davidanugraha/M4-RAG huggingface dataset:
La Maternidad en la Florida (escultura)

La escultura urbana conocida por el nombre “La Maternidad en la Florida“, ubicada en la plaza Carlos Osoro Sierra (Arzobispo), en el barrio de la Florida, en la ciudad de Oviedo, Principado de Asturias, España, es una de las más de un centenar que adornan las calles de la mencionada ciudad española.​​
El paisaje urbano de esta ciudad, se ve adornado por obras escultóricas, generalmente monumentos conmemorativos dedicados a personajes de especial relevancia en un primer momento, y más puramente artísticas desde finales del siglo XX.​
La escultura, hecha en bronce, es obra de Sebastián Miranda, y está datada su inauguración en 2010.​​
La estatua es una réplica a gran tamaño de otra obra de Sebastián Miranda, La Encarna con chiquilín, que está ubicada en la misma ciudad de Oviedo, colocada en el Campo de San Francisco, en la esquina entre Uría y la calle Marqués de Santa Cruz.​​
La figura quiere ser un canto a la vida, y como la original, representa a una mujer amamantando a su hijo.​
La plaza está dedicada al que fuera Arzobispo de Oviedo, Carlos Osoro Sierra, quien desempeñaba el cargo de Arzobispo de Valencia, cuando se le homenajeó mediante la dedicación de la plaza a su persona.​​​ El valor de la réplica, ascendió a 84369,16 euros. El Ayuntamiento de Oviedo es el propietario de los derechos de la escultura es una copia del original.​​
Joaquín Botero

Joaquín Botero Vaca (El Dorado, Ixiamas, Bolivia, 10 de diciembre de 1977) es un exfutbolista boliviano de ascendencia colombiana. Jugaba en la posición de delantero.​ Fue jugador internacional absoluto y actualmente el segundo máximo goleador de la historia de la selección de fútbol de Bolivia con 20 goles en 48 partidos.
Su abuelo Joaquín Botero Jaramillo es colombiano llegó a Bolivia a inicios del siglo XX, Botero esta emparentado directamente por sus antepasados con el famoso pintor Fernando Botero.​
Durante los años 1997 y 1998, inició su carrera futbolística, jugando al servicio de los equipos bolivianos de Mariscal Braun y Deportivo Municipal.
Fue el máximo goleador del mundo en el 2002 cuando jugaba en el Club Bolívar donde anotaría 111 goles en 136 partidos jugados entre 1999 y 2003.​ Jugó en el extranjero, en las ligas de México, Argentina y Venezuela.​
Jugando con los Pumas de la UNAM de México, participó en la Copa Libertadores de América y fue bicampeón de Liga, incluso fue subcampeón de la Copa de Campeones de la CONCACAF en 2005.​
En el 2006, Botero se incorporó al club San Lorenzo de Almagro de la Primera División de Argentina​ y en el 2007 jugó en el Deportivo Táchira de Venezuela. Luego de un paso sin éxito por ambos clubes, Botero regresó a Bolívar en el año 2008.
Se unió al equipo mexicano Correcaminos UAT para la temporada Clausura 2009, marcando su regreso a México.​
Jugó en la selección boliviana desde 1999 hasta 2009, siendo su máximo goleador.
El 1 de abril de 2009, marcó 3 goles y 3 asistencias con la selección boliviana ante la selección de Argentina, en una goleada histórica de 6 a 1 registrada en el Hernando Siles de La Paz.​
Poco tiempo después, el 16 de mayo de ese año, de manera sorpresiva el jugador anunció su retiro del seleccionado nacional aduciendo que ya no se sentía motivado y que su ciclo en el equipo se había cerrado.​
A pesar de su retiro a la selección, Botero siguió jugando y entró el equipo Al-Arabi de Kuwait, donde estuvo durante algunos pocos meses.​ Posteriormente, pasó al Henan Songshan Longmen de China.​
A mediados de 2011 retornó a su país para jugar en San José y Sport Boys Warnes, en este último fue autor de dos goles que permitieron el ascenso por primera vez a la Primera División de Bolivia; en este equipo jugaría hasta su retiro en 2014.
Durante seis años y luego de su retiro, Botero decidió dedicarse a actividades y proyectos personales. Sin embargo, en 2020 anunciaría su regreso a las canchas jugando para el Club Universidad San Francisco de Asís de la Primera A de Potosí en Tupiza.​​
Datos actualizados a fin de carrera deportiva.​
Escultura moderna

Escultura moderna es un término de gran ambigüedad, que es utilizado por la bibliografía para referirse a muy distintos conceptos dentro de la historiografía del arte.​ Su utilización dentro de cada una de las fuentes coincide o no con el sentido que se da a los términos "arte moderno", "pintura moderna" y "arquitectura moderna", igualmente ambiguos; así como al concepto de modernidad.
Utilizado con un criterio cronológico, podría referirse a la escultura de la Edad Moderna (siglos XV al XVIII); pero no es eso lo habitual.
Utilizado con un criterio si claro para de estético, se refiere a la escultura que rompe con los convencionalismos estéticos del academicismo y desarrolla las nuevas posibilidades expresivas que llegan a su punto culminante con las denominadas vanguardias artísticas. De esta manera, su ubicación cronológica sería el siglo XX; aunque también incluye las obras y autores del siglo XIX que se caractericen por su modernidad estética (por ejemplo, Auguste Rodin). Por el contrario, excluye a las obras y autores del siglo XX que se caractericen por su academicismo o conservadurismo estético; y que de hecho, son la mayor parte de las obras y autores de la primera mitad del siglo. En la segunda mitad del siglo XX se terminaron imponiendo las distintas modalidades de expresión vanguardista como canon estético y del mercado del arte, con notables excepciones (por ejemplo, gran parte de la escultura del franquismo y de los países del bloque del Este, donde se anquilosó el denominado realismo socialista).
Para mayor confusión, también es muy extendido el uso del término escultura contemporánea, con el que a veces se opone y a veces se identifica.
Escultura contemporánea

Escultura contemporánea es un concepto de la historigrafía del arte utilizado de forma equívoca por la bibliografía,​ como ocurre con el concepto de arte contemporáneo. Puede referirse a la totalidad de la Edad Contemporánea o restringirse al siglo XX o incluso al periodo posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1945). También se utiliza a veces de forma opuesta y a veces de forma intercambiable con el de escultura moderna, que también tiene problemas definitorios similares.
En la escultura del siglo XX coexistieron una corriente conservadora y una tendencia innovadora. Dentro de esta última pueden reconocerse dos direcciones: la del expresionismo y la del abstraccionismo, que a su vez se expresó en formas geométricas puras (que también se utilizaban por la escultura figurativa del cubismo) o en las más fluidas de la escultura orgánica.
La escultura oficial de convenciones académicas, con mayores o menores concesiones a la sensibilidad romántica, preside todo el siglo XIX. La gran figura de François Rude fue continuada en la segunda mitad del siglo por Jean-Baptiste Carpeaux, Jules Dalou y Albert Bartholome.
El principal escultor de toda la época fue Auguste Rodin, que suele identificarse estilísticamente con el impresionismo pictórico. Su influencia se extendió a toda la escultura posterior. Discípulos suyos fueron Antoine Bourdelle y Charles Despiau. Aristide Maillol ha sido identificado con el estilo denominado mediterraneísmo. Una tendencia más depuradamente idealista se acredita en Joseph Bernard..
La escultura española del siglo XIX estuvo dominada por los encargos institucionales dentro de un estilo academicista, en el que destacaron Ponciano Ponzano, Ricardo Bellver, Aniceto Marinas o Mariano Benlliure.
En el primer tercio del siglo XX se pueden diferenciar varias tendencias:
Los principales escultores vanguardistas anteriores a la Guerra civil española (1936) fueron Julio González, Alberto Sánchez Pérez y Pablo Gargallo. Los pintores Salvador Dalí, Joan Miró y Pablo Picasso también realizaron obra escultórica.
Durante el franquismo destacó un grupo de escultores vascos(Eduardo Chillida, Jorge de Oteiza, Agustín Ibarrola) y el aragonés Pablo Serrano.
La paloma de la paz

La paloma de la paz (2016) (Spanish for "The Peace Dove") is a sculpture by Fernando Botero created in response to the Colombian peace process. It was donated by the artist to the Government of Colombia to commemorate the signing of the peace agreement with the FARC-EP guerrilla group.
La paloma de la paz is a bronze sculpture depicting a peace dove developed by Botero in his signature style, known as Boterismo, that depicts people and figures in large exaggerated volume. The sculpture measures 70 centimeters in height from the base, and is painted all in white with the exception of the beak section which is painted in gold.
On 24 September 2016, then Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos unveiled to the public La paloma de la paz sculpture that artist Fernando Botero had created as a gesture of support for the peace deal agreement reached between the government and the FARC-EP guerrilla group. Botero, who was not present in the unveiling ceremony, included a note in Spanish that read:
The sculpture remained within the Casa de Nariño until the last days of the presidency of Juan Manuel Santos before being transferred to the National Museum of Colombia in a ceremony that was led by first lady María Clemencia Rodríguez Múnera. According to Martin Santos, son of President Juan Manuel Santos, then president-elect Ivan Duque had requested the sculpture removed from the Casa de Nariño during the transition process.
During the 2022 Colombian presidential election, both second round presidential nominees, Gustavo Petro and Rodolfo Hernández vowed to return the sculpture to the Casa de Nariño. For the inauguration of Gustavo Petro, the organizing team had requested that the sculpture be present during the ceremony however Ivan Duque, citing safety concerns, did not grant permission for the sculpture to be moved to the venue despite the organizing team having received the necessary permissions and acquiring a 24 hour insurance policy for the sculpture.
On 1 September 2022, the sculpture was transferred back to the Casa de Nariño, however the sculpture remained as part of the permanent collection of the National Museum.
During the funeral ceremonies of Fernando Botero in Colombia, the sculpture accompanied the coffin of Botero while lying in repose in the National Capitol of Colombia.
On 10 October 2023, the National Council of Cultural Heritage of Colombia voted to declare the sculpture as an asset of cultural interest for the nation.
La paloma de la paz was publicly exhibited during the 2023 edition of ARTBO, Colombia's largest art fair.
Botero's Paloma de la paz has been seen by Colombians as a symbol of support for the peace process between the national government and FARC-EP guerrilla group. When then President Juan Manuel Santos unveiled the sculpture to the nation, he was spearheading the campaign for Colombians to approve of the peace agreement through a referendum. During the unveiling ceremony, Santos stated that he hoped that the sculpture "will inspire millions of Colombians to say yes to the end of the war". Weeks later, the referendum concluded with Colombians voting against the ratification of the peace agreement.
Botero Plaza

Botero Plaza, surrounded by the Museum of Antioquia and the Rafael Uribe Uribe Palace of Culture, is a 7,000 m outside park that displays 23 sculptures by Colombian artist Fernando Botero, who donated these and several other artworks for the museum's renovation in 2004. The plaza is located in an area of Medellín, Colombia, known as the "Old Quarter".
Throughout his career, Fernando Botero has donated several artworks to museums in Bogotá and his hometown of Medellín. In 2000, Botero donated 123 pieces of his work and 85 pieces from his personal collection to a museum in Bogotá. This included works from other artists, including works by Chagall, Picasso, Robert Rauschenberg, and the French impressionists. He also donated 119 pieces to the Museum of Antioquia.
Four more of his sculptures can be found in Medellín's Berrío Park and San Antonio Plaza.
The sculptures are all made out of bronze. Many of them were previously housed in museums of Paris, New York, and Madrid. The sculptures tend to have simple names, such as "The Hand", "Eve", "Maternity", "Man on horseback", and "Roman Soldier" to name a few. The "Botero legend" suggests that rubbing the statues brings love and good fortune.
List of statues in the plaza:
The Hand (Botero)

The Hand (Spanish: La mano) is a bronze sculpture by the Colombian sculptor Fernando Botero. Since 1994, it has been on public display in Madrid, Spain. The 500 kilogram hand is of a plump form, a trademark of the sculptor.
The sculpture was one of twenty-one exhibits in a 1994 exhibition of Botero's work. After a public vote, Woman with Mirror was the sculpture that received the most votes and was gifted to the city by the artist. Madrid treasurer Fernando López Amor urged corporations to purchase other works and put them on public display. The Hand was bought by Telefónica in October 1994, for 70 million Spanish pesetas (around €420,000). Its matte finish made it more suitable than other exhibits for permanent outside display. A third Botero piece, Raptio of Europa, was installed at Madrid–Barajas Airport.
In April 1995, Telefónica loaned the sculpture to the city and it was installed on Paseo de la Castellana. El País reported that its position seemed to point towards the Equestrian statue of Francisco Franco which then stood in the Plaza de San Juan de la Cruz.
40°26′28″N 3°41′30″W﻿ / ﻿40.44099°N 3.69163°W﻿ / 40.44099; -3.69163
Monumento al perro callejero

The Monumento al perro callejero (lit. transl. "Monument to the Stray Dog"), also known as Peluso, is an outdoor bronze sculpture installed along Insurgentes Sur Avenue, in the southern borough of Tlalpan, in Mexico City. The statue was unveiled in July 2008 and was dedicated to the free-ranging dogs of the city.
It was sculpted by Girasol Botello and its model was Peluso, a former stray dog that was adopted by Patricia España, founder of Milagros Caninos, a non-governmental dog shelter. The shelter collected money and paid for the sculpture in order to raise awareness about the large population of free-ranging dogs in the city. Since its establishment, the monument has been neglected, vandalized and defaced.
The Monumento al perro callejero depicts Peluso, a sad-looking and severely underweight stray dog, thin to the bones, with his tail between his legs and one injured hind leg. The statue is made of bronze, it is 1.3 meters (4.3 ft) high and weighs around 85 kilograms (187 lb). The sculpture was created by Patricia España (née Ruiz), founder of Milagros Caninos, a non-governmental dog shelter. It was sculpted by Girasol Botello and it was cast by Germán Michel. It cost Mex$130,000 and Milagros Caninos paid it with the contributions of private donations in order to raise awareness about the high population of free-ranging dogs in the city.
When it was inaugurated, the monument featured a plaque that said:
Jorge Castro said for Local.mx that the plaque symbolizes what stray dogs would say if they could talk.
Peluso was the name given to a 15-year-old stray dog that España adopted. He had suffered abuse that left him with renal insufficiency, canine distemper, and deafness. Peluso died five days before the inauguration of the monument.
The Monumento al perro callejero was unveiled on 20 July 2008. It lies in the corner of Insurgentes Sur Avenue and Moneda Street, near the National Institute of Neurology and Neurosurgery, and between Ayuntamiento and Fuentes Brotantes Metrobús stations, in the center of Tlalpan, the southern borough of Mexico City.
Since it was inaugurated, the monument has been neglected: it has been graffitied and its plaque was stolen. A well-preserved replica is kept at the Milagros Caninos dog shelter. Castro criticized the status of the monument, adding that it is ironic as its main purpose was to denounce the abandonment of stray dogs.
Castro said the statue is one of the most needed because it does not glorify a historical figure as most do, but instead "belittles the human who doesn't do anything to help". A writer of Chilango said that it celebrates a dying dog and only generates morbid fascination for the millions of stray animals that exist and ironized that as a consequence a monument to the homeless might eventually exist.
Mateo Blanco

Mateo Blanco (born 10 September 1981) is an American artist, singer and art collector. Blanco uses non-conventional items to create art.
As an artist, Blanco is also known for his unique renditions of the American flag using uncommon textiles and materials. Many of Mateo's creations are acquired by Ripley's Believe It or Not. The Boca Raton Museum of Art, The Butler Institute of American Art, The Museum of Art - DeLand and Maja Museum in Jericó, Antioquia, Colombia is home to some of the world's most iconic pieces of art by Mateo Blanco. As an American tenor, he recorded an album titled Mateo Blanco 7:24. Currently, he lives in Orlando, Florida.
Although he was born in the United States, his parents moved to Medellín in 1986 where they built the San Mateo house in honor of their son. There, he lived his childhood and youth from the age of five to 19 (2000) in Colombia. In the capital of Antioquia he grew up in an environment surrounded by artists and politicians, which allowed him to strengthen ties of friendship with artists, presidents, intellectuals and musicians who formed and influenced him such as Fernando Botero and his wife Sophia Vari. The latter would show and advise him - in Mateo's words - to be a complete artist with knowledge and discipline.
Mateo Blanco began his formal training under the supervision of Débora Arango in Medellin. He studied with Arturo Estrada Hernández, Jesusita Vallejo de Mora and Lola Vélez. Further, he studied Goldsmithing and Jewelry in Medellin, and, later, commercial music at Florida Atlantic University. Mateo received a training on classical opera singing, performed in La traviata, Rigoletto, Don Giovanni and Il Trovatore. Blanco was a part of Opera house in Colombia. Blanco has also make presentations accompanied by Aretha Franklin and performed for former president George H. W. Bush at his birthday dinner.
2018 "Odd is Art." Ripley’s Believe It or Not!
2019 Meyer, Edward. "Buying the Bizarre: Confessions of a Compulsive Collector".
2021 "Caged Bird" (film about Mateo Blanco), Fusion Fest; Orlando, Florida
María Cecilia Botero

María Cecilia Botero Cadavid (born 13 May 1955) is a Colombian actress, television presenter and journalist.
She studied anthropology long before becoming an actress. She is the daughter of former actor, librettist and director Jaime Botero Gómez. She is the niece of Dora Cadavid.
Botero began her acting career with production El Fantasma de Canterville (1971), alongside Carlos Benjumea, Maruja Toro, Enrique Pontón and Franky Linero. She replaced Mariela Hijuelos, who died during the recording of La Vorágine (1975). She was Manuela Saénz in the series Bolívar, el hombre de las dificultades(1981). She was María Cándida in La Pezuña del Diablo (1983), Yadira La Ardiente in Caballo Viejo (1988) and Sándalo Daza in Música Maestro (1990). Her brothers Óscar Botero and Ana Cristina Botero are also actors.
She debuted as movies actress in 1972, when she starred in the film María, alongside Fernando Allende. María Cecilia Botero is known for her professionalism, thus becoming one of the most beloved figures in Colombian entertainment.
Her first television role was obtained in 1971, acting in El fantasma de Canterville. Then she participated in Lunes de Comedia, La Vorágine, Caminos de Gloria, Lejos del Nido, Los novios, La Pezuña del Diablo, La Rosa de los Vientos, Dos Mujeres and A.M.A. la Academia, just to mention a few productions.
Perhaps her most remembered characters are Yadira la Ardiente, from the telenovela Caballo Viejo, and Sándalo Daza, from Música Maestro.
Parallel to her career as antress, María Cecilia produced and starred in several musical comedies directed by her husband, the Argentine David Stivel (with whom he lived since 1981), now deceased. With him, she had a son named Mateo Stivelberg. Her dream of popularizing musical theater in Colombia led her to make productions as important as Peter Pan, Sugar and La Mujer del Año.
The versatile artist also stood out as the presenter of television newscasts (CM& and Noticero de las 7) and as host of the talk shows María C. Contigo and Las Tardes de María C.
In 2005 she was invited to be part of the soap opera Lorena, produced by RCN Television, where she played her first antagonistic role, giving life to the evil Rufina de Ferrero, where she radically changed her look and showed her great histrionic capacity.
María Cecilia directs the Charlot Academy, an acting school created by her father, Jaime Botero.
She presented the program Día a Día on the Caracol Television channel, together with Catalina Gómez and Agmeth Escaf.
In 2021, she participated doing the voice of Abuela Alma in the Disney movie Encanto, along with other acting voices, such as John Leguizamo, Angie Cepeda, and Carolina Gaitán.
Masakan Batawi

Masakan Batawi (Aksara Sunda Baku: ᮙᮞᮊᮔ᮪ ᮘᮒᮝᮤ) nyaéta masakan khas anu asalna ti Batawi. Masakan Batawi mudah dipapangih dina acara-acara tangtu wungkul anu diselenggarakeun di Jakarta sapertos dina acara Lebaran Batawi, nikahan, hari raya Idul fitri, atawa di warung-warung tangtu anu nyajikeun kadaharan khas Batawi. Masakan ieu dipengaruhan ku masakan Melayu, Arab, India, Tionghoa, jeung Eropa (utamana masakan Walanda, Portugis, jeung Spanyol).
Sabaraha jinis masakan Batawi anu kamiripan jeung masakan daérah séjénna saperti asinan Batawi siga asinan Bogor, ngabedakeunna ngan dina campuran bumbu-bumbu tangtu wungkul. Sabagian masakan Batawi ngan disajikeun dina momén-momén tangtu wungkul misalna sayur besan ngan bisa papanggih dina prosési besanan.
Kota Sérang

Kota Sérang nyaéta hiji kota sakaligus ibu kota Propinsi Banten, Indonésia. Sacara administratip Kota Sérang kawates ku Kabupaten Sérang di belah kulon, wétan, jeung kidul, sarta Teluk Banten di belah kalér. Kota Sérang ieu diliwatan ku jalur karéta api Merak-Tanah Abang ogé Jalan Tol Jakarta-Merak. Kota ieu aya di titik koordinat 618.000 m2-638.600 m2 ti kulon ka wétan tepika 9.337.725 m2-9.312.475 m2 ti kalér ka kidul sarta 5099'-6022' lintang kidul jeung 106007'-106025' bujur wétan. Nepi ka taun 2021, numutkeun data ti Badan Pusat Statistik Kota Serang, sacara administratip ibukota Banten ieu kabagi kana genep kacamatan jeung 67 kalurahan. Walantaka mangrupakeun kacamatan nu boga kalurahan pang lobana nyaéta 14 kalurahan. Beda jeung Cipocok Jaya, anu boga kalurahan pang saeutikna nyaéta 8 kalurahan.
Ngaran Kota Serang, mimiti diwanohkeun lantaran ucapanana Syarif Hidayatullah atawa Sunan Gunung Jati, anu keur ngalaksanakeun dakwah Islam di wilayah Pajajaran Jawa Kulon. Nalika lalampahan, Sunan Gunung Jati ngaliwatan jalan sawah di Banten, tuluy ngajorowok kecap "Serang!" anu hartina "sawah". Ti harita, éta daérah dingaranan Serang. Kecap Serang, mangrupakeun serapan tina basa Jawa-Banten, se - erang, anu hartina kelompok.
Lalampahan sajarah Kota Serang, dimimitian taun 1816, nalika Gubernur Vander Capellen mingpin. Walanda datang ka Banten pikeun ngarebut kakawasaan ti Sultan Muhammad Rafiudin. Walanda tuluy ngabagi wilayah Banten jadi tilu, nyaéta Serang, Lebak, jeung Caringin, sarta kapamingpinanana dicekel ku Bupati. Bupati mimiti pikeun Serang nyaéta Pangeran Aria Adi Santika. Nepi ka ahir panjajahan Jepang, sarta Indonésia merdéka, kalungguhan bupati masih kénéh dicekel ku pituin Indonésia. Sanggeus Agrési Militier Walanda II, daérah Serang jadi salasahiji kabupatén di wilayah Propinsi Jawa Kulon.
Dumasar Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Tingkat II Serang No. 17 taun 1985, hari jadi Kabupatén Serang ditetepkeun 8 Oktober 1526. Hari jadi Kabupatén Serang dicokot dumasar kasar tukang Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin maréntah di kasultanan Banten. 4 Oktober taun 2000, Kabupatén Serang resmi jadi bagéan tina Provinsi Banten. Kota Serang ayeuna mangrupakeun daérah otonom hasil mekarkeun tina Kabupatén Serang. Kota Serang resmi ngadeg dumasar Undang-Undang No. 32 taun 2007 ngeunaan Pembentukan Kota Serang di Provinsi Banten, anu disahkeun di 10 Agustus 2007.
Numutkeun kana data ti Kamenterian Kaséhatan Republik Indonésia, aya dua belas rumah sakit umum anu diwangun di ieu kota, sapuluh di antarana nyaéta Rumah Sakit Umum (RSU), jeung dua nu laina nyaéta Rumah Sakit Ibu dan Anak (RS Ibu dan Anak Puri Garcia) jeung Rumah Sakit Khusus Mata (RS Mata Achmad Wardi BWI-DD). Lamun diurutkeun dumasar kapamilikanana, Rumah Sakit Swasta aya genep, nu dibiayaan ku pausahaan aya dua, jeung nu dikokolakeun ku TNI AD, pamaréntah kota, pamaréntah propinsi, jeung Polri masing-masing aya hiji.
Aya sababaraha jajanan jeung kadaharan has Kota Serang di antarana nyaéta:
Kastrol

DADANG atawa pariuk nyaéta parabot anu biasa dipaké paranti ngasakan sangu. Dijieun tina beusi, kawas panci, ngan ukuranna leuwih kandel jeung rada beurat. Ari gagangna teu siga panci anu maké jejeber, tapi maké kawat beusi nu dipelengkungkung ti sisi bagéan tengahna sangkan gampang mun dijingjing. Ari sangu nu diasakan maké kastrol disebutna sangu liwet, matak istilah masakna disebut ngaliwet. Mun masak maké kastrol mah gampang pisan teu hésé, sarta ngahémat tanaga jeung waktu. Ari kakuranganana mah hiji, mun seuneu nu dipaké masakna ngagugudag teuing, biasana sok ngerak, malah mah nepi ka tutung jeung pérong, ieu nu ngakibatkeun kastrol sok téréh dobol handapna.
Di pasantrén salaf, santri téh sapopoéna masak maké kastrol, ieu geus lumangsung lilana meureun geus ratusan taun. Masing kitu, ayeuna mah loba pasantrén nu mimiti ngarobah pola jeung aturan dahar para santrina. Sawatara pasantrén geus ngalarapkeun aturan dahar nu instan. Atawa mun kudu ngadadak gé para santri ayeuna mah makéna méjikom atawa sajinisna. Sahingga tradisi masak ngaliwet maké kastrol téh geus mimiti ditinggalkeun. Padahal, kastrol geus ruket salaku idéntitas para santri salaf. Hanjakal pisan mun satuluyna kastrol jeung sangu liwetna jadi leungit ku parobahan jaman, nepi antukna leungit ti dunya kasantrian. Mangkaning aya ajén sarta hikmah dina wawarah nu ditandeskeun liwat filosofi masak téh, tangtuna waé bakal leungit. Lantaran santri nu masak maké kastrol téh saenyana lain ngan saukur ngurusan beuteung hungkul, tapina ogé ngalatih kamandirian, digawé nu enya-enya, jeung kabersamaan nu dibangun di antara para santri.
Malah mah kamampuh masak dina kastol téh sakapeung mah jadi tolak ukur ajang sabaraha bisana saurang santri hirup di pondok. Sabab, mun saurang santri masih kénéh gagal dina masak, mangka dipertanyakeun alur kasantrianna. Bisa waé saanggeus kaluar mondok téh dititah mondok deui da masakna teu bisaeun, hususna mah ngaliwet maké kastrol. ku sabab dina dunya pasantrén salaf, disisieun geus bisa dina windang kaélmuan, saurang santri ogé nya kudu geus sampurna ngasaan prosés-prosés masaqot, nyaéta prosés hirup sulit jeung saderhana, anu salah sahijina bisa masak kalawan mandiri unggal poé.
Liwet

Liwet téh téhnik ngolahkeun béas jadi sangu ku cara diasakan henteu dikarih heula. Biasana mah ngasakan ku cara diliwet téh kudu disamaraan lengkep saméméh ditagenkeun kana luhur seuneu téh. Samarana téh di antarana bawang bodas, bawang beureum, cabé, céngék, salam, séréh, uyah jeung pécin. Aya ogé anu ukur disamaraan uyah, salam jeung séréh ungkul. Kagiatan nyieun liwet jeung ngadahar liwet kieu téh sok disebut ngaliwet. Lamun geus asak, sanguna téh sok disebut sangu liwet.
Baheula sangu liwet téh olahan masarakat anu digarawé di perkebunan, sangkan bekelna tetep haneut nepi ka beurang. Sangu na sok di bekel dina panci/kastrol, ari cara ngolahna sangu téh ku diliwet heula.
Kapayang (hodgsonia)

Kapayang atawa Hodgsonia mangrupa sabangsaning tuwuhan pineus leutik nu buahan nu kagolongkeun kana kulawarga Cucurbitaceae.
Hodgsonia dijadikeun ngaran ieu tuwuhan pikeun ngahormat Brian Houghton Hodgson dina taun 1853 ku para ahli botani Inggris Joseph Dalton Hooker jeung Thomas Thomson (1817-1878), anu nalungtik ieu tuwuhan ku pangrojong Hodgson di Himalaya.
Sanajan daging buah kapayang bisa didahar sarta taya hargana, sikina nu beunghar ku minyak mangrupa sumber kadaharan nu penting. Buahna nu biasa didahar atah-atah; rada pait, jigana dilantarankeun ku alkaloid atawa glukosa anu can dipikanyaho, tapi "aman pisan" pikeun didahar. Ilaharna, sikina dibeuleum saméméh didahar; loba urang gunung nu nganggap rasana ngeunah. Suku bangsa Naga di India ngasupkeun siki kapayang kana rupa-rupa sayur kari.
Daun kapayang boga mangpaat pikeun ubar. Di Malaya, maké ieu daun pikeun ngubaran nyeri irung. Daunna digaringkeun jeung dibeuleum, sarta terus diseuseup ku irung, atawa peresan pucuk jeung daunna diperes tuluy caina diulaskeun kana tatu akibat gégélan sarangga. Daunna ogé bisa dikulub supaya ngahasilkeun cacai pikeun ngubaran nyeri irung atawa ngurangan panas tiris. The ashes from burnt léaves of H. macrocarpa are also used to héal wounds.
Di wewengkon bangsa Naga, buah kapayang ditémpélkeun kana inféksi baktéri dina suku. Di Sarawak, minyak kapayang dipaké pikeun malur awak wanoja nu karék ngalahirkeun. Minyak kapayang ieu ogé dipaké bahan dasar dina pangobatan di India bagian wétan.
Sawatara ngaran ieu boga harti midua (ambigu). "Kapayang" bisa boga harti Pangium edule.
Donabe

Donabe (Japanese: 土鍋, literally "earthenware pot") are pots made out of a special clay for use over an open flame in Japanese cuisine, and in the case of semi-stoneware Banko ware of high petalite content. Often, the food is cooked at the table on a gas burner for various nabemono dishes such as shabu-shabu and dishes served simmering including nabeyaki udon. They are sized by sun, one of the Japanese units of measurement.
The donabe is usually glazed on the inside and porous on the outside. While the material is similar to earthenware or stoneware, donabe can be used over an open flame as well as in an oven if three precautions are taken. First, the outside of the donabe should be dry before use, as moisture within the clay will expand in the heat and may chip or crack the pot. Secondly, the pot should be heated gradually to reduce the possibility of cracks due to heat stress. Third, the pot should never be left over the flame while empty.
Donabe is a traditional cooking vessel. It is made from a clay that is porous and coarse. In the area around Iga, Iga-yaki (Iga-style) donabe, have been made since 1832; Iga-yaki pottery in general dates back to the 7th century and is highly valued. It became particularly popular for donabe during the Edo Period. The highest-quality donabe can take two weeks to make. There are multiple styles of donabe made for the preparation of different dishes. Donabe can be used over an open flame, and food is often served out of the donabe.
A culture surrounding donabe developed called "nabe o kakomu", which means "surrounding the pot" or a communal meal. The concept has been featured repeatedly in the media and in donabe cookbooks.
With use, donabe develop a patina of crackling of the interior glaze called kannyu. This patina is valued as a sign of character.
If properly treated, these pots should last for decades and a few special ones have survived for centuries. When a new donabe is obtained, one should let the donabe boil water for hours and dry before using it for cooking. Other sources suggest that the user should simply fill the donabe with water and let it sit overnight. This process should be repeated if the donabe has been unused for a long time.
In old ryoutei of Kyoto, decades-old donabe would be stored and only used for special guests. Young donabe would be used for preparing lunch menus and food for cooks, to age them for this purpose.
Donabe is produced by potters of Banko ware, Iga ware, Shigaraki ware, and Mashiko ware.
The pots are made by kneading clay, then forming and trimming the formed vessels. They are partially dried and then knobs and handles applied. After another period of drying, they are fired, glazed, and fired again.
Nasi kucing

Nasi kucing (from Javanese ꦤꦱꦶ​ꦏꦸꦕꦶꦁ 'nasi kucing'; Javanese: [ˈnasi ˈkutʃɪŋ], lit. 'small-portioned dish') is an Indonesian rice dish that originated in Central Java, primarily in the Yogyakarta, Semarang, and Surakarta areas but has since spread throughout the country. It consists of a small portion of rice with toppings, usually sambal, dried fish, and tempeh, wrapped in banana leaves.
The term nasi kucing, literally meaning "cat rice" or "cat's rice", is derived from its portion size; it is similar in size to what the Javanese would serve to a pet cat, hence the name.
Nasi kucing originated in the Yogyakarta, Semarang, and Surakarta areas, but has since spread to Jakarta, other parts of the country, and as far as Mecca, sold by Indonesian workers during the hajj.
Nasi kucing consists of a small, fist-sized portion of rice with some toppings. Common toppings include sambal, dried fish, and tempeh. Other ingredients include egg, chicken, and cucumber can be added to Nasi kucing. It is served ready-made, wrapped in a banana leaf, which is further wrapped in paper.
A variation of nasi kucing, sega macan (English: tiger's rice) is three times the size of a regular portion of nasi kucing. It is served with roasted rice, dried fish, and vegetables. Like nasi kucing, sega macan is served wrapped in a banana leaf and paper.
Nasi kucing is often sold at a low price (sometimes as low as Rp 1,000 for nasi kucing and Rp 4,000 for sega macan) at small, road-side food stalls called angkringan, which are frequented by working-class people, or wong cilik, including pedicab and taxi drivers, students, and street musicians. This has led to angkringan being considered the "lowest class of eatery".
The owners of the angkringan themselves often come from lower socio-economic classes, may have few or no marketable skills, or originate from remote villages. In order to open their stalls, they borrow money from a patron, called a juragan; that amount can be up to Rp 900,000. From the daily net profits of Rp 15,000 – Rp 25,000, the seller repays the patron until the debt is repaid and the seller can operate independently.
Nasi gurih

Nasi gurih (Javanese: ꦤꦱꦶ​ꦒꦸꦫꦶꦃ, romanized: nasi gurih; Acehnese: bu ngiang) is a Javanese steamed rice cooked in coconut milk and spices dish, commonly found in Eastern Javanese (and its diasporic community in Aceh) culinary tradition.
Nasi gurih means "succulent rice" in Aceh language and Indonesian. The name describes the rich taste of rice cooked with coconut milk and spices.
Nasi gurih is made by cooking mixture of rice and sticky rice soaked in coconut milk instead of water, along with salt, lemongrass, Indian bay leaf, and pandan leaves to add aroma.
Nasi gurih sold in Acehnese warung or other eating establishments is commonly offered with an assortment of side dishes, chosen according to the client's desire. The basic ingredients sprinkled upon nasi gurih are fried peanuts, bawang goreng (fried shallot), tauco (soybean paste), sambal, and krupuk. Side dishes are ikan balado (fish in chili), udang sambal (shrimp in chili), ayam goreng, dendeng (beef jerky), and perkedel (fried mashed potato patty).
There are similar dishes in other parts of Indonesia called nasi uduk from Jakarta and nasi lemak, commonly found in the Riau and Riau islands (Sumatera), as well as Malaysia, Brunei, and Singapore.
Nasi pecel

Nasi pecel also known as Sega pecel in Javanese is an Indonesian rice dish from Java served with pecel (cooked vegetables and peanut sauce). The vegetables are usually kangkung or water spinach, long beans, cassava leaves, papaya leaves, and in East Java often used kembang turi. It is often eaten with fried tempeh and traditional crackers called peyek. It is popular in East and Central Java.
Satti sorru

Satti sorru also known as Indian claypot rice, is a dish common in the Indian communities of India, Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore. Satti soru, which means 'clay pot rice' in Tamil, is a fairly common dish in South Indian households. Gravy from a curry is mixed into rice, to clean out the pan or the wok the curry was cooked in.
It is typically prepared by cooking rice along with various ingredients in a clay pot over a low fire or stove. The cooking pots are called man panai or man satti in Tamil, The clay pot helps retain moisture and infuse the rice with a unique aroma. Common ingredients include rice, spices, vegetables, meat, seafood and sometimes exotic meat such as monitor lizard and wild boar. Spices commonly used in the dish may include cumin, coriander, turmeric, cinnamon, cardamom, and cloves.
Palayok

A palayok is a clay pot used as the traditional food preparation container in the Philippines. Palayok is a Tagalog word; in other parts of the country, especially in the Visayas, it is called a kulon; smaller-sized pots are referred to as anglit. Neighboring Indonesia and Malaysia refer to such vessel as a periuk.
The palayok is made of earthenware, a porous ceramic material. This allows steam from cooking to evaporate out of the pores in the earthenware. Juices from the cooking food would not begin to burn until all the water has evaporated, after which the food is thoroughly cooked. Since ceramic does not transfer heat as much as metal, cooking in a palayok entails a longer time and a higher temperature than would normally be used with metal cookware.
The palayok should not be cleaned using household detergents, as the porous material would easily imbibe chemicals in the detergent that would later impart unwanted flavors in the food during cooking. It is instead cleaned by soaking in warm water and when the detritus has sufficiently softened, by scrubbing with salt.
Filipino cuisine expert Maria Orosa is credited with turning the earthenware pot into an oven. Called the "Palayok Oven", the contraption consists of a palayok fitted with a piece of thin sheet metal cut to fit the bottom of the pot and a piece of aluminum foil placed below the lid. These metal pieces are designed to reflect heat back into the pot. The pot is heated by using a native pugon or kalan, a small wood-fired stove similar to a Japanese shichirin.
Empal gentong

Empal gentong is a spicy Indonesian curry-like beef soup originating in Cirebon, West Java. It is a variety of the Soto cuisine and is similar to gulai which is usually cooked with firewood in a gentong stove (Javanese for clay pot). The ingredients include cuts of beef and cow offal such as intestine, tripes, lungs, etc. cooked with curry-like spices in coconut milk, garlic, chilies, chives (kuchai), and sambal in the form of chili powder. Empal gentong can be eaten with steamed rice, ketupat or lontong. It is originated in Battembat, Tengah Tani, and Cirebon Regency.
Mvungunya

Mvungunya, mvungavunga, mbungati, mranaa au mwegea (Kigelia africana) ni mti mwenye matunda kwa umbo wa soseji kubwa (mavungunya). Kwa asili mti huu unatokea Afrika ya tropiki lakini umepandwa kama mti wa kupamba katika mabara mengine. Mavungunya hutumika katika uganga wa mapokeo na ili kutengeneza pombe ya kienyeji (Kikikuyu: mũratina).
Mtapenda

Mtapenda ni kata mojawapo kati ya 12 zinazounda Halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Nsimbo iliyoko katika Mkoa wa Katavi, Tanzania. Kata hiyo ndiko zilipo ofisi za makao makuu ya Halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Nsimbo, pia inajulikana kutokana na kuwa na eneo maalumu lililotengwa kwa ajili ya shughuli za uwekezaji wa viwanda. Ina postikodi namba 50118.
Katika sensa ya mwaka 2022 wakazi wa kata walihesabiwa kuwa 9,277 . Kwa mujibu wa sensa iliyofanyika mwaka wa 2012, kata ilikuwa na wakazi wapatao 4,811 waishio humo.
Ni kata yenye wakazi wa makabila mchanganyiko wanaozungumza lugha mbalimbali kama vile Kifipa, Kibende, Kirwila, Kikonongo na nyinginezo, ila Wafipa ndio waliotawala sana maeneo haya.
Kijiji cha Mtapenda kina idadi kubwa ya wanywaji wa pombe ya kienyeji.
Kimbugimbugi

Kimbugimbugi (kutoka “mbugi”: kengele ndogo) au mkandi (Dactyloctenium aegyptium) ni spishi ya nyasi katika nusufamilia Chloridoideae. Asili ya nyasi hili ni Afrika lakini sasa imewasilishwa au imesamba katika mabara mengine. Linaweza kuwa gugu shambani lakini ni malisho mazuri kwa wanyama wafugwao. Punje zake zinaweza kutumiwa ili kulisha kuku na huliwa na watu pia wakati wa uhaba wa chakula. Vilevile hutumika kwa kutengeneza pombe ya kienyeji.
Bia

Bia ni kinywaji cha pombe kinachotengenezwa kwa maji, nafaka hasa shayiri, hopi kwa ladha na hamira kama chachu. Kiwango cha alikoholi ndani yake ni kati ya asilimia 2 - 6.
Kimsingi bia si tofauti sana na kinywaji kinachoitwa "pombe la kienyeji" kama kinatengenezwa kwa kutumia nafaka kama mahindi au mtama. Tofauti ni hasa katika chachu yaani matumizi ya hamira iliyochaguliwa hasa bafdala ya chachu asilia kutoka hewa jinsi ilivyo katika pombe la kienyeji halafu usanifishaji pamoja na kupitisha kinywaji katika filta kwa kuondoa sehemu nzitonzito ndani yake.
Viwanda vya bia vilianza kufanya biashara katika mji wa Dar es Salaam mwaka 1906 wakati wa ukoloni wa Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani. Bwana Wilhelm Schultz alikuwa mmilikaji wa biashara hii. Biashara hii iliharibiwa na Waingereza katika mwaka 1916, lakini biashara ingine ilianza kuuza bia katika mwaka wa elfu moja mia tisa ishirini na mbili nchini Kenya na Tanzania. Biashara hii mpya iliitwa “Kenya Breweries Limited.”
Mwanzoni waafrika wa mashariki hawakuruhusiwa kununua bia katika chupa. Bali kanuni ilibadilishwa baada ya sheria mpya ilipopitishwa mwaka wa 1947. “Kenya Breweries Limited” au “KBL” na “East African Breweries Limited” au “EABL” zilitawala soko la bia kwa muda mrefu kabisa.
Baada ya harakati za uhuru katika miaka ya sitini bia ilikuwa ishara ya utaifa. Mathalani, bia ya Tusker ilikuwa bia ya taifa nchini Kenya. Tusker ni bia maarufu kuliko mabia yote. Kabla mwaka wa elfu moja mia tisa sabini na saba serikali za Tanzania na Uganda zilimiliki biashara za bia, lakini biashara “KBL” ilibaki katika sekta ya binafsi nchini Kenya. Katika miaka ya tisini “Vita za bia” zilifanyika. Biashara nyinge zilipambana. Kuna biashara nyingi za bia sasa katika Afrika ya Mashariki.
Baadhi ya watu hupika pombe yao wenyewe. Wanawake hupika pombe nyumbani kwa kawaida. Ujuzi wa kupika pombe ni rahisi. Katika karne ya elfu moja na mia tisa, watu walitumia mtama na mkota kupika pombe. Mpaka sasa watu hawakutumia mahindi. Lakini siku hizi mahindi ni kiambato cha kinachopendwa sana. Ndizi hutumika kutengeneza divai. Watu wa Afrika ya Mashariki hunywa pombe na divai katika vyungu vikubwa. Pombe hutumika katika sherehe nyingi katika Afrika ya Mashariki. Unywaji ni sababu kujuana.
Monokotiledoni

Monokotiledoni ni aina ya mimea ambayo mbegu zake hazijagawanyika mara mbili: mfano wa mimea hiyo ni mahindi, mtama, uwele na kadhalika.
Monokotiledoni zina spishi kama 60,000 hivi.
Mimea hii huwa na majani yenye vena zenye kunyooka zote upande mmoja wa jani.
Katika kilimo, idadi kubwa ya mimea inayotokana hutoka kwenye monokoti. Hizi ni pamoja na nafaka kubwa kama mchele, ngano, mahindi, n.k., lakini pia nyasi za mchanga, miwa, na mianzi.
Mazao mengine muhimu kwa uchumi yanajumuisha mitende mbalimbali, ndizi, vitunguu na familia ya vitungu. Zaidi ya hayo, balbu nyingi za maua, mimea iliyopandwa kwa mashina yao, kama vile maua.
Nafaka

Nafaka ni mbegu za aina mbalimbali za manyasi. Ni pia jina la aina za manyasi yanayolimwa mashambani ambazo mbegu zake zinatumiwa kama chakula cha binadamu.
Manyasi za nafaka ni kati ya mimea muhimu zaidi inayotumiwa kama chakula cha watu duniani.
Nafaka muhimu ni pamoja na
Aina tatu za nafaka, ambazo ni 87 % za mavuno ya nafaka zote duniani, ni: mahindi, ngano na mchele.
Nafaka zina wanga (kabohaidreti) ndani yake ambayo ni lishe muhimu ya watu. Kuna pia kiasi kidogo cha protini.
Punje za nafaka zinaliwa baada ya kuzivunja kiasi na kuzilainisha ndani ya maji. Kwa kawaida nafaka huliwa baada ya kupondwa au kusagwa kuwa unga.
Ugali, uji, maandazi, chapati, mkate, keki na spaghetti ni mifano ya vyakula vinavyotengenezwa kwa kutumia unga wa nafaka.
Fura

Fura ni aina ya chakula inayotoka kwa Fulanis na Hausas katika Afrika Magharibi. Ni unga wa mtama, wenye "fura" ikimaanisha mtama. Pia huliwa nchini Niger na Ghana. Mtama husagwa na kuwa unga, kukunjwa na kufinyangwa kuwa na umbo kama mpira, kisha kupondwa na kuchanganywa na Nono - maziwa yaliyochacha. Mchanganyiko wa fura na nono hutengeneza kinywaji cha Fura Da Nono, kinywaji kilichotengenezwa kienyeji ambacho kina wanga na nyuzinyuzi. Chakula cha fura na kinywaji cha fura da nono ni maarufu Kaskazini mwa Nigeria. Hutolewa wakati wa matukio maalum na kama chakula cha mchana.
Uji

Uji ni kinywaji kinachopikwa kwa kuchemsha unga na maji ukawa laini.
Mara nyingi hupendwa asubuhi na kwa ajili ya watoto na wagonjwa.
Unga unaotumika unaweza kuwa wa mahindi, lakini pia mtama, ulezi, uwele n.k.
Uji wako utakuwa tayari kwa kunywa.
Ugali

Ugali ni chakula kinacholiwa na jamii za kiafrika. Chakula hiki chenye virutubisho vya wanga hutokana na unga wa nafaka (kama mahindi, mtama, uwele) au muhogo.
Ugali hutayarishwa kwa njia ifuatayo: kwanza unachemsha maji kwenye sufuria baada ya kuchemka unachanganya unga kidogo na maji ya baridi pembeni, kisha tia mchanganyiko huo kwenye maji ya moto yaliyo jikoni huku ukikoroga. Utatokea mchanganyiko wa unga na maji ambao unaitwa uji, acha uji huo uchemke kwa muda kisha tia unga kiasi kulingana na uji wako huku ukisonga kwa kutumia mwiko. Endelea kusonga mpaka mchanganyiko ushikamane, mchanganyiko huu ndio hutoa ugali.
Kimaeneo kuna aina mbalimbali za ugali kutegemeana na aina za mazao yanayopatikana.
Ugali huweza kuliwa na mboga ya aina yoyote kama vile mboga majani, sukumawiki, samaki na nyama.
Kawaida ugali huliwa kwa mikono mitupu. Tonge la ugali hufinyangwa kwa mkono kisha kuchovya kwenye maziwa au mchuzi wa maharage, samaki, au nyama ya ng'ombe. Ugali, mapishi yake na jinsi unavyoliwa, hufanana kwa kiasi fulani na foufou toka Afrika Magharibi, na polenta toka Italia. Ugali hujulikana kama nshima nchini Zambia au nsima nchini Malawi.