2022 proposed Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile

The proposed Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile was a Constitutional draft written by the Constitutional Convention of Chile between 4 July 2021 and 4 July 2022. An early draft was made available on 14 May 2022. The final proposal was made available on 4 July 2022.
A national plebiscite was held on 4 September 2022 to determine whether the public agreed with the proposed Constitution. It was rejected by a margin of 62% to 38%.
The proposal sought to replace the 1980 Chilean Constitution, whose original text was ratified by a plebiscite during the military dictatorship of Chile and, since the return to democracy, has been amended several times.
The proposal included several key elements:
These elements represented significant departures from previous Chilean constitutional frameworks. However, it is important to note that the proposal was subject to debate and criticism, and its ultimate impact would depend on implementation and interpretation.
Since the promulgation of the 1980 Political Constitution of the Republic by the military dictatorship, there have been calls for its replacement with a new, democratically drafted constitution. Critics have raised concerns about:
The idea of constitutional replacement has been a recurring political issue since 1989. Key developments include:
These events indicate a gradual shift in political discourse towards the idea of constitutional replacement, though opinions on the necessity and extent of changes have varied among political actors and over time.
Constitutional reform efforts continued in Chile:
This sequence of events illustrates the ongoing debate in Chilean politics regarding constitutional reform, with different administrations taking varied approaches to addressing constitutional issues. The topic remained a point of political contention, with some advocating for comprehensive change and others preferring more limited modifications to the existing framework.
The proposed Constitution's origins can be traced to the aftermath of the 2019-2020 Chilean social uprising. During the protests in late 2019, calls for a new constitution drafted by a constituent assembly emerged as a common demand. This idea was also prevalent in many citizen-organized town hall meetings held throughout the country. Various social leaders, analysts, and politicians argued that a new constitution was necessary to address social demands. Initially resistant to the idea, President Sebastián Piñera eventually acknowledged the possibility of substantial reforms to the 1980 Constitution, partly due to pressure from both the public and members of his own political coalition.
Proposed options for drafting the new constitution:
Key points of contention:
Outcome: On 15 November 2019, parliamentary leaders from both the ruling party and opposition announced the "Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution" at the former National Congress building in Santiago.
6 December 2019: A proposal for constitutional reform was presented to the National Congress. The proposal was marked for urgent debate.
19 December 2019: The Senate approved the constitutional reform allowing for a national plebiscite. This approval followed a similar vote in the Chamber of Deputies.
Purpose: To determine whether Chile would draft a new constitution and, if so, what body would be responsible for drafting it.
Results:
On drafting a new constitution:
On the body to draft the constitution, "Constitutional Convention" option won (over the "Mixed Constitutional Convention" option).
Significance:
This plebiscite marked the official beginning of Chile's constitutional drafting process. It demonstrated strong public support for creating a new constitution. The results favored a fully elected Constitutional Convention over a mixed body of elected members and sitting parliamentarians.
The plebiscite was a pivotal moment in Chile's recent political history, setting the stage for the subsequent election of Constitutional Convention members and the drafting of a new constitution.
On this occasion, Piñera referred to the drafting of the 2022 Constitution as follows:
The proposed Political Constitution of 2022 was drafted by the Constitutional Convention, a body specifically elected for this purpose as outlined in Chapter XV of the Political Constitution of the Republic of Chile of 1980. The Convention's sole mandate was to prepare the proposed text, without assuming powers from other state bodies.
Elections for the Chilean Constitutional Convention of 2021 were held on May 15 and 16, 2021, to select members tasked with drafting a new Political Constitution of the Republic. These elections followed the success of the "Approve" option in the 2020 national referendum. The elections were officially called by decree on November 24.
The Constitutional Convention was composed of 78 men and 77 women, making it the first constituent assembly in the world to achieve gender parity.
The Constitutional Convention included 59 lawyers and 7 law students among its elected members. Additionally, there were 20 professors, 9 engineers, and 5 journalists. Six members were concurrently serving in the National Congress, and 9 were former government officials. The Convention also featured representation from indigenous peoples with 17 reserved seats: 7 for the Mapuche, 2 for the Aymara, and one each for other groups including the Kawésqar, Rapanui, Yagán, Quechua, Atacameño, Diaguita, Colla, and Chango.
Of the 155 members of the Constitutional Convention, 8 identified as members of the LGBT community: 5 as gay, one as lesbian, one as pansexual, and one as bisexual.
On June 20, 2021, the president signed a decree setting the installation of the Constitutional Convention for July 4 at 10:00 AM in the courtyards of the former National Congress palace. This date also marked the 210th anniversary of the installation of the First National Congress of Chile. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Undersecretariat of Public Health issued an exempt resolution on July 1, outlining special sanitary measures for the ceremony.
On September 14, 2021, the plenary session of the Constitutional Convention approved the proposed regulations for the body in general. During this session, it was also decided that the particular vote on the articles of the regulations would be passed by a simple majority. Subsequently, on October 18, 2021, two years after the start of the social unrest, the Constitutional Convention commenced the thematic discussion on the contents of the proposed new Political Constitution of the Republic.
The draft of the new Political Constitution presented in May 2022 comprised eight chapters, each developed by one of eight commissions. These chapters addressed the foundations of democracy, the characterization of Chile as a plurinational state, the self-determination of its peoples, constitutional principles, fundamental rights, environmental issues, justice systems, knowledge systems, and the rights of indigenous peoples. Originally, the first draft contained 499 articles; however, following the revisions by the Harmonization Commission, the final draft proposed as of June 15, 2022, included 387 articles.[36]
On September 4, 2022, the proposed Political Constitution drafted by the Constitutional Convention was subjected to a referendum, also referred to as an "exit plebiscite," to determine whether citizens approved of it. The proposal was rejected by 61.86% of the voters. This mandatory plebiscite saw the participation of over thirteen million voters, which corresponded to 85.86% of the electoral roll, marking it as the electoral process with the highest participation in Chile's history as of 2022.
Various analysts attribute the rejection of the new constitutional text to several factors. These include the low approval ratings of President Gabriel Boric's government, the economic slowdown in Chile, and uncertainties about the implementation of the proposed changes. Concerns were also raised about the concept of "plurinationality," which suggested that Chile would be constituted as a series of distinct groups rather than as a unified nation. Additional points of contention included the proposed elimination of the Senate, an institution that has been a part of the Republic of Chile since its inception, and the implementation of "unlimited parity," which critics argued could shift gender equity towards female dominance in government bodies.
Some sectors of the opposition criticized the draft for potentially shifting the country too far to the left. They argued that the constitution was overly ambitious and would be challenging to translate into efficient laws. Critics also contended that the constitution embedded 'millenial' values deeply into both private and public life, which did not align with the demands of the more traditional segments of the country.
The text of the proposed Political Constitution of the Republic begins with the preamble approved by the Constitutional Convention:
The content is distributed in eleven chapters and a final section of transitory regulations.
Chapter I (articles 1 to 16), called General Principles and Provisions, contains the fundamental principles of the formation of the State of Chile, its role, its relationship with people, its territory distribution among others. It establishes the welfare state, its plurinational and ecological character, the form of exercise of sovereignty, the basis of human rights as all State action, the unity of the national territory (but keeping its internal autonomy of the territories), the freedom and equality of people and their relationship with nature, the recognition of participation and equitable representation of women, men, diversities and sexual and gender dissidence in positions of power, the secularism of the state, the recognition of all forms of family, the official Chilean language, its emblems, the way of relating to other nations and the range of international treaties. It also points out the legal value of the Constitution being regulated by itself: it is a rule, therefore its observance is mandatory for any person, institution or group, and all State bodies.
Chapter II (articles 17 to 126) is the longest chapter of the constitutional proposal, stating that the end of rights is a dignified life, democracy, peace and the balance of nature, endowing people, indigenous nations and nature as holders of individual and collective rights, committing the action of the State to eliminate access barriers to these rights.
In addition to functioning as a "bill of rights", this chapter includes the requirements to access Chilean nationality and citizenship, recognizing the rights of expatriates and emigrants, the right to guardianship for the reestablishment of violated rights or put an end to irrational arrests, compensation in the event of unjust arrest and imprisonment, and the principles of the "Ombudsman" as an entity for the promotion and protection of human rights guaranteed in this Constitution, in international human rights treaties ratified and in force in Chile in conjunction with the "Children's Rights Ombudsman" whose purpose will be the protection of the aforementioned rights, but in childhood and adolescence.
Chapter III (articles 127 to 150) establishes nature as holder of rights, in addition to establishing mechanisms for protecting nature and sanctioning its damage, in addition to a system of waste management, pointing out the ecological and social function of the land.
It also recognizes animals as subjects of special protection against mistreatment, as sentient beings.
The chapter indicates certain goods as common to all people, of an inappropriate nature, such as the territorial sea and its seabed; beaches; the waters, glaciers and wetlands; geothermal fields; the air and the atmosphere; the high mountains, protected areas and native forests; the subsoil; and others declared by law.
Finally, it regulates a water statute, creating a National Water Agency, a minerals statute, and a "Defender of Nature."
Chapter IV (articles 151 to 164) regulates the form and exercise of democracy in Chile, its exercise is established as direct, participatory, community and representative, in addition to establishing the bases of the Electoral Service.
It guarantees the right to direct democracy via incidental or binding participation of citizens in matters of public interest.
It establishes the possibility for regional and local governments to call a referendum, the popular law initiative (with 3% of the electoral roll to propose a law and 5% to repeal a law).
It configures suffrage as universal, egalitarian, free, direct, personal and secret; mandatory for those who have reached eighteen years of age and voluntary for sixteen and seventeen year olds and for Chileans living abroad.
It establishes norms that govern political parties, on gender parity in elected bodies, ensuring that electoral lists are always headed by a woman, in addition to seats reserved for indigenous peoples, the eradication of gender violence within parties politicians and the incentive for the participation of diversities and sexual and gender dissidents in positions of popular election.
Chapter V (articles 165 to 186) establishes the bases of the public administration, under the principles of probity, transparency and accountability in all its actions, it also ensures the possibility of requesting information by citizens from public bodies.
Likewise, it establishes a Council for Transparency, sanctions corruption, granting whistleblowers due protection, confidentiality and indemnity, prohibits the participation in public and popularly elected positions of persons convicted of crimes against humanity, sexual crimes and domestic violence, those linked to corruption such as tax fraud, money laundering, bribery, embezzlement of public funds and others established by law.
Establishes a civil service for public officials, a commission that will set the remuneration of the elected authorities, establishing that the public administration is at the service of the person and aims to meet the needs of people and communities, providing universal public services of quality.
It points out the bases of firefighters in Chile, the tax regime (including the national port policy), the participation of the state in the economy, the requirements to form public companies, as well as principles of sustainability and fiscal responsibility with sustainable development and harmony with nature.
Chapter VI (articles 187 to 250), called Regional State and Territorial Organization, outlines the principles of the nation's internal administration and its degree of regionalization, organizing the state territorially into autonomous territorial entities and special territories.
It grants political, administrative and financial autonomy to the communes, provinces, regions and creates indigenous territorial autonomies for the realization of their goals and interests, giving them legal personality under public law, their own assets and the powers and competencies necessary to govern themselves in response to the interest of the republic, in accordance with the Constitution and the law, having human and nature rights as limits.
It points out principles of solidarity, cooperation, reciprocity and mutual support between territorial entities, under the principles of plurinationality and interculturality, in addition to establishing limits to their competence.
It establishes the commune presided over by mayors and a municipal council elected by a simple majority, plus a communal social assembly that has the purpose of promoting popular and citizen participation in public affairs. It will be advisory, incident and representative of the organizations of the commune, as well as neighborhood units.
At the regional level, it establishes a council of mayors, the regional government as the executive body of the autonomous region, a governor –elected by direct vote with an absolute majority, in the first or second round– as director of the regional government, a regional assembly as a collegiate body of regional representation endowed with normative, decision-making and supervisory powers, a regional social council and a Council of Governors of an advisory nature.
Establishes indigenous territorial autonomies endowed with legal personality under public law and their own patrimony, where the indigenous peoples and nations exercise autonomy rights in coordination with the other territorial entities, to rurality as an area of integral development and as special territories to Rapa Nui, the Juan Fernández archipelago (and its adjacent islands) and the Chilean Antarctica.
Chapter VII (articles 251 to 278) establishes a bicameral National Congress of an asymmetric nature, with an indirectly elected Chamber of the Regions and a directly elected Congress of Deputies, establishing its duration — 4 years for both chambers —, the form of election of the members of them, their re-election limit —set at just one— and their numbers, age and residence requirements and disabilities to hold office, their particular roles in each chamber, the form of joint sessions, and the form of generate the law and the legislative procedure.
Chapter VIII (articles 279 to 306) establishes the form of government, presidential in nature and under the head of state and government by a President of the Republic, who will be popularly elected by direct vote. In case of not reaching a majority of the votes in the first round, a second electoral round will be held between the two highest candidates.
It also establishes the requirements of age and residence of the position, the mechanisms of succession of the position, its duration —established in 4 years with immediate reelection only once—, its impediments and its attributions.
It also presents the bases applicable to the ministers of State, the principle of the monopoly of the use of force by the president (limited in accordance with this Constitution, the laws and with respect for human rights), his role as driver of security public (this delegated to a ministry) and the bases of the police and the armed forces as professional, hierarchical, disciplined, obedient and non-deliberative institutions, founded on respect for human rights and from the gender perspective in the performance of their duties.
It also establishes 3 states of constitutional exception: the state of assembly (prior approval of both chambers), the state of siege and the state of catastrophe, in addition to an Oversight Commission dependent on the Congress of Deputies, with joint and multinational composition, made up of deputies, regional representatives and representatives of the Ombudsman's Office, for the control of the measures adopted under the state of exception.
Chapter IX (articles 307 to 349) establishes the bases of the various justice bodies in Chile, understood as a public function that is exercised on behalf of the peoples and that consists of knowing and judging, through due process, the conflicts of legal relevance and enforce what has been resolved, in accordance with the Constitution and the laws, as well as the international treaties and instruments on human rights to which Chile is a party.
It is exercised exclusively by the courts of justice and the authorities of the indigenous peoples and nations recognized by the Constitution or the laws enacted pursuant to it.
It is made up of the legal systems of the indigenous peoples and nations, the National Justice System (which is made up of the neighborhood justice system, the courts of first instance —civil, criminal, family, labor, common or mixed jurisdiction, administrative, environmental, neighborhood, execution of sentences—, the courts of appeals and the Supreme Court).
Creates a Council of Justice as an autonomous, technical, joint and multinational body, with legal personality and its own assets, whose purpose is to strengthen judicial independence. It is in charge of appointments, governance, management, training and discipline in the National Justice System.
They have as principles the jurisdictional function: the intersectional approach, the principles of parity and gender perspective, the fundamental rights of the people sentencegiven or subject to security measures, and compliance with criminal sanctions and security measures based on respect for human rights and with the objective of serving the sentence and integrating and inserting the sanctioned person into society.
It indicates the bases of the Electoral Qualifying Tribunal as a body that will know the general scrutiny and the qualification of the elections of the authorities elected by popular vote at the national level and of the regional electoral tribunals that are in charge of knowing the general scrutiny and the qualification of the elections. elections at regional, communal and civil society organizations and other organizations recognized by this Constitution or by law.
Chapter X (articles 350 to 382), called Autonomous Constitutional Bodies, regulates the formation of 6 autonomous constitutional bodies with legal personality and their own assets and under the principle of gender parity in their formation.
The aforementioned bodies include the General Comptroller of the Republic, the Central Bank of Chile, the Public Ministry and the Public Criminal Defense Office. In addition, it creates the National Data Protection Agency and establishes the Constitutional Court.
Chapter XI (articles 383 to 388) establishes the form, quorums and modes of reform or create a new Political Constitution of the Republic.
Projects to reform the Constitution may be initiated by message from the President of the Republic, by motion of any of the members of the National Congress, by popular initiative (by obtaining 10% of signatures on the electoral register) or indigenous. A reform project needs to be approved with the affirmative vote of four-sevenths of both chambers. In matters not provided for in this Chapter, the rules on formation of the law are applicable to the processing of constitutional reform projects, always respecting the indicated quorums.
If the reform project will modify the political regime and the presidential term; the design of the Congress of Deputies or the Chamber of the Regions and the duration of its members; the form of Regional State; fundamental principles and rights; or the reform and replacement chapter of the Constitution, it must be submitted to a plebiscite if it does not reach two-thirds of the votes of both chambers.
The total replacement of the Constitution will be carried out via a plebiscite that establishes a constituent assembly, which may be convened: by popular initiative upon obtaining 25% of the signatures of the electoral roll, by the President of the Republic on (and ratified by three-fifths of both chambers) or by both chambers in joint session by two-thirds.
The constituent assembly will have as its sole purpose the drafting of a proposed constitution, it will be integrated on a parity basis and with independents and seats reserved for indigenous people, with a duration of no less than 18 months, and the ratification of the proposed text will occur by plebiscite.
The proposed new Political Constitution included 57 transitional provisions that outlined the rules for the installation or transition of the mentioned institutions. According to its second transitional provision, all regulations in effect prior to the implementation of the new Constitution "will remain in force as long as they are not repealed, modified, or replaced, or until they are declared contrary to the Constitution by the Constitutional Court."
The transitional provisions within the proposed new Political Constitution ensure the continuity of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic in their current composition until 2026, at which point the new legislative chambers would be established. Additionally, the provisions specify that presidential re-election would not apply to the incumbent president at the time of the Constitution's approval, meaning President Gabriel Boric would complete his term in 2026 without the possibility of immediate re-election. Furthermore, the provisions call on the President of the Republic, the Legislative Branch, and heads of public services to issue norms and make modifications necessary for implementing the stipulations of the proposed Political Constitution.
The proposed Political Constitution stipulates a reconfiguration of the political-administrative division of the country, transforming the current regions and communes into autonomous regions and autonomous communes, respectively, and granting them new powers. It also sets deadlines for the publication of the autonomy statutes for Rapa Nui and the government of the special territory of Juan Fernández. Additionally, the Constitution mandates that binding plebiscites be conducted for the establishment of two new autonomous regions: the "Autonomous Region of Aconcagua" within the current provinces of Petorca, San Felipe, and Los Andes (part of the Valparaíso Region) and the "Autonomous Region of Chiloé" within the province of Chiloé (currently part of the Los Lagos region).
The proposed Political Constitution is regarded as avant-garde in its comprehensive integration of gender equality and recognition of sexual and gender diversity and dissidence, responding to demands from feminist movements that were prominent during the social unrest. The equal composition of the Constitutional Convention, which included 77 women and 78 men—of whom 8 openly identified as members of the LGBT community— is seen as a world-first event. This composition is credited with significantly elevating issues of gender equality. The work of the Constitutional Convention has been highlighted as an example demonstrating how the makeup of political bodies can influence their outcomes.
Gender parity and the recognition of sexual and gender diversity and dissidence are central principles of the proposed Political Constitution, influencing several other provisions within the document. The proposal mandates that all collegiate state bodies consist of at least half women. It also promotes parity in single-person elections and requires electoral lists to be headed by women. Additionally, it ensures equal treatment and conditions for women, girls, and individuals from sexual and gender diverse backgrounds. Although the parity criterion is among the most innovative constitutional elements, it has not elicited as much criticism as other aspects of the proposal, partly because it was already implemented within the Convention itself. Some international constitutionalists suggest that such initiatives could serve as models for other constitutions in the future.
The proposed Political Constitution introduces several progressive rights and principles. It establishes the right to a life free from gender violence and mandates that courts incorporate a gender perspective in their judgments, specifically requiring them to "adopt all measures to prevent, punish, and eradicate violence against women, dissidents, and sex-gender diversities in all its forms and areas." Additionally, it acknowledges sexual and reproductive rights, including the right to terminate a pregnancy, applicable to all individuals regardless of gender, thus recognizing transgender people, with specific provisions to be detailed in future legislation.
The proposal also recognizes the value of domestic and care work, which has historically been performed by women without compensation, and ensures that such work is included within the social security system. This inclusion represents a significant shift towards recognizing and compensating traditionally undervalued labor.
The proposed Political Constitution introduces broad anti-discrimination measures and recognizes a diversity of family structures. It explicitly recognizes all forms of family, and ensures the right to protection against all forms of discrimination, including on the basis of sexual or affective orientation, gender identity, and expression, thereby promoting participation in conditions of substantive equality. Additionally, it establishes the right to full recognition of individuals' identity, including characteristics associated with sex, gender, and affective orientations.
The proposal also addresses structural violence against the LGBTQ+ community, positioning protections in specific contexts. If approved, it would be the first Constitution in the world to explicitly offer such extensive protections to sex-gender dissidents, setting a precedent for legal recognition and protection of these communities unmatched globally.
The discourse surrounding science and technology as pivotal components of national development in Chile has intensified over the past three decades. Despite this growing recognition, several persistent challenges have been identified. These include a lack of appreciation for research within broader societal and institutional contexts and diminished public financial support relative to the total public budget, particularly noted during the 2010s. Additionally, there is a notable deficit in the dissemination of knowledge produced by researchers to the general population, coupled with prevalent job insecurity within the field. Experts have characterized the research environment in Chile as one that is marginalized by institutions, often relegated to powerless positions, and predominantly valued only as a short-term tool.
The establishment of the thematic Commission of Knowledge Systems, Science, and Technology, Culture, Arts, and Heritage within the discussions of the proposed new constitution in Chile marked a significant development. This commission, dedicated to topics related to knowledge, underscored the importance of research as a fundamental right that should be integrated into state administration.
The proposed new constitution deeply integrates the results of discussions on education and research, framing them as fundamental rights and guarantees. It establishes the right to education as a lifelong process, with a particular emphasis on higher education, which is tasked with "the mission of teaching, producing, and socializing knowledge" while also guaranteeing the freedom of teaching and research. Additionally, the State is mandated to stimulate research with a perspective of development and social benefit. This stimulation of research, however, is subject to regulation by bioethical principles and oversight by a specialized state institution.
The constitution further secures the freedom of research, emphasizing the ability to transfer acquired knowledge and the right to enjoy its benefits. It also mandates the State to promote the creation of both public and private research centers, reinforcing the institutional framework supporting scientific advancement.
The proposed new constitution also prioritizes digital connectivity and environmental stewardship as fundamental rights. It establishes the right to "universal access to digital connectivity and information technologies," emphasizing the importance of digital education to ensure that all citizens have access to the knowledge available through these technological systems. Additionally, it calls for the promotion of environmental and scientific education, underscoring the need for ongoing monitoring and the maintenance of updated information concerning the natural environment.
International collaboration in space research is highlighted as a key area for development, reflecting a commitment to extending the scope of scientific inquiry beyond terrestrial boundaries. The proposal also advocates for the incorporation of innovation in mining activities, a significant sector in Chile, to ensure that these practices are compatible with environmental protection and sustainability goals. Furthermore, it emphasizes innovation in all technical research work, even those not explicitly stated, for the protection and conservation of the environment and natural resources.
The proposed new constitution emphasizes the importance of utilizing advancements in science, technology, knowledge, and innovation to enhance governance and public services. It guarantees the application of these advancements to optimize and continuously improve the delivery of public goods and services, with a commitment to allocate the necessary resources for these purposes.
Decentralization also plays a crucial role in the governance structure proposed in the constitution. Autonomous Regions are endowed with the authority to develop research, technology, and science according to what regional administrations deem appropriate. This grants regions the flexibility to tailor scientific and technological initiatives to their unique needs and priorities, potentially fostering localized innovation.
Furthermore, the special Antarctic territory is specifically addressed in the context of international agreements. The provisions that relate to this territory are aligned with the 1961 Antarctic Treaty. Chile is obligated to generate policies for the protection of Antarctica, with a particular emphasis on scientific research.
The proposed Political Constitution has gained both national and international recognition for its explicit incorporation of the rights to scientific and social-humanistic knowledge. Esteemed international institutions, including UNESCO, and prominent scientific publications such as Nature, have praised the efforts to embed research and science into the constitutional framework.
Critics of the proposed Political Constitution have raised concerns regarding the implementation of its science and knowledge management provisions. One major issue highlighted is the anticipated delay in the operationalization of new institutions and policies related to knowledge and innovation. Critics argue that establishing these new structures and integrating them effectively into the existing framework may take significant time, potentially delaying the benefits envisioned in the constitution.
Additionally, there are apprehensions about the financial implications of the proposed changes. Critics point to the expected increase in fiscal expenditure required to support the rights to digital connectivity, education, and the guarantee of research and development. Furthermore, there are concerns about the financial demands of establishing and maintaining the budget for new autonomous regions and zones. These financial considerations raise questions about the sustainability and practicality of the proposed constitution's ambitious reforms in the context of Chile's broader economic framework.
In the wake of the social unrest and subsequent political crisis in Chile, there was a significant public and political call for reforms or changes to the governmental system. Within the Constitutional Convention, a majority of members initially expressed support for transitioning to a semi-presidential system, where a Prime Minister would serve as the head of government, potentially offering a blend of presidential and parliamentary dynamics to enhance governance. However, after thorough deliberations, the members ultimately decided to retain the presidential system.
The system of government outlined in the proposed Constitution, though described as an "attenuated presidentialist" model, shows notable similarities to the system established by the 1980 Constitution. Despite some adjustments aimed at moderating presidential powers, the proposal in certain aspects actually increases the authority of the head of state. For instance, under the proposed Constitution, the head of state would have the power to appoint and remove members of the high command of the police, expanding beyond the current authority, which is limited to appointing or removing only the general director of the Carabineros. Additionally, the proposed Constitution introduces the possibility for immediate reelection of the president, a provision that is not permitted under the current Magna Carta.
Although there was an initial proposal for a unicameral congress, the final decision opted for an asymmetric bicameral system. This new legislative structure consists of the Congress of Deputies and a Chamber of Regions, which replaces the traditional Senate. Notably, this Chamber of Regions is structurally weaker than the lower house, indicating a shift in the balance of legislative power and the representation dynamics within the government.
Article 5 of the proposed Constitution formally recognizes the pre-existence of various indigenous peoples and nations prior to the establishment of the Chilean state. The groups specifically acknowledged include the Mapuche, Aymara, Rapanui, Lickanantay, Quechua, Colla, Diaguita, Chango, Kawésqar, Yagán, and Selk'nam. This article not only acknowledges these groups' historical presence and distinct identities but also commits the state to "respect, promote, protect, and guarantee the exercise of self-determination" for these indigenous communities.