispute at Yavneh (Jamnia), where the Jewish community dismantled a pagan altar. In response, Caligula ordered a statue of himself to be placed in the Temple, provoking widespread outrage. His death averted open conflict, but the episode further deepened Jewish resentment toward Roman rule.
In 41 CE, with Emperor Claudius's support, Herod Agrippa unified the territories once ruled by his grandfather, Herod, as a client king. This briefly restored Jewish self-governance, but after his death in 44 CE, Judaea reverted to direct Roman rule, expanding to include Judea, Samaria, Idumaea, Galilee, and Perea. His son, Agrippa II, ruled Chalcis and oversaw the Temple, including appointing and removing High Priests.
The second provincial era began stably but soon fell into disorder. Around 48 CE, the Romans crucified Jacob and Simon, sons of Judas of Galilee. Clashes erupted between Jews and Samaritans, and by the early 50s CE, the Sicarii (a group of Jewish radicals) began exploiting pilgrim festivals in Jerusalem for assassinations and intimidation. They also targeted rural landowners, destroying property to deter cooperation with Rome. Religious fanaticism grew, inspiring figures like Theudas, who tried to part the Jordan but was executed by procurator Fadus, and "The Egyptian", whose followers were dispersed by Antonius Felix.
In 64 CE, Gessius Florus became procurator, securing the role through his wife, a friend of Nero's wife. His ties to the imperial family gave him considerable freedom in governance. Tacitus saw him as unfit, while Josephus depicted him as a ruthless official who plundered the region and imposed harsh punishments. The worsening situation under Florus led many to flee the region.
Most scholars regard the Jewish War as a prime example of ancient Jewish nationalism. The revolt was driven by the pursuit of freedom, the removal of Roman control and the establishment of an independent Jewish state. Aspiration for independence grew following Herod's death and particularly after the establishment of direct imperial rule. This desire was partially fueled by memories of the successful Maccabean revolt against the Seleucids, which fostered the belief that a similar victory over Rome could be achievable. The Hasmonean-led Jewish state, a rare instance of indigenous sovereignty in this period, strengthened Jewish nationalistic awareness and aspirations for independence. Historian David Goodblatt points to similarities between the rebels' actions and ideology and those of modern national liberation movements, citing their struggle to free Judaea, the minting of coins inscribed with "Israel," and the adoption of the "freedom of Israel" era as examples.
Jewish discontent was fueled by the harsh suppression of unrest and widespread perception of Roman rule as oppressive. Many Roman officials were corrupt, brutal, or inept, fueling unrest even under competent governors. Florus' governorship is described by ancient sources as the tipping point that sparked the revolt. Roman historian Tacitus attributed the war to Roman misgovernance rather than Jewish rebelliousness; he noted that Jews showed restraint under harsh governors but lost patience due to Florus' actions. Similarly, Josephus wrote that the Jews preferred to die in battle rather than endure prolonged suffering under Florus' governance.
The concept of "zeal"—a total commitment to God's will and law, rooted in figures like Phinehas, Elijah, and Mattathias, and driven by a belief in Israel's election—is often seen as a key driver of the revolt. While Eleazar ben Simon's faction was the only one to explicitly call itself "Zealots," historian Martin Hengel maintained that all factions rejecting foreign rule in the name of God's sole sovereignty could rightfully be included under this designation. Hengel traced this view to the intensification of Torah concepts, such as God's kingship, first manifested by Judas' "Fourth Philosophy". This ideology resurfaced in the revolt, especially among the Sicarii, led by Judas' descendants. Judaic scholar Philip Alexander similarly described the Zealots as a coalition of factions, united by a shared form of nationalism and the goal of liberating Israel by force.
Historian Jonathan Price wrote that apocalyptic beliefs played a role in fueling the revolt, with many rebels envisioning a divinely sanctioned cosmic struggle inspired by prophetic texts, such as the Book of Daniel, which foretold the fall of the fourth imperial power, which people believed was Rome. Historian Tessa Rajak, however, asserted that there is no evidence to suggest the insurgents were driven by messianic or end-of-days aspirations.
Marxist scholars, notably Heinz Kreißig, interpreted the revolt as a class struggle between social strata, though critics such as Jonathan Price argued that argued this prioritizes political theory over evidence. The burning of debt records by the rebels is often cited as proof of socio-economic motives, but this view is also disputed by Price, who notes there is little evidence of economic grievances. He argues that rebel leaders lacked class loyalty—Simon bar Giora freed slaves and targeted the wealthy but also had aristocratic support, while others had no social agenda. He sees the burning of debt records as a tactic for popular support, not ideology. Classicist Guy McLean Rogers adds that debt was routine and neither a key cause nor a unifying rallying point for the rebels.
Historian Uriel Rappaport wrote that hostility between Jews and surrounding Greek cities was the decisive factor that made the revolt inevitable, as Rome failed to address the tensions. The provincial Roman garrison was mainly drawn from Hellenistic cities, while Greek-speaking eastern provincials held key administrative roles, heightening tensions. Historian Martin Goodman, however, argued that since Jews had chosen to live in Greek cities, deep hostility was not a long-standing issue, and the violence of 66 CE was a consequence of rising tensions rather than the root cause of the revolt. Instead, Goodman argued that the revolt was driven by the inability of the local elite to address economic and societal discontent. This failure was linked to their lack of legitimacy, as their authority depended on the Herodians and Romans, both of whom were often despised by the populace. He argues that elite involvement made Rome view the uprising as a full rebellion and deepened divisions within the rebel state.
In May 66 CE, violence erupted in the city of Caesarea over a land dispute. Local Jews sought to buy land beside their synagogue from its Greek owner, but despite offering well above its value, he refused and built workshops that blocked access to the synagogue. When young Jews resisted, Florus backed the Greek. Prominent Jews paid Florus eight talents to stop the construction, but he took the money and left without intervening, allowing the work to continue. On Shabbat, a Greek desecrated the synagogue entrance by sacrificing a bird on a chamber pot, sparking violence between the communities. Local cavalry failed to intervene, and Jews who complained to Florus were arrested. Afterwards, Florus arrived in Jerusalem and seized 17 talents from the Temple treasury, claiming it was for "governmental purposes." Mass protests ensued, with crowds mocking him by passing around a basket to collect alms, as if he were a beggar. When the Sanhedrin—the Jewish high court—refused to surrender the offenders, Florus ordered his troops to sack the Upper Agora, reportedly killing over 3,600 people. Among the victims were wealthy Jews of the equestrian order, who, despite being Roman citizens and exempt from such punishment, were not spared. His soldiers exceeded orders, looting and taking prisoners. Jewish princess Berenice, who was visiting the city, pleaded for restraint but was threatened by legionaries. A second massacre occurred when Jews greeting two arriving cohorts were met with silence. Angered, some reacted, prompting soldiers to charge, causing a stampede toward the Antonia Fortress. Florus fled the city, leaving a cohort behind to serve as a garrison.
Agrippa II hurried from Alexandria to calm the unrest, while Cestius Gallus sent an emissary who, after consulting Agrippa, found Jerusalem loyal to Rome but opposed to Florus. Agrippa then delivered a public speech to the people of Jerusalem alongside his sister Berenice, acknowledging the failures of Roman administration but urging restraint. He argued that a small nation could not challenge the might of the Roman Empire. At first, the crowd agreed, reaffirming allegiance to the emperor. They restored damaged structures and paid the tax owed. However, when he urged patience with Florus until a new governor was appointed, the crowd turned on him, forcing him and Berenice to flee the city.
Eleazar ben Hanania, the Temple's captain and son of an ex-High Priest, convinced the priests to cease accepting offerings from foreigners. This act ended the practice of offering sacrifices on behalf of Rome and its emperor. According to Josephus, this event marked the foundation of the war against Rome. Around this time, a faction of Sicarii, led by Menahem ben Judah, a descendant of Judas of Galilee, launched a surprise assault on the desert fortress of Masada. They captured the fortress and slaughtered the Roman garrison. The looted weapons were then transported to Jerusalem.
After failing to pacify the rebels, Jerusalem's moderate leaders sought military assistance from Florus and Agrippa. In response, Agrippa dispatched 2,000 cavalrymen from Auranitis, Batanaea, and Trachonitis, These forces reinforced the moderates, who controlled the Upper City, while Eleazar ben Hanania's followers controlled the Lower City and Temple Mount. After a few days of fighting, the rebels captured the Upper City, forcing the moderates into Herod's Palace, while others fled or hid. They burned the house of ex-High Priest Ananias, the royal palaces, and the public archives, where debt records were kept, likely to win support from Jerusalem's poor.
The rebels then captured the Antonia Fortress, seizing artillery and massacring the Roman garrison. With reinforcements from the Sicarii, they captured Herod's Palace, then agreed to a ceasefire with the moderates, but refused to make peace with the Roman soldiers. The Romans retreated to the towers of Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamne, where they held out for eleven more days. During this time, the Sicarii captured and killed Ananias and his brother. In mid-September, the besieged soldiers surrendered for safe passage, but the rebels killed them all except commander Metilius, who pledged to convert to Judaism and undergo circumcision. After appearing in royal attire in public, Menahem was captured, tortured, and executed by Eleazar ben Hanania's faction, while many of his Sicarii followers were killed or scattered. Others, including Menahem's relative Eleazar ben Yair, withdrew to Masada.
Ethnic violence spread across Judaea, Syria, and beyond. Around the time of the garrison massacre, according to Josephus, non-Jews in Caesarea carried out an ethnic cleansing, killing about 20,000 Jews. The survivors were arrested by Florus. Hundreds of Jews were reportedly killed in Ascalon and Akko-Ptolemais, while in Tyre, Hippos, and Gadara, many were executed or imprisoned. The Jews of Scythopolis initially assisted their fellow townspeople in defending the city from Jewish attackers. However, they were later relocated with their families to a grove outside the town, where they were massacred by those who had fought alongside them. In Antioch, Sidon, and Apamea, the local residents spared the Jewish communities, and in Gerasa, they even escorted those who chose to leave all the way to the city's border. News of the massacre prompted Jewish groups to attack nearby villages and cities, especially in the Decapolis, including Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa and Pella. Cedasa, Hippos, Akko-Ptolemais, Gaba, and Caesarea were also targeted. Archaeological evidence confirms destruction in Gerasa and Gadara, while Josephus describes Sebaste, Ashkelon, Anthedon, and Gaza as destroyed by fire, this account may be exaggerated.
Violence also broke out in Alexandria, Egypt, when Greeks attacked Jews, capturing some alive and provoking retaliation. Roman governor Tiberius Julius Alexander—a Jew who had renounced his ancestral tradition—attempted mediation but failed, and his troops killed tens of thousands. In Judaea, Jewish forces seized the fortresses of Cypros near Jericho and Machaerus in Perea.
At this point, Gallus marched to Judaea with a force from Antioch, including Legio XII Fulminata, 2,000 men from each of Syria's three other legions, six infantry cohorts, and four cavalry units. He was joined by two to three legions from vassal kings Antiochus IV of Commagene, Agrippa II, and Sohaemus of Emesa, adding thousands of cavalry and infantry to his forces. Irregular forces from cities like Berytus, driven by anti-Jewish sentiment, were also recruited.
From his base in Akko-Ptolemais, Gallus launched a campaign in Galilee, burning Chabulon and nearby settlements, before marching to Caesarea. His forces captured Jaffa, massacred its people, and torched the city. He also sent cavalry to ravage the toparchy (district) of Narbata, near Caesarea. The residents of Sepphoris welcomed the Romans and pledged their support. From there, Gallus moved toward Jerusalem, passing through Antipatris and Lydda and leaving devastation in their wake. Lydda, largely deserted as most of its residents were in Jerusalem for the festival of Sukkot, was destroyed, and those who remained were killed. Continuing his march through Bethoron and Gabaon, Gallus' army was ambushed by Jewish forces, suffering significant losses. Among the fighters were Niger the Perean Simon bar Giora, and Adiabenian princes Monobazus and Candaios. Agrippa made a final attempt at peace, but negotiations failed.
In late Tishrei, Gallus encamped on Mount Scopus overlooking Jerusalem. This drove the rebels into the inner city and Temple complex. Upon entering, Gallus set fire to the city's Bezetha district and Timber Market to intimidate the population. For unclear reasons, he lifted the siege and retreated. Josephus suggested that Gallus could have captured the city with more determination. Historian Menahem Stern suggested that Gallus, facing strong resistance, doubted he could seize the city. Historian E. Mary Smallwood proposed that Gallus may have been concerned about the approaching winter, lack of siege equipment, the risk of ambushes in the hills, and the potential insincerity of the moderates' offer to open the gates.
Gallus' retreat turned into a rout, resulting in the loss of 5,300 infantry and 480 cavalry. At the steep, narrow Bethoron pass, the Romans suffered a decisive ambush by archers positioned on the surrounding cliffs. Some escaped under cover of darkness but at the cost of hundreds of men. Suetonius claimed the Romans lost their legionary eagle. Pursued to Antipatris, they abandoned supplies, including artillery and battering rams, which the rebels seized. Gallus died soon after, possibly by suicide. Scholars compare this defeat to the Roman defeat against the Germans in the Teutoburg Forest, and note its rarity as a decisive Roman loss in a provincial uprising.
The unexpected victory boosted pro-revolt factions, increasing their confidence, while many others were swept up in the enthusiasm. Some elite moderates fled to the Romans, while others stayed and joined the rebels. Among those fleeing were Costobar and Saul, members of the Herodian royalty, as well as Philip, son of Iacimus, the prefect of Agrippa's army. Around the same time, a pogrom broke out in Damascus. The city's men, fearing betrayal by their wives who had converted to Judaism, locked the Jewish population in a gymnasium and, according to Josephus, killed thousands within hours.
After Gallus' defeat, a popular assembly convened at the Temple and established a provisional government led by the aristocracy. Ananus ben Ananus, a former High Priest, was appointed as one of the government heads and began fortifying the city alongside Joseph ben Gurion. The new government divided the country into districts with commanders assigned to each. Josephus, then known as Yosef ben Mattityahu, was appointed commander of Galilee and Gaulanitis, while Joseph ben Shimon took Jericho. John the Essene led the western Judean districts of Jaffa, Lydda, Emmaus, and Thamna, and Eleazar ben Ananias and Jesus ben Sappha oversaw Idumaea, with Niger the Perean, a hero of the Gallus campaign, under their command. Menasseh commanded Perea in Transjordan, and John ben Ananias was tasked with Gophna and Acrabetta in northern Judea. Eleazar ben Simon, who had played a role in Gallus' defeat and seized large amounts of money, spoils, and public treasuries, was denied any formal position. Simon bar Giora, another leading figure in the victory over Gallus, was likewise overlooked. Citing the exclusion of the Zealots, scholars such as Richard Horsley argue that the government may have only feigned support for the revolt, instead seeking a compromise with Rome.
After the Temple meeting, Jerusalem's priestly leadership began minting coins, an act that symbolized the rejection of foreign authority while asserting the new Jewish state's responsibility for its financial affairs. These coins bore Hebrew inscriptions in the Paleo-Hebrew script featuring slogans such as "Jerusalem the Holy" and "For the Freedom of Zion", which was altered in the fourth year to "For the Redemption of Zion". They were dated using a new calendar based on the years of the revolt (years one to five), marking the dawn of a new era with the state's establishment. The silver coins—marking the first instance of silver coinage in Jewish history—defined the currency as the "shekel of Israel", with "Israel" possibly serving as the name of the state. The coins' designation as shekels and fractions, such as "half-shekel" or "quarter-shekel", invoked ancient Jewish sovereignty by reviving the biblical-era weight system. Hebrew's use was purposeful, acting as a symbol of Jewish nationalism and statehood.
The new government ordered the destruction of Herod Antipas' palace in Tiberias due to the presence of images forbidden by Jewish law, possibly to demonstrate zeal or appease rebels. The unfinished Third Wall, protecting Jerusalem's vulnerable north, was repaired and completed. The government dispatched envoys to Jews living in the Parthian Empire, seeking support against Rome. With no regular Jewish army since the Hasmoneans, the government attempted to form a national army but struggled, as the military-age population had largely joined rebel factions. According to Tacitus, "arms were available for all who could bear them". Rebels seized weapons by stripping fallen or surrendered soldiers and raiding fortresses. They also commissioned arms from Jerusalem's blacksmiths and possibly bought from local suppliers, including those serving the Roman army.
During Hanukkah, Niger the Perean and John the Essene led an assault on Ashkelon, a city that remained under Roman control. Two successive attacks were repelled, forcing a retreat. In Galilee, John of Gischala, a wealthy olive oil trader, emerged as a key rebel leader. Initially opposed to the war, he changed his stance after his hometown Gush Halav was attacked by the people of Tyre and Gadara. Leading a group of peasants, refugees, and brigands, he became Josephus' main adversary though failing to displace him. Meanwhile, Simon bar Giora led attacks on the wealthy in northern Judea. Expelled from Acrabetene, he fled to Masada, where rebels first distrusted but later accepted him into their raids.
After Gallus's defeat, Emperor Nero appointed Vespasian—a former consul and seasoned commander—to lead the war effort. Vespasian came from a family of humble origins, and according to Suetonius, he was chosen not only for his effectiveness but also for his obscure background, which made him a politically safe choice to crush the revolt without threatening the emperor. Vespasian traveled from Corinth to Syria, gathering an army of three legions: the V Macedonica and X Fretensis, with the latter then stationed in Syria. The XV Apollinaris was marched from its station in Alexandria to Akko-Ptolemais by Titus, Vespasian's firstborn son. The Roman forces were bolstered by 23 auxiliary cohortes and six alae of cavalry, likely drawn from Syria. In addition to these, troops were supplied by local rulers: Antiochus IV of Commagene, Agrippa II, and Sohaemus of Emesa each contributed 2,000 infantry archers and 1,000 cavalry, while Malchus II of Nabatea sent 1,000 cavalry and as many as 5,000 infantry.
In early summer 67 CE, Vespasian established his base in Akko-Ptolemais before launching an offensive on the Galilee, a heavily populated Jewish region with easily fortifiable villages. Josephus claimed to have gathered 100,000 men, though this is clearly an exaggeration. He failed to coordinate resistance in Galilee, and a later attempt by the government to depose him was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, the Romans faced a substantial challenge in the region, as Jewish forces avoided open battle, retreating to cities and villages and forcing the Romans to lay siege to suppress resistance.
The people of Sepphoris–Galilee's capital and the second-largest Jewish city in the country after Jerusalem–surrendered to Vespasian in Ptolemais and pledged their loyalty to Rome. Gabara was captured by the Romans in the first assault, with Josephus reporting that all the men were killed—reportedly out of animosity toward the Jews and in retaliation for Gallus' defeat. The city and surrounding villages were set on fire, and survivors were enslaved.
The Romans then attacked the town of Yodfat (Yodefat/Iotapata), which fell in June or July after a 47-day siege. Under Josephus' command, the defenders used various materials to absorb projectiles and battering ram strikes, while counterattacking with boulders and boiling oil—the earliest recorded use of this tactic. Dozens of arrowheads and ballista stones have been found at the site. Upon capturing the city, the Romans massacred those in the open and hunted down the rest in hiding. Josephus estimated 40,000 deaths, but modern research suggests around 2,000 were killed, with 1,200 women and infants taken captive. Excavations uncovered a cistern with remains of about twenty people, including men, women, and children, some showing signs of violent deaths. Alongside scattered remains, this suggests survivors or returning Jews collected unburied bones and interred them in cisterns and caves.
Josephus states that following the fall of Yodfat, he and 40 others took refuge in a deep pit. When discovered, they resolved to commit suicide by drawing lots. Left as one of the final two survivors, Josephus chose to surrender to the Romans rather than take his own life. Upon meeting Vespasian, he prophesied his rise to emperor, leading Vespasian to spare him. He then documented the Roman campaign firsthand as a prisoner of war.
Around the same time, Vespasian's son Titus led a force to destroy the nearby village of Iaphia, where all male inhabitants were reportedly slain, and the infants and women were sold into slavery. Cerialis, who commanded Legio V Macedonica, was dispatched to fight a large group of Samaritans who had gathered atop Mount Gerizim, the site of their ruined temple, killing many. After Yodfat's fall, Vespasian and Titus then took a 20-day respite in Caesarea Philippi (Panias), Agrippa's capital.
As military operations resumed, the Romans targeted the Sea of Galilee region. Tiberias, a Jewish-majority city in Agrippa's realm, surrendered without resistance as pro-Roman factions prevailed. By contrast, the nearby Tarichaea mounted a fierce defense but was eventually subdued. According to Josephus, the residents did not initially want to fight, but the influx of outsiders into the city made them more determined to resist after a decisive defeat outside the walls. After the town's fall, surviving rebels took to the Sea of Galilee, engaging the Romans in naval skirmishes that resulted in heavy losses for the Jews. Josephus reports 6,700 killed, leaving the lake red with blood and filled with bodies. Afterward, Vespasian separated local prisoners from "foreign instigators," executing 1,200 in Tiberias. 6,000 were sent to work on the Corinth Canal, some were given to Agrippa II, and 30,400 were sold into slavery.
The next target was Gamla, a fortified city on a steep rocky promontory in the southern Golan. Archaeological finds at the site include pieces of armor, arrowheads and hundreds of ballista and catapult stones. Gamla's synagogue was seemingly repurposed into a refuge area, as indicated by fireplaces, cookpots, and storage jars buried under ballista stones. Despite heavy casualties, the Romans eventually seized the town in October, and it was never resettled. According to Josephus, only two women survived, with the rest either throwing themselves into ravines or being killed by the Romans.
In Gush Halav, a town in Upper Galilee, John of Gischala negotiated a surrender, but instead fled with his followers during a Shabbat respite granted by Titus. When Titus returned, the city surrendered. The Romans also captured the fortress on Mount Tabor and, in a separate campaign in the country's center, recaptured Jaffa, ending rebel piracy that had disrupted imperial connections and grain supplies. A storm aided their victory by destroying the rebel fleet.
As the Galilee campaign neared its end, Jerusalem, overcrowded with refugees and rebels, plunged into turmoil. Opposing the moderate government were the Zealots. Led by Eleazar ben Simon and Zachariah ben Avkilus, they continued the stance of Eleazar ben Hananiah, the priest who had ceased holding sacrifices on behalf of the emperor. The Zealots sought to overthrow the government and found an ally in John of Gischala, who arrived from the Galilee likely in Autumn 67 CE. They executed prominent figures for allegedly conspiring with the Romans. They seized the Temple and abolished the tradition of selecting high priests from aristocratic priestly families. Instead, Phannias ben Samuel was chosen by lot. Josephus notes he lacked both priestly lineage and knowledge of the role.
The moderates, led by Ananus ben Ananus, sought to suppress the Zealots. In a public assembly, he accused them of enslaving the city and desecrating the Temple. His speech rallied the people, who urged him to lead. As he mobilized forces, the Zealots launched a preemptive attack but were eventually forced into the Temple's inner sanctuary. John of Gischala warned them that Ananus planned to surrender Jerusalem to Vespasian and advised seeking outside help. In response, the Zealots summoned the Idumeans, who entered Jerusalem in early 68 after the Zealots opened the gates under the cover of a storm. The Zealots and the Idumeans then launched a brutal assault on the city's defenders, many of whom were killed in their sleep. The Idumeans, showing no mercy, slaughtered both defenders and supplicants.
During the winter of 67/68, the Zealots eliminated their enemies and solidified their power through slaughter, terror, and public trials. Ananus ben Ananus and former High Priest Joshua ben Gamla were captured, killed, and dishonored, their bodies left unburied in violation of Jewish custom. Niger the Perean and the moderate leader Joseph ben Gurion were also murdered. The Zealots established special tribunals to prosecute those accused of treason. Many Jews fled to the Romans due to personal danger and disillusionment with the rebel leadership, with some escaping by paying the Zealots and their allies for passage. Most of the Idumaeans, regretting their involvement in the atrocities, chose to leave Jerusalem, while others joined Simon's ranks. Upon hearing of the events from deserters, Vespasian decided against marching on Jerusalem, reasoning that the Jews' God was delivering them into Roman hands without any effort, and that it was wiser to let them destroy one another.
During the Passover feast, the Sicarii descended from Masada and raided the wealthy village of Ein Gedi on the southwestern shore of the Dead Sea. They killed 700 women and children, looted homes, and seized crops before returning to the fort. Similar raids on nearby villages devastated the area and attracted new recruits.
In January 68, the leaders of Gadara in Perea sent a delegation to Vespasian offering to surrender. As Vespasian advanced, opponents of the surrender killed a prominent citizen and fled. The remaining citizens dismantled the city walls, allowing the Romans to enter and establish a garrison. Meanwhile, fugitives attempted to rally support in nearby Bethennabris, but were defeated by Roman forces. The survivors, seeking refuge in Jericho, were massacred near the Jordan River, where over 15,000 were reportedly killed, and many drowned or were captured.
In spring 68, Vespasian systematically subdued settlements en route to Jerusalem, delaying the siege to gather supplies from the spring harvest and to let internal factions weaken. After capturing Antipatris, Vespasian advanced, burning and destroying nearby towns. He reduced the district of Thamna and resettled Lydda and Yavneh with surrendered inhabitants. At Emmaus, he stationed Legio V by April 68. From there, he advanced to Bethleptepha, burning the area and parts of Idumaea, before capturing Betabris and Caphartoba, reportedly killing over 10,000 people and taking 1,000 prisoners. By May–June, he camped at Corea, passed through Mabartha (later Flavia Neapolis) in Samaria, and advanced to Jericho, joining the force that took Perea. Perea's survivors fled to Jericho but abandoned it as the Romans approached, leaving it empty. The Romans then stationed garrisons in Jericho and Adida, east of Lydda.
Vespasian visited the Dead Sea and tested its buoyancy by throwing bound non-swimmers into the water. Archaeological evidence indicates that around this time, the Qumran community, commonly linked to the Essenes, was destroyed, with some members possibly joining the rebels at Masada. Following this, commander Lucius Annius was sent to Gerasa (likely a textual error for Gezer), where after capturing the city, he executed many young men, enslaved women and children, plundered and burned the homes, and destroyed surrounding villages, slaughtering those who could not escape.
Simon bar Giora gained strength outside Jerusalem, extending his influence over Judea. He plundered the wealthy, freed slaves, and promised gifts to his followers. After defeating a Zealot army, he reached a stalemate with an Idumaean force before withdrawing to Nain, preparing to invade Idumaea. In Teqoa, he failed to capture Herodium, and at Alurus, an Idumaean officer betrayed his army, leading them to surrender without a fight. Simon's subsequent successes in Idumaea, including the capture of Hebron, prompted the Zealots to ambush him. When they captured his wife, Simon retaliated by torturing captives, threatening to destroy Jerusalem's walls unless she was returned. The Zealots complied, and Simon paused his campaign.
As the Roman campaign in Judaea progressed, major political upheavals were taking place in Rome. In June 68, Nero fled Rome and committed suicide, sparking a war of succession known as the "Year of the Four Emperors". After only a few months in power, Emperor Galba was murdered by supporters of his rival, Otho. Meanwhile, in Jerusalem, the Galilean Zealots plundered the homes of the wealthy, murdered men, and raped women. Following this, they reportedly began to adopt the attire and behaviors of women, imitating both their ornaments and their desires, as Josephus notes, engaging in what he describes as "unlawful pleasures". Those who fled the city were killed by Simon bar Giora and his followers outside the walls.
In April 69, the rivals of John of Gischala opened Jerusalem's gates for Simon ben Giora. Simon took control over much of the city, including the Upper City, with his base at the Phasael Tower, much of the Lower City, and the northern suburbs. He failed, however, to dislodge John, who retained control over the Temple complex area. Simon's forces grew as the Idumaeans and nobles joined him.
In June 69, Vespasian subdued the toparchies of Gophna and Acrabetta and captured the cities of Bethel and Ephraim. He then approached Jerusalem's walls, killing many and capturing others, marking his closest approach to the city. Meanwhile, Cerialis led a scorched-earth campaign in northern Idumaea, burning Caphethra and capturing Capharabis (Kefar Bish), whose residents surrendered to the Romans with olive branches, thereby sparing the town from destruction. The Romans then took Hebron, slaughtered its inhabitants and destroyed the city.
Infighting in Jerusalem persisted throughout the summer of 69. The rival factions burned the city's food supplies to weaken their opponents, severely depleting the resources needed to withstand the impending siege. According to Tacitus, "There were constant battles, treachery and arson among them, and a large store of grain was burnt." According to rabbinic sources, extremists set fire to the supplies in order to compel the people to fight the Romans. The destruction of supplies led to widespread starvation.
According to Josephus, Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by his troops in Caesarea in mid-69 CE, though the official account places his first acclamation on 1 July in Alexandria. After reluctantly accepting, he secured the support of Egypt, followed by Syria and other provinces. With military operations in Judaea paused, Vespasian traveled to Alexandria in autumn 69 and remained there with Titus through the winter, awaiting the opportunity to sail to Rome. With Vitellius dead, he was officially recognized as emperor in the winter of 69/70. Command in Judaea was transferred to Titus, who resumed the war, while Vespasian stayed in Egypt until summer 70, when he sailed to Rome to secure the throne.
By the winter of 69/70 CE, Titus returned to Judaea with a force of at least 48,200 soldiers, establishing his base in Caesarea. His forces included the legions V Macedonica, X Fretensis, XV Apollinaris, and XII Fulminata, along with auxiliaries from Egypt and allied vassal kings. Arab contingents, reportedly motivated by long-standing enmity toward the Jews, also joined the campaign. In early Nisan (March/April) 70, Titus advanced through Samaria, reaching Gophna before camping near Gibeah, just north of Jerusalem. Following the strategies of earlier conquerors, he chose to attack the city from the north-northeast, where it was not protected by a ravine.
Jerusalem, spanning approximately 170 hectares (420 acres) with a population of around 80,000 but reportedly swelled due to Passover pilgrims and refugees, faced increasing pressure as Roman forces closed in. The battering of the walls temporarily united the warring factions. Titus conducted a risky reconnaissance mission, narrowly escaping an ambush, before setting up camps at Mount Scopus and Mount of Olives. During construction of the latter, the Jewish forces launched a surprise attack which was repelled.
On 14 Nisan, with the onset of Passover, the Romans exploited a halt in Jewish attacks to position their siege forces. Meanwhile, John's faction infiltrated the Temple's inner courtyards, open to the public for the festival, and subdued the Zealots. After fifteen days, the Romans breached the city's Third Wall and captured its northern suburbs. Soon after, they breached the Second Wall. However, only a few soldiers were able to enter through a narrow gap, but they became trapped and suffered heavy losses. A few days later, this area was also taken. The Romans then destroyed the northern part of the city, and paraded their forces for psychological effect. Josephus was sent to offer peace, but his speech failed to sway the population. Meanwhile, famine devastated the city, causing high casualties. Josephus even recounts an instance of cannibalism. Many tried to flee, but both rebels and Romans brutally tortured and crucified escapees. Syrian and Arab auxiliaries cut open refugees searching for hidden valuables.
By Sivan (May/June), the Romans had encircled the city with a circumvallation wall, aiming to cut off supplies and escape routes. The defenders managed to destroy siege engines targeting the Antonia Fortress by digging tunnels beneath them and setting the supports on fire. However, the Romans eventually breached the fortress' defenses and turned their focus toward the Temple. On 17 Tammuz, the daily Temple sacrifice ceased. Some members of the elite surrendered and were sent to Gophna. Later, during the siege, they were tasked with persuading fellow Jews to surrender. Jewish fighters burned the porticoes connecting the Temple to the Antonia Fortress to block Roman access, and sought refuge in the Temple's courtyards. On the eighth day of Av (July/August), Roman forces breached the Temple's outer court.
On 10 Av, a Roman soldier threw a burning piece of wood into the Temple, igniting a fire that would eventually consume the entire structure. According to Josephus, the destruction occurred against Titus' wishes, as he had intended to preserve the Temple, telling his officers that it should remain as a symbol of Roman rule. When the fire started, he reportedly rushed from a nap and signaled for the flames to be extinguished, but his soldiers either did not hear or ignored his orders. The 4th-century historian Sulpicius Severus claims Titus ordered the Temple's destruction. While the Temple was burning, chaos erupted in its courtyards, as mass suicides and indiscriminate killings ensued. Roman forces then destroyed the remaining structures on the Temple Mount, and placed their standards near the eastern gate.
Titus ordered the destruction of several districts, including the Acra and the Ophel, followed by the entire Lower City. On 20 Av, the Romans stormed the Upper City. The treasures of the Temple, including menorahs, sacred vessels, priestly clothes, and spices, were surrendered to the Romans by temple officials. Soldiers massacred people in their homes and streets, while some Jews fled into tunnels, only to perish or be captured.
According to Josephus, Titus spared only three towers of Herod's palace and part of Jerusalem's western wall for the Roman garrison, while the rest of the city's was systematically razed. The archeological record confirms widespread destruction and burning throughout Jerusalem dating to 70 CE. The Upper City and Ophel were destroyed by fire, while the Pool of Siloam and drainage system became clogged and ceased functioning. At the Western Wall's base, massive stones and rubble, toppled by the Romans, have been uncovered.
After Jerusalem's fall, Titus ordered only resisters killed, but many elderly and weak prisoners were slain against his command. Younger survivors were held at the Temple Mount, where their fate was decided: rebels were executed, the strongest sent to Titus' triumph, those over 17 were chained to Egypt or executed across the empire, and those under 17 sold into slavery. John of Gischala surrendered and was sentenced to life imprisonment, while Simon bar Giora, dressed in white and purple, emerged from a hidden underground passage beneath the destroyed Temple, was captured by the Romans, and sent in chains to Titus.
After Jerusalem's fall, Titus toured Judaea and southern Syria, funding spectacles with Jewish captives. In Caesarea Philippi, he staged executions, gladiatorial combat, and wild animal killings. For his brother Domitian's birthday, celebrated in Caesarea Maritima, 2,500 Jewish captives were slaughtered in similar games. More executions followed during Vespasian's birthday in Berytus.
In the summer of 71 CE, a triumph was celebrated in Rome to mark the Roman victory in Judaea—the only imperial triumph ever held for the subjugation of a provincial population already under Roman rule. Josephus provides the longest and most detailed surviving account of any imperial-era triumph. The event, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of spectators, featured Vespasian and Titus riding in chariots. The procession featured treasures and artworks, including tapestries, gemstones, statues, and animals. The Jewish captives were paraded "to display their own destruction", while multi-story scaffolds showcased ivory and gold craftsmanship, illustrating scenes of the war, including ruined cities, destroyed fortresses, and defeated enemies. Among the treasures carried in the procession were the Temple's menorah, a golden table, possibly that of the Showbread, and "the law of the Jews," likely sacred texts taken from the Temple. Simon bar Giora was paraded in the procession and, upon its end on Capitoline Hill, scourged and taken to the Mamertine Prison, where he was executed by hanging in accordance with Roman law.
In the spring of 71, Titus departed for Rome, leaving three fortresses still under Jewish control: Herodium and Masada in the Judaean Desert, and Machaerus in Perea. Sextus Lucilius Bassus, the newly appointed legate of Judaea, was tasked with capturing these fortresses. Herodium, located south of Jerusalem, fell rapidly, with Josephus offering only a brief mention of its surrender. Bassus then crossed the Jordan River to besiege Machaerus, a heavily fortified hilltop fortress near the Dead Sea, constructing a circumvallation wall, small siege camps, and an incomplete assault ramp, traces of which still exist today. The rebels capitulated after Eleazar, a young man from a prominent Jewish family who had ventured outside the fort, was captured, stripped, and scourged in full view of the defenders in preparation for crucifixion. The insurgents then negotiated their surrender, securing assurances of safe passage for the Jewish defenders. The Romans then slaughtered all non-Jews at the site, except for a few who escaped. Bassus then pursued rebels led by Judah ben Ari in the forest of Jardes. Roman cavalry surrounded the forest while infantry cut down trees and overpowered the outmatched rebels; 3,000 were reportedly killed. Bassus later died of uncertain causes. He was succeeded by Lucius Flavius Silva, who was assigned the task of capturing Masada, the last rebel stronghold.
In 72–73 or 73–74 CE, Silva led an 8,000-strong army, including Legio X Fretensis and auxiliary forces, to Masada. When its defenders refused to surrender, he established siege camps and a circumvallation wall around the fort, along with a siege ramp, features that remain among the best-preserved examples of Roman siegecraft. The siege lasted between two and six months during the winter season. According to Josephus, when it became evident that the last fortification would fall, Eleazar ben Yair, the leader of the rebels, delivered a speech advocating for collective suicide. He argued that this act would preserve their freedom, spare them from slavery, and deny their enemies a final victory. The rebels carried out the plan, with each man killing his own family before taking his own life. When the Romans entered the fortress, they found that 960 of the 967 inhabitants had committed suicide. Only two women and five children survived, having concealed themselves in a cistern.
Archaeological work at Masada uncovered eleven ostraca (one of which contained the name of Ben Yair, possibly used to determine the order of suicide), twenty-five skeletons of the defenders, ritual baths and a synagogue. Findings at the site support Josephus' account of the siege, though the mass suicide's historicity remains debated.
The revolt's suppression had a profound impact on the Jews of Judaea. Many died in battles, sieges, and famine, while cities, towns, and villages across the region suffered varying degrees of destruction. The Jewish capital of Jerusalem—praised by Pliny the Elder as "by far the most famous city of the East"—was systematically destroyed, with much of its population massacred or enslaved. Tacitus described the siege as involving "six hundred thousand" besieged people of all ages and both sexes, remarking: "Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death." Josephus claimed that 1.1 million people died in Jerusalem, including pilgrims present for Passover—a figure widely considered exaggerated. Seth Schwartz estimates the population of Judaea at roughly 1 million (half Jewish), noting that large Jewish communities survived the war. Guy Rogers similarly interprets Josephus' number as intended to flatter the Romans and instead suggests 20,000–30,000 deaths in Jerusalem. Charles Murison suggests the 1.1 million may refer to total war losses.
Aside from Jerusalem itself, Judea proper experienced the most severe devastation, particularly in the Judaean Mountains. In contrast, cities like Lod, Yavneh and their surroundings remained relatively intact. In the Galilee, Tarichaea (likely Magdala) and Gabara were destroyed, but Sepphoris and Tiberias reconciled with the Romans and escaped major harm. Mixed cities saw the elimination of their Jewish populations, and the impact extended into parts of Transjordan. Furthermore, large numbers of Jews were taken captive. Josephus' report of 97,000 captives has been accepted by several scholars. Many faced harsh treatment, execution, or forced labor. Strong young men were sent into gladiatorial combat across the empire; others were sold into slavery or sent to brothels, with the majority exiled abroad.
Historian Moshe David Herr estimates that one-quarter of Judaea's Jewish population died due to warfare, civil strife, famine, disease and massacres in the mixed cities. A further tenth were captured. In total, he concludes that roughly one-third of the Jewish population of Judaea was effectively erased by the war. Despite the devastating losses, Jewish life recovered and continued to flourish in Judaea. Jews remained a relative majority in the region, and Jewish society eventually regained enough strength to rise in revolt again during the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136 CE). That rebellion's suppression, however, proved even more catastrophic, leading to the widespread destruction and depopulation of Judea proper.
The uprising effectively ended the already limited Jewish political and social autonomy under Rome. The social impact was profound, particularly for the classes closely associated with the temple. The aristocracy, including the High Priesthood, who held significant influence and amassed great wealth, collapsed entirely. Their fall, along with that of the Sanhedrin, created a leadership vacuum.
The revolt significantly impacted Judaea's economy, and to a lesser extent, the broader Jewish world. The influx of pilgrims concentrated vast wealth in Jerusalem, but its destruction ended this prosperity. The Romans confiscated and auctioned the land of Jews who participated in the insurrection, affecting many landowners in Judea proper. The date and balsam groves of Jericho and Ein Gedi, along with other "royal lands," were incorporated into Vespasian's estate. The countryside was devastated; Josephus reports that all trees around Jerusalem were felled during the siege, leaving the land barren. Only a small number of Jews remained in Jerusalem's vicinity, which Pliny the Elder now referred to as the toparchy of Orine. The emperor took control of the area, and the Jews were forced to work it as quasi-tenants.
Following the destruction of Jerusalem, the Romans imposed a new tax, the Fiscus Judaicus, on all Jews across the Empire. This tax required Jews to pay an annual sum of two drachmas, replacing the half-shekel previously donated to the Temple. The funds were redirected to the rebuilding and maintenance of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome, which had been destroyed during the civil war of 69 CE. The tax implicitly held all Jews—whether in Judaea or the diaspora—responsible for the revolt, even though most had no role in the conflict. Under Domitian, tax enforcement worsened. Suetonius writes that Domitian extended the tax to those who lived as Jews without openly acknowledging it and to those who hid their Jewish background. His successor, Nerva, reformed the tax system, applying it only to Jews who observed their ancestral customs.
Following the revolt, Jerusalem's ruins were garrisoned by Legio X Fretensis, which remained stationed there for nearly two centuries. The Roman forces also included cavalry alae and infantry cohortes. This increased presence prompted changes in the province's administrative structure, requiring the appointment of a governor (legatus Augusti pro praetore) of ex-praetorian rank. Within this new framework, the regions of Judea and Idumaea were designated as a military zone (campus legionis) under the command of officers from Legio X.
Former soldiers, along with other Roman citizens, established themselves in Judaea. Vespasian settled 800 veterans in Motza, which became a colony named Colonia Amosa or Colonia Emmaus. He also granted colony status to Caesarea, the provincial capital, renaming it Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta Caesarensis and settling many veterans there. A large odeon was reportedly built in the city on the site of a former synagogue, using war spoils. The devastated port town of Jaffa was re-founded, and a new city, Flavia Neapolis, was founded in Samaritis, near the ruins of Shechem.
The revolt led to the revocation of many privileges previously enjoyed by Jews in the diaspora. Roman authorities took measures to quell possible uprisings in diaspora communities, focusing on individuals deemed troublemakers in Egypt and Cyrenaica, which had absorbed thousands of refugees and insurgents from Judaea. According to Josephus, a group of Sicarii fled to these regions, where they attempted to incite rebellion and refused to acknowledge Caesar as "lord" even under torture. Jewish institutions were now seen as potential sources of rebellion, leading to the closure of the Jewish temple at Leontopolis in Egypt in 72 CE.
In spring 71 CE, upon arriving in Antioch, Titus faced demands to expel the Jews but refused, stating that the Jews' country was destroyed and no other place would take them. The crowd then sought removal of tablets inscribed with the Jews' rights, but Titus again declined. In 73 CE, the Jewish aristocracy in Cyrenaica was massacred. While Vespasian did not openly approve, he implicitly endorsed it by treating the responsible Roman governor leniently.
In the wake of the revolt, thousands of Jewish slaves were brought to the Italian Peninsula. A tombstone from Puteoli, near Naples, mentions a captive woman from Jerusalem named Claudia Aster, with the name Aster believed to be derived from Esther. The Roman poet Martial references a Jewish slave of his, described as originating from "Jerusalem destroyed by fire." Jewish slaves brought to Italy after the war are also evidenced by graffiti in Pompeii and other places in Campania, as well as possibly by Habinnas, a character who may have been Jewish, in Petronius' Satyricon. Similar to Josephus, there are records of other Jews bearing the nomen "Flavius", possibly indicating descent from Jews captured during the revolt and subsequently freed. Rome itself experienced a significant influx of Jewish slaves.
The destruction of Jerusalem also brought Jews to the Arabian Peninsula, leading to the establishment of settlements in southern Yemen, along the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, and most notably in the Hejaz, particularly in Yathrib (later Medina), where they became prominent representatives of monotheism in pre-Islamic Arabia. Jews are also believed to have first settled in Hispania (modern Spain and Portugal) and Gaul (modern France) around this period.
Vespasian, who came from a relatively modest background, leveraged his victory to solidify his claim to the emperorship, elevate Rome's prestige, and redirect attention from the civil war that had brought him to power, heralding an era of peace reminiscent of Augustus' reign. His dynasty framed its legitimacy on triumph over a foreign enemy.
The Flavians issued a series of coins inscribed with the title Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered") to commemorate the subjugation of the province. Issued over a 10–12-year period, the series marked a rare instance of a provincial defeat being celebrated in Roman coinage and served as a key component of Flavian propaganda. The obverse of the coins typically featured portraits of Titus or Vespasian, while the reverse depicted symbolic imagery, including a mourning woman, representing the Jewish people, seated beneath a date palm, a symbol of Judaea. Variations in the designs included depictions of the woman bound, kneeling, or blindfolded before Nike (or Victoria), personifications of victory.
Rome's city center was reshaped with victory monuments, including two triumphal arches: the Arch of Titus in the Forum, completed after his death in 81 CE, and another at the Circus Maximus, finished earlier that year. The first, still standing, is widely attributed to Domitian, was dedicated by the Senate and People of Rome to the divine Vespasian and Titus. It also features reliefs of soldiers carrying Temple spoils and Titus in a quadriga during the triumph. The second arch's inscription proclaims Titus "subdued the Jewish people and destroyed the city of Jerusalem, a thing either sought in vain by all generals, kings and peoples before him or untried entirely."
The Fiscus Judaicus' revenues were used to reconstruct the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill, which had been destroyed during the civil war. Additionally, the Colosseum, initiated by Vespasian and completed under Titus, was financed "ex manubi(i)s" (from the spoils of war), as noted in an inscription, tying its funding to the Jewish War. The spoils from Jerusalem's Temple, including the menorah, were displayed in the newly built Temple of Peace, alongside other masterpieces of art. Completed around 75 CE and dedicated to Pax, the Roman goddess of peace, the temple symbolized the restoration of peace throughout the Empire.
Construction works commemorating the victory seem to have also taken place in other parts of the Empire. John Malalas, a 6th-century Byzantine chronicler, writes that a synagogue in Daphne, near Antioch, was destroyed during the war and replaced by Vespasian with a theater, an inscription of which claimed it was founded "from the spoils of Judaea." He also describes a gate of cherubs in Antioch, established by Titus from the spoils of the Temple.
The destruction of the Second Temple, as a symbol of God's presence which was central to Jewish life, created a deep religious and societal void. It ended sacrificial offerings, terminated the High Priesthood's lineage, and led to the disappearance of Jewish sectarianism. The Sadducees, whose authority depended on the Temple, dissolved due to the loss of their power base, role in the revolt, land confiscations, and the collapse of Jewish self-governance. The Essenes, including the community of Qumran, also vanished. In contrast, the Pharisees, who largely opposed the revolt, survived and became Judaism's dominant force. They were succeeded by the rabbis, who led a transition to a new framework emphasizing Torah observance and good deeds.
According to rabbinic sources, Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai (Ribaz), a prominent Pharisaic sage, was smuggled out of besieged Jerusalem in a coffin by his students. After prophesying Vespasian's rise to emperor, he secured permission to establish a rabbinic center in Yavneh. There, a system of rabbinic scholarship began to form, laying the foundation for Rabbinic Judaism as the dominant form of Judaism in later centuries. Under Ben Zakkai and his successor Gamaliel II, various enactments (taqqanot) adapted Jewish life to post-Temple reality, including extending Temple-related practices for observance outside the Temple. For example, the mitzvah of taking the lulav was extended to all seven days of Sukkot everywhere, whereas it had previously been observed only in the Temple. The shofar was also permitted to be sounded in any courtyard when the New Year coincided with Shabbat. Additionally, the prayer liturgy was formalized, including the Amidah, which was established to be recited three times daily as a substitute for the sacrificial offerings. Over the following centuries, the rabbis continued to shape Jewish practice in the absence of the Temple, focusing on the role of the oral tradition as a complement to the written Torah. These efforts eventually led to the compilation of the Mishnah and the two Talmuds as primary sources of Jewish law.
The synagogue increasingly became the center of Jewish worship and community life. Rabbinic literature describes it as a "diminished sanctuary", stating that divine presence resides there, especially during prayer or study. Traditional synagogue worship—including sermons and scripture readings—was preserved, while new forms such as piyyut (liturgical poetry) and organized prayer also emerged. Rabbinic instruction maintained that certain rituals remained exclusive to the Temple, and most synagogues are faced toward its site.
Tannaitic literature after the Temple's destruction expresses deep sorrow and anguish. The Mishnah laments that since the destruction, "there has been no day without its curse". Some Jews reportedly mourned the loss by abstaining from meat and wine, while others withdrew to caves, awaiting divine deliverance. Some communities even adopted the year of the Temple's destruction as a reference point for life events.
Jewish apocalyptic literature experienced a resurgence, mourning the Temple's destruction while offering explanations for the events. The Apocalypse of Baruch and Fourth Ezra interpreted the destruction of the Second Temple through the lens of the First, reusing its figures, historical setting, and biblical motifs to portray contemporary events as divinely ordained and heralding the end times. Drawing on the biblical precedent of Jerusalem's restoration after the Babylonian exile, they prophesied Rome’s fall and the city's eventual renewal. Both works affirmed Jewish continuity through the Torah and the enduring validity of the covenant with God. Book 4 of the Sibylline Oracles—a collection of Jewish and later Christian prophecies—likely written after the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE, links the Temple's destruction to the Roman civil war, retroactively prophesying a Roman leader who would burn the Temple and devastate the land of the Jews. It also foretells Nero's eventual return as divine retribution against Rome and the Flavians, reflecting contemporary beliefs that he had not died.
The rabbinic response to Jerusalem's destruction is reflected in tales, traditions and exegetical writings integrated into rabbinic literature. These texts attribute the destruction to punishment for Israel's sins and societal failings, such as weak leadership, internal divisions, misuse of wealth, and a lack of communal care. One text explains that while the First Temple was destroyed due to idolatry, immorality, and bloodshed, the Second Temple fell because of the equally grave issue of groundless hatred. The tale of Kamsa and Bar Kamsa recounts a banquet where the host mistakenly invites Bar Kamsa instead of Kamsa. When Bar Kamsa is dishonored by being denied a seat, he becomes an informer to the Romans, triggering a series of events that lead to the war. Rabbinic texts also describe visits to the ruined Jerusalem, and depict God, Moses, and other biblical figures mourning the destruction.
The destruction is commemorated on Tisha B'Av, a major fast day in Judaism that marks the destruction of the two former temples alongside other tragedies in Jewish history. The Western Wall, a remnant of the temple, earned the name "Wailing Wall" due to Jewish lamentations at the site, which had become a symbol of the homeland's destruction and the hope for its restoration.
Moshe and David Aberbach argued that the revolt's suppression left Jews "deprived of the territorial, social, and political bases of their nationalism", forcing them to base their identity and hopes for survival on cultural and moral power. Adrian Hastings writes that following the revolt, Jews ceased to be a political entity, resembling a nation-state for almost two millennia. Despite this, they preserved their national identity through collective memory, religion, and sacred texts, remaining a nation rather than just an ethnic group, eventually leading to the rise of Zionism and the establishment of modern Israel.
The destruction may have contributed to the separation of Christianity from Judaism, possibly prompting early Christians to distance themselves from Jews. The Gospels, followed by later Patristic writings, depict the Jews' suffering and the destruction of the Temple as divine retribution for their rejection of Jesus. According to 4th-century church fathers Eusebius and Epiphanius of Salamis, Jerusalem's Christians fled to Pella before the war.
Jewish revolts against Rome erupted once again in the second century. In 115 CE, the Diaspora Revolt erupted, with large-scale uprisings in multiple provinces and limited activity in Judaea. The causes were rooted in the Temple's destruction and the Jewish Tax. Refugees and traders from Judaea are believed to have spread the ideas from the first revolt, as evidenced by the discovery of revolt coinage in these areas. The revolt's suppression led to the near-total annihilation of Jewish communities in Cyprus, Egypt, and Libya.
In 132, the Jews of Judaea launched their last major effort to regain independence—the Bar Kokhba revolt—triggered by the establishment of Aelia Capitolina, a Roman colony on Jerusalem's ruins. The revolt led to widespread destruction and the near-total depopulation of Judea, with many Jews killed or sold into slavery and transported abroad. After the fall of Betar in 135 CE, Hadrian imposed harsh anti-Jewish laws to dismantle Jewish nationalism, banned Jews from Jerusalem, and renamed the province Syria Palaestina, ending Jewish aspirations for national independence. The Jewish population had significantly declined, with most Jews concentrated in the Galilee. By the time of Judah ha-Nasi later in the century, Jews had reached a pragmatic coexistence with Rome.
The main primary source for the revolt is Josephus (37/38–c. 100 CE), born Yosef ben Mattityahu, a Jewish historian of priestly descent and a native of Jerusalem. Appointed commander of Galilee in 66 CE, he was responsible for preparing the region for the revolt, before surrendering after the siege of Yodfat in 67 CE. Escaping a suicide pact, he saved his life by prophesying Vespasian's rise to emperor. Held captive for two years, he later gained freedom after Vespasian's accession in 69 CE, and accompanied Titus during the siege of Jerusalem in 70 CE. In 71 CE, he moved to Rome, received Roman citizenship and the name Flavius Josephus. He spent his later years writing historical works, living under imperial patronage.
Josephus' first work and primary account of the revolt, The Jewish War, completed by 79 CE, chronicles the revolt in seven volumes. Originally in his native language, probably Aramaic, he later rewrote it in Greek with assistance. The first volume covers events in the two centuries preceding the revolt, while the rest detail the war and its aftermath. Claiming to correct biased accounts, Josephus also sought to deter future revolts. His firsthand experience, supplemented by accounts from deserters and Roman records, shaped his narrative. He minimized the collective responsibility of the Jewish people for the revolt, blaming a rebellious minority, corrupt and brutal Roman governors, and divine will. Taking pride in receiving official endorsement from Vespasian and Titus for the accuracy of his writings; he was likely compelled to present his account in a manner that aligned with their messages or, at the very least, did not contradict them. At the same time, his experience as a participant and eyewitness, as well as his knowledge of both Jewish and Roman worlds, renders his account an invaluable historical source.
Josephus' later autobiography, Life, written as an appendix to another work, Antiquities of the Jews, focuses on his role in the Galilee. It was a rebuttal to Justus of Tiberias' critical A History of the Jewish War, which was published twenty years after the revolt, and challenged Josephus' earlier narrative and religiosity. In Life, Josephus provides a detailed account of the events of 66–67 CE, which contrasts with his first work, revealing differences in the portrayal of events.
Aside from Josephus, the written sources for the revolt are limited. Tacitus' Histories, written in the early 2nd century CE, offers a detailed Jewish history in Book 5 as a prelude to the revolt, though his siege narrative is incomplete. Cassius Dio's account in Book 66 survives only in epitomes, while Suetonius provides occasional remarks. These sources complement and sometimes contradict Josephus, helping to refine and corroborate his account where its reliability is debated. Rabbinic literature offers insights into the war but presents challenges for historians, as it was primarily legal and theological, not historical. Oral transmission often embellished events for religious or ethical reasons, though some descriptions, like those of the famine in Jerusalem, align with external sources, confirming parts of the historical narrative.
More information on the revolt can be deduced from archaeological, numismatic, and documentary evidence. Excavations at sites destroyed during the war reveal military tactics, preparations, and the impact of the sieges and battles. Jewish revolt coins reflect rebel ideology, messaging, and aims. Texts such as the documents from Wadi Murabba'at, featuring dating formulas and phrases similar to revolt coinage, shed light on daily life and legal matters during the uprising.