Culture of Qatar

The culture of Qatar is strongly influenced by traditional Bedouin culture, with less acute influence deriving from India, East Africa, and elsewhere in the Persian Gulf. The peninsula's harsh climate has historically shaped the lifestyle of its inhabitants, driving a reliance on the sea for sustenance and fostering a distinct emphasis on maritime activities within local culture. Arts and literature themes are often related to sea-based activities. Qatari folklore and music best exemplify the state's marine tradition, with pearling trips serving as the main inspiration for music and traditional Qatari myths like May and Ghilân being centered around the sea.
Although visual arts were historically unpopular due to Islam's stance on depictions of sentient beings, the mid-20th century heralded a transformative era in Qatari arts, catalyzed by newfound prosperity from oil exports. This period witnessed the emergence of the modern Qatari art movement, with artists such as Jassim Zaini, Yousef Ahmad, and Ali Hassan pioneering the transition to a vibrant contemporary art scene supported by government and institutions like the Qatari Fine Arts Society, the National Council for Culture, Arts, and Heritage, and in contemporary times, Qatar Museums. Parallel to Qatar's artistic renaissance, its literary tradition underwent a renaissance of its own. Originating in the 19th century, Qatari literature evolved in response to Qatar's social and economic development. While Nabati poetry initially held sway, the post-1950 era saw a proliferation of literary genres like short stories and novels, reflecting increasing educational opportunities. Notably, the mass participation of Qatari women in the modern literature movement broke social norms, as women were historically less active in traditional forms of art.
Beyond arts and literature, Qatari society is characterized by various traditions and customs deeply rooted in its history as an Arab-Islamic country. Nomadic pastoralism, principally of camels, and pearl fishing were once cornerstone livelihoods, with the Bedouin and Hadar (settled) communities each contributing unique customs and social structures. Central to Qatari social life is the majlis, a communal gathering space where traditions, storytelling, and social interactions converge. Family values, community ties, and hospitality are among the most essential values in local society. Cultural policies and affairs are regulated by the Ministry of Culture. The current minister is Abdulrahman bin Hamad bin Jassim bin Hamad Al Thani.
The modern Qatari art movement emerged in the mid-20th century, facilitated by the newfound wealth from oil exports and subsequent societal modernization. Traditionally, Islamic culture's aversion to depicting sentient beings limited the role of paintings in Qatari society, favoring instead art forms such as calligraphy, architecture, and textiles. However, in the 1950s and 1960s, the Qatari art scene saw significant development, initially overseen by the Ministry of Education and later supported by increased government funding. Artists such as Jassim Zaini, Yousef Ahmad, Salman Al Malik, Faraj Daham and Ali Hassan pioneered the transition from traditional to global styles. Institutions like the Qatari Fine Arts Society, established in 1980, and the National Council for Culture, Arts, and Heritage, established in 1998, further propelled the growth of the modern art scene in the country.
Qatar's investments in the arts are exemplified by the establishment of Qatar Museums in the early 2000s, aiming to centralize and connect various museums and collections. Following this was the inauguration of several more major art institutions like the Museum of Islamic Art in 2008, Mathaf: Arab Museum of Modern Art in 2010, and the National Museum of Qatar in 2019. Plans for additional museums were announced in 2022, including the Art Mill, Lusail Museum, and Qatar Auto Museum.
For the last twenty years, several members of the Al Thani family have led Qatar's interest and involvement in arts and continue to shape the country's cultural policy. Qatar was revealed to be the world's biggest art buyer in 2011. Figures like Sheikha Al-Mayassa bint Hamad Al Thani, Sheikha Moza bint Nasser and Hassan bin Mohamed Al Thani have played instrumental roles in advancing Qatar's art scene and developing its related institutions.
The architecture of Qatar, like other Persian Gulf nations, is deeply influenced by Islamic traditions, characterized by simple and unadorned mosque designs. These traditional elements extend to other structures, featuring arches, niches, and intricately carved plaster patterns, as well as gypsum screens and battlements. The hot desert climate has heavily influenced the choice of materials, with rough stones from rocky hills or coastal areas, bound together by clay, serving as primary building materials. Over time, clay was replaced with gypsum mortar, and wood, particularly for beams, was incorporated. Limestone, sourced from nearby rocky hills, was occasionally used in construction.
Qatari architecture is categorized into religious, civil, and military types. Religious architecture, mainly mosques, are characterized by their simplicity, yet on rare occasions in urban areas, may feature intricate designs. Civil architecture includes palaces, houses, and marketplaces. Palaces were grand structures displaying opulence, while homes varied in size based on social status. Marketplaces evolved from simple rows of wooden pillars to more complex stone and clay structures. Military architecture, consisting of fortresses and defensive wall, was designed for protection, with towers and walls often enclosing settlements. Coastal architecture shows Persian influences, while inland styles reflect Najdi traditions.
Traditional Qatari houses are centered around courtyards, which provide ventilation, sunlight, and private space for domestic and social activities. Privacy is paramount, with houses designed to be unassuming from the street, featuring minimal openings. The layout segregates male visitors from family areas, and the majlis, a formal reception area, plays a crucial role in social interactions and hospitality.
Several methods were used in traditional architecture to alleviate the country's harsh climate. Windows were seldom used to reduce heat conduction. The badgheer construction method allowed air to be channeled into houses for ventilation. Air was channeled in by several methods, including horizontal air gaps in rooms and parapets and vertical openings in wind towers called hawaya which drew air into the courtyards. Wind towers were historically present in coastal settlements, particularly in Al Wakrah.
Qatari folklore is rich with narratives that reflect the cultural heritage of the Persian Gulf region, emphasizing sea-based activities. Known locally as hazzawi, folktales hold significant cultural value, with stories often passed down orally from generation to generation. One such popular legend, or hikaya, is that of May and Ghilân. Originating from the Al Muhannadi tribe of Al Khor, the story narrates a struggle between two pearl fishers which results in the creation of the sail. Another tale which carries some popularity locally is the Lord of the Sea, which revolves around a half-man half-fish monster named Bū Daryā who terrorizes sailors.
Among the notable folk heroes in Qatari folklore are individuals like Qatari ibn al-Fuja'a, a celebrated war poet from the 7th century, and Rahmah ibn Jabir Al Jalhami, an infamous pirate and ruler of Qatar in the 18th and 19th centuries. These figures embody themes of heroism, adventure, and resilience that are woven into the fabric of Qatari culture. Recurring motifs in Qatari folklore include djinn, pearl diving, and the sea, often serving as allegories for broader cultural values such as bravery, perseverance, and the importance of community.
With the advent of oil exploration and modernization, the tradition of oral storytelling gradually declined. Efforts by government ministries such as the Ministry of Culture, alongside local universities, have sought to preserve and transcribe these tales in publications. Collaborative endeavors between government agencies, educational institutions, and regional bodies like the GCC States Folklore Centre, headquartered in Doha, have played a crucial role in cataloging and promoting Qatari folklore.
Qatari literature, originating in the 19th century, has evolved significantly over time, influenced by societal transformations and the nation's economic development. Initially centered around written poetry, literary expression diversified with the introduction of short stories and novels, particularly following the mid-20th-century shift spurred by oil revenues. While poetry, notably the nabati form, remained relevant, other literary genres gained prominence, reflecting changing societal dynamics, including increased female participation in the modern literature movement.
The history of Qatari literature can be broadly categorized into two periods: pre-1950 and post-1950. The latter era witnessed a surge in literary output, fueled by newfound prosperity and expanding educational opportunities. Sheikh Jassim bin Mohammed Al Thani's reign in the late 19th century saw early efforts to fund the printing of Islamic texts, laying the groundwork for literary investments. The modern literature movement gained momentum in the 1950s, paralleling broader cultural shifts and facilitated by improved access to education and globalization.
Regarding modern literature, Qatar saw the popularization of short stories and novels in the 1970s, providing platforms for both male and female writers to explore societal norms and cultural values. Qatari women were equally involved in the literature movement as men, a rarity in Qatar's cultural arenas. Kaltham Jaber became the first Qatari female author to publish a collection of short stories, and to publish a major work when she released her anthology of short stories, dating from 1973 to the year of its publishing, 1978. Novels have become vastly more popular in the 21st century, with nearly a quarter of all existing Qatari-authored novels being published post-2014. Efforts to preserve and document Qatari literature have been undertaken through initiatives like the Qatar Digital Library and the establishment of literary organizations and publishing houses.
Qatar also hosts the Doha International Book Fair every year; a cultural celebration that attracts authors and publishers mainly from across the Arab world who put on display books, poetry, and art that reflect the region's rich traditions for telling stories. International publishing outlets also participate in the event to promote modern works of fiction and non-fiction in literature that create a platform for local and international writers and readers to enjoy Qatari culture.
Poetry has been an integral part of the culture since pre-Islamic times. Qatari ibn al-Fuja'a, a folk hero dating to the seventh century, was renowned for writing poetry. It was seen as a verbal art which fulfilled essential social functions. Having a renowned poet among its ranks was a source of pride for tribes; it was the primary way age-old traditions were passed down through generations. Poems composed by females primarily focused on the theme of ritha, to lament. This type of poetry served as an elegy.
Nabati was the primary form of oral poetry. In the nineteenth-century, Sheikh Jassim Al Thani composed influential Nabati poems on the political conditions in Qatar. Nabati poems are broadcast on radio and televised in the country.
Weaving and dyeing by women played a substantial role in Bedouin culture. Spinning sheep's and camel's wool to produce cloths was laborious. The wool was first disentangled and tied to a bobbin, serving as a core and keeping the fibers rigid. This was followed by spinning the wool by hand on a spindle known as noul. They were then placed on a vertical loom constructed from wood whereupon women would use a stick to beat the weft into place.
The resulting cloths were used in rugs, carpets, and tents. Tents were usually made up of naturally colored cloths, whereas rugs and carpets used dyed cloths; mainly red and yellow. The dyes were fashioned from desert herbs, with simple geometrical designs being employed. The art lost popularity in the 19th century as dyes and cloths were increasingly imported from other regions in Asia.
A simple form of embroidery practiced by Qatari women was known as kurar. It involved four women, each carrying four threads, who would braid the threads on articles of clothing - mainly thawbs or abayas. The braids, varying in color, were sewn vertically. It was similar to heavy chain stitch embroidery. Gold threads, known as zari, were commonly used. They were usually imported from India.
Another type of embroidery involved the designing of caps called gohfiahs. They were made from cotton and were pierced with thorns from palm trees to allow the women to sew between the holes. This form of embroidery declined in popularity after the country began importing the caps.
Khiyat al madrasa, translated as 'school embroidery', involved stitching furnishings by satin stitching. Prior to the stitching process, a skilled artist would draw a shape onto the fabric. The most common designs were birds and flowers.
The folk music of Qatar finds its roots in sea folk poetry, deeply influenced by the historical significance of pearl fishing. Traditional dances, such as the ardah and tanbura, are performed during festive occasions such as weddings or feasts and are accompanied by percussion instruments like al-ras and mirwas. Other commonly used types of folk instruments include stringed instruments such as the oud and rebaba, and woodwind instruments like the ney and sirttai. Notably, clapping played a major part in most folk music.
Folk music traditions in Qatar are deeply ingrained in social gatherings like the majlis, where songs and dances are commonplace. Various forms of folk music, including sea songs and urban melodies, continue to thrive today as Khaliji (Gulf) music. The Ministry of Culture has made efforts to preserve and document local folk music, alongside efforts to form an active music scene with the establishment of music institutions like the Qatar Music Academy and the Qatar Philharmonic Orchestra.
Songs related to pearl fishing are the most popular genre of male folk music. Each song, varying in rhythm, narrates a different activity of the pearling trip, including spreading the sails, diving, and rowing the ships. Collective singing was an integral part of each pearling trip. Each ship had a designated singer, known locally as al naham. A specific type of sea music, known as fijiri, originated from sea traditions and features group performances accompanied by melodic singing, rhythmic palm-tapping on water jars (known as galahs), and evocative dances that mimic the movements of the sea waves. Qatari women primarily sang work songs associated with daily activities, such as wheat grinding and cooking, in groups. Public performances by women were practiced only on two annual occasions, the first being al-moradah and the second being al-ashori. Classical Qatari melodies share many similarities with their Gulf counterparts, and most of the same instruments are used.
Theatre emerged in Qatar during the mid-20th century, with the establishment of the troupes of the Qatari Theatrical Troupe in 1972 and the Al Sadd Theatrical Troupe in 1973. Notably, The Doha Players, founded in 1954, stands as the oldest English-speaking amateur theatre club in Qatar. By 1986, efforts to support theatrical endeavors culminated in the formation of the first company aimed at aiding troupes and actors in producing plays. Venues for performances include the Qatar National Theater, Katara Drama Theatre, and Al Rayyan Theatre.
Themes explored in Qatari theatre reflect a dynamic interplay between tradition and modernity. While specific topics, such as polygamy, marriage, family issues, and political discord have been subject to societal taboos, they have also served as popular subjects for theatrical examination. Plays like Ommul Zain (1975) by Abdulrahman Al-Mannai have addressed generational conflicts arising from Qatar's rapid development, while others like Ibtisam in the Dock (1985) and Girls Market offer critical perspectives on arranged marriages and societal norms. Furthermore, geopolitical events, such as the blockade imposed on Qatar in 2017, have spurred a surge in politically-themed plays.
Al Jazeera, Qatar's largest television network, was founded in 1996 and has since become the foundation of the media sector. Initially launched as an Arabic news and current affairs satellite TV channel, Al Jazeera has since expanded into a network with several outlets, including the internet and specialty TV channels in multiple languages. The 'Al Jazeera effect' refers to the global impact of the Al Jazeera Media Network, particularly on the politics of the Arab world. beIN Sports, a global network of sports channels, was launched in 2012. It is an affiliate of Al Jazeera Media Network. It currently operates three channels in France – beIN Sport 1, beIN Sport 2 and beIN Sport MAX – and launched two channels in the United States in August 2012.
Qatar is home to seven newspapers, four in Arabic and three in English, along with nine magazines. Radio broadcasting, initiated in June 1968, caters to audiences in English, Arabic, French, and Urdu through the Qatar Radio. In a bid to enhance diversity and accommodate Qatar's multicultural populace, in 2020 the government granted licenses for private radio stations in various languages. These private initiatives, such as "Malayalam," "Snow," "One," and "Olive," catered to specific linguistic communities, such as Malayalam and Hindi.
Cinema in Qatar has witnessed rapid development in recent years, spurred by initiatives outlined in the Qatar National Vision 2030, which emphasizes human and social development and includes a commitment to nurturing artistic talents and promoting Qatar's global presence through the film industry. Sheikha Al Mayassa's founding of the Doha Film Institute (DFI) has been pivotal in providing funding, production services, and educational programs to support local and international filmmakers. Through grants, workshops, and festivals, the DFI has facilitated the growth of the local film community. The Doha Tribeca Film Festival (DTFF) and Ajyal Film Festival are vital events that showcase and celebrate cinematic achievements, providing platforms for regional and local talents to exhibit their work.
As Qatar is a highly arid country, the traditional ways of life were confined either to nomadic pastoralism practiced by the Bedouins of the interior and to fishing and pearling, which was engaged in by the relatively settled coastal dwellers, who are called hadar and who formed the majority of the population. Both fishing and pearling were done mainly using dhows, and the latter activity occasionally employed enslaved people. The pearling season took place from May to September, and the pearls were exported abroad. While pearl trading was a lucrative venture for traders and dealers of pearls, the pearlers would receive scant profits. The central fishing and pearling centers of Qatar throughout its history have been Fuwayrit, Al Huwaila, and Al Bidda.
Pearling is an ancient practice in the Persian Gulf, though it is not known precisely when Arabs began diving for pearls. It has been suggested that the profession dates back to the Dilmun civilization in Bahrain 5,000 years ago, with which the inhabitants of Qatar came into contact at the time. The captain of a pearling craft is called noukhadha and is responsible for the most important tasks of a pearling trip, such as managing interpersonal conflicts between the divers (al-fawwas) and the storage of pearls in the pearling vessel, which is known as al-hairat. The al-muqaddim is responsible for all ship operations while the al-sakuni is the ship's driver.
Historically, the season for pearl harvest was divided into three periods. Hansiyah lasted for 40 days and commenced in mid-April. Ghaus Al Kebir, the primary pearl diving season, lasted from May to 10 September. Lastly, Ruddah occurred from late September to early October. Sambuk, a type of dhow, was traditionally used for pearling trips. From the 18th to 20th centuries, most pearls were exported to Mumbai, where they would be classified and sent to European markets. The remaining yield would be sent to markets in Baghdad. The importance of the pearl in Qatar is exemplified by a quote of Mohammed bin Thani, ruler of Qatar in the late 1800s, who in 1877 said "We are all from the highest to the lowest slaves of one master, Pearl." After the introduction of the cultured pearl and the Great Depression in the 20th century, pearling ceased to be a viable option for many Qataris.
Despite only comprising about one-tenths of the Qatari population, Bedouin Qataris occupy a significant historical role in local culture. Bedouin lifestyle was nomadic and consisted of frequent migration after either a water source had been used up or a grazing site was exhausted. However, in Qatar, most Bedouins would only wander during the winter, as it was too hot to do so during the summer; thus, Qatar was mainly a winter grazing ground for Bedouins from the eastern region of the Arabian Peninsula. Goats and camels were the main livelihoods of Bedouins, with products from the former being used in trade and for sustenance and camels being used as a means of transportation and a source of milk. Every tribe would have its own region, called dirah in Arabic, but if the resources in their dirah had become depleted, the tribe would be forced to migrate to another tribe's dirah, potentially provoking conflicts.
In the winter when tribes wandered through Qatar, It was unusual for a tribe to remain at one location for a period exceeding ten days. Generally, the average daily distance traveled by Bedouins was not very long to preserve energy and resources. However, the traveling speed would be significantly hastened in inclement weather or far-away distances between one pastureland and another. By and large, it was easier for Bedouin tribes to thrive during the winter months, so long as the rains arrived and there was no in-fighting. Women were responsible for making clothing, taking care of children, and preparing food, one popular dish being leben, which comprises fermented milk. Conversely, men would frequently go hunting with hawks and dogs during the winter months.
Leaders of Bedouin tribes, known as sheikhs, often gained their positions by proving themselves generous and competent rulers. They were expected to provide charity to the poorer members of the tribe should the need arise. The sheikh's wife was expected to help solve complaints brought to her by the female members of the tribe. Bedouins often lived very modestly, lacking a consistent source of income. Nonetheless, due to the cooperation and charity between tribe members, it was rare that one would go hungry except during exceptionally long droughts. Bedouins of all classes had a reputation for being very hospitable towards guests. After the discovery of oil in Qatar, most Qataris moved to urban areas, and the Bedouin way of life gradually disappeared. Only a few tribes in Qatar continue this lifestyle.
Tents (known in Arabic as khaïma) were the primary dwellings of Bedouins and are still used present-day in the desert. In northern Qatar, the tents displayed a remarkable uniformity in appearance and structure, as well as in their furnishing and use. All sides of the tent were enclosed, ensuring complete privacy within. The tent's interior comprised distinct sections delineated by woven walls or carpets. During the day, these divisions could be rolled up to create a unified space, swiftly reconfigured when necessary. The sections included quarters for unmarried adult men, designated guest areas, and spaces for children and young animals. Furnishings were modest, typically consisting of beddings, seating mats, and essential utensils. Notably, the central hearth served as a focal point for social gatherings and culinary activities, with water and refreshments readily available.
Women predominantly managed domestic affairs within the tent, including cooking, dairy processing, and crafts such as weaving and sewing. The presence of animals within the tent, particularly during nighttime, led to the inevitable accumulation of waste, a common observation in these settings. Remarkably, despite the close relationship with livestock, dogs were notably absent from these camps.
In contrast, camps in southern Qatar, typically comprising two to seven tents, were organized around kinship groups and facilitated seasonal migrations for grazing and resource access. The tents, while similar in appearance to those in the north, served as fully functional nomadic dwellings. Fellowship in these Bedouin groups centered around shared labor and communal activities, with a collective emphasis on safeguarding and managing resources, particularly camels.
Bedouins have traditionally been reliant on the rearing and grazing of livestock. In the north, despite the tribes leading more sedentary lives, comprehensive livestock inventories could be found, comprising camels, sheep, goats, a few cows, and donkeys for transportation. Poultry, and occasionally pigeons, were also present. Unlike typical nomadic cultures, Bedouins in Qatar did not utilize dogs for camp guarding, relying instead on salukis for hunting purposes. Camps consisted of 2-6 tents, with livestock keeping influencing their size and cooperative arrangements; a typical tent looking after 30 to 40 animals. Livestock care, primarily the responsibility of men, included tasks such as marking, castration, and slaughtering. Women managed milking and dairy production. Donkeys played a crucial role in transportation and camp activities, while camels were less prominent in the north, primarily housed by select families.
Compared to their northern counterparts, Bedouins in southern Qatar exhibited a more traditional lifestyle, with camels occupying a central role. The Al Murrah tribe, dedicated almost exclusively to camel husbandry, exemplified this tradition. While some groups kept sheep and goats for supplementary purposes, camel herding remained central.
Camels hold a central position in the lives of desert nomads, particularly among Bedouin tribes. They serve as vital assets for transportation, as well as sources of milk, meat, and various materials. Men primarily oversee breeding and daily care, including tasks like mating, castration, and branding for ownership identification. Women and children also played integral roles in camel care, particularly during migration periods, where they were responsible for loading pack animals and riding camels. Milking is a crucial activity, necessitating using udder covers to regulate foal suckling. Training of camels for riding and packing begins at an early age, with specialized saddles employed for different purposes. Equipment for camels includes reins, hobbles, camel sticks for control, and branding irons for marking.
Hunting is a prominent Bedouin tradition. While wild game was once abundant in Qatar, it had become scarce by the 20th century, with historical accounts recalling hunting with flintlock guns. Bedouins in both the North and South possessed firearms, including rifles and shotguns, but their use for hunting had diminished due to the scarcity of game. In southern Qatar, however, hunting remained more prevalent, with Bedouins equipped with shotguns, rifles, and even falcons, particularly wakris.
Falconry was a common pursuit, with falcons trained meticulously for hunting expeditions. Falcons were trained to prey upon hares and other small game, a practice conducted with care and dedication by the falconer. While hunting was esteemed, the scarcity of game meant that falcons were often given priority in obtaining catch. Traps were set for small animals, and falcons were trained to retrieve prey. Hunting hounds, known as Salukis, were also occasionally used for hunting to a lesser extent.
In contrast to hunting, collecting activities remained significant, particularly during the truffle season in early spring. Locusts, traditionally valued as food, were gathered during invasions, and natural resources like sea salt were collected from coastal cliffs. Firewood and shrubs were gathered for fuel, though the advent of paraffin stoves reduced the importance of this activity. Collecting extended to salvaging flotsam along the seashores, with timber and planks sought after for various purposes. Additionally, discarded materials from the oil industry and urban areas were systematically collected.
Qatari cuisine reflects traditional Arab and Levantine cuisine. It is also heavily influenced by Iranian and Indian cuisine. Seafood and dates are staple food items. As Qatar follows Shariah religious law, alcohol, and pork products cannot be brought into the country. Being invited to dine in a Qatari home is considered a special honor, reflecting the cultural value placed on hospitality. One notable aspect of Arab society is the host's generosity, who typically prepares food in quantities much larger than necessary, ensuring that guests are abundantly provided for. Traditional meals are usually served with guests seated on the floor, partaking of the food with their hands.
Before the meal commences, it is customary to serve coffee or tea. Arabic coffee, brewed in brass coffee pots infused with cardamom, offers a distinctive aroma and flavor. Served in small porcelain cups, guests often consume three to five cups, signaling their satisfaction by gently shaking the cup when they have had their fill. Hot tea, typically flavored with mint and sweetened with sugar, may also be served in small glass mugs.
The national dish of Qatar is machbous (also known as kabsa), which consists of rice cooked with Arabic spices and served with chicken, lamb, or fish. Machbous is mainly served with lamb during important celebrations and any type of gathering to show generosity. Other important dishes include mathruba, which is rice beaten with cardamom, milk, butter, and any choice of meat, until it turns into porridge form; thareed, consists of bread soaked in vegetable, spices, and chicken/lamb stew; harees, which is meat beaten with boiled ground wheat, until it turns into porridge form; and balaleet, a sweet and savory dish usually eaten for breakfast or as a dessert, which includes vermicelli cooked with sugar, rose water, cardamom, and saffron, and topped with omelet eggs.
Clothing laws punish and forbid wearing revealing or indecent clothes. A government body enforces the dressing-code law called "Al-Adheed". In 2012, a Qatari NGO organized a campaign of "public decency" after they deemed the government to be too lax in monitoring the wearing of revealing clothes, defining the latter as "not covering shoulders and knees, tight or transparent clothes". The campaign targets foreigners who constitute the majority of Qatar's population.
Qatari men wear thawbs (a long white shirt) over loose pants. Aside from protecting the wearer against the dangers of the sun, it also serves as a symbol of affiliation. In previous decades, different types of thawbs were used depending on the occasion, though this is seldom the case in present-day. For instance, the thawb al-nashal is considered the grandest and most ornamental type and was used for celebrations such as weddings, birthdays, and family gatherings. Long strips embroidered with beads run down the length of the thawb. It is usually black but can come in colors such as blue and red. They also wear a loose headdress, a ghutra, which comes in white or red. Around the ghutra is a black rope called agal, which holds it in place.
Qatari women generally wear customary dresses that include “long black robes” and black head cover hijab, locally called bo'shiya. However, the more traditional Sunni Muslim clothing for women are the black colored body covering known as the abayah together with the black scarf used for covering their heads known as the shayla. A burqa is sometimes worn to conceal their face. It is thought that Qatari women began using face masks in the 19th century amid substantial immigration. As they had no practical ways of concealing their faces from foreigners, they began wearing the same face mask as their Persian counterparts. Before the age of marriage, girls wear a bukhnoq, an embroidered cloth covering the hair and the upper section of the body. The sleeves are typically designed with local motifs and landscapes.
In Qatar's culture, honoring one's elders is regarded as an essential virtue. The Bedouin and Hadar (settled) communities were known for their challenging lifestyles, requiring every member of the household to serve a vital role. In the Bedouin lifestyle, the patriarch would embark on hunting expeditions and engage in trade to ensure his family's well-being. Meanwhile, the women would remain in the camp to tend to the livestock, weave al sadu, care for the children, and prepare meals. Similarly, the men would undertake long pearling voyages in Hadar communities, leaving the mothers responsible for the household and community. In these communities, each member fulfilled specific duties to ensure the smooth functioning of the household.
Qatar has been described as a rentier state that has allocated a significant portion of its wealth from hydrocarbon exports towards the social welfare of its citizens, in a sense, "buying their loyalty". Such programs are seen by the House of Thani as being integral to maintaining their legitimacy.
Initially, the distribution of wealth in the rentier state model was exclusive, with only a select few involved in its creation and allocation, while the majority benefited as recipients. Despite the perception of every Qatari holding a "winning lottery ticket," the reality was that hydrocarbon revenues were controlled by the state and channeled to citizens through specific mechanisms. During Qatar's early years of oil wealth, infrastructure and social services evolved slowly alongside hydrocarbon development. Initial efforts targeted basic needs like electricity, water, healthcare, and education, albeit with a significant portion of oil revenues redirected to the ruler's personal treasury. However, protests during Sheikh Ahmad bin Ali Al Thani's rule led to a more equitable distribution of oil revenues, known as the "quarter rule". His successor, Emir Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani, furthered this trend, significantly increasing social aid, housing benefits, and salary increments.
In addition to providing essential services like healthcare, education, and housing—all at no cost to citizens—there are no taxes and an abundance of state benefits, including land grants, interest-free loans, scholarships for students studying abroad, and guaranteed civil service jobs. As a result of these various benefits, some Western analysts have described Qatari citizens as "too rich to care" about disrupting the political system or questioning the legitimacy of its ruler. Despite these outward appearances of prosperity and contentment, recent surveys reveal that some of the Qatari population is dissatisfied with state benefits. While services like healthcare and education enjoy relatively high levels of support, other aspects, such as retirement benefits, receive notably less endorsement. Benefits and privileges afforded can vary depending on the social standing of a family.
Qatar's population has been historically diverse due to its role as a trading center, a refuge for nomadic tribes, and a hub for the pearling industry. Ethnic groups and the differences among them are considered sensitive topics in Qatari society and are rarely discussed in official contexts.
Bedouins, though constituting approximately 10 percent of the population, hold an outsized role in local culture. Many Qataris descend from tribes that migrated from Najd and Al-Hasa in the 18th century. Commonly called the bedu, they maintain ties, homes, and even passports in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. In the early 20th century, bedu migrated from the Arabian interior, with some traveling intermittently between Qatar and Bahrain. During the mid-20th century economic boom, many found work in the oil industry, police, army, and security services. The government settled Bedu families in the 1960s, discouraging the nomadic lifestyle. Today, many live in urban areas but return to the desert to stay connected to their roots. Many Bedu see themselves as noble and "pure" Arabs, often looking down on the settled population (hadar) as influenced by urban and Persian elements. Intermarriage between these groups is rare.
The hadar, a diverse group of settled Qatari citizens, includes Baharna, Huwala, Ajam (Iranians), and Afro-Arabs. Baharna Arabs, a group native to Qatar and often practicing Shia Muslims, sometimes face discrimination from the Sunni majority. Huwala Arabs, who are Sunni Muslims, migrated through the Persian Gulf to Persia and back to Qatar. Historically wealthier and better educated due to trade and pearling, their advantage has diminished as education became more accessible. The Ajam, ethnic Shia Persians, were active in boat building and still speak Farsi. Qatar’s Afro-Arab population descends from slaves brought from East Africa for the pearling industry. While some Arabs may view this group as "less" Qatari, most consider them full citizens. Despite occasional tensions, these groups are well integrated into Qatari society. Intermarriage is increasing, and Persian and African influences are evident in local culture.
Foreigners constitute 85% to 90% of Qatar's population of 2.7 million, with migrant workers making up approximately 95% of the workforce. South Asia and Southeast Asia are the primary regions which migrants come from. Societal divisions exist depending on the origin of the foreigner, with Europeans, North Americans, and Arabs typically securing better job opportunities and social privileges than sub-Saharan Africans and South Asians. Socialization between foreigners and Qataris is limited due to language barriers and different religious and cultural customs.
The human rights of migrant workers is limited by the country's Kafala system, which stipulates their requirement of a Qatari sponsor and regulates their entry and exit. Prospective migrant workers from origin countries sometimes face exorbitant recruitment fees, surpassing government-set limits, paid to licensed and unlicensed recruitment entities. These charges, ranging from $600 to $5,000, often force workers into debt and compel them to sell family assets. Government-to-government agreements have emerged in recent years to mitigate opaque recruitment practices and worker exploitation. Many companies in Qatar skirt local laws, resulting in workers facing delayed or non-payment of wages. While some employers deposit wages into bank accounts, most workers are paid in cash without detailed pay slips, hindering evidence of payment and complicating remittances. Additionally, the confiscation of passports by employers is a common practice in Qatar which limits the workers' freedom of movement and exposes them to potential exploitation.
Arabic is the official language of Qatar according to Article 1 of the Constitution. Arabic in Qatar not only serves as a symbol of national identity but is also the medium of official communication, legislation, and education. The government has instituted policies to reinforce the use of Arabic, including the Arabic Language Protection Law enacted in 2019, which mandates the use of Arabic in governmental and public functions and penalizes non-compliance. Arabic speakers constitute a minority of the 2.8 million population, at around 11%.
Qatari Arabic, a dialect of Gulf Arabic, is the primary dialect spoken. As the prestige dialect within the nation, Qatari Arabic not only functions in everyday communication but also plays a significant role in maintaining cultural identity and social cohesion among the Qatari people. The vocabulary of Qatari Arabic incorporates a plethora of loanwords from Aramaic, Persian, Turkish, and more recently, English. Phonetically, it conserves many classical Arabic features such as emphatic consonants and interdental sounds, which distinguish it from other Arabic dialects that have simplified these elements. Syntactically, Qatari Arabic exhibits structures that align with other Gulf dialects but with unique adaptations, such as specific verb forms and negation patterns. Due to the status of English as the prestige lingua franca in Qatar, bilingual locals have incorporated elements of English into Qatari Arabic when communicating on an informal level. This mixture of English terms and phrases in Qatari Arabic speech is colloquially known as Qatarese. The practice of interchanging English and Arabic words is known as code-switching and is mostly seen in urban areas and among the younger generation.
English is the de facto second language of Qatar, and is very commonly used in business. Because of Qatar's varied ethnic landscape, English has been recognized as the most convenient medium for people of different backgrounds to communicate with each other. Qatar's linguistic diversity is significantly shaped by its large expatriate population from South Asia and Southeast Asia. The most common Asian languages among migrants are Hindi, Urdu, Tagalog, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam. Hindi and Malayalam are particularly prevalent, with large communities of speakers from India.
The state religion in Qatar is Islam. Most Qataris belong to the Sunni sect of Islam. Shiites comprise around 10% of Qatar's Muslim population. Religious policy is set by the Ministry of Islamic Affairs. Islamic instruction is compulsory for Muslims in all state-sponsored schools. According to tradition, the inhabitants of Qatar converted to Islam in 628. Prior to this, Qatar was part of a region with a largely Christian presence known as Beth Qaṭraye.
The community is made up of Sunni and Shi’a Muslims, Christians, Hindus, and small groups of Buddhists and Baha’is. Muslims form 65.5% of the Qatari population, followed by Christians at 15.4%, Hindus at 14.2%, Buddhists at 3.3% and the rest 1.9% of the population follow other religions or are unaffiliated. Qatar is also home to numerous other religions mainly from the Middle East and Asia.
At the end of 2013, there were a total of 1,848 mosques recorded in the country. The country's state mosque is Imam Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab Mosque, which was named in honor of the Salafi Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab of the Najd. Other important mosques are the Katara Mosque, the Education City Mosque, and the Fanar, Qatar Islamic Cultural Center.
A distinctive social tradition among the Persian Gulf people involves communal gatherings at what is known as a majlis, where friends and neighbors convene to discuss matters of mutual interest over cups of Arabic coffee. These gatherings occasionally serve as platforms for various forms of folk arts. In the past, the "dour", or spacious rooms designated for these gatherings, hosted seafarers, dhow captains (noukhadha), and enthusiasts of folk arts between pearl fishing seasons. Here, they engaged in al-samra, evenings of song and dance, celebrated during weddings and other occasions for entertainment.
The majlis also functions as a forum for social interaction, discussion, and conflict resolution, with a particular emphasis on the wisdom and authority of elder members. It serves as a welcoming venue for guests and facilitates social ties. Moreover, the majlis serves an educational function, providing a platform for imparting moral values, etiquette, and life experiences to younger members.
In addition to its social and educational roles, the majlis serves as a form of media, disseminating news, Islamic culture, and literary works through oral storytelling, poetry recitations, and readings of religious texts. It upholds moral standards and etiquette, emphasizing respect for elders, guest hospitality, and proper conduct during gatherings. The customs and conventions in the majlis reflect a broader folk culture characterized by harmony and communal agreement.
The majlis remains a vital component of Qatari society. On 4 December 2015, the majlis was inscribed on UNESCO’s List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in a joint file involving the participation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Sultanate of Oman, and Qatar.
Similarly to many other Arabic countries, dates hold significant cultural and culinary importance as the national fruit of Qatar. Dates are widely cultivated in Qatar, with production exceeding 30,000 tonnes annually as of 2022, resulting in an 88% self-sufficiency in dates. This cultivation tradition dates back thousands of years and is deeply ingrained in the region's agricultural heritage. The Qatari national emblem features two date palms alongside a traditional dhow, symbolizing the country's relationship with this fruit. Beyond their cultural significance, dates play a vital role in Islamic tradition, particularly during Ramadan.
They are celebrated annually during festivals, such as the annual Local Dates Festival held in Souq Waqif, which provides a platform for local farmers to showcase their harvests and date-based products, contributing to the promotion of local agriculture. They are commonly offered as a symbol of hospitality in traditional Qatari gatherings, alongside Arabic coffee. Coffee, deeply entrenched in Qatari culture, reflects centuries of tradition and globalization. Originating from either Ethiopia or Yemen and later popularized in the Arab world, Arabic coffee, or gahwa, is among the most popular beverages in Qatar and is served in a coffee pot known as a dallah. The preparation and consumption of Arabic coffee are steeped in rituals, with the brewing process and serving customs passed down through generations. In Qatari households, the making of Arabic coffee is considered a serious affair, often involving the use of high-quality green coffee beans, saffron, cardamom, cloves, and other traditional ingredients. These ingredients are carefully selected and sometimes ground by hand, reflecting the meticulous attention to detail in crafting the perfect cup of gahwa.
In modern Qatari society, the tradition of Arabic coffee remains vibrant, with majlises serving as contemporary hubs for socializing and discussion, reminiscent of historical coffeehouses. While traditional Arabic coffee remains paramount in Qatari culture, younger generations have embraced a diverse coffee culture, leading to the proliferation of specialty coffee shops in Doha. These establishments offer a range of innovative brews and blends, catering to a diverse array of tastes and preferences.
Oud, commonly dubbed as 'liquid gold,' originates from a scarce dark resin extracted from the agar (Aquilaria) tree, native to Southeast Asia. This prized substance, cherished for centuries throughout the Middle East and Asia, has gained widespread appeal globally, particularly enriching numerous Middle Eastern perfumes with its unique woody scent. Throughout the region, oud manifests in various forms, including wooden incense blocks, body oils, and perfumes, becoming an integral part of Arab households and ceremonial occasions.
In Qatar and its surrounding regions, incense, known as bukhoor, bears profound cultural significance. Fashioned from fragrant woods, it is ceremonially ignited within a specialized vessel called a mabkhara, emitting a lavish smoke that fills the home and imbues clothing with its aromatic essence. Moreover, as a gesture of hospitality, guests are often encouraged to participate in the tradition of enveloping themselves in the fragrant smoke.
Folk beliefs in Qatar encompass the various practices rooted in religious and superstitious traditions. Religious beliefs often revolve around rituals and interpretations aimed at averting perceived dangers or invoking divine protection. For instance, the occurrence of an object breaking was interpreted as the removal of evil, while hearing the call to prayer ahead of schedule prompted concerns of impending danger, leading individuals to seek shelter and perform additional prayers. Passing in front of someone engaged in prayer was deemed disrespectful and believed to disrupt the connection between the individual and their deity.
Superstitions permeate various aspects of Qatar's cultural beliefs, with practices aimed at warding off perceived harm or misfortune. Among these, funeral prayers were often recited for individuals believed to harbor envy, accompanied by actions like discreetly sprinkling salt behind their backs to counteract their negative influence. The superstition surrounding open scissors warned of potential discord among family members, prompting swift closure of the shears. Similarly, sleeping on one's back was feared to invite nightmares, attributed to the shaitan's (devil) presence during sleep. Cautionary tales advised against gazing directly at lightning to prevent blindness, while the arrangement of shoes in a reversed position was avoided due to its perceived disrespect towards Allah. Other taboos included sweeping floors at night, as this would disturb potential djinn residing in homes, and biting one's tongue during meals, as this was interpreted as an ominous sign of impending bad luck. Health-related beliefs were intertwined with practices to maintain well-being and ward off illnesses. Traditional remedies included consuming specific foods like senna blends or crab meat and shrimp soup, which were believed to cure various ailments.
Qatar's weekends are Friday and Saturday. In 2009, Cabinet Decision No. 33 was passed by the Emir, decreeing the first Sunday in March as an official holiday for all financial institutions in Qatar.
Ramadan, the ninth and most revered month of the Islamic calendar, holds profound significance for Muslims worldwide. This period is characterized by the obligatory observation of fasting (sawm), wherein adherents abstain from consuming food and beverages from dawn until dusk. In Qatar, the commencement and culmination of Ramadan are determined by the Moon Sighting Committee within the Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs. This committee observes the crescent moon, signaling both the conclusion of Ramadan and the onset of Eid al-Fitr, the festival of breaking the fast. The cyclic nature of the lunar Islamic calendar, with months alternating between 29 and 30 days in length, shifts its start date approximately ten days earlier each year.
Preceding the commencement of fasting, Qataris engage in preparatory rituals and communal gatherings, exemplified by the observance of Sha'ban, the month prior to Ramadan, with al naflah festivities. Families share traditional meals such as harees and tharid with neighbors and the less fortunate. During Ramadan, Qatar's cities are adorned with festive decorations and host several pre-fasting celebrations. Hotels, restaurants, and cultural venues hold special events and offer promotions.
The daily fast commences at sunrise, following the consumption of suhur, the pre-dawn meal designed to sustain individuals throughout the day. In the past, al-musaharati roamed the farjan (neighborhoods) during Ramadan, beating his drum and reciting poetry to wake people up for suhur. Iftar is the meal marking the fast's conclusion at sunset and typically begins with the consumption of dates. This is accompanied by the traditional firing of a Ramadan cannon, a practice steeped in historical significance. This tradition, continuing to this day in Qatar, is broadcast live on national television and can be observed at various locations such as Souq Waqif, Katara Cultural Village and Imam Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab Mosque. In the hours following iftar, the city bustles with activity as businesses and cultural venues reopen after daytime closures. Tarawih prayers are held in mosques following the evening prayer (Isha) to complete the recitation of the Qur'an by the conclusion of Ramadan.
Al Ghabqa is a feast that takes place at night during Ramadan following iftar and tarawih prayers. The feast features a variety of dishes, notably grilled and fried fish, rice cooked with date extract, and tharid—a meal combining crumbled bread, meat, and broth. The feat also includes an assortment of sweets such as luqaimat and asida, alongside dates, tea, and Arabic coffee.
Garangao is a traditional celebration observed on the 15th night of Ramadan, marking its midpoint. The name of the festival is derived from the Arabic word "garqaa," signifying a rattling or shaking motion. Celebrated throughout the Middle East, Garangao holds cultural and historical significance in the region. On Garangao night, children don colorful traditional attire and visit homes in their neighborhoods, singing traditional songs and receiving sweets and gifts from residents. This exchange symbolizes the spirit of generosity central to the holy month of Ramadan. The festival is characterized by children singing unique songs that bless the youngest family members' health and prosperity. In contemporary times, Garangao has evolved into a larger-scale celebration, with public events organized in shopping malls, mosques, and cultural organizations.
Eid festivities in Qatar take place during significant dates in the Islamic lunar calendar. The two key holidays are Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha. Eid al-Fitr, which means the "festivity of breaking the fast", takes place on the first day of the tenth month post-Ramadan. This event denotes the conclusion of fasting and promotes philanthropy, with Qatari households graciously donating to various causes. This nationwide holiday witnesses day-time closures of educational institutions, offices, and commercial establishments. Lively exhibitions and participatory happenings take place at shopping centers and public arenas. Applying henna is customary for Qatari women during Eid al-Fitr. The inaugural Eid Al-Fitr Festival, organized by Qatar Tourism, was launched on 4 May 2022 and lasted for three days. Celebrations were held on the Doha Corniche featuring performances from Qatari and Arab musicians. It is estimated that about 10,000 to 15,000 spectators attended the festivities each day.
Eid al-Adha, known as the "celebration of sacrifice", aligns with the conclusion of Hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca. This solemn event, observed on the tenth day of Dhu al-Hijja, commemorates the narrative of Prophet Ibrahim's sacrificial act. Families convene for prayers and feasts, echoing the essence of unity and devotion portrayed in the Quranic narrative. Traditional customs entail the dispensation of meat from sacrificial beasts to kinfolk and the underprivileged.
Throughout Eid festivities, children eagerly traverse neighborhoods, exuberantly exchanging greetings and collecting their "Eidiyah" – a customary monetary gift. This treasured practice heightens the festive ambiance as youngsters recite folk songs and phrases while going door to door. Eid salutations like "Eid Mubarak" and "Eid Saeed" impart blessings and joy, while "Kul 'am wa enta bi-khair" extends wishes for robust health and prosperity.
Qatar National Day, also known as Founders Day, celebrates the day that Jassim bin Mohammed Al Thani succeeded his father, Mohammed bin Thani as ruler of the Qatari Peninsula, and unified the tribes. He also earned a considerable degree of autonomy for the peninsula's tribes. In 2008, the date of the Qatar National Day was changed from 3 September to 18 December, to reflect the exact date of succession. In anticipation of National Day, Qataris adorn their vehicles and homes with national symbols. Various activities and events mark the day. The National Day's significance is further emphasized through annual slogans derived from the poems of Sheikh Jassim.
Celebrations culminate in a grand parade along the Corniche, featuring military displays, cultural performances, and aerial shows. Daytime fireworks and evening displays illuminate the sky, accompanied by Qatari heritage music. Additional festivities, including classic car displays and children's activities, take place on the Doha Corniche, Souq Waqif and Katara Cultural Village.
In the days preceding Qatar National Day, the Darb Al Saai festival, organized by Qatar's Ministry of Culture, is held. The name translates to "route of the messenger" in Arabic, and is related to the path taken by Sheikh Jassim Al Thani's messengers relaying his directives. Activities include the ceremonial flag-raising at Flag Square, accompanied by military performances and displays, including horse and camel-mounted contingents, and local musicians' live performances of sea music. The event also features exhibitions that delve into Qatar's past ways of life, traditional crafts, and folklore. Workshops offer hands-on experiences in wool weaving, tent fabric-making, bird photography, and creative activities for all ages. Educational workshops are also offered for both children and adults, such as Al Shaqab's seminar on Arabian horses at the 2023 edition, and the Ministry of Culture's workshops on falconry and camel riding.
Qatar's National Sports Day, observed every second Tuesday of February, features a variety of activities promoting fitness and well-being. With the inaugural edition taking place in 2012, this event promotes sports on a local level and advocates for a healthier lifestyle among residents and visitors alike. It stands as a recognized national holiday in Qatar.
The establishment of Qatar's Sports Day distinguishes the country as one of the few to allocate a day solely dedicated to sports. The closure of educational facilities, offices, and commercial establishments on this occasion fosters widespread participation in physical endeavors. Various events catering to individuals of all ages and abilities take place at venues such as Education City, Aspire Park, and the Doha Corniche. In collaboration with the Qatar Olympic Committee and the Ministry of Sports and Youth, the day features an array of activities, including races, yoga, golf, team sports, and educational workshops, complemented by appearances from renowned sports personalities.
Haya Baya is a historical tradition that is practiced by girls aged 8 to 12 years old on the Day of Arafah, the ninth day of Dhu al-Hijja in the Islamic calendar, which precedes Eid al-Adha. It is named after Dracaena trifasciata, commonly known as the snake plant in English and haya baya in Qatar, alternatively spelled hia bia. In Bedouin society, while young boys were traditionally engaged in manual labor and slaughtering animals in the months leading up to Eid al-Adha, such work was not expected of young girls; thus, they used their time to take care of and nurture plants, particularly the snake plant, but could also include grains like wheat and barley. These plants would be grown in small wicker baskets made of palm fronds. These baskets were nurtured and grown for about eight days or more, starting from the first day of Dhu al-Hijja. They would then be tossed into the sea at sunset on the Day of Arafah, symbolizing the larger sacrifices associated with Eid al-Adha.
During this ceremonial sacrifice, the girls dress in traditional attire, such as the al bakhnaq embroidered with zari thread, and perform songs specific to the occasion, such as praying to God to make their Eid joyous and for the safe return of pilgrims from Hajj. This historically provided an alternative form of participation in the festive aspects of Eid al-Adha for girls. The practice continues to be promoted and practiced by cultural institutions.
In Qatari traditional society, the arrangements for a wedding involve meticulous attention to detail, particularly from the bride's family. Historically, invitations to the wedding were commonplace in urban areas, ensuring the participation of distant relatives and neighbors. However, in Bedouin communities, everyone was inherently involved in the preparations, obviating the need for formal invitations. Over time, the tradition of sending invitations has become more prevalent, even among close neighbors, with modern tools such as phones and printed letters supplanting traditional methods.
A significant component of Qatari wedding preparations is the creation of the khella, a specially prepared room where the bride and groom spend their first night together. Khella preparation involves meticulous cleaning, furnishing, and decoration, symbolizing the family's status and wealth. Affluent families procure elaborate supplies such as mirrors and ornate fabrics, while others rely on borrowing from neighbors. The khella remains closed until the wedding night, when it is ceremonially opened and perfumed, marking the beginning of marital life for the newlyweds.
Central to Qatari bridal traditions are the elaborate embellishment rituals, particularly the application of henna. Traditionally, women within the family undertook the task of henna preparation and application, using natural ingredients. However, the modernization of Qatari society has led to the emergence of professional henna artists and specialized salons, offering intricate designs and tattoo patterns. Bridal henna celebrations, once confined to intimate family gatherings, now encompass vibrant rituals, including festive banquets and jalwa ceremonies, where the bride, garmented in green, watches as female participants sing.
Football is the most popular sport in regards to registered player base. Additionally, athletics, basketball, handball, volleyball, camel racing, horse racing, falconry, cricket and swimming are widely practiced. There are currently 11 multi-sports clubs in the country, and 7 single-sports clubs. Qatar hosted the AFC Asian Cup in 1988, 2011 and 2023. They won the competition for the first time in the 2019 edition, after defeating Japan 3–1 in the final. Qatar would successfully retain their title on home soil, following a 3–1 victory against Jordan in the 2023 final held in Lusail. Qatar hosted the 2022 FIFA World Cup and is the first Arab nation to have done so.
Aside from football, handball and basketball are the next two popular team sports. Handball was introduced to the country in 1968; however, Qatar did not join the International Handball Federation until the 1970s. The Qatar men's national handball team qualified for the IHF World Men's Handball Championship on four occasions, and automatically qualified for a fifth as host. Qatar came runners-up to France in the 2015 World Handball Championship held on home soil, however the tournament was marred by various controversies. Qatar has won the Asian Men's Handball Championship title four times in a row in 2014, 2016, 2018 and 2020. In April 2023, FIBA announced that Qatar will host the upcoming 2027 FIBA Basketball World Cup. This will make Qatar the first in the Arab world to host the FIBA Basketball World Cup and the second Muslim country to host after the 2010 edition in Turkey. The 2027 FIBA Basketball World Cup will be the 20th tournament of the FIBA Basketball World Cup for men's national basketball teams.
The tradition of hunting for game in the desert uses mainly falcons. However, Saluki dogs are also used for hunting in the desert primarily because of their great speeds. Their main prey in the desert are gazelles and rabbits.
Falconry, an ancient practice deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of the Arabian Peninsula, has been a popular practice for centuries. Originating as more than a mere pastime, falconry has emerged as a revered art form of sorts. As the sport proliferated, so too did the demand for hunting falcons, leading to a surge in their market value. On average, a falcon can go for anywhere from $4,000 to $10,000; a price of $250,000 was even recorded at an auction in 2022. Given the substantial financial investment required, falconry remains a pursuit primarily reserved for those of financial means. The only falconry association is Al Gannas, which was founded in 2008 in the Katara Cultural Village and which hosts the Annual Falconry Festival, otherwise known as S’hail.
The art of falconry demands a genuine passion for the hunt and a profound understanding of both prey and predator. A successful falconer must possess keen observational skills, discerning the subtle intricacies of avian anatomy and behavior. Additionally, falconry necessitated robust vehicles and adept drivers capable of navigating the rugged terrain of the desert. Falconers traverse great distances in search of game, with the vast plains of Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Pakistan being popular choices. Hunting season extends from October to April. The most popular venue for falconry in Qatar is the Falcon Souq at Souq Waqif in Doha. Among the activities that take place here are auctions for expensive birds, the process of taming, and veterinary care for falcons, which is provided at the state-of-the-art Souq Waqif Falcon Hospital.
Camel racing holds significant cultural value in Qatar, preserving a connection to the region's historical reliance on camels as a primary mode of transportation. Camel racing is also an age-old tradition among the Bedouin tribes of Qatar and would be performed on special occasions such as weddings. Despite Qatar's rapid modernization and urbanization, both Qataris and the people of the broader Gulf region remain deeply attached to this traditional sport. The Camel Racing Organizing Committee (Hejan) has spearheaded initiatives to enhance the infrastructure and competitiveness of camel racing in Qatar. Notably, the Al-Shahaniya Arena has emerged as a premier venue for camel racing in the Gulf region, equipped with state-of-the-art facilities and illuminated tracks for nighttime races. Additionally, with advancements in registration systems, such as electronic services for camel owners, modern technologies have been introduced while preserving traditional sporting practices.
The historical evolution of camel racing in Qatar dates back to 1973 when the first camel race was organized in western Qatar. Subsequent developments saw the establishment of racetracks like Al Rayyan Square and Libraqa Square, which hosted races until the late 1980s. The modern Al Shahaniya racetrack was inaugurated in 1990, offering varying race distances and comprehensive facilities to accommodate participants and spectators alike. Qatar uses two distinct types of camels for racing: the Qatari (Omani) camels, known for their robust build and endurance, and the Sudanese camels, prized for their nimbleness and speed. Typically, camel racing season takes place from September to March. Approximately 22,000 racing camels are used in competitions, mainly held at the Al-Shahaniya Camel Racetrack and attended by thousands of spectators. The average distance of such races is usually 4 to 8 km depending on the conditions of the camels being raced.
Over the years, prestigious annual festivals, such as the "Grand Annual Festival," have been introduced to celebrate the sport's heritage and showcase the finest camels from Qatar and neighboring Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. In addition to governmental support, technological innovations have played a pivotal role in advancing camel racing in Qatar. The introduction of robot jockeys in 2005 marked a significant milestone, enhancing safety and efficiency during races.
Prior to the introduction of football, children played traditional games, including al dahroi, al sabbah, and taq taq taqiyyah for boys, and al kunatb, al laqfah and nat al habl for girls. Variations of a family of board games known as mancala were played in previous decades. Two of the most popular board games were a’ailah and al haluwsah. Damah, a variant of checkers, has had a resurgence in popularity in recent years.
Folk games form an important part of Qatar's cultural fabric. Depending on the location, a game could be a sea game or an urban game; furthermore, most games were gender exclusive. Typically, boys' games would be more physical. One such game was called tnumba, in which two teams would attempt to redirect an airborne ball toward the others' hand-dug pit, which served as a goal. Another similar game was called matoua and involved taking turns using a makeshift tennis racket to keep a ball suspended in the air, the winner being who can keep it in the air for the longest time. Farrarah was the name used for a gyroscope, which boys would often compete with each other over the length of time they could keep it spinning for. All of these are categorized as urban games. An example of a sea game, which was less common, was releasing hand-made miniature boats into the water and racing them to a prespecified landmark. The game relied mostly on luck and wind conditions.
Shakaha was a popular girls' game. It involved two girls prone on the ground, oriented towards each other, with a third girl attempting to pass by jumping over them. As the game progressed, the girls on the ground would become increasingly outstretched, making it more difficult for the third girl to pass. One game shared by both boys and girls was called zlalwah, and involved the person whose turn it is throwing a stone at the shadow of one of the participants, with the game ending once the targeted person chases and catches one of the others.