History of Peru (1821–1842)

The history of Peru between 1821 and 1842 is the period considered by the country's official historiography as the first stage of its republican history, formally receiving the name of Foundational Period of the Republic (Spanish: Época Fundacional de la República) by historian Jorge Basadre. During this era, what became known as the First Militarism (Spanish: Primer Militarismo), a period where several military figures held control of the country, started in 1827 with José de La Mar's presidency, ending in 1844.
The twenty-year period begins on July 28, 1821, when General José de San Martín of the Liberating Expedition of Peru declared the Independence of Peru to a crowd gathered under the balcony of the Casa del Oidor, located at the main square of Lima, until then the capital of the Viceroyalty of Peru. However, Basadre claims that the period only begins, sensu stricto, with the installation of the first Constituent Congress on September 20, 1822.
During this period, the newly formed Peruvian State not only established itself as a proper country, but notably attempted to both expand its territory and preserve its territorial integrity due to the overlapping disputes that arose from the end of the Spanish American wars of independence. To the north, Colombia (which already claimed territory located south of the Caquetá River) declared war on Peru after the latter's military occupation of Bolivia, then under Bolivarian influence. The war concluded without a clear victor through the signing of the Treaty of Guayaquil. After the dissolution of the Greater Colombian state, Ecuador regained its independence and pursued a dispute of its own.
Meanwhile, to the south, another war saw the division of Peru through the establishment of North Peru and South Peru, which shortly after joined Bolivia as the Peru–Bolivian Confederation that was ultimately dissolved in 1839 after a three-year war. With a reunited Peruvian state now reestablished, now president Agustín Gamarra unsuccessfully sought to annex its southern neighbour, which cost him his life during the Battle of Ingavi on November 18, 1841. Gamarra was succeeded by interim President Manuel Menéndez, but his death led to political instability and ultimately served as the beginning of a period of anarchy where multiple generals declared themselves the head of state, beginning with Juan Crisóstomo Torrico on August 16, 1842.
After the Independence of Chile, General José de San Martín, on August 20, 1820, at the head of the Liberating Expedition of Peru, set sail from Valparaíso and landed in the Bay of Paracas in September of that year. He then settled in Pisco from where he sent delegates to convince viceroy Joaquín de la Pezuela to collaborate with independence, which he refused.
Given this response, San Martín moved to Huaura, near Lima, and sent his lieutenant Juan Antonio Álvarez de Arenales to the mountains where he defeated the royalists in the Battle of Cerro de Pasco [es]. Later, Viceroy Pezuela was removed from the government and José de la Serna was appointed as the new Viceroy of Peru. He decided to meet with San Martín in Punchauca, but they did not reach any agreement, due to the problems that arose due to the advance of San Martín and his troops.
Viceroy La Serna and his troops ultimately left for the mountains. Consequently, San Martín arrived in Lima and proclaimed the independence of Peru on July 28, 1821, while standing on the balcony of the Casa del Oidor, located at the main square:
San Martín had assumed the military and political command of the so-called free departments of Peru under the title of Protector, as stated in the decree of August 3, 1821. For all practical purposes, Peru was divided militarily and administratively into two parts: that of Lima, the northern coast and the central highlands (under the control of the Patriots) and that of the central and southern parts, headquartered in Cuzco and controlled by the Royal Army of Peru.
Later, the title of Protector was changed to Protector of the Freedom of Peru. During the Protectorate, which lasted just one year and 17 days, the following administrative policies were implemented:
The Protectorate was a dictatorship that was based on a Statute, which had the following characteristics:
Other provisions that occurred in Peru, during the Protectorate, were:
San Martín's main issue was that of the war against the royalists, with some reproaching him for not undertaking a total offensive against them as he had done in Chile. However, he was aware of the numerical inferiority of his forces, compared to that of the viceregals who dominated the interior of the country from Jauja to Upper Peru, and numbered a total of 23,000 soldiers, mostly Andean and mestizo recruits. San Martín only had 4,000 troops. An important triumph for the patriots was the surrender of the fortresses of Callao on September 19, 1821, whose leader, Marshal José de La Mar, joined the patriot cause. Meanwhile, Viceroy La Serna reorganized his forces in the central and southern mountains of Peru and in Upper Peru, from where he carried out raids on the coast, destroying a patriot army in the battle of Ica (or La Macacona), on April 7. of 1822.
On May 24, 1822, Peruvian–Colombian troops defeated the royalists in the Battle of Pichincha and occupied Quito on May 25. The Peruvian contingent that participated in this battle was made up of 1,600 troops under the command of Colonel Andrés de Santa Cruz and joined the Colombian patriot troop in Saraguro, on February 9, 1822. This event is memorable, because for the first time they converged the two liberating currents, that of the North and that of the South. Later, General Simón Bolívar invaded Guayaquil, with the desire to annex it to Colombia, of which he was its undisputed leader. Both Bolívar and San Martín were convinced that the definition of American independence had to take place on the still-disputed Peruvian soil.
San Martín could not finish the war against the Spanish. Although the entire north of Peru had voluntarily joined the patriot cause, its central and southern parts remained under the control of viceregal troops. San Martín considered external military aid necessary and in pursuit of it he went to meet with Bolívar in Guayaquil. In what became known as the Guayaquil Conference, held between July 26 and 27, 1822, they discussed three important questions:
The interview did not produce any concrete results. Regarding the first point, Bolívar had already decided that Guayaquil belonged to Colombia and did not admit any discussion on the matter. Regarding the second point, Bolívar offered to send a Colombian auxiliary force of 2,000 men to Peru, which San Martín considered insufficient. And regarding the third point, Bolívar was decidedly republican, thus opposing San Martín's monarchism. Disillusioned, San Martín returned to Peru, already convinced that he should withdraw to give way to Bolívar.
Before the events of Guayaquil, San Martín had convened the First Constituent Congress of Peru, on May 1, 1822. 80 deputies were elected, and this legislature was solemnly installed on September 20, 1822. It was presided over by the clergyman Francisco Xavier de Luna Pizarro. As soon as this First Constituent Congress was installed, it approved a proposition that said: "...that the Constituent Congress of Peru is solemnly constituted and installed, sovereignty resides in the nation, and its exercise in the Congress that legitimately represents it."
After the installation and on the same date, this Congress offered General San Martín dictatorial powers, which he refused. The offer was changed to that of "Founder of the Freedom of Peru and Generalissimo of Arms" (Spanish: Fundador de la Libertad del Perú y Generalísimo de las Armas), a title that was accepted by San Martín, although in an honorary manner. His decision to retire was final.
Congress accepted San Martín's resignation and agreed with Arce's proposal, saying that "since Congress must retain as much authority as possible to enforce its determinations, and running the risk that a foreign Executive Branch, isolated and separated from it, although of its own making, may form an opposition party," it determined that Congress retain the Executive Power. It was also decided that it should be made up of three people. One of the deputies, José Faustino Sánchez Carrión, stated on that occasion: "Three do not unite to oppress. One's government is more effective if governing is treating the human race like beasts…" and he adds: "Freedom is my idol, as it is the people's. Without it I don't want anything; The presence of only one in command offers me the hated image of the King." And thus the Supreme Governing Junta was formed, made up of three congressmen.
Several declarations of this First Constituent Congress mark the end of monarchical efforts, such as the declaration of November 11, 1822 on the incompatibility of the Order of the Sun and the Titles of Castile with the form of the government of Peru and the declaration of the November 12 of the same year, disavowing commissioners García del Río and James Paroissien.
José de San Martín retired to Magdalena, where he had a country house. Accompanied by a small escort and an assistant, on the same night of his resignation, mounted on horseback, he headed to Ancón, north of Lima. At dawn on September 22, he embarked for Valparaíso aboard the brig Belgrano.
The First Constituent Congress promulgated on November 12, 1823, the First Political Constitution of the Republic, with a clear liberal tendency. It was an ephemeral Constitution; When General Simón Bolívar arrived in Peru, the Constituent Congress itself had to suspend its effects in order to give him dictatorial powers.
The primary mission of the Junta was to continue the fight against the royalists. Viceroy La Serna had more than 20,000 soldiers who occupied the territory between Cerro de Pasco and Upper Peru. San Martín had already foreseen that more forces were necessary to defeat the royalists, who had turned all that territory into a true bastion of his power. The help that Bolívar had offered to Peru to defeat the Spanish was still in progress. Indeed, during the Guayaquil meeting, Bolívar offered San Martín military aid to Peru, which materialized in July 1822, with the sending of troops under the command of Juan Paz del Castillo, but these were still insufficient. In September of that year, Bolívar offered another 4,000 soldiers, but the already installed junta only accepted the receipt of 4,000 rifles. Peru's relations with Colombia entered their most critical point due to the annexation of Guayaquil to Colombian territory. Added to this was the fact that Juan Paz del Castillo received instructions from his government not to commit his forces only in case success was guaranteed and only in northern Peru, so he came into conflict with the interests of Peru, which focused on attacking the royalists in the centre and south. Said Colombian officer returned to his homeland in January 1823, displeased at not being able to impose his conditions. Relations with Colombia cooled then, at the precise moments when the so-called First Intermedios campaign was being fought.
The Junta organized a military expedition against the Spanish who still dominated southern Peru. The Campaign of the Intermediate Ports took its name from the fact that the plan was to attack the Spanish from the southern coast located between the Peruvian ports of Ilo and Arica. This plan had been outlined by San Martín himself, but originally it contemplated, in addition to the attack from the southern Peruvian coast, a combined offensive by the Argentines through Upper Peru and the patriots from Lima through central Peru. However, the Junta could not obtain the support of the government of Buenos Aires, overwhelmed by internal difficulties, and did not grant the army that garrisoned Lima the necessary means to timely initiate an offensive into the central mountains. The departure of the Colombian Juan Paz del Castillo also influenced the paralysis of the preparations of the so-called Patriotic Army of the Centre. The campaign, commanded by the general Rudecindo Alvarado, ended in total failure as the complete plan was not followed and dynamism was not put into the actions, which gave time for the royalists to go on the defensive.
Alvarado arrived in Iquique where he had a detachment disembark to begin action on Upper Peru. Then he headed to Arica, where he remained without disembarking for three weeks, giving time for Viceroy La Serna, informed by his espionage service of the patriot presence, to order his lieutenants José de Canterac and Gerónimo Valdés to go with their forces to the threatened area. When at the end of December Alvarado landed in Arica and advanced on Moquegua, he encountered the royalist forces that occupied better positions. Valdés went out to meet him, fighting the battle of Torata. The royalist leader resisted for eight hours until Canterac came to his aid with his cavalry; Together they put the patriots to flight, thus achieving victory for the king's flag on January 19, 1823. Valdés, encouraged by his success, pursued Alvarado's troops, catching up with them and definitively defeating them in the Battle of Moquegua on January 21, 1823. The patriot troops, reduced to a quarter of their original number, had to hastily reembark and return to Callao with nearly 1,000 survivors.
From then on, the lyrics that the Spaniards spread from their camp located a short distance from Lima date back, in which they mocked the Congress:
After this military disaster, the Junta and Congress were tremendously discredited in the eyes of public opinion. It was feared that the royalist troops stationed in Jauja would go on the offensive and reconquer Lima.
The patriotic officers in command of the troops that garrisoned Lima, fearing a Spanish offensive, signed a request before Congress, dated February 23, 1823 in Miraflores, invoking the designation of a single Supreme Chief "to order and be quickly obeyed”, replacing the collegiate body that made up the Junta. The name of the official indicated to assume the government was even suggested: Colonel José de la Riva Agüero.
The crisis deepened when another request was presented to Congress by the civic militias quartered in Bellavista and a third headed by Mariano Tramarría. On February 27, the troops mobilized from their cantonments to the Balconcillo hacienda, half a league from Lima, from where they demanded the dismissal of the Junta. These rebels were led by General Andrés de Santa Cruz. It was the first coup d'état in Peruvian republican history, known as the Balconcillo mutiny, which inaugurated the succession of de facto governments that marked the course of republican life.
Faced with such pressure, that same day, Congress agreed to dismiss the Junta and temporarily entrust the highest magistracy to the highest-ranking military leader, who was José Bernardo de Tagle y Portocarrero, 4th Marquess of Torre Tagle. On February 28, Congress ordered the release of General José de La Mar, who had been arrested at his home, and summoned General Andrés de Santa Cruz, who made an oral presentation of the position of the leaders and ended by saying that they obeyed the order of Congress but that if Riva-Agüero was not named President of the Republic, he and the military leaders would resign and leave the country. Given what was expressed by Santa Cruz, Congress appointed Riva-Agüero as president by 39 votes in favour of a total of 60. He was not assigned duties or deadlines. A few days later, on March 4, 1823, the same Congress promoted him to Grand Marshal and ordered that he use the two-color sash as the insignia of the executive power that he administered. Since then all the Presidents of Peru have worn this presidential sash.
José de la Riva Agüero launched great efforts to put Peru in a position to finish the war of independence on its own. His governmental work took shape in the following points:
Riva-Agüero undertook another campaign that targeted the Intermediate Ports, embarking his troops from May 14 to 25, 1823, heading to the southern ports, from where he planned to attack the Spanish who still dominated all of southern Peru. This expedition was commanded by General Andrés de Santa Cruz and the then Colonel Agustín Gamarra was the chief of staff. Santa Cruz promised to return victorious or dead. It was the first time that an army made up entirely of Peruvians was put into action. Santa Cruz landed his forces in Iquique, Arica and Pacocha and advanced on Upper Peru. The patriots initially won some victories. Gamarra occupied Oruro and Santa Cruz occupied La Paz, but the reaction of the royalists was immediate. Viceroy La Serna sent his general Gerónimo Valdés to attack Santa Cruz, resulting in the battle of Zepita of August 25, 1823, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. The patriots remained masters of the field, but without obtaining a decisive victory. Immediately afterwards, Santa Cruz ordered the withdrawal towards the coast, being closely pursued by the forces of La Serna and Valdés, who contemptuously called this campaign the "heel campaign" (Spanish: Campaña del talón), alluding to how close they were to the patriots who retreated, almost “on their heels.” Santa Cruz did not stop until he reached the port of Ilo where he embarked with 700 survivors. The campaign therefore ended in total failure for the patriots.
When Lima was left unguarded, the royalist leader José de Canterac advanced from the mountains against the capital. Riva-Agüero then ordered the transfer of government agencies and troops to the Real Felipe Fortress, on June 16, 1823. On the 19th, Spanish forces regained control of Lima.
In Callao, discord broke out between Congress and Riva-Agüero. Congress resolved that the Executive and Legislative powers be transferred to Trujillo. It also created a military power that he entrusted to the Venezuelan general Antonio José de Sucre (who had arrived in Peru in May of that year, at the head of the first Colombian troops), and accredited a delegation to request the personal collaboration of Simón Bolívar in the war on June 19, 1823. Immediately, the same Congress granted Sucre powers equal to those of the President of the Republic for the duration of the crisis, and on June 23, it ordered that Riva-Agüero be exonerated from supreme command.
Riva-Agüero did not comply with this congressional provision and embarked to Trujillo with part of the authorities. He maintained his investiture as president, decreed the dissolution of Congress on July 19, 1823, and created a Senate made up of ten deputies. He formed troops and attempted to reinforce them with the remains of the Intermedios campaign. While in Lima, the Congress was again convened by the provisional president Torre Tagle, on August 6 of the same year.
Congress recognized José Bernardo de Tagle y Portocarrero, 4th Marquess of Torre Tagle, as President of the Republic, this being the second citizen to adopt this title, after Riva-Agüero. Anarchy therefore spread in Peru, as two parallel governments existed at the same time.
His governmental work took shape in the following points:
The Peruvian Congress, following the recommendations of General Sucre, invited Bolívar to move to Peru "to consolidate independence." Bolívar embarked on the brig Chimborazo in Guayaquil, on August 7, 1823, arriving in Callao on September 1 of the same year. On September 10, the Congress of Lima granted him supreme military authority throughout the Republic. Torre Tagle was still president, but he had to agree on everything with Bolívar. The only obstacle for Bolívar was Riva-Agüero, who dominated northern Peru, with his capital in Trujillo. Riva-Agüero gave no sign of wanting to reach an agreement that would make possible the unification of all the patriot forces under the command of Bolívar, and rather wanted to reach an agreement with the royalists.
Bolívar himself opened the campaign against Riva-Agüero, marching north. But before the civil war broke out, Riva-Agüero was captured by his own officers led by Colonel Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente, who, disobeying the order to shoot him, banished him to Guayaquil on November 25, 1823. Bolívar entered Trujillo in December 1823 and thus dominated the political and military scene of Peru. He then headed back to Lima. On January 1, 1824, he was in Nepeña and Huarmey, from there he went to Pativilca where he fell ill with malaria.
The royalists, aware of Bolívar's illness, took advantage of the situation and managed to get the patriotic troops (from the River Plate and Chile) who were garrisoning the Real Felipe Fortress in Callao, to mutiny, demanding accrued payments and other mistreatment. The mutineers managed to take the fort, freed the Spanish prisoners, gave them back their positions and hierarchies and together with them, they raised the Spanish flag, committing treason to the liberating cause. This act of sedition caused confusion in Lima (February 5, 1824). Faced with such a delicate situation, Congress gave a memorable decree on February 10 giving Bolívar full powers to face the danger, annulling the authority of Torre Tagle. Thus the Dictatorship was installed.
Canterac ordered the royalist generals José Ramón Rodil and Juan Antonio Monet [es] to take advantage of this circumstance and take Lima. General Monet, from Jauja, and General Rodil, from Ica, met in Lurín, on February 27, 1824. The patriots of Lima were forced to abandon it, under the command of General Mariano Necochea, who together With 400 Montoneros on horseback, they were the last to withdraw on February 27. The royalists entered Lima on February 29 of the same year.
Bolívar, now recovered from his illness, faced with the news that came to him from Lima, began preparations for a retreat to Guayaquil, fearing the territorial loss of Colombia achieved in the southern campaigns. He set up his headquarters in Trujillo and received help from the Peruvians, both in money, supplies and resources of all kinds, as well as in combatants. Indeed, outside of his regular army, Bolívar had the valuable help of 10,000 Montoneros. This huge contingent of irregular soldiers was made up mainly of Indians recruited in the free provinces. Bolívar commissioned the leaders of the Montoneros to act on the following fronts: Francisco de Paula Otero [es], named general commander of the Montoneros of the mountains; Ignacio Ninavilca [es], of the Huarochirí [es] area, who was later nominated as a representative before congress; Colonel Juan Francisco de Vidal, of La Oroya; Major Vicente Suárez, of Canta; and Commander María Fresco, in charge of Junín.
But Bolívar's salvation came from the rebellion or uprising of Pedro Antonio Olañeta, military chief of Upper Peru, which involved the entire Upper Peruvian royalist army, on January 22, 1824, against the authority of Viceroy La Serna, causing a domestic war that dismantled the Spanish defensive system. It was the Olañeta rebellion, the consequent internal confrontation between the monarchists and the detachment of Valdés' division from the main royal army that allowed Bolívar to reorganize and recover the initiative, lost by the decision of Viceroy La Serna to abandon the persecution against Bolívar through the north, and direct his main forces against Olañeta, trying to preserve Upper Peru.
While Bolívar prepared everything related to the final campaign of independence from his headquarters in Trujillo, Sucre toured the terrain in the mountains, and with the protection of the Montoneros he drew up sketches and plans of the territory that would inevitably be the scene of the war. The spy service was improved, the fields and forage for horses were prepared, and food depots were established along the route that the liberating army had to travel.
Both soldiers and horses trained to face the rigors of the climate. The army was concentrated between Cajamarca and Huaraz. The Peruvian division was commanded by Marshal José de La Mar, while the Colombians, reinforced with new troops arrived from Colombia under the command of generals Jacinto Lara and José María Córdova, were led by Sucre.
Bolívar managed to form an army of about 10,000 men, but the viceregal forces numbered about 18,000. Olañeta's revolt at the head of 4,000 soldiers forced La Serna to send General Valdés to fight him with the royalist forces stationed in Puno. This situation motivated Bolívar to immediately open a campaign against the closest royalist army, which was that of José de Canterac, which was stationed between Jauja and Huancayo. The liberating army advanced to the Callejón de Huaylas. In the month of May, it continued its march towards the central mountains, effectively supported by the Montoneras led by Marcelino Carreño. It arrived in Huánuco on June 26, 1824, and continued to Cerro de Pasco.
Between July 31 and August 10, 1824, the patriot army was concentrated in the region of Quillota, Rancas and Sacramento. They numbered in total about 8,000 men. On August 2, Bolívar reviewed his army on the Rancas plain, 36 km from Cerro de Pasco. After the review, he harangued his soldiers displaying overwhelming eloquence, a virtue that was complemented by his military talent:
The liberating army continued its advance south, bordering Lake Junín. Canterac found out late about the patriot advance because he did not have a good spy service and decided to go out to meet the adversary, leaving Jauja on August 10 with 7,000 infantry men and 1,300 cavalry, heading towards Cerro de Pasco. Upon arriving there, he was surprised to learn that Bolívar was marching towards Jauja on the left side of the lake, to block his path. Fearful that the patriots would cut off his retreat to their bases, Canterac immediately ordered a countermarch.
On August 5, Canterac was in Carhuamayo, on the eastern margin of the lake, while Bolívar was at more or less the same height, on the western margin of the lake. The Spaniard ordered to speed up the retreat to get ahead of the Liberator. At dawn on August 6, both adversaries converged at the southern end of the lake on the Pueblo de Reyes. The lighter royalist infantry crossed the pampa called Junín, which is located south of said city, two hours before the patriots appeared.
It was two in the afternoon on August 6, 1824, when Bolívar arrived at the pampa of Junín and observed that the royalist infantry had already passed and that only the royalist cavalry, which was going to the rear, was in sight, in the middle of an immense cloud of dust. For his part, the patriot cavalry, 900 strong, which was coming at the vanguard of his army, was converging at that moment through the Chacamarca ravine, while his infantry was still distant, about 5 km to the north.
Bolívar then wanted to prevent Canterac from fleeing and ordered his cavalry to attack the royalist army, to give time for the patriot infantry to arrive. From the heights of the Chacamarca ravine, the patriot squads launched onto the plain, under the command of General Mariano Necochea.
Canterac, confident in the numerical superiority of his cavalry, ordered them to stop the patriots, putting himself in the lead, while his infantry continued their march south. The patriots could not fully deploy their squadrons due to the poor terrain, which was a narrow space between a hill and a swamp, while the royalist cavalry, in more favorable terrain, deployed their lines and attacked as well. At four in the afternoon the violent clash took place. The patriots began to retreat, pursued by the royalists. Necochea himself was wounded seven times and everything indicated that the skirmish would culminate in defeat for the patriots. It was then that the Peruvian Hussar squadron, which was in reserve under the command of lieutenant colonel Manuel Isidoro Suárez, received the order to charge the royalists from behind. It was the assistant of the first squad, Major José Andrés Rázuri [es], who transmitted that order, supposedly coming from Bolívar himself, which was not true. Rázuri, a native of San Pedro de Lloc, changed the original order, which was to retreat; and this bold decision was the one that changed history, exchanging a certain patriotic defeat for a decisive victory.
The charge of the Peruvian Hussars disoriented the royalists and gave time for the persecuted patriots to rally and return to the fight. After forty-five minutes of fierce combat with only bladed weapons (sword and spear), the patriots were victorious. Bolívar, who had already taken defeat for granted and had left the field, suddenly received the report sent by Guillermo Miller announcing victory. The Liberator burst into joy and from then on decided to rename the Hussars of Peru as the Hussars of Junín.
Canterac, after the battle of Junín, pursued by the Montoneros of Colonels Marcelino Carreño, Otero, Terreros, by Commander Peñaloza, by Major Astete, headed south along the banks of the Mantaro River. He crossed the Izcuchaca [es] bridge, and headed along the Pampas River to Cuzco, where Viceroy La Serna was waiting for him. In his retreat, General Canterac lost 3,000 soldiers, including stragglers, deserters, sick and lost. In addition, warehouses, weapons and ammunition were abandoned.
While General Canterac continued his escape south towards Cuzco, Bolívar's itinerary was as follows: on August 7, 1824, he celebrated the victory in the Pueblo de Reyes, on August 8 he was in Tarma, on August 12 in Jauja, on August 14 in Huancayo and on August 24 in Huamanga. He reached Andahuaylas from where he returned on October 6. He ordered Carreño to permanently harass Canterac. He delegated command of the patriot army to General Antonio José de Sucre. With his headquarters in Jauja, he entrusted General Andrés de Santa Cruz with the leadership of all the Montoneros of the central mountain range. Then, accompanied only by his escort, he headed to Lima. On August 15, in Huamanga, he had appointed his ministerial cabinet which consisted of: José Faustino Sánchez Carrión, Minister of Government and Foreign Affairs; Colonel Tomás de Heres [es], Minister of War and Navy and Hipólito Unanue, Minister of Finance.
Bolívar arrived in Chancay in the month of November 1824, entering Lima on December 7 of that year. He immediately ordered the siege of Callao with the objective of surrendering Rodil's troops, who were stationed in the Real Felipe Fortress.
Meanwhile, the situation in the royalist army is described by General García Camba:
General Sucre prepared for the final campaign. While in Andahuaylas, he gathered his General Staff in response to reports that the royalist Gerónimo Valdés had arrived in Cuzco with a strong contingent, placing himself under the orders of Viceroy La Serna. Sucre, on an inspection, arrived at Mamara. In this town he sent an advance party under the command of General Miller to spy on the enemy. Miller returned on 30 October and reported that the royalists were only 36 km away. Sucre then ordered the retreat to the northwest.
La Serna, convinced of the proximity of the decisive battle, had formed a powerful army with 10 thousand soldiers, most of them “Quechua-speaking” mestizos, Creoles, blacks, browns, and Indian carriers. This army had 14 infantry battalions, 2 cavalry brigades and 14 artillery pieces. La Serna commanded the cavalry. Valdés was at the forefront with an infantry division. The other two were commanded by Canterac and Monet. The united patriot army had about 7,000 soldiers, plus the Montoneros. The regular army was dispersed and the Montoneros carried out military tasks of "cover, liaison and support."
Given the presence of Valdés near Andahuaylas, Sucre withdrew his army towards Huamanga, along the banks of the Pampas River, regrouping his forces, without any rush. On the contrary, La Serna, who had ordered his troops to march on forced marches to gain positions, arrived at Huamanga on November 16, 1824.
On November 24, both armies marched on both banks of the Pampas River, keeping each other in sight. From that day on, they never lost sight of each other. The patriot troops went from town to town, encouraged by the Montoneros, and were welcomed and helped effusively by its inhabitants. On the other hand, the royalist troops were avoiding all contact with the residents of the towns through which they passed, thus ensuring the disbandment of the troops. General Guillermo Miller in his Memoirs stated:
On December 3, 1824, in the vicinity of Corpahuaico (or Matará), there was a skirmish between the rearguards, with military consequences that were not favorable for the patriots. In the patriot forces under the command of General Guillermo Miller, 300 deaths were counted; while in the royalist sector, under the orders of General Valdés, 30 dead were found. In addition, the patriots lost a good part of their fleet and artillery.
But according to experts, from a strategic point of view this result was beneficial for the patriots, because the defeat encouraged them, while the moral crisis among the royalists deepened, to such an extent that that same day 15 soldiers, who had been recruited by Valdez In Upper Peru, joined the ranks of Sucre and informed him of the moral weakening of the enemy ranks. "They are almost like prisoners," they said.
Since December 4, both armies marched separated by an abyss. The patriots passed through Huaychao on the 5th, and on the 6th their outposts arrived a little further north of La Quinua. The royalists took the Huanta route, through Paccaicasa [es]. On the 6th, they camped in Huamanguilla; The viceroy's idea was to cut off all retreat to Sucre. On December 7, each army prepared for battle, trying to find the best location. On the 8th there were some clashes between patrols.
Ready to engage in the final battle, the royalists occupied the slopes of the Condorcunca hill and the patriots deployed in the Pampa de la Quinua. The former had 9,310 men and the latter had 5,580. When the battle took place on December 9, the independentist forces were led by Sucre. Viceroy José de la Serna was wounded, and after the battle second commander-in-chief José de Canterac signed the final capitulation [es] of the Royalist army. Although its signing is dated December 9, 1824, the reality is that the deliberations lasted two days in total. It dealt with the formation of mixed committees that would work to transfer all the remaining assets of the Spanish Army, while also providing protection for the remaining Spanish troops, providing financial compensation and allowing their incorporation to the Peruvian Army if desired. The most notable consequences were:
After the capitulation was signed, the royalist forces that occupied the south of Peruvian territory, between Cuzco, Arequipa and Puno, surrendered to the independence forces. On December 14, 1824, General Sucre entered Cuzco. Francisco de Paula Otero, first, and Lara, later, took Arequipa.
General Pedro Antonio Olañeta, who did not accept the Capitulation and announced his desire to continue fighting under the flag of Spain, remained in Upper Peru. Sucre then opened a campaign in said territory, counting on the collaboration of General Juan Antonio Álvarez de Arenales who, in his capacity as governor of the Argentine province of Salta, prepared to attack this region. However, there was no need for further fighting, since in the battle of Tumusla, the royalist officers themselves killed Olañeta on April 2, 1825. Thus ended the independence campaign in Upper Peru.
Another Spanish soldier who refused to abide by the terms of the capitulation was José Ramón Rodil who, in command of the Real Felipe Fortress in Callao (which had returned to royalist power in February 1824), remained stubbornly loyal to the king of Spain. Bolívar accentuated the siege of said bastion, cutting off all kinds of supplies, both by land and by sea. After months of stubborn resistance, only on January 23, 1826, Rodil agreed to capitulate, handing over the Fortress to the Peruvian government. Of the 6,000 refugees, including military and civilians, 2,400 left after the surrender. Of that group, only 400 were military personnel. General Rodil, the last champion of the royalists in South America, embarked for Spain on the English frigate Briton.
After the victory of Ayacucho, Bolívar convened the Peruvian Congress, which had been in recess since the previous year. The meeting of the congressmen took place on February 10, 1825, and before them, Bolívar resigned from command (or at least pretended to do so). Resignation that was not accepted, since the parliamentarians considered that his work was not finished, as a royalist focus still remained in Callao. So Congress decided to extend his command, after which he dissolved himself on March 10, 1825.
In general, the extension of the Bolivarian Dictatorship was not well received by citizens. They considered that Bolívar's mission had ended with Ayacucho and that it was up to the Peruvians to take charge of the government. But a sector of citizens, led by conservative politicians, argued that a strong government was necessary to prevent the nascent republic from falling into anarchy. Bolívar was not permanently in power, as he left it in charge of the President of the Government Council, from February 24, 1825, although he continued to issue decrees, until September 3, 1826, when he returned to Colombia. His authority was nominally maintained until January 27, 1827, when his influence in Peru ended.
Collaborating with Bolívar as ministers were: José Faustino Sánchez Carrión, José María Pando [es], Hipólito Unanue, among others. Another of his collaborators was the jurist Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre [es], who later became his opponent.
A dark episode that occurred at the beginning of 1825 was the murder of Bernardo de Monteagudo, the former minister of San Martín, who had returned to Peru to enter the service of Bolívar. One version attributed the intellectual authorship of said crime to Faustino Sánchez Carrión, who also died months later, apparently a victim of an illness, although there were some who attributed it to poisoning.
Simón Bolívar left Lima on April 15, 1825, beginning a journey through the southern departments of Peru, passing through Ica, Arequipa, Cuzco and Puno, from where he entered Upper Peru in August of that year. Additionally, through a law promulgated on February 25, 1825, the flag and Coat of arms of Peru were definitively established. The author of the Shield was the representative for Lima and President of Congress, José Gregorio Paredes [es].
Once the independence of Upper Peru was achieved in 1825, this region was left with the dilemma of joining the United Provinces of Río de la Plata (since it had been part of the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata) or maintaining its adhesion to Peru (since it had returned to the Viceroyalty of Peru in 1809, by the work of Viceroy José Fernando de Abascal). The supporters for its annexation to one or the other were numerous. A third position then emerged that embodied the idea that Upper Peru should form a new republic.
In this situation, the Peruvian Congress, in an assembly on February 23, 1825, agreed to allow the Upper Peruvians to resolve what was convenient. The Congress of Río de la Plata did the same. Marshal Antonio José de Sucre, who had assumed the government in Upper Peru, convened a Congress in Chuquisaca, beginning deliberations on July 10, 1825. On August 6 of the same year, said Congress almost unanimously agreed on independence. of Upper Peru, which from now on would be called the Republic of Bolívar. The Liberator, who arrived shortly after in triumph, approved the birth of the new State and at the request of the Upper Peruvians themselves, began to write their first Constitution, the same one that he submitted for approval to Congress. The name of the brand new republic was definitively established as "Bolivia." The Constitution, called the "Lifetime Constitution" as it contemplated a President for life (who had to be Bolívar himself), was sanctioned on November 6, 1826, and Sucre was elected as the first President of the Republic, a position he accepted for only two years.
On May 20, 1826, Bolívar issued a decree in Arequipa calling for a General Congress, which would meet in Lima on February 10, 1826, that is, exactly one year after the extension of his dictatorial powers. His intention was for this Congress to approve for Peru the same Constitution that was being discussed in Bolivia. The election of members of Congress corresponded, as established in the Constitution of 1823, to the Electoral Colleges of the provinces, made up of the electors of the parishes. Despite pressure from the government, some liberal and anti-Bolivarian deputies were elected, among which the representatives of Arequipa, the clerics Francisco Xavier de Luna Pizarro and Francisco de Paula González Vigil, stood out. This provoked the anger of Bolívar, who in a letter addressed to Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente (then prefect of Arequipa) complained about the "damned deputies" that he had sent to his jurisdiction, asking him to do something to change them. Pressured by Bolívar's reaction, the Government Council ignored the credentials of those deputies, thus amputating the liberal minority.
Finally, the Congress did not meet and only remained in the preparatory meetings, since the same deputies asked Bolívar to postpone the call until the following year. Bolívar accepted with pleasure, saying that he preferred the opinion of the people to the opinion of the wise, regarding the approval of the Constitution.
The so-called Life Constitution written by Bolívar for Bolivia was, in reality, an adaptation, with some amendments, of the Napoleonic Constitution of the Year VIII. It recognized the division of four powers: Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Electoral. The Executive was made up of a president for life with the power to appoint his successor; a vice president and three ministers. The Legislature resided in three chambers: tribunes, senators and censors. The Judicial Power was exercised by the Supreme Court and other courts of justice. The Electoral, would be composed of electors appointed by citizens in office.
This Political Charter was also submitted to Peru, but as the Congress of 1826 was unable to meet, its approval was submitted to the Electoral Colleges of the Republic, which did so, except for that of Tarapacá.
Bolívar's wanted to reunite all the Spanish American States in a single great confederation, for which he convened the Congress of Panama that was installed on June 22, 1826. However, this first step to achieve American unity It failed miserably. Then, upon seeing himself contrasted by reality, Bolívar limited himself to his minimum plan, which was to reunite only the towns liberated by him, for which he outlined two plans, namely:
The most bitter opponents of Bolívar's dictatorship were the Peruvian liberals, one of whose leaders was the clergyman Luna Pizarro, who was exiled to Chile. In general, a reaction was unleashed in the country against him and against the Colombian troops, which was most visible among the former supporters of Riva-Agüero and the River Plate officers who had come with San Martín. It was no wonder, since the Colombians acted as occupation troops, committing outrages and looting against the population, added to the contempt with which they treated their Peruvian counterparts in the army. The discontent among the Peruvian troops was evident with the uprising of two squadrons of the Húsares de Junín regiment, in Huancayo, which ended with the execution of Lieutenant Silva; and with a conspiracy in Lima, which culminated in the execution of Lieutenant Aristizabal.
A sad event further increased the animosity towards Bolívar: the execution of Juan de Berindoaga y Palomares [es], a nobleman from Lima, unjustly accused of treason. Bolívar turned a deaf ear to the requests for forgiveness for Berindoaga, allowing his execution, which took place in the main square of Lima, on April 15, 1826. By appearing, Bolívar wanted with this act to punish the city's aristocracy, which was disaffected to him.
The opposition even extended to his homeland, where the guerrilla General José Antonio Páez revolted and proclaimed the separation and autonomy of the State of Venezuela. In Colombia the movement was similar, since Vice President Francisco de Paula Santander opposed the approval of the Lifetime Constitution and the federation plans. All this convinced the Liberator to withdraw from Peru and return to his homeland.
On September 1, 1826, the same day that the third anniversary of his arrival in Peru was celebrated, Bolívar announced his definitive retirement, but at the insistent request of some ladies of Lima's society, he promised to stay, but on the 3rd of that month, he embarked on the brig Congreso, heading to Colombia, where he calmed things down, although for a short time.
With the withdrawal of Bolívar from Peru, the Bolivarian influence in this country did not end, since the Government Council chaired by General Andrés de Santa Cruz and supported by the Colombian forces under the command of General Jacinto Lara remained in supreme command. The fundamental mission of this council, commissioned by Bolívar, was the promulgation of the Life Constitution.
On December 9, 1826, commemorating the second anniversary of the battle of Ayacucho, the so-called Life Constitution was solemnly sworn in both republics, Peru and Bolivia, as the Fundamental Law for the two countries, at whose head was the supreme figure of the Liberator, as ruler for life. In Lima the ceremony was opaque, amidst indifference and popular rejection. It is said that coins were thrown at those present, forcing them to shout "Long live the Constitution! Long live the President for life!" But some mockingly responded: "Long live money!"
The opposition to the Bolivarian regime became stronger and more insistent every day due, mainly, to the action of the liberals. In the midst of this heated atmosphere, the same Colombian soldiers stationed in Lima, dissatisfied with the non-payment of their payments, mutinied on January 26, 1827, arresting Lara and other officers. This was taken advantage of by the Peruvian liberals led by Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre [es] and Francisco Javier Mariátegui y Tellería [es], to take to the streets, inciting citizens to gather in the Open Cabildo to speak out against the life-long regime. The Cabildo, meeting on the 27th, took transcendent measures: it abolished the Lifetime Constitution (considering that it had been approved illegally by the electoral colleges, since they lacked the powers to do so), restored the Constitution of 1823 and agreed to call Santa Cruz, who was in Chorrillos, to take charge of the new government, with the demand that a Constituent Congress be convened within three months, which should elect the president of Peru and sanction a new Constitution. Santa Cruz promised so and took over the Peruvian government.
On January 30, 1827, General Jacinto Lara and the other Colombian leaders embarked for their homeland. In the month of March the rest of his troops did so. The Bolivarian influence in Peru thus came to an end.
A Government Board was installed, chaired by Andrés de Santa Cruz and made up of Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre [es], José de Morales y Ugalde [es], José María Galdeano y Mendoza [es] and General Juan Salazar.
In compliance with the act of the Cabildo, Santa Cruz decreed on February 28, 1827, the convocation of a General Constituent Congress, in accordance with the constitutional letter of 1823, and whose mission would be to decide on the Constitution to be implemented, as well as the election of the President of the Republic. The call was carried out without difficulties, since Lima's pronouncement was peacefully supported in the rest of the country and the Colombian troops withdrew in the same way, back to their homeland.
The General Constituent Congress of Peru [es] (the second in Peruvian republican history) was established on June 4, 1827, with 83 deputies elected by provinces, including Maynas (territory that Bolívar already claimed as part of Colombia at that time). Its first president was the liberal cleric Francisco Xavier de Luna Pizarro. In harmony with the decree that gave rise to it, this Congress repealed the Lifetime Constitution, partially replaced the Constitution of 1823 and began the discussion of a new political charter.
On June 9, the same day that Congress was installed, it approved a law by which it assumed the power to elect the President and the Vice President of the Republic, properly and not provisionally, since, according to its point of view, This was convenient for the security of the Republic. Luna Pizarro promoted the candidacy of Marshal José de La Mar, since he saw him as a suitable soldier for the republican government, as he was a person disaffected to militarism and leadership. La Mar had been elected deputy for Huaylas, but he was then in Guayaquil, as Political and Military Chief of said place (belonging to Colombia). Another group of deputies sponsored the candidacy of General Santa Cruz. But surprisingly, Luna Pizarro announced that that same day, June 9, the election [es] would be held in a permanent session. La Mar triumphed with 58 votes, while Santa Cruz obtained 29. The latter was very upset with this result, which he considered illegal, thus becoming an opponent of the new government.
La Mar, who was in Guayaquil, was informed of his choice, and then had to leave for Peru. It is said that he did it unwillingly, since he detested power; although possibly also due to his delicate health (he apparently suffered from liver disease). While his arrival lasted, Vice President Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano assumed interim command. On August 22, La Mar assumed his duties as Constitutional President of Peru.
La Mar's government was the first in Peru free of all foreign influence. From his first months, he had to put down three conspiracies:
These conspiracies were attributed to the intrigues of Santa Cruz, who was removed from the country and appointed plenipotentiary minister in Chile. But it has been said that all these plots were nothing more than episodes of a vaster and deeper conspiracy, in which, in addition to Santa Cruz, the generals Agustín Gamarra (prefect of Cuzco) and Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente (prefect of Arequipa). These formed a kind of triumvirate, whose purpose was the fall of La Mar, a goal that they momentarily postponed, as a result of the conflicts with Bolivia and Colombia. Shortly after, Santa Cruz was named President of Bolivia, where he left, with prior authorization from the Peruvian government. In that country, Santa Cruz would carry out great administrative work, although he continued to intrigue against the Peruvian government. Already at that time he had in mind his plan for a Peru-Bolivian Federation, which years later he would make a reality.
As if that were not enough, La Mar also had to face a dangerous uprising by the Iquichans, loyalist Indians from Huanta Province under the leadership of Antonio Huachaca. They were still fighting for the king of Spain and on November 12, 1827, they attacked and took Huanta. Then, they advanced menacingly on Huamanga but were contained, and after a bloody campaign they were finally subdued.
The Minister in charge of Finance, José de Morales y Ugalde [es], presented to Congress an extensive report of everything done within his branch in the past government and a list of public receipts and expenses in 1827. The calculated income was 5,203,000 pesos and expenses of 5,152,000, giving a balance or surplus of 51,000 pesos, but this budget was not approved by Congress.
The Constituent Congress gave the liberal Constitution of 1828, the second that the Republic of Peru had, whose promulgation and public oath was scheduled for April 5, 1828, which had to be postponed until the 18th of that month, due to having On March 30, a tremendous earthquake occurred in Lima that left the city almost in ruins. And although its bases were taken from the Constitution of 1823, it was enriched with norms that experience advised to include.
Bolivia was still under Colombian orbit, with Marshal Sucre at the head as president. At that time, several rebel movements took place in that country, in one of which Sucre himself was wounded in the head and right arm, managing to painfully flee to take refuge in the presidential palace. Forced by circumstances, Sucre had to delegate power to its President of the Council of Ministers, General José María Pérez de Urdininea. Gamarra, who had the Southern Peruvian army under his command and without the authorization of the Peruvian Congress, invaded Bolivia on May 1, 1828, with the manifest intention of saving said country from the threat of anarchy and protecting the life of Sucre, although his true intention was to expel the Colombians and put an end to the Bolivarian predominance in that country. After a triumphant walk through Bolivian territory, with hardly any resistance, he signed the Treaty of Piquiza with the government of Urdininea on July 6, 1828, in which it was agreed, among other things, the withdrawal of the Colombian troops from Bolivia and the resignation of the presidency by Sucre. This fact was very important for Peru, since it eliminated a dangerous front in the face of the imminent war against Colombia.
The biggest international problem that La Mar had to face was precisely the war with Colombia, headed by Bolívar. Relations had already deteriorated as a result of the territorial dispute, but the abandonment of the previous constitution and the events in Bolivia (as well as the role of the printed press of both countries) made things worse. Bolívar declared war on Peru on July 3, 1828, and La Mar responded by mobilising the Army and the Navy, leaving Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano in charge of Lima. While the maritime campaign was a success for Peru, the land campaign of both states lost its momentum around the time of the Battle of Tarqui, and a treaty led to Peruvian troops retreating from the territories they occupied, meaning Guayaquil and Loja, with Colombia implicitly recognising Peruvian sovereignty over Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas.
After the treaty was signed, an error on Sucre's part led to controversy: he had ordered that a monument be erected at Tarqui which stated that an army of 8,000 Peruvians who "invaded the land of their liberators" was defeated at the site. La Mar protested this by stating that the total number of troops was 4,500, while the troops at Tarqui were the vanguard, numbered at 1,000 men. He also criticised the language of the monument, highlighting the Peruvian efforts at Junín and Ayacucho in response to the alleged distaste that Peru had showed to its "liberators," and ultimately criticised the execution of Peruvian troops by Colombian officers, who also forcibly recruited others. As a consequence of the controversy, La Mar suspended the agreement until the issue was properly addressed.
While La Mar was willing to continue the conflict, a group of his own men arrested him in Piura during the night of June 7, 1829. These soldiers carried a letter from Gamarra to La Mar, where he asked for his resignation. La Mar refused to do so, and he was immediately transferred to the port of Paita, where at dawn on the 9th he was embarked along with Colonel Pedro Pablo Bermúdez and six black slaves, on a miserable schooner called "Las Mercedes", bound for Costa Rica, where he would die on October 11, 1830.
The reasons that Gamarra argued for carrying out this coup d'état were that La Mar was a "foreigner" and that his election by Congress had arisen from an arrangement hatched by Luna Pizarro (which is debatable). In Lima, General Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente, an ally of Gamarra, was in charge of overthrowing Salazar, assuming power temporarily, starting on June 6, 1829. But he did not want to retain power and he resigned before Congress on September 1 of the same year.
On September 1, 1829, Congress appointed Marshal Agustín Gamarra as Provisional President of the Republic and Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente as vice president. The first popular elections [es] in Peru were then called. Gamarra obtained more than the absolute majority of the provincial electoral colleges required by the Constitution and was proclaimed Constitutional President by Congress on December 19, 1829.
Gamarra's government wanted to be the opposite of La Mar's, which had been a constitutionalist effort. Gamarra left aside the Constitution of 1828, since he did not satisfy it due to the limitations it established for the Executive Branch. He established an authoritarian and conservative government. He had as advisors the most renowned representatives of Peruvian conservatism, among them the costumbrista writer Felipe Pardo y Aliaga, politician, jurist and writer José María Pando [es], orator and jurist Andrés Martínez de Orihuela [es], and the then colonel Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco.
Gamarra barely managed to complete his constitutional period. A total of 17 rebellions and conspiracies have been recorded that occurred during this period, among them the rebellion of Gregorio Escobedo [es] in Cuzco, on August 26, 1830; the uprising of Captain Felipe Rossel in Lima on March 18, 1832; the rebellions of Felipe Santiago Salaverry in Chachapoyas on September 13, 1833; and that in Cajamarca on October 26, 1833. Gamarra had to be absent from the capital several times to quell these uprisings that occurred in the provinces. During his absence, he left the government in the hands of the vice president or a government official.
The Minister of Government, Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre, published a manifesto, censuring the attitude of the opponents of the regime, a document that ended with the words: "Order must reign. If necessary, the laws will be silenced to maintain the laws."
As time passed, liberal opposition to the government grew stronger and members of Congress made their protest felt. It was Francisco de Paula González Vigil, a priest from Tacna, who made the most severe criticism of Gamarra's authoritarian regime, culminating his argument with the famous words: "I must accuse, I accuse." In his eloquent speech, Vigil denounced the illegal acts and arbitrariness that the Gamarra regime had incurred. With these accusations, the government discredited itself even further. Congress adjourned at the end of 1832.
Several people held interim command during Gamarra's first government.
The first of them was Vice President Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente, who took charge when Gamarra left to suppress the rebellion in Cuzco. La Fuente also manifested his authoritarian character and began to earn the enmity of the Lima political leadership, with a riot finally breaking out in Lima on April 16, 1831, promoted by Gamarra's wife, Francisca Zubiaga y Bernales, as a result of the controversy surrounding the monopoly of flour trade in the city. La Fuente was forced to flee across the rooftops and finally found shelter on a foreign ship anchored in Callao. The president of the Senate, Andrés Reyes y Buitrón, was then in charge of supreme command until December 21, 1831, when Gamarra returned. From September 27 to November 1, 1832, Gamarra, suffering from illness, entrusted command to the then president of the Senate, Manuel Tellería Vicuña [es]. On July 30, 1833, Gamarra, before leaving to suppress a rebellion in Ayacucho, entrusted command to the vice president of the Senate José Braulio del Camporredondo [es]. He regained power on November 2 of the same year.
As soon as the coup d'état against La Mar occurred, Gamarra signed the Armistice of Piura on July 10, 1829, by which a 60-day armistice was agreed (which was extended at the end of said period), in addition to the return of Guayaquil to Gran Colombia and the suspension of the Peruvian blockade of the southern coast of Gran Colombia. Subsequently, the Peruvian and Colombian delegates, José de Larrea y Loredo [es] and Pedro Gual Escandón, met in Guayaquil, who signed a treaty of peace and friendship on September 22, 1829, the so-called Treaty of Guayaquil. Thus, hostilities were officially put to an end, establishing "a perpetual and inviolable peace, and constant and perfect friendship between both nations." The dissolution of the Grand Colombian state led to the expiration of the treaty and the territorial dispute remained unsolved.
In 1830, the Republic of Ecuador emerged as an independent state, seceding from Colombia. The brand new republic was built on the basis of the territories of the Real Audiencia of Quito, plus Guayaquil. At that time it did not make claims on Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas. The first treaty concluded between both states was the Pando–Noboa Treaty, signed on July 12, 1832, by the Minister of Government and Foreign Affairs of Peru, José María Pando [es], and the Plenipotentiary Minister of Ecuador, Diego Noboa. Its article 14 recognised and respected the current limits between both nations.
In 1831 Gamarra wanted to declare war on Bolivia but Congress opposed it. Then he decided to start negotiations with that country. The representatives of both countries, the Peruvian Pedro Antonio de La Torre and the Bolivian Miguel María de Aguirre [es], met in Tiquina, signing a preliminary peace treaty on August 25, 1831, in which it was agreed the withdrawal of both armies from the border and the reduction of their troops. On November 8, 1831, the same plenipotentiaries, with the mediation of Chile, signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in Arequipa, which ratified the previous agreements, in addition to the prohibition of seditious activities for political refugees from both countries, and the maintenance of borders until the appointment of boundary commissions. At the same time, the Trade Treaty was celebrated, in which equal rights were approved, navigation on Lake Titicaca was declared free, and some items necessary for the industry and agriculture of both countries were exempt. The Bolivian government accepted the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, but not the Trade Treaty, considering it harmful to its commercial interests. The Peruvian La Torre was forced to travel to Bolivia to negotiate with the Bolivian representative Casimiro Olañeta a new Trade Treaty, which was signed in Chuquisaca on November 17, 1832.
In general terms, Gamarra did a good administrative job, counting on the valuable collaboration of his ministers José María Pando, Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre, Lorenzo Bazo, José de Larrea y Loredo, Andrés Martínez and Manuel del Río [es], characters of great figuration and well-versed in the disciplines of Law and Economics.
Among its main measures were the following:
Already in the last year of his government, Gamarra convened a National Convention [es] in 1833, that is, an assembly of representatives, whose mission would be to reform the Constitution of 1828, as stipulated in one of its articles. This assembly was established on September 12, 1833, with liberal deputies predominating, headed by the clergyman Francisco Xavier de Luna Pizarro.
Gamarra also called the Electoral Colleges for the election of a new President of the Republic [es], but these colleges were partially elected (some provinces elected and others did not) so the election could not be held. Despite this, Gamarra did not want to extend his power and left it on December 19, 1833, the same day his constitutional mandate ended. Then the National Convention temporarily assumed executive power and assumed the power to elect a provisional President. General Pedro Pablo Bermúdez (the same one who accompanied the overthrown president La Mar in his exile and who, surprisingly, now appeared reconciled with Gamarra) presented himself as a pro-Gamarra candidate. The liberals, for their part, supported the candidacy of the libertarian general Luis José de Orbegoso, a weak and manageable military man. Another candidate was General Domingo Nieto. Orbegoso obtained 47 votes, Bermúdez 36 and Nieto a single vote (December 20, 1833).
Gamarra was very irritated by this election and began to scheme with his supporters to overthrow the new government, accusing it of having been born illegally.
The day after his election, Orbegoso appeared before the National Convention, where he took the oath prescribed by law, thus assuming command. During the first days of his government, Orbegoso remained in the Government Palace, accompanied only by a few friends. There were no funds to pay employees, the customs was pledged and the contributions collected and spent. It was evident that Gamarra's influence in the management of power still existed. In fact, he was still General in Chief of the Army.
Fearing a coup d'état, Orbegoso decided to leave Lima and took refuge in the Real Felipe Fortress of Callao on January 3, 1834, where he installed the headquarters of his government and began to relieve the Gamarristas of the high command of the Army. In response to this action, the garrison of Lima revolted the next day and proclaimed General Pedro Pablo Bermúdez as Supreme Chief, who had previously lost the election. This de facto government had José María Pando, Andrés Martínez and General Juan Salazar as ministers of State. Two companies of a battalion took possession of the premises where the National Convention was meeting, thus preventing its meeting. Bermúdez, in reality, followed the directives of Gamarra, who was in Lima plotting the coup d'état, alleging that Orbegoso's presidency was illegal since it was not up to the National Convention to elect the President.
Bermúdez's troops besieged the fortress of Callao, where Orbegoso was entrenched. At the national level, Bermúdez's authority was respected by some garrisons: in Cuzco, with the prefect Juan Ángel Bujanda [es] at the head; in Puno, with Miguel de San Román; in Ayacucho with Frías. But he began to suffer desertions, even more so when the news arrived that Arequipa, the most important city in Peru after Lima, was speaking in favor of Orbegoso.
The new government lacked the support from the people of Lima, who initially protested through peaceful means. On January 28, 1834, some troops besieging Callao left for the highlands, and the locals—fearing that Bermúdez's troops would begin looting—started attacking the insurrect troops with rocks and rifles in Lima. The troops in Callao left the site and left for the capital under the command of Francisca Zubiaga y Bernales (who dressed as a man) but ultimately left the city. Orbegoso triumphantly entered Lima on January 29 and the National Convention resumed its functions. The government approved a law that would allow the request of Bolivian assistance, but the brief conflict did not allow such a request to take place.
The conflict had three fronts: to the south, in Arequipa; to the north, where Felipe Salaverry, joining Orbegoso's side, captured General Juan Francisco de Vidal in Trujillo; and the central front, where Orbegoso marched in person in the search of Bermúdez and his army. It was the campaign that would decide the final result of the conflict. Prior to launching the latter, Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano was left in charge of Lima. Although he had competent officers such as José de la Riva Agüero, Mariano Necochea, Guillermo Miller, Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente, Blas Cerdeña [es], Francisco de Paula Otero [es] and Felipe Salaverry under his command, his forces were very weak and heterogeneous.
On his way to Ayacucho, Bermúdez's troops defeated those of Orbegoso near Huancavelica, then under the command of Miller. Prefect Frías of Ayacucho was killed during the battle. Prior to an expected combat near Jauja, José Rufino Echenique unsuccessfully attempted to convince Bermúdez to sign an agreement with Orbegoso as he considered that they were fighting for a lost cause. After Bermúdez refused the proposal, Echenique arrested him, also notifying Lima. In Maquinguayo, both armies were positioned to fight, but instead approached each other nonviolently, with hugs exchanged between both armies. Gamarra and his wife ultimately left the country.
Orbegoso returned to Lima on May 3, 1834, and left office on May 7 due to health issues, although the National Convention ordered that he finish his term. Under his government, a number of events took place. such as the creation of the Charity of Lima on June 12 of the same year.
With Orbegoso absent from the capital, the unpaid sergeants and soldiers that made up the garrison revolted in the Real Felipe Fortress on January 1, 1835. Lieutenant Colonel Felipe Salaverry put down the uprising by storming the fortress and becoming governor of said square on January 4. Then, at midnight on February 22, Salaverry spoke out at the head of his garrison against the authority of the person in charge of command, Manuel Salazar y Baquíjano; Shortly after, he entered Lima on February 25 and appointed himself Supreme Head of the Republic, with the pretext that the country was headless, that is, without a president.
Salaverry had willpower, keen intelligence and high military courage. He was 29 years old at the time he took power. The consul of Chile, Don Ventura Lavalle, wrote to his government, referring to the leader in the following way: "Salaverry is a young man who is going to give his countrymen a lot of work, because a screwed-up head, excessive ambition and a haughty character and bloodthirsty, brings together talent and courage not common in the country."
The new government was recognised in various parts of the country, but not in the south, which continued to obey Orbegoso. He sent a division against Salaverry under the command of General Francisco Valle Riestra, who left Islay and landed in Pisco, but could not continue because his own men captured him and handed him over to Salaverry, who ordered his execution on April 1, 1835. Despite the efforts made to have his sentence commuted, it was carried out. The excessive action displeased everyone and created a hostile environment around Salaverry.
Salaverry's authoritarian government represented a second edition of Gamarra's authoritarianism. This explains why personalities such as Felipe Pardo y Aliaga and Andrés Martínez de Orihuela [es], who had served Gamarra in his first government, lent him their collaboration.
While these events were occurring in Peru, in Bolivia, President Andrés de Santa Cruz and General Agustín Gamarra were outlining plans to reunite both countries into a single Federal Republic. Following these plans and without waiting for a formal agreement with Santa Cruz, on May 20, 1835, Gamarra crossed the Desaguadero border and entered Peru, occupying the cities of Puno and Cuzco, areas where he had numerous supporters. Santa Cruz then denied being in an alliance with Gamarra and preferred to carry out his plans without him.
Orbegoso, now having retreated to Arequipa and faced with the danger posed by Gamarra's presence, made use of a previous congressional authority that allowed him to request the assistance of Bolivian forces, not aware of the concerts between Gamarra and Santa Cruz. The agreement with Bolivia was signed on June 15, 1835, and it was agreed that Santa Cruz would pass to Peru with its forces, as a preparatory act for the establishment of a Confederation. Without waiting for the expiration of the deadline set for his entry into Peru, 5,000 Bolivian soldiers crossed the Peruvian-Bolivian border and proceeded to occupy southern Peru. Orbegoso had no choice but to transfer his power to Santa Cruz, through a letter signed in Vilque on July 8, 1835. The Bolivian invasion was the origin of the bloody wars for the establishment of the Confederation project.
Gamarra, irate at Santa Cruz's betrayal, allied with Orbegoso through an agreement signed on July 27, 1835. Santa Cruz invited Gamarra to an interview, although Miguel de San Román was sent in Gamarra's place due to his suspicions, which were confirmed when San Román was arrested. Gamarra was ultimately defeated at Yanacocha, leaving Salaverry alone, who launched his decree of "war to the death" against Santa Cruz. He gradually lost territory, but continued to pursue the Bolivian Army, which he defeated at the Battle of Uchumayo. Despite this victory, his planned strategies were leaked to Santa Cruz and he was defeated at Socabaya, leaving for the sea before being captured by Guillermo Miller. He was executed at the main square of Arequipa on February 18, 1836.
With Salaverry dead, Santa Cruz was finally able to establish the Peru–Bolivian Confederation.
The establishment of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation soon led to a regional war, as Peruvian exiles, as well as neighboring Chile and Argentina opposed the existence of the state.
Peruvian opposition manifested itself in the War of the Confederation, which included the secession of North Peru, whose president, Luis de Orbegoso, established the Restoration Army of Peru that was defeated at the Battle of Guías; and the establishment by Peruvian exiles in Chile of the United Restoration Army, which fought against the confederation until its defeat in the Battle of Yungay, which led to its dissolution.
The conflict against the confederation also saw a southern theater, known as the War of Tarija, which was the conflict between Argentina and the Confederation over the territory of Tarija. Argentina annexed the territory as a result of the war, later being returned to Bolivia in March 1839.
In addition to the conflict in Tarija, the conflict also began the Second Iquicha War, which led to the disestablishment of the royalist autonomy—that had seen conflict a decade earlier—led by Huachaca, who fled to the Apurímac jungle, choosing to remain there while denouncing the republicans as the "antichrists".
After the demise of the Confederation, the states of Peru and Bolivia were re-established as independent and separate from each other. The Constituent Congress meeting in Huancayo ratified Agustín Gamarra as Provisional President on August 15, 1839, while the new Constitution was being written. Once this was approved, and after a general election, Gamarra was proclaimed Constitutional President of Peru on July 10, 1840.
During this second government, treaties were signed with Brazil, the Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe school opened its doors, and El Comercio began its publications in 1839. Gamarra followed the same guidelines as his first government, being authoritarian and conservative, as circumstances required, after several years of civil war. He faced the challenge of pacifying the country, having to face the "regenerative" revolution that Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco led in Arequipa, where he proclaimed himself Supreme Chief of the Republic, in January 1841. To combat it, Gamarra sent his war minister, Ramón Castilla, who after first suffering a defeat in Cachamarca, triumphed over the Vivanquistas in Cuevillas. After his defeat, Vivanco fled to Bolivia.
Gamarra's desire to unite Bolivia and Peru dovetailed into an attempt to annex Bolivia that ultimately failed and turned into a protracted war. After reaching La Paz without resistance, Gamarra participated in the Battle of Ingavi, where he was killed in action. In the aftermath of this battle, Bolivia occupied the south of Peru until a Peruvian resistance was established, which led to a counterattack that was ultimately successful due to the limited number of Bolivian troops.
The two nations signed the Treaty of Puno on June 7, 1842, officially ending the war. Both countries agreed to remain as separate sovereign states and the retreat of troops in Peruvian territory was accomplished eight days later. Bolivia unconditionally renounced all claims in southern Peruvian territory, but nevertheless, the treaty did not manage to solve the border problem or the unionist movement between the two states.
The conflict ended with a return to the situation before the war. Despite this, Peruvian historiography argues that the victories seen in all the battles in Peruvian soil overshadow the defeat at Ingavi, leaving Peru in a more favorable outcome after the end of the war.
After Gamarra's death, Manuel Menéndez was recognized as provisional president. However, several military leaders became involved in a struggle for power: in the north, Juan Crisóstomo Torrico; in the south, Antonio Gutiérrez de La Fuente, Domingo Nieto and Juan Francisco de Vidal; and in Arequipa, Manuel Ignacio de Vivanco. Menéndez could not maintain power, as he was deposed by Torrico during the second half of 1842.