Chaga people

The Chagga (Wachagga, in Swahili) are a Bantu ethnic group from Kilimanjaro Region of Tanzania and Arusha Region of Tanzania. They are the third-largest ethnic group in Tanzania. They founded the now former sovereign Chagga states on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro which governed both the current Kilimanjaro and Arusha regions (eastern) of Tanzania.
The Chagga people are recognized as one of the economically successful groups in Tanzania. Their relative wealth is attributed to the fertile soil of volcanic Mount Kilimanjaro, which supports intensive agricultural activities. The Chagga have developed a strong work ethic and engaged in trade, contributing to their current economic standing in the country.They are known for historically employing various agricultural techniques, including sophisticated irrigation systems and terracing. Furthermore, they have intensive farming methods for centuries, a tradition that dates back to the time of the Bantu expansion within their historical states.
Around the beginning of the twentieth century, the German colonial government estimated that there were about 28,000 households on Kilimanjaro. In 1988, the Chagga population was estimated at over 800,000 individuals.
The term "Dschagga" originally referred to a geographical location rather than a specific ethnic group. Notably, German explorer Johannes Rebmann described "the inhabitants of the Dschagga" while documenting the Taita and Kamba peoples during his early expeditions to the region. The name appears to have been a general designation for the mountainous area, used by distant residents to describe it. When Rebmann's Swahili guide referred to "Dischagga," it was likely an overarching term rather than a specific name for a community. Over time, the term underwent anglicization, evolving to "Jagga" by 1860 and "Chagga" by 1871. The latter spelling was chosen by Charles New, who associated it with the Swahili words meaning "to stray" or "to get lost," reflecting the area's dense forests that often disoriented visitors.
The Chagga people are believed to have descended from several Bantu groups that migrated from different regions of Africa to the foothills of Mount Kilimanjaro. This migration is thought to have commenced around the beginning of the eleventh century. While the Chaga are Bantu-speakers, their language has a number of dialects somewhat related to Kamba, which is spoken in southeast Kenya. One word they all have in common is Mangi, meaning 'king' in Kichagga. The British called them chiefs as they were deemed subjects to the British crown, thereby rendered unequal.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, European travelers to Mount Kilimanjaro documented conversations with various Chagga kings regarding the origins of their clans. Notably, Karl Peters recorded information from Mangi Marealle of Marangu, who stated that the Wamarangu descended from Ukamba, the Wamoshi from the Usambara Mountains, and that the Wakibosho had always inhabited the mountain.
Some historical accounts suggest that certain Chagga clans may have origins linked to the Usambara and Kamba peoples. However, few modern mangis assert these connections, emphasizing their long-standing lineage as exclusively Chagga and rooted in Mount Kilimanjaro. Acknowledging other origins could undermine the Chagga's historical claim to the land, and early European interrogators may have oversimplified or led the responses they received.
Chagga histories reveal the origins of various clans, indicating whether they emerged locally or migrated from the plains. Much of the region, particularly the high forest, remains unexplored, including ancient shrines and sacred plants that may indicate the paths of early pygmies. Unexamined stone-wall enclosures in the upper chiefdoms (Mitaa) could provide further insights into Chagga history.
Additionally, wild olives on the northern side of Kilimanjaro may suggest previous habitation by the Chagga, as the area could regenerate with olive trees. It is possible that ancestors often said to have "come from the mountain" originally settled on the north side before moving to the south.
Language, customs, and housing styles in Chaggaland reveal insights into the region's history. The Kichagga language is rapidly evolving, with contemporary speakers finding older forms nearly "classical." While some areas retain distinctive dialects, such asnthe Ngasseni dialect, which is largely unintelligible to other Kichagga speakers, the influence of standardized dialects from Machame and Marangu is notable.
Distinct customs indicate clan origins, with practices like unique cursing stones and fire worship in the ancient chiefdoms of Samake, Nguni, and Kyuu in Siha Kingdom. Clan histories often detail the arrival of ancestors with various tools, reflecting their roles as hunters, blacksmiths, livestock keepers, or cultivators.
Cultural similarities across the central chiefdoms create unity, although differences emerge beyond the Weru Weru River and Mriti hills. Male Circumcision is common, and initiation rituals in the central zone involve tribal lore and secret symbols. Architectural styles vary, with distinct house designs east and west of the Weru Weru River.
Historically, many Chagga are believed to have originated in the northeastern region of the mountain, influenced by migrations from surrounding areas, including recently the Maasai, Pare, and as far as the Kikuyu. Additionally, movements from the south, including Shambaa and Zigua, contribute to the region's complex settlement history, with legends indicating various groups migrated towards Kilimanjaro from different directions.
According to some Chagga origin legends, the Usambara Kilindi dynasty originated from the Nguu Mountains, are some of their ancestors. The coastal Wanika are believed to have migrated from Kilema to Rombo and then to the southern Kenyan coast, a journey detailed by von der Decken, linked to the rule of Munie Mkoma (Mangi Rongoma) of Kilema Kingdom.
Chagga oral traditions also mention pygmies, known as "Wakoningo," who crossed Kilimanjaro from east to west toward the Congo Basin. A story from the Uru describes visitors from the west seeking lumber for a mythical king, but the primary narrative involves the pygmies' migration.The Ongamo people significantly influenced Chagga culture by adopting later abandoned practices such as female circumcision and age sets rika. By the late 19th century, they were increasingly integrated into Chagga society, leading to the emergence of the deity "Ruwa," a blend of both cultures' beliefs.
Munie Mkoma of Pangani may have initiated a tradition, possibly as a Swahili leader, with later connections seen in Mangi Mamkinga of Machame's reliance on a resident Swahili living in his kingdom. These elements suggest that the Chagga's origins are more complex than those of the Taita, who claimed a simpler migration narrative.
Before Christianity and Islam took root in Kilimajanro during the 19th century, the Chagga faith centered on their supreme deity Ruwa and his power and assistance in their daily life. Ruwa is the Chagga name for him in Eastern and Central Kilimanjaro states of from usseri to Kibosho, while in the western states, especially Machame and Masama, the deity was referred to as Iruva. Both names are also Chagga words for the sun. Ruwa is not looked upon as the creator of humankind, but rather as a liberator and provider of sustenance. He is known for his mercy and tolerance when sought by his people.
Much of the Chagga lifestyle was shaped by their earth based and ancestral veneration based religious beliefs. Before the arrival of Christianity and Islam, the Chaga practiced a diverse range of faith with a thoroughgoing syncretism. The importance of ancestors is strongly maintained by them to this day. Ruwa resides on the top of Mount Kilimanjaro, which means the mountain is sacred to them. Parts of the high forest contain old shrines with masale plantings, the sacred Chagga plant.
In Chagga cosmology, the natural and supernatural realms are deeply interconnected, with all human activities viewed as having spiritual significance. Misfortunes can result from improper conduct, malevolent actions, or the ill-will of spirits, while good fortune must be coaxed from a universe inhabited by unpredictable ancestral spirits. Rituals are performed to appease these spirits, particularly Ruwa, the sun god, who resides in the sky. Unlike superior spirits, the spirits of deceased ancestors are more actively involved in human affairs, influencing their descendants. The ancestors of kings require propitiation on behalf of their entire kingdom, reflecting a belief system that intricately links the living with the spiritual world.
In Chagga cosmology, sexual reproduction is viewed as a fundamental force governing life and death. The harmonious combination of male and female is believed to create life, while improper unions are thought to lead to death. Notably, marriage and incest are seen as opposing forces of life and death, stemming from male-female interactions. The potent nature of sexuality is acknowledged, with Chagga cursing instruments often adorned with male and female sexual symbols, highlighting their dual capacity for creation and destruction.
To mitigate the dangers associated with sexual combinations, a degree of segregation between male and female elements is practiced. Additionally, adherence to a proper temporal sequence in life stages is crucial. Each individual is expected to follow a designated life cycle, progressing from youth to maturity, and eventually to death. For instance, once a child reaches the age of circumcision and is prepared for marriage, the parents are expected to cease procreation to prevent potential fatalities within the family.
Death occurring out of sequence, particularly among the young, is interpreted as a sign of foul play, indicating that the individual has died prematurely. A failure to produce offspring—either due to youth or infertility—is seen as a disruption of the ancestral lineage, severing the continuity between ancestors and descendants. Consequently, the bodies of childless individuals and infertile women are disposed of in the wilderness, rather than being buried in family graves, reflecting their perceived lack of connection to the ongoing cycle of life.
The most profound concern within this cosmology is the fear of dying without leaving descendants. A man without male heirs faces eternal extinction, as there would be no one to perform the necessary rituals to ensure his passage to the afterlife. Sterility symbolizes a form of perpetual death, raising existential questions about legacy and remembrance in the context of Chagga beliefs.
In Chagga cosmology, the cyclical renewal of life—encompassing humans, animals, plants, and natural cycles—depends on maintaining order through the principles of separation, combination, and sequence, particularly concerning male and female roles. Proper timing and combinations are essential to prevent chaos and disaster.
Key themes in this belief system include: (1) the continuity of life through an ancestral chain where the dead exist in the spirit world; (2) the mysterious processes of sexual reproduction; and (3) the magical properties of food, which sustain both the living and the spirits. Food and sexuality are intertwined, serving as vital means to prevent death and promote life.
Animal sacrifice is a significant ritual, viewed as a means of communication with ancestral spirits. The offerings, including the stomach and intestines, connect the living with the dead. Furthermore, analogies between feeding and reproduction highlight the importance of sustenance in both life and spiritual contexts. Rituals emphasize these connections, with special foods for mothers post-childbirth and communal sharing symbolizing bonds of kinship and friendship. Overall, the Chagga worldview reflects a deep interconnection between fertility, sustenance, and the cycles of life and death.
In Chagga initiation mythology, a significant narrative for women and children describes the ritual alteration of men's bodies during initiation. It is believed that men's anuses are sealed, paralleling the state of pregnant women, symbolizing a form of "closure" associated with masculinity. This myth suggests that the completeness of a man's digestion is linked to his procreative abilities.
During initiation ceremonies, men's feces play a crucial role, despite young women's ignorance of male defecation. In the girls' initiation, a mixture containing male feces is applied to each girl's forehead as a symbol, while in the boys' ceremony, it is ingested as part of swearing oaths. These rites signify the transition to adulthood and the ability to procreate, reflecting the importance of fecal symbolism in Chagga culture.
Chagga rituals draw heavily from everyday life, encompassing bodily functions and products (such as spittle, semen, blood, and urine), fundamental foods (like bananas, meat, and beer), agricultural practices, and various natural and man-made elements. Symbols within this cosmology often possess dual meanings; for instance, fire represents both the nurturing warmth of the hearth and the destructive force of flames. Similarly, water can symbolize both tranquility and danger.
In this worldview, men are seen as protectors and creators, yet also as potential destroyers in war. Women are revered for their capacity to bear children but are also viewed as dangerous due to menstruation and the potential for harm through witchcraft or poisoning. Thus, Chagga cosmology encompasses a complex ambivalence, where both genders embody the capacities for life and death, reflected in their myths and symbols.
Traditionally, The Chagga states were divided into several small kingdoms known as "Umangi," following a patrilineal system of descent and authority. The Chagga people in their countries primarily engaged in intensive agriculture, utilizing terraced fields and irrigation. While bananas are the staple crop, they also grow yams, beans, and maize, with coffee emerging as a significant cash crop by the late 19th century duringthe German cocupation.
The Chagga states, located on Mount Kilimanjaro, historically functioned as a vital provisioning point within the Swahili commercial inland network. Their strategic location enabled trade with various Swahili ports, including Mombasa and Pangani, and attracted traders from groups like the Kamba and Nyamwezi. Notable trader Chief Kivoi Mwendwa famously climbed Kilimanjaro and led large caravans before European colonization.
By 1899, the Chagga population was organized into 37 autonomous kingdoms.
Early accounts often classify the inhabitants of each kingdom as distinct "tribes." While the Chagga primarily reside on Mount Kilimanjaro, many families have migrated to other regions throughout the 20th century. Following significant reorganization by the British administration in 1946, the number of kingdoms was greatly reduced, leading to the establishment of newly settled lands on the lower slopes of Kilimanjaro's western and eastern sides.
The historical development of various Chagga states constitutes an essential part of Kilimanjaro's internal history. Today, over 100 mitaa (parishes) reflect the amalgamation of two or three former mitaa, which were independent units in earlier times, apart from newly opened territories on the lower slopes. For many elderly Chagga, these former mitaa still hold cultural significance.
By 1964, there were fifteen recognized Chagga states, referred to by elders as "the countries of Kilimanjaro." Within each chiefdom, the term "country" is still used to describe the past when referring to each old mtaa. In the pre-colonial era, the Chagga population was smaller, land was more abundant, and distances were greater compared to the present day, where modern transportation has reduced travel time. Nevertheless, in many areas of Kilimanjaro, distances are still measured by the pace of walking.
In the 19th century as recorded by French missionary Alexandre Le Roy who visited the Chagga in 1890 confirmed that the Chagga were a primarily an agricultural society, distinguished among African farming communities by their innovative practices. Notably, their irrigation system is highly developed; water is collected from distant sources, including areas beyond virgin forests, and channeled along hillsides and cliffs. This water is then directed down less noticeable slopes to reservoirs, from which it is distributed through an intricate network of small channels, ensuring equitable access for all.
The Chagga people utilized a solar calendar comprising twelve 30-day months and a five-day intercalary period, totaling thirteen time units. They did not count years but also employed a lunar system that associated specific characteristics with each of the 28 lunar days.
This combination of lunar and solar timekeeping may explain inconsistencies in reports about their calendar. The Chagga's interactions with neighboring cultures likely influenced their methods. Local variations in month names, often derived from Kichagga ordinal numbers, have been noted.
Regarding seasons, the Chagga recognized major weather patterns without fixed dates, similar to European seasonal discussions. They identified two to three primary seasons and, in some kingdons, additional sub-seasons based on natural cues such as plant blooms and bird calls.
The Chagga people, particularly those from the Kilema, Marangu, and Mwika kingdoms, recognize several major weather seasons:
1. Kori or Sesu: The dry season characterized by intense heat, occurring approximately from January to February.
2. Kisiye: This season is divided into two parts: heavy rains: Occurring roughly from March to May. Cold weatherr: Lasting from June to September.
3. Fuli: Marked by light rains, typically from October to December.
In Marangu, the cold weather period between Kisiye and Fuli is referred to as Mbeo, while in Old Moshi, it is known as Ndohu. Additionally, Kisiye is subdivided in Kilema into four distinct phases leading up to Fuli:
These seasonal classifications are influenced by weather patterns, meaning their onset and conclusion can vary from year to year and may also differ across various altitudes and locations on the mountain.
In Chagga communities, land designated for banana cultivation is categorized under a specific tenure known as vihamba (singular: kihamba). This type of land is permanently cultivated and is typically owned by males, who allocate individual plots to their wives. The plots of land owned by patrilineally related men are often contiguous, reflecting a communal approach to landholding. In this system, these men maintain contingent interests in each other's plots, ensuring that if a man dies without male heirs, his land may be inherited by a male relative.
Kihamba lands are traditionally passed down from father to son, but they can also be loaned or given to non-kin with the approval of the local lineage. In cases of loans, an annual payment known as masiro, often in the form of beer, is made to commemorate the transaction and to allow the donor lineage the option to reclaim the land if desired.
Unimproved land, meanwhile, becomes inheritable by anyone who cultivates it. Mangis often grant permission for immigrants to settle on such lands to increase their following. In families with multiple sons, the eldest and youngest may receive land directly, while middle sons might seek land through the lineage branch head or the chief. When an area is conquered, patrilineal territories retain their inheritance patterns, although the right to allocate unused lands to non-kin may be lost, as chiefs assert rights over these lands.
The second type of land tenure, referred to as shamba, is typically granted for one year and is used for annual crops such as beans, maize, and mbege (eleusine). While shamba lands are officially granted for a single year, they are often reallocated to the same individual annually. Similar to kihamba lands, masiro is paid for shamba land, frequently in the form of a portion of the harvested produce. Despite various legislative changes introduced up to 1974, both kihamba and shamba land tenure systems continue to persist in these communities.
In 19th-century Kilimanjaro, wealth was primarily measured by cattle holdings rather than land ownership. However, cattle were not typically herded in many regions; instead, they were stall-fed in Chagga huts, particularly in areas like Rombo and parts of Machame, where pasture land was more abundant than in Vunjo. Women gathered fodder from the plains, carrying heavy loads up the mountain slopes for their cattle.
Due to the labor-intensive nature of stall feeding and the limited space of the huts, households generally maintained only two or three cattle, along with a few goats and sheep. Male animals were commonly slaughtered during lineage feasts. Cattle could be accumulated through natural increase or as war booty, and surplus cattle were often placed in the care of other households under an agistment agreement. In this arrangement, the borrower would keep the milk and manure, receiving a share of any bull-calf slaughtered.
Heifers were usually placed in households other than their birth homes due to taboos, while bull-calves remained with their mothers until slaughtered by their owners. Old cows could also be reclaimed for slaughter after appropriate apologies were made. She-goats were similarly loaned, with the borrower entitled to every third kid.
There were several motivations for accumulating cattle, including the ability to pay tribute to Mangis or mtaa chiefs, host lineage feasts, provide bridewealth, and exert influence over borrowers. Cattle-rich individuals were expected to provide tribute and support for chiefs' guests, making it advantageous to conceal their assets by distributing animals across various households. While some wealthy men managed this openly, many did so secretly to avoid unwanted demands.
This secrecy often led to legal complications, particularly if a lender died without revealing their assets or if a borrower failed to uphold their end of the agreement. Complex legal issues also arose when cattle were placed in different chiefdoms, as was common with families from Vunjo placing animals with those in Rombo. Legal practices evolved around debt hostages and the assumption of debts by chiefs, who became substitute creditors in these transactions.
The Chagga people exhibit a distinct artistic sensibility in the layout of their communities. Typically, settlements consist of smaller clusters rather than large conglomerations, with each family residing in individual homes. A typical household may include multiple structures for the head of the family, spouses, children, and any slaves, as well as facilities for livestock. Additionally, there is often a well-maintained, smaller building raised on poles for storing millet, bananas, beans, honey, and banana beer. This storage area is surrounded by a garden enclosed by a living hedge, often made of dracaena or thorny capers. Above the entrance, flowering creepers create an arch, and a nearby stream from the irrigation system enhances the picturesque quality of these family enclosures.
Every single Chagga family lived in the seclusion of their fenced-in farmhouse, or kihamba in Kichagga, even in the most crowded sections of Chaggaland. Each home was surrounded by the Masale plant, a revered symbol of peace and forgiveness in the Chagga culture (Dracaena fragrans). It contains a banana grove, with its long, overhanging fronds shading tomatoes, onions, and various varieties of yam. In the middle of the grove was a round, beehive-shaped house made of earth and covered in grass or banana leaves. The husband's hoe and other equipment can be stored in the sleeping quarters, which can be either a leather hide or a dry banana leaves bed and is close to the door. A fire is burning in the middle of the room, supported by three stones, and bananas are drying in a little loft above the fire.
In various homesteads, a blacksmith can often be observed working diligently over hot embers, utilizing an anvil and goatskin bellows. In contrast, the sight of a woman crafting and firing earthen pots is less commonly encountered. Additionally, beehives constructed from hollowed tree trunks, with stoppers, are typically suspended from trees in the vicinity. Hides are frequently stretched on pegs to dry at the entrance of these dwellings..
Typically, neighbors come from the same clan. Interior paths connect the homesteads in the region controlled by that clan, and the entire area is separated from the neighboring homes of the next clan by a larger hedge or an earth bank. A mtaa is chiefdom made up of multiple clans. When Rebmann arrived in Kilema in 1848, he immediately remarked on the order that had taken hold due to the mangi's firm authority. He was enthralled by the prosperity and abilities of the populace, as well as by the pleasant weather and natural beauty of the area.
The Chagga employ wooden implements for farming, including a large pike used to turn the soil, which yields favorable results. This type of pike, often crafted from ebony, is also utilized by other southern tribes. Interestingly, the Chagga use iron tools to create these wooden implements. In terms of metallurgy, the Chagga are adept craftsmen, operating primitive forges equipped with goatskin bellows and utilizing wood charcoal instead of coal. They produce various iron tools, including hatchets, double-edged knives, robust swords, and particularly well-crafted spears, which have gained recognition for their aesthetic appeal, leading some European observers to doubt their Chagga origins. Historically, the Chagga sourced iron from the Pare people, but they now obtain it from Swahili traders dealing in sticks of varying thickness.
The Chagga people of Tanzania exhibited a rich cultural heritage, characterized by distinctive artistic and practical traditions. Their warriors adorned their shields with geometrical designs unique to each age-set. Traditional attire included headdresses made from colobus monkey fur, anklets of the same material, and capes and tails fashioned from ostrich feathers. Locally sourced hyrax fur capes and blankets were considered luxuries.
Wood was the primary material for the Chagga's domestic items, allowing them to create a variety of containers, including small bowls and large tubs for beer feasts. Their wooden spoons, ladles, and "teaching sticks"—used in initiation ceremonies—sometimes featured incised designs. While the Chagga did not produce pottery due to a lack of clay, they acquired pots through trade. They also lacked iron but had skilled blacksmiths who shaped iron obtained via barter, producing tools such as hoes, sickles, spears, knives, and decorative items like bracelets and necklaces.
In contrast to their expertise in metalwork, the Chagga show limited interest in pottery, preferring wooden bowls to ceramic ones. The wood used is typically a soft variety that can be skillfully shaped by male artisans, particularly in the Uru Kingdom. This craftsmanship results in a diverse range of utensils, including troughs, household vessels, bowls, plates, and even items functioning as spoons and forks. Additionally, inspired by European designs, the Chagga have begun to create their own smoking pipes y the turn of the 20th century.
Chagga blacksmiths, or fundis, are skilled metalworkers from Chagga land, known for crafting a variety of items, including spears, knives, agricultural tools, and intricate ornaments. Many of these artisans have held esteemed positions as Mangis or Kings, enhancing their social standing. Some prominent clans like the Nkini clan of the chiefdom of Mae in Siha were highly respected. In the area, the Chagga blacksmiths were highly regarded. Some even traded their weapons to the coast, and they were frequently in charge of producing weapons for the Taveta and Maasai.
Their craftsmanship is notable for its sophistication despite using simple tools. For example, a typical spear involves extensive resources, including numerous rings of iron. The blacksmithing process requires heating metal in charcoal fires, gradually forging and carbonizing it to create a steel-like quality. Instead of anvils, they use ironstone and manipulate hot metal with long-handled pincers.
Fire is maintained through traditional bellows operated by a craftsman, and charcoal is treated as a valuable resource, prepared through a careful burning process of trees. This meticulous approach highlights the skill and resourcefulness of Chagga blacksmiths in producing durable and culturally significant metalwork.
The Pare, Taveta, and Taita peoples had been the chief suppliers of iron to the Chagga blacksmiths. The demand for iron increased from the beginning of the nineteenth century because of military rivalries among the Chagga rulers. It is likely that there was a connection between this rivalry and the development of long-distance trade from the coast to the interior of the Pangani River basin, suggesting the Chagga's contacts with the coast may have dated to about the end of the eighteenth century.
The Chagga diet in the 19th century was predominantly vegetarian, featuring crops such as eleusine (a key ingredient in Chagga banana beer), pearl millet, over 18 varieties of bananas, edible lilies (Caribbean cabbage), a variety of peas and beans, sweet potatoes, yams, maize, cassava, guinea corn, and sugar cane. Unlike the coastal communities, Poultry was not raised, and fishing was uncommon. Cattle , goats and sheep were raised for their milk and meat. Tobacco is also cultivated and was consumed through smoking or chewing, noted for its strong potency.
In terms of animal based nutrition, the Chagga consume significant amounts of milk and butter, although the butter often has a pronounced flavor from local aromatic herbs. Meat is highly valued, and warm fresh blood is particularly enjoyed, although access to meat is often more limited for the common people.
Members of the Chagga community during the 19th century fashion are known for their distinctive traditional jewelry, which includes large and heavy pewter armlets and leglets, as well as multiple necklaces that individuals may wear simultaneously if they possess several. Women typically wear beaded belts featuring specific patterns, while those identified as wealthy often adorn themselves with numerous colorful beaded fringes. These fringes serve as cinctures and fillets, from which long strands of Chagga metal beads or chains made of copper, iron, and brass are suspended. These adornments play a significant role in expressing cultural identity and social status within the Chagga community.
The Mangis, elders, and married women are the main wearers of modest clothing, which is typically very simple among the Chagga. According to similar Maasai customs from the late 19th century, young men usually dislike wearing full clothing until they are older or more affluent, at which point they may wear larger pieces of fabric. Poorer people, known as "small men," on the other hand, usually wear very little clothing, usually made from cowhide or scraps of cloth.
It is important to note that the absence of extensive clothing does not correlate with moral character; many children are unclothed without any negative connotation. In fact, local art, often sought after by both the young and old in more developed societies, might be seen as scandalous by the Chagga.
The desire for aesthetic presentation is evident in their grooming practices. Men maintain their hair meticulously and pay particular attention to their ears, which are pierced in childhood. Over time, they gradually enlarge the lobes by inserting progressively larger pieces of wood, often resulting in lobes that can touch the shoulders. In some areas, intricate carved wood pieces are placed atop the ear cartilage, resembling small horns. Women are skilled in creating elaborate ornamental jewelry, including earrings, bracelets, necklaces, and girdles made from iron, copper, and tin, as well as colorful pearl beads. Often, impoverished individuals may choose decorative pearls over practical cloth, valuing their visual appeal.
Body adornment was common among both men and women, involving the anointing and painting of skin with butter and red ochre, as well as scarification. In the 1890s, locally crafted metal bracelets and chains became fashionable, alongside imported beads and cloth wrap-around garments, products of the ivory and slave trades. Traditional garments, such as pubic aprons and belts, were primarily made of cowhide, often embellished with stitched beads.
Slaughtering feasts play a crucial role in Chagga lineage structures, primarily involving male participants. These communal events are organized at the invitation of the animal owner, with the scale of the feast depending on the size of the sacrificed animal. Smaller animals like goats or sheep may involve fewer guests, while larger animals, such as cattle, require broader participation from various lineage sub-branches.
The slaughter is typically performed by a designated partner, often a brother, rather than the owner, due to beliefs about the animal's spirit recognizing its owner and potentially causing harm. Rituals preceding the slaughter include dedicating the animal to ancestral spirits and participants placing spittle between its horns. The method of slaughter varies by species, with cattle traditionally killed by striking them on the head and suffocating them, while smaller animals are stabbed.
Once the animal is deceased, blood is collected and distributed, with portions reserved for the owner and the individual who raised the animal. The meat is allocated according to traditional rights, with specific cuts designated for certain kin, and misallocation is believed to bring misfortune. The Kiuno, a portion consumed on-site, is typically prepared by roasting if fatty, and is eaten with fresh blood mixed with salt. The distribution of meat follows a hierarchy, with senior members receiving their shares first.
During the feasts, participants engage in social activities, consuming banana beer and conversing while the meat cooks. Although only a portion of the animal is cooked on-site, it is customary for the kiuno to be eaten there, while larger portions are taken home for redistribution among neighbors and friends. Portions of the animal are also dedicated to ancestors, and various cuts are allocated to specific family members, reflecting the social structure and customs of the community.
Additionally, kishongu, or skin rings made from animal hide, were traditionally given out during these feasts as protective amulets and symbols of solidarity. While historically significant, the frequency of these feasts has declined due to modern influences, with many now opting to purchase meat. Nevertheless, slaughtering feasts continue to mark important life events within Chagga culture, demonstrating both culinary and sacrificial significance.
At birth, the Chagga midwife determines whether the child should live or die, although the father has the authority to reject her decision. The newborn must remain in the house of birth until able to walk and is only named when they can respond to it. This naming is a simple affair, typically marked by a meal and expressions of joy. As the child grows, they are assigned age-appropriate tasks; for instance, girls may be tasked with pounding grain, while boys tend to flocks.
Circumcision, performed around the age of fourteen, is celebrated with dancing and festivities, though it lacks religious significance. This practice is not unique to the Chagga, as it has historical roots in Egypt, Ethiopia, and even in regions such as Polynesia and Central America. The Bible recounts Abraham's family adopting circumcision, but it does not imply that this was its origin.
In Chagga culture, significant life events—such as birth, circumcision, initiation, marriage, parenthood, and death—are marked by a series of rituals that convey their meanings for the individual, their close relatives, and the broader cosmic context. Key themes of food, sex, and death are prevalent throughout these rituals and are also evident in crisis rituals performed during times of illness or misfortune.
During a woman’s first pregnancy, both spouses must adhere to specific customs to ensure the child's healthy development. Pregnant women are advised against consuming male-associated foods, such as bananas and beer, which symbolize male property and fertility. Instead, they are encouraged to eat foods associated with femininity, such as milk, sweet potatoes, and butter. Any disputes between the couple or their families are believed to jeopardize the unborn child, and infidelity during this period is thought to lead to the child’s death.
Ritual feasts during pregnancy include the slaughter of an animal, from which skin rings are made for the couple to symbolize their unity and to invoke spirit protection. A second feast, typically held around the fifth month, involves ceremonial covering of the wife's breasts, accompanied by singing and dancing, aimed at supporting the mother and child. The couple receives guidance on childbirth and parental responsibilities, including the instruction that the woman should not cry out during labor. Older women praise the expectant mother, drawing parallels to warriors and recounting myths of women's lost power.
As birth approaches, the husband's belongings are removed from the hut. During delivery, the woman is supported by her mother-in-law and other female relatives. Any complications in labor are thought to stem from the mother's or the husband’s misdeeds, prompting libations and magical remedies to rectify the situation.
Upon the child's first cry, women ululate in celebration, and the husband’s mother ties the umbilical cord with banana fiber from a specific tree planted at marriage. The afterbirth is buried according to the child’s gender, either beneath the cattle byre for boys or under the woman’s food storage area for girls.
After the baby is cleaned and wrapped in a banana leaf or cloth, it is presented to relatives by the husband’s mother. She introduces the child to the “food of this world” by chewing a mixture of roasted plantains, milk, and butter and feeding it to the infant. The child is also given dracaena to “open the mouth” and some medicinal plants. A significant concern in Chagga culture is the birth of a child without proper body orifices, which is believed to bring disaster. This anxiety aligns with male initiation myths about a “closed” state and the rituals aimed at ensuring the newborn's mouth is opened.
In Chagga culture, the sex of a newborn is traditionally concealed from the father for several days, although it may be symbolically hinted at through the use of specific numbers in women's ululations or the knots in a dracaena necklace worn by the infant. The mother is confined to her hut and its surroundings for three months, attended by a female relative, typically a sister-in-law, who assists her with daily tasks such as fetching water and firewood. During this confinement, the mother is nourished with a dish called kitawa, made from bananas and beans cooked with milk. Her husband is responsible for providing her with mlaso, a meal consisting of fat, fresh blood, and milk, with the blood sourced from a tapped animal.
Ceremonies mark the presentation of the child to both maternal and paternal families. At the conclusion of the three-month confinement, the mother has her head shaved and is allowed to visit the women’s market, where she is celebrated as a returning warrior. It is customary for births to occur approximately every three years, allowing for intensive care during early childhood.
Infants remain in close proximity to their mothers, with frequent breastfeeding. Weaning is gradual, often beginning early, and children may continue to breastfeed until around three years of age, or longer if circumstances permit. Until the child’s first tooth appears, they are considered nameless and incomplete, which prompts a ceremony marking their full emergence into the community. Naming ceremonies follow, with the first male and female children “belonging” to the paternal grandparents and named after them, while subsequent children alternate between maternal and paternal naming rights.
After weaning, grandparents may take custody of the child for extended periods, sometimes until the child reaches adulthood. Women, even those beyond childbearing age, have the right to claim a grandchild to live with them. This practice, along with the alternating naming rights, persists in many families today.
In Chagga culture, specific rites of passage are observed during childhood. At around six years of age, ear-piercing ceremonies are conducted, with the paternal grandfather piercing the right ear and the maternal grandfather piercing the left. Ancestors are invoked to bless the child's health and growth. At approximately twelve years, following the emergence of the second set of teeth, the two central lower incisors are extracted and offered to the ancestors. However, these traditional practices, including ear piercing and tooth removal, are not widely observed in contemporary Chagga society.
From birth until the ages of seven to ten, children, regardless of gender, typically sleep in their mother's house, often sharing her sleeping space. After this age, boys transition to sleeping in a separate hut designated for fathers, known as the tengo, while girls continue to reside with their mothers.
During early childhood, both boys and girls assist their mothers with domestic tasks. As they mature, boys often face pressure to abandon activities associated with girls, leading them to engage with older male peers in activities such as play fighting and mock battles. Boys accompany their fathers to learn essential male responsibilities, including agriculture, livestock care, and construction techniques, and attend lineage feasts to learn appropriate social behaviors.
In contrast, girls focus on acquiring skills related to food production and preparation, gathering firewood, and assisting their mothers. They often form close peer bonds and work together in the fields.
Traditionally, children's labor was viewed as the property and right of their parents. The introduction of compulsory free schooling in recent years has led to some resentment among families regarding the loss of child labor. Nevertheless, parents continue to recognize the importance of education for their children's future and aspire for their success.
In traditional Chagga culture, boys underwent circumcision in groups, often timed to coincide with the Mangi's declaration for the circumcision of his own son. This practice was associated with age-sets known as rika, which were declared "closed" by the chief when a new *rika* was to be initiated. Following circumcision, the initiates entered a period of seclusion and instruction in the forest, where they lived for several months. This experience served as both an ordeal and a learning opportunity, allowing young men from various tribes to interact peacefully.
During this seclusion, initiates were cared for by sponsors, typically elder brothers, and transitioned to hunting for their food, using bows and arrows to capture birds. Symbolically, these hunting activities were integral to the boys' transformation into men, with comparisons drawn between hunting and procreation. Instruction involved the use of a "teaching stick," a decorated cane inscribed with symbols related to reproduction, reinforcing the connection between masculinity and fertility.
As part of the initiation, the initiates swore oaths using meat from their hunts, which was dipped in a pit designated for faeces, symbolizing the secrets of their initiation. A key myth, known as the ngoso, suggested that initiates' rectums were sealed, allowing them to digest food without defecating until a ceremonial aging process. This myth reinforced notions of masculinity, with the "plugged" rectum symbolizing male strength. The initiates were instructed to keep these truths hidden from women and children, as knowledge of their bodily functions could lead to social repercussions, such as sterility.
During their training, young men were warned against drinking with the uninitiated to prevent sexual transgressions and were instructed to avoid eating certain foods, including animal rectums, which were reserved for women and children. Following various rituals, the initiates returned to the chief's hut for a celebratory feast, during which oxen were slaughtered. In the weeks that followed, the initiates participated in sexual license, asserting their right to engage with any unrelated woman they encountered.
Girls traditionally underwent circumcision shortly before the onset of menstruation, either individually or in small groups. The ceremony took place in the hut of an experienced operator, typically an elderly woman, and was attended by family members. In the Vunjo region, the procedure involved the removal of part of the labia minora and clitoris, with the wounds treated using herbal remedies. Following the operation, the girls were celebrated with dancing and the consumption of banana beer. If betrothed, a fiancé would present gifts. A subsequent dance featured the girl using a stick to demand presents from attendees, symbolically preparing for her future role by receiving an old hoe, believed to bring good fortune in planting.
The circumcision celebration marked a significant milestone in a girl's life, during which she received the most gifts she would ever obtain, including livestock and cash contributions from her family and relatives. After the festivities, she entered a period of seclusion for three months, during which she was cared for and fattened by her family. Following this confinement, she and her circumcised peers would publicly emerge adorned in special cloaks and decorations, celebrating their re-entry into society over a two-week period.
Before marriage, girls were required to undergo the shiga, a two-month course of instruction for uninitiated girls in their community. This training was initiated by one of the girls or her family and took place in a local banana grove, with the girls returning home each night. The instructor, a woman knowledgeable about male secrets, would ceremonially paint each girl’s head with a mixture of ochre and water.
The instruction involved riddles and metaphors related to female procreation, focusing on symbols such as clay pots, fire, and small animals. Participants would engage in activities that symbolized the search for progeny, paralleling the male initiation process. The teachings included explanations of menstruation and sexual matters, emphasizing the need to conceal menstruation to prevent witchcraft. The girls were instructed about the historical narrative that the attributes of masculinity, such as the penis, were once the domain of women before being taken by force. This instruction not only conveyed cultural teachings about femininity and procreation but also reinforced community bonds among the girls.
In terms of marital structures, the Chagga practice both monogamy and polygamy, with the latter dependent on a man's wealth, as marriage can be costly. The first wife is regarded as the primary wife, and other wives are expected to show her respect and obedience. Each wife maintains her own household and children, and meals are taken separately from their husband.
When a girl reaches marriageable age, she undergoes premarital instruction (shinga) from an older female relative for several months. Upon completion, she adorns her legs with bells, signaling her impending marriage. The wedding itself resembles a market transaction, where the bridegroom playfully "kidnaps" the bride in a symbolic manner, reflecting a practice found among various other African tribes.
Historically, Chagga marriage practices involved parental arrangements for betrothal, contingent upon the consent of the children involved. Senior female relatives often acted as intermediaries and matchmakers, conducting inquiries into the families' reputations through conversations with neighbors. The initial phase of courtship included a visit by the young woman and her female companions to the young man’s home, where festivities of singing and dancing would take place. If the young woman was pleased with her reception and the prospective husband's family, negotiations would advance.
The marriage process was characterized by a series of elaborate ceremonies, beginning with beer feasts that involved the transfer of gifts, including beer, goats, and meat, from the groom’s family to the bride’s family. Upon returning from the visit to the groom's homestead, a beer-drinking celebration was held to discuss marriage arrangements, during which the bride received a necklace from her fiancé, presented by his sister. If applicable, the bride would undergo circumcision at this stage, followed by a period of seclusion in her mother-in-law's hut, where she would be cared for and prepared for her new role.
During this seclusion, it was considered auspicious for the bride to menstruate for the first time. The evidence of this was ceremonially sent back to her natal home, where her mother and female relatives would celebrate and perform rituals to promote her fertility. A kinsman of the groom was appointed as the marriage trustee, known as mkara, with his wife serving as a female counterpart. Their responsibilities included overseeing rituals, witnessing bridewealth payments, and mediating any disputes between the couple.
In traditional Chagga society, social segregation of men and women was normative and widely accepted. Marital dynamics reflected this separation, as husbands and wives did not dine together; the wife typically ate with the children, while the husband ate alone. At communal beer feasts, men and women gathered in distinct groups, maintaining their separation, a practice that extends to church services today.
Women held significant roles in the marketplace, which was traditionally a female domain, allowing them to retain the profits from their trading activities. In public, men and women exhibited camaraderie among same-sex friends, such as holding hands, yet such displays were not permitted between men and women.
Ownership of property was gender-specific; while women could not own or manage land, they maintained influence over its use through their male relatives and held a degree of power through traditional practices. The domestic sphere, particularly the family hut, was primarily the woman's domain, especially after the husband established a separate auxiliary hut, known as the *tengo*. Women frequently visited one another, fostering companionship among sisters-in-law and nurturing relationships with their maternal kin.
Women often returned to their natal homes, especially to visit children raised by grandmothers. In cases of serious marital conflicts, women could seek refuge with their fathers or brothers, with male relatives representing their interests during disputes. The appointed marriage trustees, or mkara, would mediate these conflicts, involving the woman's family.
In Chagga society, aging carries both advantages and disadvantages. Elders are viewed as possessing spiritual power, especially if they have prosperous families and grown sons, providing them with protection against witchcraft and malevolent spirits. As they age, individuals gain significant privileges within their lineage, receiving larger portions of food and drink at communal feasts and assuming roles as religious leaders. They are respected figures at gatherings, believed to be closer to ancestral spirits, and thus wield considerable supernatural influence.
However, elder status is not without its limitations. As individuals age, they often allocate much of their property to their wives and children, thereby losing control over their resources. While physical decline affects their ability to perform strenuous labor, they gain spiritual strength as custodians of traditional knowledge. Offending an elder can have serious consequences, as unresolved grievances are thought to persist into the spirit realm.
Women also experience increased authority with age. As grandmothers, they can influence marriage arrangements and manage household dynamics, enjoying social freedoms denied to younger women. The transition to senior status for men is marked by their child's circumcision, celebrated with rituals that signify their formal entry into the elder age-grade. This process is metaphorically described as "taking oneself off the banana stem," indicating the end of childbearing years.
In the event of a death, the Chagga do not attribute it to external malice but regard it as a natural occurrence. The burial customs vary: if the deceased is a child, an unmarried man, or a childless individual, the body is taken deep into the woods, covered with leaves, and left there. Conversely, married individuals with children are buried within the household, with the husband interred to the right of the door and the mother to the left.
In Chagga culture, burial customs vary according to the deceased's gender and social status. When a man dies, he is typically buried in his first wife’s hut, specifically beneath the milk storage area. The grave is dug by the deceased's principal heirs—usually his eldest and youngest sons—or by a brother designated as the inheritor. Following the death, it is customary to slaughter an ox, often belonging to the deceased, in a nearby banana grove. This act serves as an offering to the Mangi of the other world, facilitating the deceased's admission into the afterlife; a goat may be substituted in the case of financial hardship.
For women, burial ceremonies are similar but simpler. Women are also buried in their homes; however, a goat is sacrificed in lieu of an ox, and the grave is dug by her male relatives, such as her father or brother. Burial in a hut is reserved for individuals with children; deceased children are laid in the banana grove, while the bodies of sterile or barren individuals are discarded in the wild, where they are typically consumed by scavengers.
Prior to burial, the body of a man is stripped of ornaments and adorned with dracaena leaves shaped into necklets, armlets, and anklets. The corpse is anointed with butter and red ochre, and food, such as fat and milk, is placed in its mouth to sustain the deceased on their journey to the afterlife. The body is then covered with the hide of the slaughtered ox or banana leaves and positioned either seated or lying on its right side, facing Kibo peak. Digestive contents from the sacrificed ox are scattered on the corpse by mourners before the grave is filled. The meat from the ox is subsequently distributed among fatherless men and widows.
Following burial, a vigil is maintained at the grave for four days. If the deceased was wealthy, another ox is slaughtered the following day; otherwise, leftover meat is consumed. During this time, mourners refrain from work, receiving food and beer from neighbors. They also perform cursing ceremonies aimed at anyone believed to be responsible for the death. On the fourth day, a gathering of relatives, neighbors, and creditors takes place to discuss the deceased's property and obligations, making arrangements for the guardianship of minor children and widows.
One to two years after the burial, a second slaughtering of an ox occurs, and the bones of the deceased are exhumed and relocated to a sacred area in the banana grove designated for ancestral skulls. The bones are removed through a tunnel excavated beneath the house's wall, as no bones are allowed to remain in the home. The skull, tied to the arm bone with dracaena, is placed facing Kibo alongside other ancestral skulls. A cutting from the grandfather's dracaena is planted next to the new skull's resting place, which is marked by three surrounding stones and a flat stone atop it. In some regions of Kilimanjaro, skulls are placed in clay pots rather than buried. Lastly, some stomach contents from the slaughtered animal are placed on the covering stone, and a senior elder offers final farewells on behalf of the lineage.