davidanugraha/M4-RAG huggingface dataset:
MIT Press

MIT Press es una editorial universitaria afiliada a Instituto Tecnológico de Massachusetts (MIT). La editorial se centra en libros y revistas de ciencia y tecnología.
MIT Press se creó en 1932 como Technology Press. Se convirtió en una editorial independiente y tomó el nombre actual en 1962. Ha publicado más de 7000 libros a lo largo de su historia, y publica cerca de 200 libros y 40 revistas cada año. A través de su página web venden libros a todo el mundo.​
En 1926 Max Born visitó el MIT para realizar una serie de lecturas de problemas de la dinámica atómica. El instituto publicó las lecturas imprimiéndolo él mismo. Ese libro es el número 1 en los archivos de MIT Press.
En 1932, James R. Killian Jr. ayudó a crear Technology Press que publicaría ocho títulos en los siguientes cinco años.
En 1937, John Wiley & Sons se hicieron cargo de la editorial y el marketing de la imprenta, durante los 25 siguientes años publicó 125 títulos.
En 1962, MIT se separó amigablemente de Wiley y mejoró su imprenta creando la editorial independiente MIT Press. En la actualidad (2004) Wiley es la encargada de distribuir los libros de MIT Press en Europa.
En 1968 se añadió una división de revistas periódicas.
En 1969 se abrió una oficina de marketing en Europa.
En julio del año 2003 MIT Press alcanzó los 7000 libros publicados.
Rueda de prensa

Una rueda de prensa es un acto de índole informativa planificado ya sea por una persona, organismo o entidad al que están invitados los medios de comunicación para que den información de lo que allí ocurra. El origen de la práctica de la rueda de prensa apareció en Estados Unidos en el año 1913.​ El presidente Woodrow Wilson dio lugar con los medios a 57 encuentros entre ese año y 1916. No obstante, algunos autores indican que optó por una política de contar lo menos posible en tales ruedas de prensa.​
Las ruedas de prensa suelen estar organizadas por instituciones, partidos políticos, sindicatos y grupos empresariales, los cuales son los que tienen mayor poder para convocar. También tienen potestad para convocarla todos aquellos grupos o movimientos sociales que pretendan dar a conocer a la opinión pública algún tema. Utilizan este método asimismo las entidades organizativas y promotoras de distintas actividades para hacer llegar sus programas a los ciudadanos y las personalidades reconocidas (futbolistas, cantantes, actores).
La rueda de prensa adquiere este nombre dado que la palabra rueda procede de la latina rota. Dentro de sus diferentes acepciones, la que más se adecua es la de "círculo o reunión de individuos", junto con el concepto de prensa, el cual se refiere al "conjunto de periodistas o publicaciones".​
Además del poder de difusión con el que cuentan las ruedas de prensa y la heterogeneidad de los entrevistadores, la rueda de prensa supone una situación de asimetría entre entrevistador y entrevistado. El sujeto que responde tiene la obligación de hacerlo con el fin de no provocar un contexto de violencia.​ Los medios de comunicación, no acuden indiscriminadamente a todas las convocatorias sino que seleccionan las que consideran más interesantes o importantes.
Las expresiones rueda de prensa y conferencia de prensa se suelen considerar sinónimas, pero no hay que confundir esta última con la conferencia o charla. La conferencia de prensa está relacionada con una dinámica de comunicación unidireccional. En ella predomina la disertación. La rueda de prensa también se trata de una reunión con periodistas para informarles, pero con un turno de preguntas posterior. En ella siempre existe un diálogo.​
Por lo general, una rueda de prensa convencional suele seguir el siguiente esquema:​
Los temas que se tratan en las ruedas de prensa son muy variados y dependen de los intereses de los organizadores. Cuando el periodista acude a la rueda de prensa sabe de antemano los temas que se tratarán y en muchas ocasiones se les entrega por escrito un pequeño resumen con el contenido del acto.
A la hora de abordar una correcta elaboración de una rueda de prensa, deben tenerse en cuenta ciertos aspectos técnicos tales como:​
Dosier de prensa

Un dosier​ de prensa o kit de prensa (también conocido por su nombre en inglés, press kit o media kit) es una herramienta utilizada en las relaciones públicas. Documentación básica de toda campaña de relaciones públicas, contiene información que refuerza y complementa a una nota de prensa, que a diferencia de esta tiene una importancia documental más que noticiosa, pero que también puede y debe tener valor periodístico en sí mismo.
La extensión de un dosier de prensa varía, sin que sea recomendable ofrecer un documento demasiado extenso, salvo que la información que contenga no pueda ser resumida sin que esto pueda dar pie a confusión entre los periodistas.
Entre sus usos más corrientes están: lanzamiento de productos, presentación de nuevas empresas, fusiones o adquisiciones, conferencias de prensa, anuncio de eventos especiales, ferias industriales o exhibiciones, acompañamiento para una nota de prensa, o informar a los medios de cualquier evento de interés dentro de la esfera de actividad de la empresa.
Marvin Barrios

Marvin Barrios (Quetzaltenango, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala, 13 de marzo de 1980) es un exfutbolista y entrenador guatemalteco. Jugó de guardameta y en la actualidad es entrenador de porteros. Desempeña esa labor en el Xelajú M.C​ de la Liga Nacional de Guatemala.
Marvin es nacido en la ciudad de Quetzaltenango en donde se formó futbolísticamente desde sus inicios en Rosario FC,​ hasta dar el gran salto al Xelajú, ha pasado por varios clubes de occidente y sur occidente del país, siendo el Deportivo Marquense (equipo rival del xelajú) el equipo con el que más temporadas jugaría y en donde fue titular indiscutible durante los años en los cuales jugó en el club de los leones. Debido a las lesiones​ que eran recurrentes en su persona, tuvo años en los cuales fue un jugador intermitente debido a las mismas lesiones.
Conference of Presidents (Spain)

The Conference of Presidents is the highest-level political body for cooperation between the Government of Spain and the autonomous communities. It is at the top of the group of multilateral cooperation bodies. It has no constitutional or statutory basis. It is chaired by the Prime Minister (in Spanish, President of the Government) and the 17 presidents of the autonomous communities and the 2 mayors-president autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla. A first meeting under the presidency of Felipe González in 1990 can be considered precedent-setting.
This is a common cooperation body in politically decentralised states. These top-level political meetings, with similar names, are also held in countries such as Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy and Canada. At the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the XXI, it has assumed great importance as a driving force in the development of the so-called cooperative federalism, fundamentally in Germany and Austria.
In all these countries, the Conference of Presidents is institutionalized, either through agreements that regulate aspects relating to the functioning and contents of meetings (in the case of Switzerland or Italy), or through the recognition of a political practice by habit, which is inherent in the cooperative operation of the state (Germany, Austria or Canada).
The creation of the Conference of Presidents was announced by the President of the Government, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, in its inaugural meeting and was established on October 28, 2004. Given its nature and political level, its scope of action is open and its purpose is to debate and adopt agreements on matters of special relevance to the autonomous system.
Its functioning is flexible and its decisions are based on the principle of the agreement of the participants, in practice it is a merely consultative body of the Central Government with the autonomous communities and cities.The Conference of Presidents, in its first editions, was held with irregular periodicity, and always at the proposal of the Government of the Nation. Starting with the V Conference of Presidents, held on December 14, 2009, the Government approved a regulation establishing that the conferences would be held on an annual basis, although this was not fulfilled. Thus, Zapatero's first government held meetings on 28 October 2004, 10 September 2005 and 11 January 2007. During Zapatero's second government, only one conference was held, on 14 December 2009. Mariano Rajoy held only one conference during his first term, on 2 October 2012. In January 2017, during his second term, the second conference was held with Rajoy at the helm.
The prime minister, Pedro Sánchez was the one who convened the most conferences, up to twenty between 2020 and 2022, many of them due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In fact since the seventh conference, most of the meetings held between 2020 and 2021 were teleconferences.
¡Hola!

¡Hola! is a weekly Spanish-language magazine specializing in celebrity news, published in Madrid, Spain, and in 15 other countries, with local editions in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Greece, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Puerto Rico, Thailand, United Kingdom, United States and Venezuela. It is the second most popular magazine in Spain after Pronto. The title means "Hello!" in English and it is the parent magazine of the British magazine Hello!, Hello! Canada and Hola! USA.
¡Hola! was founded in Barcelona on 2 September 1944 by Antonio Sánchez Gómez, who continued to run the magazine until his death in the 1970s. He employed mainly relatives and to this day ¡Hola! remains a predominantly family run organisation, with Sánchez's wife still stepping in to provide layout for important royal wedding spreads. Later the headquarters of the magazine moved to Madrid.
Initially designed as a family magazine, Sánchez soon realized the potential for profit in the women's industry and initially focused on the doings of royalty, as well as offering a self-help section. Then the magazine became a gossip magazine, although the Spanish version still relies heavily on royalty for their gossip, whilst the English and Latin American versions focus more on Hollywood. The former Spanish Prime Minister Felipe González gave his first interview to the magazine when he was in office.
The magazine continues to grow and its edition in Argentina was launched in 2010.
The combined readership of ¡Hola! and its various sister magazines is more than a million a week, a large growth from the original 4,000 copies which sold in its first week of production in 1944. The circulation of the magazine was 654,836 copies in 1993, making it the second best-selling magazine in Spain. The magazine was the third best selling magazine in the country with a circulation of 627,514 copies in 1997.
The circulation of ¡Hola! was 553,042 copies in 2005. Its circulation was 537,270 copies in 2008 and 475,049 in 2009.
Radio Nacional (Spanish radio station)

Radio Nacional is a Spanish free-to-air radio station owned and operated by Radio Nacional de España (RNE), the radio division of state-owned public broadcaster Radiotelevisión Española (RTVE). It is the corporation's flagship radio station, and is known for broadcasting mainstream and generalist programming, including news bulletins, current affairs, sports and entertainment.
It was launched on 19 January 1937 as Franco's official radio under the department of propaganda during the Spanish Civil War. The station was initially simply referred to as "Radio Nacional de España". It received other names, such as "RNE 1" from 1988 until 1999 and "Radio 1" from 1999 until 2008 when it adopted its current name "Radio Nacional".
Its headquarters and main production center is in Casa de la Radio at Prado del Rey in Pozuelo de Alarcón. Although almost all its programming is in Spanish and is the same for all of Spain, RNE has territorial centers in every autonomous community and produces and broadcasts some local programming in regional variations in each of them, such as local news bulletins, in the corresponding co-official language.
Radio 3 (Spanish radio station)

Radio 3 is a Spanish free-to-air radio station owned and operated by Radio Nacional de España (RNE), the radio division of state-owned public broadcaster Radiotelevisión Española (RTVE). It is the corporation's third radio station, and is known for broadcasting indie, alternative, hip hop and dance music.
Radio 3 traces its origins to the Programa Cultural de RNE en OM which was originally launched on 12 October 1952 as a cultural radio station broadcasting only in Madrid and surrounding areas. In 1967, the Programa Cultural was renamed as "El Tercer Programa" (The Third Programme) and began to cooperate with Segundo Programa de RNE on certain programming. Radio 3 later came into being as a nighttime programming block of El Tercer Programa in 1979 and was then renamed as such in 1981, when a new nationwide radio station was created from the ashes of the old El Tercer Programa. It attracts half a million listeners per week.
Its output mostly centres on indie, alternative, hip hop and dance music that is outside the mainstream scene and the top 40 charts. Additionally, Radio 3 airs other music genres that does not air on commercial radio such as Spanish folk music, flamenco, hip hop, jazz, country, blues, Brazilian music, heavy metal, and new-age music.
Besides music, Radio 3 also features serialised radio drama and collects news from different cultural expressions: literature, film, theater and visual arts, always highlighting and supporting the most innovative and restless in each discipline.
Radio 3's programming is split roughly 70% specialist music and 30% culture-based shows. Hosts have complete autonomy over content and the station does not have any playlists. As such, the nature of Radio 3 broadcasts varies wildly depending on the time of the week.
Media related to Radio 3 (Spain) at Wikimedia Commons
Radio 5 (Spanish radio station)

Radio 5 is a Spanish free-to-air radio station owned and operated by Radio Nacional de España (RNE), the radio division of state-owned public broadcaster Radiotelevisión Española (RTVE). It is the corporation's all-news radio station, and is known for its 24-hour rolling news service and its live coverage of breaking news.
It was launched in 1 January 1989 as the first 24-hour rolling radio news service in Spain. It was known as "Radio 5 Todo Noticias" (1994–99) and "Radio 5 Información" (2012–13). It is the only nationwide rolling news radio service in Spain.
Its headquarters and main production center is in Casa de la Radio at Prado del Rey in Pozuelo de Alarcón. Although almost all its programming is in Spanish and is the same for all of Spain, RNE has territorial centers in every autonomous community and produces and broadcasts some local news bulletins in regional variations in each of them in the corresponding co-official language.
It began broadcasting on 1 January 1989, following a reorganization of public radio services that took place after the dissolution of Radiocadena Española, and in its early years it included both conventional and local entertainment programming. In 1994, when Jesús Vivanco was director of the station, it adopted the format of a news radio station specializing in public service and current affairs under the name Radio 5 Todo Noticias.
From a June-2016 survey, Radio 5 received 289,000 listeners daily. According to EGM Radio 5, in June 2019 it had 238,000 daily listeners.
Trofeo EFE

Trofeo EFE is an annual football award given by the EFE news agency since the 1990–91 season to the best Latin-American player in Spanish football. Recipients are selected based on assessments from the agency's sports editors.
The inaugural winner was Rommel Fernández from Panama. Chilean Iván Zamorano and Brazilian Ronaldo Nazário have won the award twice. In 2000 Argentine Fernando Redondo received a special distinction as the best player of the 1990s decade. In the 2017–18 season, the award expanded beyond Spain, with Uruguayan Edinson Cavani becoming the first player outside the Spanish La Liga to win the award, doing so with French Ligue 1 side Paris Saint-Germain. In the 2018–19 season, the award was not given, and in 2019–20 it was won by a woman for the first time ever, Colombian midfielder Leicy Santos.
Lionel Messi has won the award a record five times, more than any other player.
Gishoma Thermal Power Station

Amashanyarazi ya Gishoma, ni umuyoboro w'amashanyarazi witwabGishoma ikora megawati 15 MW (20,000hp) y’amashanyarazi, kirimo kubakwa i Gishoma, mu Karere ka Rusizi, mu Ntara y’Uburengerazuba .
Sitasiyo y’amashanyarazi iherereye i Gishoma, mu Karere ka Rusizi, mu Ntara y’Uburengerazuba, kiri mu kilometero 210, ku muhanda, mu majyepfo y'uburengerazuba bw'umujyi wa Kigali, umurwa mukuru.
Mu rwego rwo gushyira ingufu mu gutandukanya amasoko y’ingufu z’igihugu, kandi urebye umubare munini w’amashanyarazi mu gihugu, guverinoma y’u Rwanda, ibinyujije mu kigo cyayo gishinzwe ingufu z’amazi n’isuku (EWSA), yagiranye amasezerano na Shengli Energy Group Limited, isosiyete y'Abashinwa, kubaka yi Gishoma Thermal Power Station, iyobowe n'ikigo cy'Ubuhinde, Punj Lloyd Limited .
Ifu yo gutwika sitasiyo yamashanyarazi yakurwa mubishanga bya Gishoma, hafi y’aho amashanyarazi aherereye. Uruganda rwa Peat Energy, uruganda rwigenga rwo gucukura no gutanga amasoko mu Rwanda, rwagiranye amasezerano na EWSA gutanga ibikoresho bibisi.
Amasezerano yo kubaka amaze gutangwa, byaragaragaye ko amakosa yakozwe mugushushanya sitasiyo y’amashanyarazi, ibigereranyo bishoboka ndetse n’amasoko y’amazi akenewe kugira ngo sitasiyo ikore. Vuba aha bimaze kumenyeshwa abategura, ko Gishoma marshes ibigega byimbuto bishobora gukomeza uruganda rwa 15MW gusa mugihe cy'i myaka itanu. Icyo gihe uruganda rwaba rwimuwe, cyangwa ifu yagombaga gutwarwa mu turere twa kure two mu Rwanda.
Iyubakwa ry'iyi sitasiyo y'amashanyarazi muri ntangiriro ryateganijwe gutwara miliyoni 36 z'amadolari y'Amerika ( hafi miliyari 24.8 z'amafaranga y'u Rwanda ), yatijwe na Banki ya Kigali, banki nini y'ubucuruzi mu Rwanda mu mutungo. N'ubwo gutinda no kubara nabi, biteganijwe ko sitasiyo y’amashanyarazi izaza kuri interineti muri Kanama 2016. Urugomero rw'amashanyarazi rwaje kuri interineti muri Mata 2017.
Ikirwa cya Malahide Mukiyaga cya Kivu

Ikirwa cya malahide giherereye mukiyaga cya Kivu Muburengerazuba bw'urwanda , iki kirwa ni kimwe mubirwa byiza
biri mukiyaga cya Kivu Iki Kirwa giherereye mucyaro gitoya cy'Urwanda ahitwa Irubona Mubirometero 7km uvuye mumugi wa Gisenyi kandi ikaba munkengero zikiyaga cya Kivu mukarere ka Rubavu .
== Imiterere ==
iki kirwa gifite imiterere itangaje ifite ishusho nkiyuruziza rw' Igi kirimo ibiti byinshi bitandukanye ndetse n'inyamanswa zirimo Inyoni,
zamoko atandukanye harimo n'inuma n'inyamanza , iki kirwa kizengurutswe nibiti birimo ibizwi kwizina rya sipre .
iki kirwa ni kimwe mubirwa bisurwa cyane muraka karere kibiyaga bigari ,gifite umwihariko wuko ari gitoya ariko kubea ama hotel yacyubatsweho atuma gisurwa cyane ,kugeza ubu hariho Hotel nziza cyane y'ibyumba 10 izwi kwizina rya paradise malahide
iki kirwa cya Malahide cyatangiye kwitabwaho kuva mumwaka wa 2011 , mbere yaho harimo ibiti byiza na kabingaro gato
gusa ndetse nabahasura bari bakiri bakeya cyane .
Intara y'Uburengerazuba

Intara y'Iburengerazuba ( Kinyarwanda : Intara y'Iburengerazuba ; French:Province de l'Ouest ; Dutch:Westi-provincie) ni imwe mu ntara eshanu z'u Rwanda . Yashinzwe mu ntangiriro za Mutarama 2006 muri gahunda yo kwegereza ubuyobozi abaturage guverinoma yongeye gutegura inzego z’ibanze z’igihugu. Umurwa mukuru w'Intara y'Iburengerazuba ni Kibuye. Ibiro byayo biherereye mu karere ka Karongi, umurenge wa Rubengera. Guverineri uyonoye iyi ntara kuri ubu ni Munyantwari Alphonse.
Ubuso : 5,883 km kare
abaturage (ibarara rya 2012)
Umubare: 2,471,348
ubucukike: 420 kuri Km kare
Goverineri : Munyantwari Alphonse(2020)
Uturere:
1. Akarere ka Karongi
2. Akarere ka Ngororero
3. Akarere ka Nyabihu
4. Akarere ka Nyamasheke
5. Akarere ka Rubavu
6.Akerere ka Rusizi
7. Akerere ka Rutsiro mu Rwanda
Amerekezo: 2°22′30″S 29°12′35″E﻿ / ﻿2.37500°S 29.20972°E﻿ / -2.37500; 29.20972
Intara y'amajyepfo

Intara y'Amajyepfo nimwe mu ntara z'u Rwanda.
Igizwe nibyahoze ari intara ya Butare,Gikongoro, na Gitarama
ubu ikaba igizwe n uturere dutanduka hari Nyanza Gisagafra , Nyaruguru ,Nyamagabe nutundi twinshi
mu majyepfo : Burundi
mu majyaruguru: Umujyi wa Kigali
iburengerazuba : Intara y'uburengerazuba
Iburasirazuba : Intara y'uburasirazuba
1.Akarere ka Gisagara
2. Akarere ka Huye
3. Akarere ka Kamonyi
4. Akarere ka Muhanga
5.Akarere ka Nyamagabe
6.Akarere ka Nyanza
7. Akarere ka Nyaruguru
8. Akarere ka Ruhango
Intara z’u Rwanda

U Rwanda rufite intara enye ziyongeraho Umujyi wa Kigali, ari zo: Intara y’Amajyepfo; Intara y’Amajyaruguru; Intara y’Uburasirazuba n’Intara y’Uburengerazuba. Intara ihuza guverinoma n’uturere, ikagenzura niba imigabo n’imigambi ya Leta bishyirwa mu bikorwa mu rwego rw’uturere. Ni nayo kandi ireba uburyo imiyoborere n’imirimo bihagaze muri rusange ku rwego rw’uturere. Buri Ntara iyoborwa na Guverineri, ushyirwaho na Perezida wa Repubulika bikemezwa na Sena.
Ministeri y’Ubutegetsi bw’Igihugu, Imiyoborere Myiza, Amajyambere Rusange n’Imibereho Myiza y’Abaturage (MINALOC) ishimishijwe no kumenyesha abaturarwanda bose ko, nyuma y’ ivugurura ry’inzego z’ubutegetsi bw’igihugu mu Rwanda,tuzaba dufite Intara enye(4) n’Umujyi wa Kigali, Uturere mirongo itatu(30) n’Imirenge Magana ane na cumi n’itandatu(416).
Intara → Uturere → Imirenge → Utugari → Imidugudu
Akarere ka Ngororero

Ngororero ni Akarere kamwe mu turere turindwi (7) tugize intara y'Uburengerazuba. Ngororero iherereye mu majyaruguru y'uburengerazuba bw'u Rwanda akarere gahana imbibi n'Uturere 5; igizwe n'Imirenge 13, Utugari 73 ndetse n'midugudu 416
Aka karere gatuwe n'abaturage bagera kuri 333,723; k'ubucucike bw'abaturage 493 kuri kilometero kale (km2) ,(hashingiwe ku ibarura rusange ry'abaturage muri 2021).
Voto en el exterior en Uruguay

El voto en el exterior en Uruguay, entendido como la habilitación a los ciudadanos de ese país a emitir su sufragio desde todo país extranjero donde residan o se encuentren, no está contemplada actualmente por la constitución. El 25 de octubre de 2009 se plebiscitó junto con las elecciones presidenciales, una reforma constitucional tendiente a modificar esta situación, aunque finalmente no alcanzó los votos necesarios para ser aprobada.
La habilitación del voto a distancia desde el exterior ha sido largamente buscada por distintas organizaciones sociales y por la izquierda uruguaya. El Frente Amplio intentó por varios mecanismos lograr la aprobación de leyes que habilitaran alguna forma de voto en el exterior, como el proyecto de voto consular presentado el 15 de noviembre de 2000,​ la propuesta de reforma constitucional presentada por el senador José Korzeniak en 2004,​ o la iniciativa de recolectar firmas propuesta por Carlos Pita,​ aunque ninguna de estas iniciativas terminó prosperando.
Luego de las elecciones presidenciales de 2004, en las cuales el Frente Amplio obtuvo el gobierno y la mayoría parlamentaria se empezó a analizar la posibilidad de habilitar el voto por correo o epistolar.​
En ese marco, el partido de gobierno presentó un proyecto de ley en el año 2005, que habilitaba el voto desde el exterior.​ Después de dos años de trámite parlamentario, y a pesar de los esfuerzos realizados para negociar la iniciativa con la oposición,​ la votación del mismo resultó negativa. La razón es que a pesar de que el Frente Amplio tenía mayoría parlamentaria, no alcanzaba los 3/5 de votos necesarios para modificar el régimen electoral y la oposición de blancos y colorados mantuvieron su histórica posición en contra.
El 1 de abril de 2009, con la firma de 63 legisladores del Frente Amplio,​ se habilitó en el parlamento uruguayo una iniciativa legislativa que se plebiscitó junto con las elecciones presidenciales de ese año,​ que de haberse aprobado, hubiera permitido a los ciudadanos uruguayos habilitados para votar, ejercer el sufragio desde cualquier país donde residan o se encuentren, por la vía epistolar en elecciones, plebiscitos, o referendos.​ Dicha enmienda no alcanzó los votos necesarios en las elecciones nacionales de octubre de 2009, por lo que la situación del voto a distancia de los uruguayos residentes en el exterior siguió incambiada.
En el marco del plebiscito para la habilitación del voto en el exterior, distintas encuestadoras han publicado las preferencias de los uruguayos respecto a esta consulta popular.
En el plebiscito celebrado el 25 de octubre de 2009, 862.454 sufragantes (37,42%) votaron a favor de habilitar la enmienda constitucional para habilitar el voto en el exterior. Por consiguiente, la enmienda propuesta se dio por rechazada, ya que necesitaba más de 50% de los votos emitidos para ser aprobada.​
Relaciones Estados Unidos-Uruguay

Las relaciones Estados Unidos-Uruguay son las relaciones exteriores entre Uruguay y Estados Unidos. Tradicionalmente, las relaciones se han basado en una perspectiva común y en el énfasis en los ideales democráticos.
Desde el punto de vista histórico, a partir de la década de 1890 Uruguay tomó la delantera en llegar a los Estados Unidos para contrarrestar la fuerte presencia de negocios británicos. Los Estados Unidos respondieron amistosamente. Knarr argumenta:
En 2002, Uruguay y los Estados Unidos crearon una Comisión Mixta de Comercio e Inversión (JCTI) para intercambiar ideas sobre una variedad de temas económicos. En marzo de 2003, la JCTI identificó seis áreas de concentración hasta la eventual firma del Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas (ALCA): cuestiones duraderas, propiedad intelectual, inversión, mano de obra, Biofísico), y el comercio de bienes. A finales de 2004, Uruguay y Estados Unidos firmaron un Acuerdo Cielos Abiertos, que fue ratificado en mayo de 2006. En noviembre de 2005, firmaron un Tratado Bilateral de Inversión (BIT), que entró en vigor el 1 de noviembre de 2006. En enero de 2007 se firmó un Acuerdo Marco de Comercio e Inversión (TIFA). Más de 80 empresas estadounidenses operan en Uruguay y muchos más comercializan bienes y servicios estadounidenses.
Uruguay colabora con los Estados Unidos en cuestiones tales como los esfuerzos regionales para combatir el narcotráfico y el terrorismo. También ha sido muy activo en cuestiones de derechos humanos.
Desde 1999 hasta principios de 2003, los ciudadanos uruguayos fueron eximidos del visado al entrar en los Estados Unidos bajo el Programa de Exención de Visas (Visa Waiver Program). Esta exención fue retirada el 16 de abril de 2003, con base en las altas tasas de excedencia para los uruguayos y las preocupaciones de seguridad nacional en todo el mundo.
Bajo Tabaré Vázquez, Presidente de Uruguay desde 2005, Uruguay ha tomado posiciones sobre una serie de temas muy diferentes a los de Estados Unidos.
Según el Informe 2012 de Liderazgo Global de Estados Unidos, el 40% de los uruguayos aprueban el liderazgo de Estados Unidos, con un 22% de desaprobación y un 38% de incertidumbre.​
Relaciones República Dominicana-Uruguay

Las Relaciones República Dominicana-Uruguay se refieren a las relaciones bilaterales entre la República Dominicana y la República Oriental del Uruguay. Ambas naciones son miembros de la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, Grupo de los 77, Naciones Unidas, Organización de Estados Americanos y la Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos.
Durante la colonización española, ambas naciones formaron parte del Imperio español. Durante el período colonial español, la República Dominicana estuvo gobernada por la Capitanía General de Santo Domingo y en 1521 pasó a formar parte del Virreinato de Nueva España con sede en la Ciudad de México mientras que Uruguay fue parte del Virreinato del Río de la Plata y se administró desde Buenos Aires. En 1828, Uruguay obtuvo su independencia después de la Guerra del Brasil. El 5 de septiembre de 1945, ambas naciones establecieron relaciones diplomáticas.​
Ambas naciones participan en varias cumbres latinoamericanas multilaterales y han tenido varias reuniones bilaterales de alto nivel. En agosto de 2001, el presidente dominicano Hipólito Mejía realizó una visita oficial a Uruguay y se reunió con el presidente uruguayo Jorge Batlle.​ En noviembre de 2002, el presidente uruguayo, Jorge Batlle, realizó una visita a la República Dominicana.​ En agosto de 2004, el presidente Batlle regresó a la República Dominicana para asistir a la toma de posesión del presidente dominicano Leonel Fernández.​
Ambas naciones han firmado varios acuerdos bilaterales como un Acuerdo de Cooperación Cultural (1988); Convenio de Cooperación Científica y Técnica (2001); Acuerdo para la Exención del Requisito de Visa para Portadores de Pasaportes Diplomáticos y Oficiales (2001); Acuerdo de Cooperación Turística (2001); Memorándum de Entendimiento de Cooperación sobre Flujos Migratorios (2018); y un Memorándum de Entendimiento para la Conformación de un Grupo de Trabajo Conjunto para la Promoción del Comercio, la Inversión y el Encadenamiento Productivo (2018).​
Timeline of the Joe Biden presidency (2023 Q2)

The following is a timeline of the presidency of Joe Biden during the second quarter of 2023, from April 1 to June 30, 2023. For a complete itinerary of his travels, see List of presidential trips made by Joe Biden (2023). To navigate between quarters, see timeline of the Joe Biden presidency. For the Q3 timeline see timeline of the Joe Biden presidency (2023 Q3).
Russia–Uruguay relations

Russia–Uruguay relations are the bilateral foreign relations between Russia and Uruguay.
Diplomatic relations between Russia and Uruguay were established in 1857, at the initiative of the Uruguayan president Gabriel Antonio Pereira who sent a letter to Tsar Alexander II, proposing closer ties between both countries. Thus, Uruguay was the first Latin American republic and the second Latin American state, after the Empire of Brazil, to be recognized by the Russian Empire. In 1866 a Russian consulate was established in Montevideo, and two years later, a Uruguayan consulate was established in Taganrog.
After the October Revolution of 1917, diplomatic relations were interrupted, but were reestablished in 1926. In 1935, during the dictatorship of Gabriel Terra, Uruguay broke relations with the Soviet Union, but they were reestablished again in 1943, during World War II.
Cuba–Uruguay relations

Cuba–Uruguay relations refers to the diplomatic relations between the Republic of Cuba and the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. Both nations are members of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, Group of 77, Organization of Ibero-American States and the United Nations.
Both Cuba and Uruguay share a common history in the fact that both nations were once part of the Spanish Empire. During the Spanish colonial period, Cuba was governed under the Viceroyalty of New Spain based in Mexico City. Uruguay was governed by the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata and administered from Buenos Aires. Diplomatic relations between Cuba and Uruguay were established on 1 September 1902.
In May 1959, Cuban prime minister Fidel Castro paid his first official visit to Uruguay. In September 1964, Uruguay broke diplomatic relations with Cuba following the recommendation of the Assembly of the Organization of American States, held in Punta del Este. In October 1985, diplomatic and commercial ties are resumed during the first term of Uruguayan President Julio María Sanguinetti, after 12 years of military dictatorship. It is the first country to resume relations since the OAS decision.
Both nations partake in various multilateral Latin American summits and have had several high-level bilateral meetings. In October 1995, Cuban President of State Council Fidel Castro paid a second visit to Uruguay. In April 2002, Uruguay broke diplomatic relations with Cuba after the Uruguayan government under President Jorge Batlle led a diplomatic offensive for Cuba to allow the United Nations to investigate alleged human rights abuses on the island. As a response, Cuban President Fidel Castro accused the Uruguayan government of being "outdated and abject Judas" and "lackey of the United States". Diplomatic relations were restored in March 2005.
In June 2008, Uruguayan President Tabaré Vázquez paid an official visit to Cuba and met with President of the State Council Raúl Castro. In September 2021 during the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States summit held in Mexico City, Uruguayan President Luis Lacalle Pou accused the Cuban government of first secretary Miguel Díaz-Canel of not being a democratic nation. In addition, President Lacalle Pou read part of the lyrics of the song Patria y Vida, which became an anthem during the strong protests that broke out in Cuba in July against the Díaz-Canel government.
Both nations have signed several bilateral agreements such as an Administrative Agreement for the Exchange of Tasajo from Uruguay for Sugar from Cuba (1945); Trade Agreement (1986); Agreement for Economic-Industrial and Scientific-Technical Cooperation (1987); Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty in Criminal Matters (1995); Agreement of Cooperation between both nations Ministry's of Foreign Affairs (2006); Agreement of Visa Exemption for Diplomatic, Official and Service Passport holders (2006); Memorandum of Understanding for Trade and Foreign Investment in Cuba (2014); and an Agreement of Cooperation in Physical Culture and Sports (2018).
Greece–Uruguay relations

Greece–Uruguay relations are diplomatic relations between Greece and Uruguay. Both nations are members of the World Trade Organization.
Uruguay was one of the first countries to recognize the newly established Greek state after the war of independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1821. In 1872, Greece and Uruguay established honorary consulates in each other's countries, respectively. In 1916, the La Colectividad Helénica de Montevideo was established in Montevideo as a cultural center for the Greek community in Uruguay. In the 1920s, the first major wave of Greek immigrants arrived in the country. Diplomatic relations between Greece and Uruguay were officially established in 1928. In the 1950s and 1960s, after the Greek Civil War, Uruguay received a second wave of Greek immigrants to the country.
In March 1978, the Maria Tsakos Foundation was established in Montevideo to teach ancient and modern Hellenic culture and language.
In late April 2024, Greek President Katerina Sakellaropoulou made an official visit to Uruguay, the first Greek head of state to do so. She met with Uruguayan President Luis Lacalle Pou at Residencia de Suárez, signing a cooperation agreement on maritime affairs with him. She also met with Vice President Beatriz Argimón during her visit to the Legislative Palace in Montevideo. Likewise, Sakellaropoulou visited the headquarters of the Greek community of Uruguay and different cultural sites in the country, such as the Solís Theatre.
Both nations have signed several bilateral agreements, such as an Agreement on Cultural Cooperation (1967); Agreement on Social Security (1994), an Agreement on the Reciprocal Abolition of Visas for Diplomatic and Service Passport Holders (1994), and an Agreement on Cooperation in Maritime Affairs.
Greece's main exports to Uruguay include: Papadopoulos biscuits, olive oil and tobacco. Uruguay's main exports to Greece include: soy, citruses (primarily lemons) and fish. Greek shipping company, Tsakos Energy Navigation, is a major investor in Uruguay with more than US$250 million invested in the country.
Germany–Uruguay relations

Germany–Uruguay relations are the bilateral relations between Germany and Uruguay. Germany has an embassy in Montevideo. Uruguay has an embassy in Berlin, a consulate-general in Hamburg. Germany is Uruguay's principal trading partner in the European Union.
Starting in the 1850s German immigrants have made an important contribution to the development of Uruguay. Uruguay offered asylum to German Jews starting in 1935. Mennonite communities emigrated from Germany to Uruguay after World War II, starting in 1948.
During World War I, Uruguay sided against Germany and broke off diplomatic relations.
On December 13, 1939, the Battle of the River Plate took place off the coast of Uruguay where British forces sunk the German Graf Spee. There was a diplomatic battle with Dr. Alberto Guani as Uruguayan Foreign Minister that ruled a 72-hour timeline for the ship to remain in Montevideo harbour. Most of the Graf Spee's surviving crew of 1,150 were interned in Uruguay and Argentina and many remained after the war. A German Embassy official in Uruguay said his government has sent an official letter stating its position as to whether Germany claims ownership of the vessel. The German claim would be invalid because early in 1940 the Nazi government sold salvaging rights to the vessel to a Uruguayan businessman who was acting on behalf of the British government. However, any salvaging rights would have expired under Uruguayan law.
By 1940, Germany had threatened to break of diplomatic relations with Uruguay.
Nazi Germany protested that Uruguay gave safe harbor to the MV Carnarvon Castle after it was attacked by a Nazi raider. The ship was repaired with steel plate reportedly salvaged from the Graf Spee.
On January 25, 1942, Uruguay broke diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany.
After World War II, Uruguay established diplomatic relations with both the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic.
In October 2011, Uruguayan President José Mujica paid an official visit to Germany.
There is a Goethe Institute in Uruguay. The German School of Montevideo, is a German binational school that opened in 1857. It was the first German School to open in South America. There is a joint Uruguay Germany university-entrance examination which qualifies takers for university in both countries. A German-language school is run by the Mennonites. A cultural cooperation accord was signed on 8 May 1989.
Exports to Germany from Uruguay were worth EUR 205 million and Uruguayan imports from Germany were EUR 133 million in 2009. Germany is the country's principal trading partner in the European Union. Germany is fifth overall among export countries to Uruguay, after Brazil, the US, Argentina and Mexico. Germany is seventh on the list of import countries, after Brazil, Argentina, the US, China, Venezuela and Russia. Uruguay is 84th among suppliers of German imports and 108th among buyers of German exports.
The Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation have representation in Montevideo. Other German foundations include the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Heinrich Böll Foundation and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
Turkey–Uruguay relations

Turkey–Uruguay relations are the diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uruguay. Turkey has an embassy in Montevideo. Uruguay has an embassy in Ankara and a consulate-general in Istanbul. Diplomatic relations between Uruguay and Turkey were established by the Friendship Agreement, which was signed in 1929. They maintain a good relationship, but the relations have been stagnant due to geographical locations.
Trade volume between the two countries was US$341.4 million in 2019 (Turkish exports/imports: 42.8/298.6 million USD).
Bro Kreiz-Breizh

Bro Kreiz-Breizh (Pays Centre Bretagne e galleg) a zo ur vro hervez al lezenn Voynet, enni kumuniezhioù kumunioù KEDIKEL, ar Menez ha Koad Alan hag ar Menez, e gevred departamant Aodoù-an-Arvor. En holl ez eus 49 c'humun abaoe ar 1añ a viz Genver 2014, ha 49 637 a dud (e 2011). Emañ ar sez e Loudieg.
E distro-skol 2024 e oa enskrivet er skol Diwan hag er c'hlasoù divyezhek 67 skoliad (1,5 % eus skolidi ar vro evit a sell ouzh ar c'hentañ derez)
Marzioù dispartiañ Breizh ha Poatev

Marzioù dispartiañ Breizh ha Poatev a oa ur rummad parrezioù, etre Breizh ha Poatev (Bro-C'hall), en tu-hont d'al Liger, hag a oa betek 1790 ha savidigezh an departamantoù, ur statud dibar dezho. Koulz ha Marzioù dispartiañ Breizh hag Anjev e oant ur seurt tachenn etre, ha tennañ a raent diouzh an degouezh, kement da Vreizh ha da Vro-C'hall, pe muioc'h da homañ pe da honhont. Darn eus ar parrezioù-se a oa en Eskopti Naoned, darn all en Eskopti Luçon, hep na heuilhfe dre ret an disparti ar vevenn bolitikel, neuze ’ta e oa parrezioù ’zo eus Luçon hag a oa kentoc'h e Breizh, ha parrezioù eus Naoned hag a oa e Bro-C'hall.
Div dachenn vras a oa:
Etre an daou e oa ur strobad parrezioù ma oa an tu kreñv gant Breizh, hag ur strobad parrezioù all ma oa an tu kreñv gant Bro-C'hall:
Luziet-kenañ e c'halle bezañ an traoù. Evit a sell ar "marzioù boutin" e oa ar gwirioù dirann riegezh koulz gant Breizh ha gant Bro-C'hall, hag ar gwirioù dalc'h ha justis gant aotrouien marcheton (da lavaret eo, eus ar Marzioù). Evit ar "marzioù tu kreñv gant Breizh" pe "marzioù tu kreñv gant Bro-C'hall" e oa an dud eus Breizh pe eus Bro-C'hall, ne oa nemet ar gwirioù dalc'h hag a oa dirann, ar gwirioù justis, int-i, a heulie justis o bro.
E 1789 e voe savet an departamantoù, ha divizet e voe echuiñ gant ar Marzioù, disrannañ anezho ha lakaat ar parrezioù pe e hini Naoned, pe e hini Fontenay. Un draen a oa koulskoude. Un tolead dirann e oa eus ar "Marzioù boutin" ha goulenn groñs a reas o dileuridi bezañ staget holl ouzh departamant Naoned. Ne voe ket selaouet o goulenn daoust ma'z eas 8 parrez da Naoned ha 6 da Fontenay. Souezhusoc'h c'hoazh, parrez Ruvelieg hag a oa eus tu Poatev, a erruas e departamant Naoned tra ma'n em gavas Sant-Andrev-Trizek-Hent ha Kervernarzh, hag a oa eus tu Breizh, e hini Fontenay.
Europeade

Gouel an Europeade' a zo ur gouel a lid ar sevenadur "folk" en Europa. Aozet e vez en ur vro disheñvel eus Europa bep bloaz. Gouel an Europeade a zo bet aozet e Horsens, Danmark e 2007 e Martigny, Suis e 2008 hag a vezo aozet e Klaipeda, Lituania e 2009, e Dachau, Alamagn e 2010 hag eTallinn, Estonia e 2011.
Aozet eo bet peder gwech e Breizh: E Roazhon teir gwech (1984, 1991, 1998) ha Kemper e 2005 e-pad Gouelioù-Meur Kerne.
Ar Marh dall

Ar Marh Dall, pe Ar Marc'h dall hiziv, hervez doare-skrivañ adembannadur 2022 zo ur ganadenn skrivet gant Job an Irien, ha sonaozet gant René Abjean, evit emvod ar Bleun-Brug e Plougastell-Daoulaz e 1979. Kanet e voe en-dro e Gouelioù Kerne e Kemper er bloaz-se. Gwelet eo evel un oberenn arouezel, modern ha kreñv, diwar-benn eztaoladur santadoù ar Vrezhoned dirak cheñchamantoù o emdroadur.
An destenn varzhoniel, leun a nerzh hag a lusk, a embann kreñv pegen a-bouez eo derc’hel start da identelezh, yezh hag istor Breizh.
Un oberenn savet evit al lazoù-kanañ eo p'eo ar sonaozour unan eus ar gwellañ arbennigourien war dachenn ar c'han brezhonek.
Da-geñver adembannadur 2022 e voe aterset Job an Irien e brezhoneg gant Julien Meffre.
Kemper

Kemper a zo ur gêr e mervent Breizh war ribl an Oded, kêr-benn gozh Kerne ha prefeti departamant Penn-ar-Bed. Kemperiz e vez graet eus he annezidi, ha 63 513 a oa anezho e 2014. 100 187 annezad a oa e Kemper Breizh Izel, ar gumuniezh tolpad-kêrioù, ar pempvet brasañ e Breizh.
Birvidik eo sevenadur hengounel Breizh-Izel e Kemper, heñvel ouzh he bagadoù ha Gouelioù-Meur Kerne hag a zo e-touez ar festivalioù hañv brasañ eus ar vro.
Koshañ anv a gaver eo hini Aquilonia e 1022 (Sanctae Mariae in Aquiloniae civitate), met dizemglev zo diwar-benn pelec'h resis edo ar gêr-se. P'emañ aquilo anv latin an avel Norzh e soñj lod e oa an anv-se hini ur c'harter e Norzh ar gêr galian-ha-roman, houmañ war riblenn Su an Oded.
E 1085 e kaver roud eus Quimpercorentin ken eo staget kreñv ouzh ar gêr-eskopti memor e eskob kentañ sant Kaourintin.
E "Quimper-Corentin" en doa ijinet Yann ar Feunteun e c'hellfe erruout gwalldro ar charretour stanket el lagenn.
E-lec'h ma kej doureier ar Stêr Deir, an Oded hag ar Jed, emañ kêr hag e-se ur c'hember (eus ken + ber e teu an anv), orin an anv. Cymer e kembraeg a zo dezhañ ur ster nes: kej hag en iwerzhoneg eo bet goveliet comhar evit kenlabour.
Roet eo bet al label Kêrioù ha Broioù Arz hag Istor dezhi.
Kemper a zo bet ur ramparzh maen en-dro dezhi adalek an XIIvet kantved. Ar voger-dro, dezhi 1500 metr hirder, a oa toullet gant pevar forzh-meur, unan anezho gant ur pont-gwint. Ar fozioù a veze douret gant ar stêrioù.
Ed an tourioù war ar c'hostezioù Su ha Reter, e-lech e c'hellfe lañset an argadoù en un doare aesoc'h.
Er XIVvet kantved e voe ouzhpennet belegoù-tarzhell e krec'h ar ramparzh evit an difenn a-serzh.
Un nebeud kempennadurioù a voe graet da heul donedigezh ar c'hanolierezh er XVvet kantved: savadurioù e maen-ben evit lakaat ar bannadelloù da zazlammat, tarzhelloù, toulloù bukañ, ur beg-moger en Norzh.
En XVIII kantved e voe dilezet tamm-ha-tamm ar ramparzh d'ar berc'henned tost ha distrujet ar pozhioù evit aesaat an tremenerezh.
E Kemper e kaver meur a vagad, tri outo o kemer perzh er rummad kentañ : Bagad Kemper bet kampion Breizh, Bagad Ar Meilhoù Glaz ha Bagad Penhars. Kavet e vez ivez Bagad Kerne, Bagad an Erge Vras, Bagad Ar Re Gozh ha Bagad Sant Padrig.
Kelc'hioù keltiek a zo ivez. Kelc'h Keltiek Eostiged ar Stangala e-touesk ar re anavezetañ. Kampion Breizh kengevredigezh Kendalc'h e oa ar c'helc'h e 2006. Ar c'helc'hioù all a zo Dañserien Kemper eus kengevredigezh War 'l Leur ha Keltiad Kemper.
An eil kêr pobletañ e Penn-ar-Bed eo Kemper war-lerc'h Brest, hag an hini gentañ eus Bro-Gerne. An niver annezidi nevesañ hervez Wikdata zo 64 530 (1 Genver 2022)
Lúnasa (band)

Lúnasa is a traditional Irish music group, named after Lughnasadh, an ancient harvest festival. They tour and perform internationally, and have recorded a number of albums of both traditional and contemporary Irish instrumental music.
Lúnasa was founded in 1997 when Sean Smyth, John McSherry and Steve Cooney teamed up to tour Smyth's solo album, The Blue Fiddle. They called in Mike McGoldrick, a friend of McSherry's, and toured as a four-piece. As the band was taking off, Cooney bowed out.
In the meantime, Smyth was touring in Scandinavia with the rhythmical duo Donogh Hennessy and Trevor Hutchinson, and recruited them to join the band. Calling themselves Lúnasa, they began performing and touring; the first album, Lúnasa, was recorded while the group was on tour in 1998 and released to critical acclaim.
McGoldrick and McSherry were becoming increasingly busy with other projects and left the band. Kevin Crawford then joined the band and various other pipers stepped in for McSherry. McSherry and McGoldrick were again called upon to record the second album, Otherworld. It was after this album that piper Cillian Vallely joined the band.
In 1999, the group signed a three-year contract with Green Linnet Records, and that October released their second album, Otherworld. In December 2000, they appeared on A Thistle and Shamrock Christmas Ceilidh. In 2002, their highly acclaimed album The Merry Sisters of Fate was released; this was followed by 2003’s Redwood, which was released late due to a feud with the label. Ultimately the band terminated their contract.
In 2004, Lúnasa signed up with Compass Records and recorded The Kinnitty Sessions before a live audience in Kinnitty Castle, County Offaly. That same year, Donogh Hennessy left the group, being replaced by Tim Edey and Paul Meehan who each played half the tracks on the album Sé. Tim Edey left shortly after, and Paul Meehan became the band's guitarist.
In 2008, the band released a compilation album, Lúnasa: The Story So Far, with representative recordings from the band's first eleven years.
Released in April 2010, the band's following album, Lá Nua, was the first release on the band's own record label, Lúnasa Records. That same month, the band also performed on the Natalie Merchant album Leave Your Sleep. Meehan left the group in late 2011 and was replaced by Ed Boyd.
In 2018, the band released the album CAS.
The group has toured and performed in the Americas, Europe and Asia.