Fuliru people

The Fuliru people (also spelled Fuliiru) are a Bantu ethnic group native to the South Kivu Province of the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They predominantly inhabit the Uvira Territory, forming the largest ethnic group within the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, located centrally and to the northwest. They also form the primary constituency in the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom, to the northeast, near the Rwanda and Burundi borders, where some Fuliru communities reside.
According to a 2009 census, their population was estimated at over 250,000, while a 1999 estimate of Kifuliru-language speakers placed the number at 300,000. The Fuliru speak the Fuliru language, a branch of the Bantu subgroup within the Niger-Congo family, closely related to Vira, Shi, Havu, Tembo, and Nyindu. Occupationally, Fuliru primarily work in agriculture and herding, with a notable reputation in pottery and basket-weaving. Their handcrafted baskets are used for storage, decoration, and even as musical instruments.
The Fuliru, like many other communities in the eastern part of the DRC, face ongoing challenges related to access to basic needs such as clean water, healthcare, and education. Parenthetically, they face issues related to land disputes, political marginalization, and human rights abuses. The Fuliru women and girls are particularly vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence amplified by the region's persistent armed conflicts, which have resulted in the prevalence of a pervasive culture of impunity.
At the onset of Belgian colonization, the establishment of chieftaincies was the primary method of governance. These chieftaincies were established with due respect to the customs and traditions of each area, particularly based on three principal criteria defined and established by the Belgian colonial administration as essential conditions for the establishment of any chieftaincy. This was done to prevent lawlessness and to avoid violating the ancestral realities that had existed for millennia. Belgian colonial administration's criteria for establishing chieftaincies varied based on the region and the ethnic group in question. The establishment of chieftaincies was often accompanied by the appointment of a local chief (chefs de groupement) or a traditional ruler who was then tasked with maintaining law and order in the area, as well as ensuring the well-being of the local population. However, the establishment of chieftains was controversial, particularly in areas where multiple ethnic groups co-exist. There were instances where the colonial administration had to navigate complex power dynamics and determine which ethnic group or faction should hold the position of chief. This led to tensions between different ethnic groups and, in some cases, even armed conflict. Each ethnic group, however small, was assigned a chiefdom or a sector, if not, a grouping (groupement). The administrative territories were thus constituted within the limits of the chiefdom. The aim was to regroup "ethnic units" in their own geographical entities, but this led to such fragmentation that Orientale Province, which included the present-day Haut-Congo Province and the former Kivu, comprised up to 2,500 chiefdoms and groups. This approach by the Belgian colonial administration was based on the principle of indirect rule, which aimed to maintain control over the local population through traditional rulers. This system was viewed as a means of preserving the existing social and political structures of the colonized societies while ensuring their loyalty to the colonial authorities. However, this approach had some negative consequences. The proliferation of chiefdoms and groups created administrative difficulties for the colonial administration, making it challenging to maintain control over such a vast and diverse territory. Additionally, the creation of numerous chiefdoms and groups resulted in the fragmentation of ethnic groups, further exacerbating existing inter-ethnic tensions and conflicts.
The Bembe and Buyu were both grouped in the Fizi Territory, which was further subdivided into five sectors, including Itombwe, Lulenge, Mutambala, Ndandja, and Tangani'a. Conversely, the Bafuliru Chiefdom borders Rwanda and Burundi through the Ruzizi Plain in the Uvira Territory. The sandy soil of the plain is suitable for growing crops such as groundnuts and cotton, with Luvungi, Lubarika, and Luberizi being particularly noteworthy areas for such cultivation. The Fuliru collectivity is situated in two distinct types of plateaus: the Middle Plateau and the High Plateau. The Middle Plateau spans between Luvungi and Mulenge, with the altitude gradually increasing from 100 m to 1800 meters. This plateau comprises several groupements and villages, including Namutiri, Ndolera, Bulaga, Langala, Bushokw, Bushuju, Butole, Lemera, Bwesho, Katala, Mulenge, and others. It is also a favorable environment for growing cassava, coffee, banana, beans and maize. The High Plateau, on the other hand, form a watershed between the tributaries of the Ulindi and the Elila rivers, as well as the torrents that flow into the Ruzizi River and Lake Tanganyika. The High Plateaus are characterized by a rugged landscape with steep slopes and elevations ranging from 1800 to 2700 meters. The main villages located on the High Plateaus include Kagongo, Kishusha, Mulobela, and Kashekezi. These villages are known for their cool climate and are suitable for the cultivation of crops such as Irish potatoes and beans. This plateau is mostly used for grazing cattle and is less populated compared to the Middle Plateau.
Bafuliru Chiefdom is subdivided in groupements (groupings) governed by customary chiefs (chefs de groupement) who are appointed by the paramount chief. Groupements are subdivided in localités (villages) which are also ruled by customary chiefs. Bafuliru Chiefdom is composed of five groupements: Runingu, Itara-Luvungi, Lemera, Muhungu and Kigoma.
The Muhungu groupement consists of the following villages:
The Kigoma groupement consists of the following villages:
The Runingu groupement consists of the following villages:
The Itara-Luvungi groupement consists of the following villages:
The Lemera groupement consists of the following villages:
Alternatively, Bafuliru are not a homogeneous people; it is an amalgamation of people with diverse backgrounds, a kind of multicultural state, each with distinct origins. To be considered Mufuliru one must be born into one of the thirty-seven progenitor families (clans) of the ethnic group.
The Fuliru people are made up of about 37 clans:
The origin of the Fuliru people, like that of many ethnic groups in the Great Lakes region of Africa, is complex and multifaceted, shaped by migration, colonization, and conflict. The Fuliru are believed to have originated from the Bantu-speaking people who migrated from West-Central Africa as part of the Bantu migration to Central, Eastern and Southern Africa. Most, however, are descended from Bantu groups that had settled in Southeast Africa after the initial expansion from Nigeria/Cameroon and settled in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the 16th century. By the mid-1700s, the Bafuliru people had established a significant presence in the region surrounding Lake Tanganyika, specifically in the mountainous hinterland of South Kivu along the Ulindi River.
The Fuliru have a unique history as one of the only highland Bantu groups to have formed a single, relatively small state that was highly centralized. According to oral tradition, the epicenter of the Fuliru people's migratory dispersion in the middle Lwalaba Basin is located at the mouth of the Ulindi River. The Mushi historian Bishikwabo Chubaka has chronicled that after migrating from Lwindi near the Ulindi River in the mountainous hinterlands, the Fuliru eventually settled in the region now known as Uvira.
The origins of the Bafuliru Chiefdom, prior to its formal establishment as an administrative chiefdom of Uvira Territory in 1928 under Belgian colonial rule, are complex and subject to historical interpretation. Various hypotheses and conjectures have been proposed to explain its emergence.
According to Alfred Moeller de Laddersous, a colonial administrator who extensively studied the Bantu communities in eastern Belgian Congo, noted that the Bahamba clan migrated from the direction of Lwindi, led by Chief Kikanwe, to their present territory, which they found uninhabited. Moeller de Laddersous describes the Bahamba as the region's earliest settlers, in an area known as "Bufulero". Over time, the Bahamba dynasty changed their eponym from Bahamba (Wahamba) to Bafuliru as a badge of their new identity. Congolese historian Jacques Depelchin traces the clan's origins to Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi, believed to have arrived in the 16th century, per Belgian colonial records, or the 17th century, as argued by historians Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza.
Other accounts suggest that the Bafuliru and the neighboring Vira people migrated from the northeast, crossing Lwindi and settling in the area. According to the scholar Cuypers, this migration could have included a prolonged detour through Maniema rather than a direct movement. Led by an ancestral figure named Nalwindi, the group split into two: the Bafuliru, under Kahamba Kalingishi, settled around the highlands of Lemera, while the Vira, led by Kirungu, established themselves on Munanira's peak, eventually spreading to the valley lowlands and the present-day Uvira Territory. Depelchin also observes that both "Buvira" (today's Bavira Chiefdom) and "Bufuliro" (Bafuliru Chiefdom) had multiple bami (also known as "mwami"). He firmly states that this part of the country (encompassing Bavira and Bafuliru chiefdoms) has never had one paramount chief, as the Bafuliru retained their own independent paramount chief. By 1907, colonial surveys delineated the Bafuliru's ethnic boundaries, which stretched along Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi Plain from Moira to the Luvivi River, encompassing territories that sometimes overlapped with Bavira lands.
Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza points out that Chief Luhama—a central figure in Bafuliru history and founder of the Bahamba dynasty—consolidated power by dividing his domain among his three sons to foster stability and manage local demands for autonomy. Luhama's strategic division granted his eldest son, Nyamugira, to control the land from Moira to the Munyovwe River; his second son, Mutahonga, received areas from the Munyovwe to the Kise River and the eastern slopes of the Ruzizi Valley; and his third son, Lusagara, managed the mountainous regions. This arrangement retained centralized control through family ties, with power transferring from father to eldest son. Eventually, some members of the Bafuliru's Balunga clan joined the Bavira, forming a unique group that did not adopt the Bafuliru's original leadership structures. Among other prominent clans, the Bazige (or Bazeke), who were given land by Chief Muluta to their leader Ngabwe, either overcame or were assimilated into the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Oral history suggests the Bazige had an autonomous chiefdom in the present-day Muhungu groupement, which they governed under Kalunga, son of Mukobesi, before being conquered and subjugated by Mahina Mukogabwe (often referred to as Nyamugira Mukogabwe II)—a Fuliru chieftain whose reign spanned the period between 1914 and 1927. This union merged two distinct groups, with Kalunga's lineage recognized to preserve social cohesion, mutual trust, and integration within the Bafuliru. Over time, the Bazige adopted the Kifuliiru language, strengthened by intermarriage and economic exchanges, and ultimately accepted Mukogabwe as their Mwami.
The formal establishment of the Bafuliru Chiefdom came on 18 August 1928, when it was recognized by the colonial authorities. Kingwengwe Mupe, a Fuliru historian, notes that Chief Matakambo, identified as the son of Mahina Mukogabwe, grandson of Nyamugira I—the first Bahamba leader—received his official appointment on 19 March 1933. Later, on 4 March 1940, Nyamugira, another of Mahina's descendants, was also made chief, consolidating Bahamba leadership over the chiefdom. There is some inconsistency in historical accounts, while some sources uphold the claim that the Bahamba clan played an instrumental role in founding the chiefdom, other narratives indicate that they supplanted the Balemera clan to establish their hegemony and royal lineage in the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Kingwengwe Mupe argues that the Bahamba clan drove out (and possibly dethroned) the Balemera clan to occupy Uvira Territory. According to Mupe's account, the Balemera clan can be traced back as the indigenous people who first inhabited the region. It is believed that the Bafuliru Chiefdom, which had its stronghold in Lemera, was the very heartland of their ancestral domain.
In the late 1800s, various groups established themselves in Bafuliru's lands in search of more arable soil. Led by Chief Ngabwe, the Barundi arrived from Burundi and assertively requested land from the Bavira, which they acquired between the Kiliba and Kawezi Rivers in exchange for ivory. As the tides of colonialism encroached across the region, it sparked wars of expansion on both sides. The Mwami of the Bafuliiru tenaciously claimed jurisdiction over certain villages in the Ruzizi Plain, while the Mwami of the Plain sought to establish his own authority. In the absence of a resolution, both chiefdoms resorted to warfare to vie for dominance.
After Chief Ngabwe consolidated his authority, Chief Kinyoni, a sub-chief under Burundian King Mwezi Gisabo from the Banyakarama Dynasty, established his own presence along the Ruzizi River's right bank. With swift prowess, he conquered southern villages like Kigoma, Mulenge, Kihanga, and Kalengera, expanding his dominion. He then launched a northward offensive, seizing Kiringye, Kabwiba, and Kigwena, nearly half of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Facing significant territorial setbacks, the Bafuliru Chiefdom rebuffed to capitulate and shoved forward to defend Bwesho. Led by the renowned leader Katangaza—a respected and influential figure from Bwesho—they rallied their forces and readied themselves to face the ineluctable advance of Chief Kinyoni and his dexterous warrior, Rubisha. Following their advent in Bwesho, Rubisha and his army encountered fierce resistance from Bafuliru's army, resulting in Kinyoni being callously wounded and succumbed to a spear attack, including his son Rubwatara. His troops were subsequently expelled from every village they had captured. However, Kinyoni's troops managed to retreat to Luvungi, where they received support from Belgian colonists, who provided them with much-needed resources and supplies. This assistance allowed Kinyoni's troops to regroup and prepare for another attempt to conquer the Bafuliru Chiefdom under the guidance of Katangaza. Despite the setback, the Bafuliiru troops pursued the retreating army and eventually expelled them from Kiringye.
During the period of European penetration, the Banyarwanda, now commonly referred to as "Banyamulenge", emerged as a significant group in the region. The term "Banyarwanda" includes Hutus, Tutsis, and Twa people from Rwanda, who share the same common language and cultural heritage. In traditional Rwandan society, a feudal system existed in which Hutus were expected to leave their land available for Tutsis to graze their cows. This arrangement was enforced through a system of clientelism, where Tutsis loaned their cows to Hutus, who in turn were required to lend their land. Wealth was measured by the number of cows one possessed, and the richest Tutsis had the largest herds. At the top of this social hierarchy was the king, known as the "Mwami", who was believed to possess divine powers and symbolized national unity. The king surrounded himself with Tutsi warlords and Hutu advisers who oversaw the distribution of land. Over time, the Tutsis established a system of serfdom that further marginalized the Hutu people. The Belgian colonial administration formalized and solidified this social system, ultimately leading to its being perceived as an ethnic divide between Hutus and Tutsis.
Between 1935 and 1955, the colonial power of Belgium in the Belgian Congo, which had guardianship over Ruanda-Urundi, officially encouraged and facilitated the immigration of Rwandans to Kivu. The Rwandans who migrated to Itombwe and Uvira during this time were predominantly Tutsis, and were favored by Belgian colonists due to their perceived superiority over the Hutus.
Unusually in contacts with the Tutsi pastoralists from Banyarwanda group, the Fuliru were neither conquered nor assimilated by them, but instead engaged in trade and occasional cattle raiding, leading to a deep and long-lasting social interaction that particularly impacted both groups. The Banyarwanda were later leased land starting from Mulenge all the way to Upper Sange from the Bafuliru, in term for the cattle for every time period and many of them settled in remote areas, including Kalamba, the Ruzizi Plain, and the Mulenge hills, before spreading to other parts of southern Kivu. The Belgian colonial administration, through the Mission d'immigration des Banyarwanda (MIB), facilitated the immigration of Rwandans to other parts of the Belgian Congo. Between 10,000 of Rwandan families were established in various regions of Belgian Congo, including the current Masisi Territory, the Bwito Chiefdom in the Rutshuru Territory, the Buzi-Ziralo grouping (groupement) in the Kalehe Territory, and Moba in Katanga. Other eastern regions such as Baraka and Marungu were also prepared to welcome the immigrants. This immigration policy was officially supported by the Belgian colonial government, which aimed to promote economic development and expand its control over the region. However, the influx of Rwandans led to tensions and conflicts with the local population, contributing to the ongoing ethnic tensions in the region.
Another factor that fostered this immigration of Rwandans was the recruitment of labor. Between the 1920s and 1950s, the colonial authorities in Belgian Congo actively recruited labor for large mining companies such as the Union Minière du Haut-Katanga and Kivu, particularly in Kalima and Kamituga. Many of these workers were Rwandan and were hired under contract, but they did not renounce their nationality or property, which remained in Rwanda. This immigration of Rwandans was also facilitated by the establishment of a chiefdom for the Banyarwanda after the arrival of numerous laborers brought by missionaries from neighboring Rwanda.
Monsignor Faustin Ngabu, who was the president of the Episcopate of Congo and the bishop of the Diocese of Goma, acknowledged this historical event in his Easter pastoral letter of 11 April 1998 (French: Lettre Pastorale du 11 avril 1998).
In the letter, he stated:
Since the 1960s, the cohabitation between the Banyarwanda and their Congolese neighbors has been plagued by problems, resulting in serious social tensions and violence. The escalation of these tensions and violence has led to lethal conflict of a social, cultural, economic, and security nature. Human rights organizations estimate that as of May 1996, the total number of deaths from the conflict stands around 70,000.
The tension within Bafuliru communities originates from the circumstance where Rwandan refugees, placed by the Belgian colonial administration and the United Nations in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, failed to uphold their designated status upon their arrival. Instead, they profess to be a newly established ethnic group known as "Banyamulenge" (literally 'those who live in Mulenge') through an entirely fabricated ethnogenesis. This emerging identity allowed them to lay claim to land and resources in the area, setting off conflicts with Fuliru, who consider Mulenge as their ancestral homeland. Following the nation's independence, the Banyarwanda, both Tutsi and Hutu, striven to establish recognition of their rights as "indigenous", vouching they possessed two "chefferies" (traditional chiefdoms) unrecognized by other ethnic groups. The Tutsi contended that their migration to the Congo Basin coincided with that of their Fuliru, Vira, Bembe, and Lega counterparts, antedating the establishment of the Congo Free State, and consequently, should be entitled to equivalent ethnic rights as other communities. In 1976, Faustin Tabazi Rugama, a Munyamulenge writer, attempted to legitimize the notion of a tribe called "Banyamulenge" that presumably held sway in Mulenge prior to the Berlin Conference. This "historical and scientific" apologia was unlikely intended to equate the "Banyamulenge" pseudo-tribe with the indigenous Congolese ethnic groups. Under the pressure of Gisaro Muhoza, a Rwandan university administrator and revered as the creator of the term "Banyamulenge", Rugama used the term in his thesis. According to René Lemarchand, Banyamulenge constitute a "Rwandan-origin" community that established themselves in the Kivu region and were not known by this name during the colonial period. Using "Banyamulenge" as an ethnic identify, they campaigned for Congolese citizenship along with land possessed by indigenous Fuliru populace.
In the early stages of the First and Second Congo Wars, a large contingent of Banyamulenge traversed into Bafuliru communities to provide support to the Tutsi members of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDLC). This influx of Banyamulenge played a pivotal role in enabling the AFDLC to seize control of the region from local chiefs and civilians who were uprooted from their ancestral lands against their will. The conflict was marked by brutal violence against the civilian population. On 6 October 1996, Banyamulenge rebels launched an assault on Lemera, a town situated in the north-western region of the Uvira Territory in South Kivu Province, resulting in the loss of several dozen lives. A total of 37 individuals, including two medical personnel, lost their lives in a hospital massacre. The armed assailants also pillaged the Lemera Hospital, the largest hospital in the region, located approximately 85 kilometers north of Uvira.
In October 1998, a large number of people were brutally killed and displaced in Uvira, including the former Mulenge post chief, Ladislas Matalambu, who met his demise on 1 October 1998, at 7:30 p.m. Additionally, Alexis Deyidedi, the former administrative secretary of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, was assassinated on 2 October 1998, at 11 p.m. The AFDL troops forced many Bafuliru, Babembe, Warega, and Bavira individuals to flee and take refuge in neighboring countries such as Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Mozambique. The displacement caused a ripple effect of the humanitarian crisis, with many facing severe challenges, including inadequate food and water supplies, inadequate medical facilities, and substandard living conditions.
On 14 May 2000, the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), a rebel group comprising mainly Banyamulenge child soldiers, perpetrated a massacre in the village of Katogota. The victims, numbering 375 in total, were primarily from the Bafuliru community and were brutally murdered in cold blood. Some were mercilessly gunned down, while others suffered the grisly fate of having their throats slashed, and their bodies were thrown into the Ruzizi River to dispose of the evidence. The rebels also set fire to their homes, leaving many others to burn to death. The horrors of the Katogota massacre caused many to flee their homes, including up to 3,500 Congolese, mainly from the Bafuliru and Babembe communities, who sought refuge in Burundi on 10 June 2004, to escape ongoing ethnic persecution.
The ongoing violence in the Bafuliru communities has been exacerbated by political instability, resource scarcity, and deep-seated mistrust between the various groups. The situation is further complicated by the involvement of different armed groups, including militias and rebel factions, who compete for control over the region's resources and strategic locations. The proliferation of weapons and the absence of effective governance has allowed these groups to act with impunity, perpetrating horrific acts of violence against civilians and engaging in illicit activities, including the illegal exploitation of mineral resources. The impact of the conflict on the local population has been devastating, with many families displaced from their homes, and their livelihoods destroyed. The absence of adequate humanitarian assistance has only exacerbated the already dire situation, with many facing severe challenges, including food and water insecurity, inadequate medical care, and substandard living conditions.
In June 2014, 35 Fuliru were killed in an attack on the town of Mutarule. The attack was believed to be ethnically motivated. The massacres were carried out mainly by Barundi and Banyamulenge rebel groups in a determined, planned, systematic and methodical manner, and were inspired by ethnic hatred. In January 2019, Twigwaneho and Ngumino, a Banyamulenge rebel groups, reportedly torched homes and property belonging to the Bafuliru in the village of Babengwa.
Between February 2019 and 2020, a large number of Bafuliru were killed and displaced, leading them to the Bijombo camp in the South Kivu Province. Despite efforts to prioritize and act on serious cases in the immediate aftermath of the ethnic violence, there have been few prosecutions and fewer convictions, as well as a near total lack of investigations of those who organized and financed the violence.
Kifuliru is a member of the Bantu branch of the Niger-Congo language family. The English linguist Malcolm Guthrie classified it in the D50 subgroup along with Shi, Havu, Vira, Tembo, and Nyindu, placing Kifuliru among the African Great Lakes Bantu languages. Achille Emile Meeussen and linguists at the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren categorized Kifuliru under J54, describing it as an "interlacustrine" language. The Fuliru are connected to the Vira in a Fuliru-Vira culture cluster. Both ethnic groups are interlacustrine, living between the African Great Lakes. Kifuliru is commonly spoken in the Uvira Territory, with over 275,000 speakers. It is mutually intelligible with several neighboring languages, including Nyindu and Vira, with which it shares 90% lexical similarity, and Shi, with which it has about 70% lexical similarity.
One notable dialect of Kifuliru is Kivuluga, a fusion of Shi and Kifuliru, which is predominantly spoken in the Itara-Luvungi groupement. This dialect emerged due to the region's close linguistic proximity of Shi and Kifuliru speakers.
The Bafuliru economy is almost exclusively agriculturally based, although they also own and raise cattle for milk and meat; their homelands in the South Kivu Province are some of the most intensively farmed areas of the country. More than 90% of the population makes its livelihood by producing food crops or through industrial work involving the processing of crops. Principal food crops include cassava, corn, rice, plantains, and, to a lesser extent, bananas, beans, and peanuts.
According to Bafuliru folklore, cassava originated from Lwindi Chiefdom and was introduced by them during their migration. Today, cassava remains a vital food source for the Bafuliru, particularly for those inhabiting the Ruzizi Plain and the entire Bafuliru Chiefdom. Having a cassava field is regarded as a treasure trove and is highly valued by the community. Besides its roots, cassava leaves are also consumable, and its stems are used for lumber. Cassava's significance goes beyond its dietary value and practical uses. It has a significant role in the community's governance, serving as a source of tax revenue. Eighty percent of all taxes collected come from cassava alone. This tax collection method enables tax collectors to fill the state treasury at both community and zone levels, which, in turn, supports the local markets of the Bafuliru Chiefdom.
The banana plant is an adaptable crop that thrives in nearly every region of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. It has a significant role in the chiefdom's customs and traditions, particularly during marriage ceremonies. In Fuliru mythology, it is believed that one cannot engage in any strenuous activities without a banana. Specifically, during a wedding ceremony or after mourning, an individual intending to marry must present a jar of fermented banana and sorghum beverage, referred to as "I mbindi ya mavu yo kudeterakwo" in Kifuliru, meaning "the jar of alcohol that allows you to speak". This jar of banana alcohol must be offered to the attendees; otherwise, the speaker is unable to convey a meaningful message. The beverage is also called Kasigisi.
Additionally, during childbirth, the banana tree is seen as holding ritual significance, as it is believed that the umbilical cords of certain children are buried near banana fields.
Rice grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom belongs to the genus Oryza and Ozyresatira species. Its various types include IR5, L9, and IRON 282. It is primarily an income generator rather than a food source at the CEP Kabwe, Kaliri, and at the Community Development Center (Cenre Developpement Communautaire; CDC) base in Kiringye.
Beans are grown predominantly in the central part of Lemera, covering areas from Rubanga to Mulenge. They are marketed in Bukavu and Uvira, with a large portion exported to nearby countries like Burundi and Rwanda. While beans, alongside rice, are exported, they usually fetch lower prices due to the local population's modest consumption of these foods as dietary staples. Traditionally, a bean dish is served with cassava mbundu.
Corn is a widely grown crop in the Ruzizi Plain, particularly in the Itara-Luvungi groupement, and in the Hauts Plateaux, where it acts as the primary food source. Although many Bafuliru from the Hauts Plateaux consume corn, some don't favor corn.
Peanuts are mainly grown in Luvungi and Lubarika, though they are also present in Lemera and Rubanga. Peanuts are a local treat and are also exported to nearby countries like Rwanda and Burundi. Some are sold in Bukavu.
Two species of coffee exist in the Bafuliru Chiefdom are Coffea arabica and Coffea canephora. The arabica species is the most common in Bafuliru Chiefdom. It is a culture of exporting coffee to Burundi.
Bafuliru music is characterized by a variety of traditional instruments such as the ngoma (drum), xylophone, and flute, which are used to create complex rhythms and melodies. The melodic strains of traditional instrument permeate the air, accompanied by the hypnotic rhythm of indigenous dance, which envelops the senses with its entrancing cadence. The ngoma, in particular, is an essential instrument in Bafuliru music, and it is often played during various social and religious events. Bafuliru music also incorporates a form of call-and-response singing, where one group of singers will lead with a phrase, and another group will respond with a harmonized phrase. This technique creates a rich and layered sound that is both engaging and captivating. Bafuliru also have songs that praise their leaders and ancestors, and these are often performed during political rallies and other communal events.
Wedding songs are central to the Fuliru oral tradition. Serving both an educational and entertainment function, these songs convey cultural wisdom, teaching politeness, respect, and environmental awareness to the young couple and the wider community. Before the introduction of literacy in the 20th century, these songs were memorized and performed orally. Through the medium of song, Bafuliru wedding traditions offer insight into their worldview and everyday life.
Before the advent of Christianity, Bafuliru adhered to a traditional belief system centered around the worship of a supreme deity known as Rurema, Nakalema or Nakalemeka, whom they regarded as the creator of all things in both the terrestrial and celestial realms. Rurema was perceived as an invisible and transcendent force beyond human reach. Intermediaries played a crucial role in connecting the people to this deity. Among the most significant spiritual leaders representing Rurema were Mushabo, Budisi, and Mugajalugulu, to whom the Bafuliru turned in matters that seemed beyond their control.
Catholicism made its initial inroads into Bafuliru Chiefdom with the construction of the first chapel in Luvungi in 1933, overseen by the parish of Nyangezi in the neighboring Walungu Territory. However, the growth of the Catholic Church in the region took a notable turn in 1974, when the influence of the Banyamulenge community shaped its direction. This influence saw the diaconate of Bibangwa becoming a focal point for anti-Fuliru activities orchestrated by the Banyamulenge. It contributed to the arming of Tutsi groups in the Hauts Plateaux. As a result, the Church was perceived by some as complicit in fostering divisions and hatred between the Bafuliru and the populations of the Hauts Plateaux.
The Bafuliru were introduced to Protestantism through Swedish missionaries David and Svea Flood, who arrived in the Itara-Luvungi groupement in 1921. Their mission encountered resistance from Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, who was initially hesitant about foreign religious influences that could threaten traditional beliefs. Despite these challenges, the Floods managed to convert a local boy, a milestone that would eventually lead to the broader acceptance of Christianity within the Bafuliru community. The chief himself later embraced the faith, and through the work of the Floods and their successors, Protestantism gained a strong foothold in the region. By the mid-1920s, following a formal agreement between Uvira's territorial authorities and Protestant missionaries, Protestant churches began to proliferate, with congregations established in key locations such as Lemera, Ndolera, Luvungi, and Kigoma groupement.
In the past, Fuliru wore skirts of cloth made from tree bark, and cloaks made of animal hides. These have long been replaced by Western-style clothing. However, handmade beaded necklaces and bracelets are still worn. The woven fabrics, adorned with intricate patterns of vivid hues have honed their craft over generations.
Traditional Fuliru houses are huts made from wood, reeds, and straw and are shaped like beehives, with a living room called "Bululi" and a bedroom known as "kisika". High hedges serve as fences. In recent years, modern houses have been built with modern materials.
Fuliru crafts include pottery, woodwork, jewelry, metal work, and basket weaving.