Yemen Arab Republic

The Yemen Arab Republic (YAR; Arabic: الجمهورية العربية اليمنية al-Jumhūriyyah al-‘arabiyyah al-Yamaniyyah, French: République arabe du Yémen), commonly known as North Yemen or Yemen (Sanaʽa), was a country that existed from 1962 to 1990 in the northwestern part of what is now Yemen. Its capital was at Sanaa. It united with the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (commonly known as South Yemen) on 22 May 1990 to form the current Republic of Yemen.
Following the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in 1918 after the First World War, northern Yemen became an independent state as the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen.
The first king of the independent country was Yahya Muhammad Hamid ad-Din. Having declared Yemen's independence from the Ottomans, he proclaimed himself king and And achieved international recognition for the kingdom in 1926. Hamid ad-Din created the kingdom's first regular army. He fought a war with Saudi Arabia and did not recognize his border with the British protectorate of Aden, leading to periodic clashes with British troops. But he focused primarily on consolidating his power and creating a viable central government and appointed his sons to rule various provinces of the kingdom. After almost 30 years of rule (30 October 1918 – 17 February 1948 as a king), he was assassinated in what became known as the Al-Waziri coup. He was succeeded by his son, Ahmad bin Yahya. Like his father, Ahmad was a conservative. Ahmad's ruthless, arbitrary, and inconsistent rule made him the target of coup attempts and frequent assassination attempts, which he narrowly escaped. His enemies ranged from ambitious family members to forward-looking pan-Arabists and Republicans. His abrupt temperament and unpredictable behaviour united and set against him a variety of enemies. The monarchy deliberately exploited the kingdom's highly fragmented tribal society and exploited frequent tribal wars for remaining in power. In foreign policy, his only constant goal was to expel Britain from Aden in order to annex it to his kingdom. But he was not destined to realize his ambitions: he died suddenly in his sleep on September 19, 1962.
Throughout the existence of the absolute monarchy, Yemen was a very underdeveloped state. The complete conservatism of the kings and the unwillingness of the absolute monarchy to modernize in general brought with them the unfortunate but quite logical consequences of an underdeveloped economy and almost complete absence of roads or motor transport. The kingdom was predominantly an agricultural country. The rule of Hamid ed-Din (Although Hamid ad-Din took some steps towards creating a modern state, they were not enough) and especially Ahmad was always autocratic and conservative; Ahmad never brooked suggestions. Yemen remained a semi-feudal state, where every detail, no matter how insignificant or trivial, had to be approved by the imam, even for a government truck to move in Taiz or for mules to get fodder.
The Yemeni kingdom's lack of modernity and development led to revolutionary and anti-monarchist ideas in various layers of society. The army also fell victim to dissent. It had many anti-monarchist soldiers and officers with Republican and Nasserist views. In 1962, at least four plots against the king were planned in Yemen, two of which were prepared by military commanders. In December 1961, the Organization of Free Officers (similar to the Nasserist "Free Officers Movement" in Egypt) was created in the Yemeni Kingdom, the purpose of which was to coordinate an anti-monarchist coup.
But King Ahmad died suddenly, throwing the plotters into disarray. His son Muhammad al-Badr was crowned in his place on September 19. Badr promised to modernize Yemen so that it could "catch up with the caravan of world progress." We will probably never know whether he had any intention of implementing the promised reforms in the long term, because the military revolutionaries quickly switched its plot from the king to his son. Just a week after Badr's coronation, a coup took place in Sana'a on September 26: Nasserist officers overthrew the monarchy, seized power, and King Badr and his accomplices fled. The new government declared Yemen a republic, abolished slavery, a curfew was imposed and the Yemeni military police was formed. The coup in the north almost coincided (and inspired) with the beginning of the uprising and emergency in the south (in Aden). The first country to recognize the republic was the USSR. Two days after the coup, Abdullah al-Sallal, one of the main organizers of the coup and the first president of the newborn republic, said: "The corrupt monarchy which ruled for a thousand years was a disgrace to the Arab nation and to all humanity. Anyone who tries to restore it is an enemy of God and man!".
But Badr not only survived, but was also able to unite a lot of the tribes that supported him in the opposition to Sallal. He received support from other monarchies (such as Saudi Arabia and Jordan), who were afraid of Sallal's revolutionary nasserist regime and feared that the coup would spread to their monarchy too (Al-Sallal opened the Arabian Peninsula Office in 1963 and openly called for the overthrow of the Saudi monarchy and the creation of a unified socialist Arabia). At the same time, Egypt began to support the Sallal's government, supplying them weapons, military advisers and even sending Egyptian forces to fight against royalists later. As a result, – this coup d'état marked the beginning of the North Yemen Civil War that pitted republican troops, assisted by the United Arab Republic (Egypt), against Badr's royalist forces, supported by Saudi Arabia and Jordan.
The war was very expensive for Egypt. In 1967, most of the Egyptian troops were withdrawn from North Yemen to join the conflict of the Six-day War. In November 1967, the royalists laid siege to the capital Sana'a, but the Republican resistance was not suppressed and, in February 1968, the siege was lifted. Despite the fact that territorially, most of Yemen remained under the control of al-Badr, most of the big cities remained in the hands of the Republicans and their Egyptian allies. In 1970 Saudi Arabia, the main ally of king Badr, which was a fundamental enemy of the republican regime, suddenly recognized the Yemen Arab Republic, and other countries, such as the United Kingdom, quickly followed its example. For Badr, this was a complete surprise and humiliation, because no one consulted with him, and in fact, at this moment, after 8 years, the Republicans de facto won a cruel war, which officially ended in December 1, and received recognition of their republic. The civil war further weakened the economy of the newborn republic.
Although the war was over, its consequences remained. The country's already small infrastructure was badly damaged by fighting, bombing and shelling, the weak economy collapsed, and people became even poorer. The first decade after the war was marked by political instability (as a several coups of dissident officers).
Rebuilding North Yemen's infrastructure after the civil war proved extremely problematic. Apart from the devastated economy, there were other problems: the military took up to 50 percent of the national budget, amounting to only about £9 million in total, which was hopelessly inadequate in the circumstances. The army was the main social lift, but it (like the government) was riddled with graft and corruption. Controlled by the government, the military's logistics system not only depended on Sana'a's trust in the loyalty of local commanders, but was also susceptible to bribery and corruption. Although various leaders of the Yemen Arab Republic attempted to modernize the state, increase literacy, combat corruption, and rebuild and expand small infrastructure, this did not have the expected impact on the development of the country, which by 1990 remained very underdeveloped, poor, and mired in corruption, largely due to political instability and widespread nepotism.
Back in the 1960s, the Republican government formed the "Ministry of Tribal Affairs" or MTA (Arabic: وزارة شؤون القبائل) to deal with tribal issues and resolve tribe conflicts, which spread under the monarchy. The first president of the Yemen Arab Republic, Abdullah al-Sallal, was overthrown even before the civil war ended, in 1967, and was succeeded by Abdul Rahman al-Eryani, the first and last civilian leader in northern Yemen. He opposed the Yemeni monarchy, but made moves to reconcile with royalists at the end of the civil war. In 1970, he reached a national peace accord with many supporters of the royal regime and established formal relations with Saudi Arabia, persuading it to recognize new republic. Under his rule, a unification agreement with southern Yemen was reached in 1972 (which formed the basis for unification in 1990), a permanent constitution was adopted, and the first parliamentary elections were held. But Eryani was overthrown in In what became known as the "June 13 Corrective Movement" in 1974 by Military Command Council (or MCC) of 7 officers (de facto Nasserist military junta) and replaced by Colonel Ibrahim al-Hamdi, leader of MCC. Hamdi tried to actively implement reforms within the republic and fought corruption, creating a number of committees to implement them. He tried to unite the tribal country and eliminate inter-tribal conflicts that were active under the monarchy and during the civil war (but at the same time he disbanded MTA, considering it "an obstacle to economic and social development"), reorganized the army, initiated a grand infrastructure plan and sought to educate the population (he allocated 31% of the country's annual budget to education). But also under Hamdi, the role of the army in the political system and public life expanded: the army's intervention in political life returned, and military rule became a feature of the political system. Hamdi also took steps towards rapprochement with the socialist regime in South Yemen and steps towards unity. In February 1977, the "Kataba Agreement" was concluded, which provided for the formation of a Yemeni council of presidents Ibrahim al-Hamdi and Salem Rabi Ali (South Yemeni president) to discuss and resolve all border issues that concern the united Yemeni people and to coordinate efforts in all areas, including foreign policy. In 1977, Hamdi was assassinated, presumably by a Saudi agent (although there is still no exact information). Power was seized by another officer: Ahmad al-Ghashmi (He was also suspected of involvement in Hamdi's assassination). Gashmi was a conservative, unlike his predecessor, and advocated rolling back his Hamdi reforms. He also was known for his closeness to Saudi Arabia (he once called for unity with Saudi Arabia) and opposed Hamdi's attempts to reduce Saudi influence in Yemen. Not much is known about Ghashmi's presidency. However, he did not hold on to power for long: 8 months after coming to power, he was also assassinated on June 24, 1978.
Following the assassination of al-Ghashmi on 24 June 1978, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh was appointed a member of the four-member interim presidential council and deputy commander of the General Staff. On 17 July 1978, Saleh was elected by parliament as President of the Yemen Arab Republic, simultaneously serving as Chief of Staff and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, in theory controlling all power in the country. But in reality his power was unstable. Few people inside or outside the North Yemen expected him to survive for long, and most expected him to suffer the same fate as his two predecessors. In 1978–1979, several military coups and assassination attempts followed, and a coalition of North Yemeni opposition groups, the National Democratic Front (NDF), launched an initially successful years-long rebellion against the central government, with support from Libya and South Yemen. But to the surprise of outside observers, Saleh outlived them all. He managed to defeat his opponents, and after 4 years of rebellion, he was able to suppress the NDF forces in 1982 with the support of the United States and Taiwan. He successfully consolidated his personal power, transforming the government of the Yemen Arab Republic from a military junta to an authoritarian military dictatorship. He ultimately reversed the reformist program begun by al-Hamdi, opening the way to the corruption that had kept him in power. Saleh carried out major purges of military commanders to eliminate dissent and prevent further coups, and while these purges had a corresponding impact on the army's performance in the second war with southern Yemen, they allowed Saleh to remain in power. His bodyguards numbered hundreds of men, mostly from his own Sanhan tribe.
Saleh describing as being neither from a "sheikhly family" nor a "large or important tribe" either, but instead rising to power through "his own means", and creating a patronage system with his family at the top. His seven brothers were placed "in key positions", and later he relied on "sons, daughters, sons-in-law and nephews". Beneath the positions occupied by his extended family, Saleh "relied heavily on the loyalty" of two tribes, his own Sanhan tribe and the Hamdan San'a tribe of his mentor, the former president al-Ghashmi. The New York Times Middle Eastern correspondent Robert F. Worth described Saleh as reaching an understanding with powerful feudal "big sheikhs" to become "part of a Mafia-style spoils system that substituted for governance". Robert Worth accused Saleh of exceeding the aggrandisement of other Middle Eastern strongmen by managing to "rake off tens of billions of dollars in public funds for himself and his family" despite the extreme poverty of his country. Saleh's estimated current wealth of $62 billion made him the 5th richest person in the world in the 21st century. Saleh managed to reconcile most factions (though he, like the monarchy before him, exploited tribal conflicts and played off those who threatened his power), improved relations with Yemen's neighbors, and relaunched various programs of economic and political development and institutionalization. He led Yemen into the oil age. However, citizens felt little benefit from his development programs, since it was mainly the top ranks of the government and the army (including Saleh himself) who got rich.
As in the south, Saleh had three titles that were invariably repeated after his first and last name were pronounced: the brother president of the republic, commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and secretary of the General People's Congress.
By the mid-1980s, the North Yemeni state, however weak it was, was much stronger than it had been in the 1970s. Saleh was unable to build a strong economy and equality of all citizens, but he was able to bring stability to the YAR. The Saleh regime was able to establish a strong central government, and strengthen and expand the army and security forces: in 1982, the YAR spent 1,810 million Yemeni rials on the army, which was about three times more than it spent on medicine and education combined (580 million rials that same year), in 1985, the North Yemeni army was able to achieve military parity with the South. At the same time, the majority of the North Yemeni population was illiterate and poor.
Unlike the early decades of other partitioned states such as East Germany and West Germany, North Korea and South Korea, or North Vietnam and South Vietnam, all of which faced very tense relations or sometimes total wars, the relations between the Yemen Arab Republic and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) remained relatively friendly throughout most of their existence, although conflicts did arise. Fighting broke out in 1972, and the short-lived conflict was resolved with negotiations, where it was declared unification would eventually occur.
However, these plans were put on hold in 1979, as the PDRY funded Communist rebels in the YAR, and the war was only stopped by an Arab League intervention. The goal of unity was reaffirmed by the northern and southern heads of state during a summit meeting in Kuwait in March 1979.
Successor of Abdul Fattah Ismail, Ali Nasir Muhammad, became the general secretary of the Yemeni Socialist Party in 1980 and took a less interventionist stance toward both North Yemen and neighbouring Oman. A Yemeni council, made up of the two presidents and elected ministers, met twice a year. A draft constitution of 136 articles was prepared, but the council's meetings did not immediately produce any concrete decisions.
Against the background of the perestroika in the Soviet Union, political reforms were started in PDRY in the late 1980s too. Political prisoners were released, political parties were formed, and the system of justice was reckoned to be more equitable than in the North. The weakening of the USSR, the main backer of the PDRY, and the reduction of its economic aid pushed South Yemen into new negotiations with the North. In May 1988, the North and South Yemeni governments came to an understanding that considerably reduced tensions. They agreed to renew discussions concerning unification, to establish a joint oil exploration area along their undefined border, to demilitarize the border, and to allow Yemenis unrestricted border passage on the basis of a national identification card.
In 1990, the parties reached a full agreement on joint governing of Yemen. Official Yemeni unification took place on 22 May 1990, with a planned, 30-month process, scheduled for completion in November 1992. The first stamp bearing the inscription "Yemen Republic" was issued in October 1990. Saleh and his system of patrons became the president of a united Yemen. While government ministries proceeded to merge, both currencies remained valid until 11 June 1996. Over time, the government of the united Yemen was able to integrate and unite two very different economic and political systems. However, the two Yemeni armies were not united. The 1994 civil war between the central government and southern Yemeni separatists delayed the completion of the final merger. the former YAR dominated the PDRY in a united Yemen, communists of South Yemen were persecuted, and the south became economically marginalized.
The economies of both North and South Yemen were underdeveloped. However, communist South Yemen was able to provide a basic (and adequate) standard of living for all its citizens: equality, good education, and reduced corruption – all this is about South Yemen. Capitalist North Yemen was able to provide none of these.
North Yemen's economy has been devastated by civil war, and corruption and nepotism are widespread. The YAR's budget deficit is 30 percent of GNP. The military took up to 50 percent of the national budget. Its exports are minimal, accounting for only 1 percent of its imports, and most of the country's labor force remains rural. Many workers have emigrated from the country: more than a million of Yemen's 7.5 million people live in other states on the peninsula (mostly Saudi Arabia). YAR remittances, at about $1 billion a year, represent about 40 percent of GNP. Foreign aid amounted to 17 percent of GNP in 1982. Saudi Arabia provides subsidies to northern tribes estimated at $60 million to $80 million a year.
About 85 percent of the country's labor force works in agriculture, but the country is nevertheless dependent on imports for 30 percent of its food supplies. It has received significant aid from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates.
Although oil was an important part of the YAR's exports, the country had not been found to have large reserves. North Yemen has received significant aid from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE, but is not a candidate for membership in the Gulf Cooperation Council, a group of six Arab oil producers on the peninsula established in May 1981. As one senior government official put it: "There are reasons why we won't be allowed to join. First, we're a republic. Second, we're poor. And third, if they let us in, they'll have to let the Iraqis in, too."
North Yemen was considered a Nasserist republic with Islam as its official religion. From 1974 to 1978, the country was ruled by a Nasserist military junta (with Hamdi and Ghashmi as presidents), but after Ali Abdullah Saleh came to power, there was a gradual shift from collective rule by a council of military officers to Saleh's personal authoritarian dictatorship (and his patron system).
Compared to South Yemen (which harbored revolutionary communists from all over the region), the North had better relations with many Arab countries. It criticized the peace initiatives undertaken by Egypt, but did not join the rejectionist camp. It established particularly good relations with Ba'athist Iraq, supporting it from the beginning in the war with Iran and selling some of its Soviet equipment to the Iraqis. It received economic aid from Kuwait, the Emirates, and was dependent on Saudi Arabia: for economic reasons, but also because of the influence it wields in North Yemen.
The USSR and YAR never publicly clashed, and the YAR military still relied on Soviet arms (both directly and through intermediaries).
The standard of living in the Yemen Arab Republic is very low. The country is mired in corruption and incompetence. Unlike the south, the north has failed to create a welfare state. In the republic, most of the wealth is concentrated in the hands of the elite or leaders of large tribes, and is not divided equally among the entire population. Rural health programs are negligible.
Most North Yemenis have no education. In 1985, adult illiteracy was over 80 percent (compared to 2 percent illiteracy in south Yemen), and most children were not in school.
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