1519  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
extravagant  schemes  of  internal  improvement  were  got  up  in  various 
quarters  to  squander  the  money  and  to  purchase  support.  Thus  one 
unconstitutional  measure  was  intended  to  be  upheld  by  another,  and 
the  abuse  of  the  power  of  taxation  was  to  be  maintained  by  usurping  the 
power  of  expending  the  money  in  internal  improvements.  You  can  not 
have  forgotten  the  severe  and  doubtful  struggle  through  which  we  passed 
when  the  executive  department  of  the  Government  by  its  veto  endeav- 
ored to  arrest  this  prodigal  scheme  of  injustice  and  to  bring  back  the 
legislation  of  Congress  to  the  boundaries  prescribed  by  the  Constitution. 
The  good  sense  and  practical  judgment  of  the  people  when  the  subject 
was  brought  before  them  sustained  the  course  of  the  Executive,  and 
this  plan  of  unconstitutional  expenditures  for  the  purposes  of  corrupt 
influence  is,  I  trust,  finally  overthrown. 
The  result  of  this  decision  has  been  felt  in  the  rapid  extinguishment 
of  the  public  debt  and  the  large  accumulation  of  a  surplus  in  the  Treas- 
ury, notwithstanding  the  tariff  was  reduced  and  is  now  very  far  below 
the  amount  originally  contemplated  by  its  advocates.  But,  rely  upon 
it,  the  design  to  collect  an  extravagant  revenue  and  to  burden  you  with 
taxes  beyond  the  economical  wants  of  the  Government  is  not  yet  aban- 
doned. The  various  interests  which  have  combined  together  to  impose 
a  heavy  tariff  and  to  produce  an  overflowing  Treasury  are  too  strong  and 
have  too  much  at  stake  to  surrender  the  contest.  The  corporations 
and  wealthy  individuals  who  are  engaged  in  large  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments desire  a  high  tariff  to  increase  their  gains.  Designing  politi- 
cians will  support  it  to  conciliate  their  favor  and  to  obtain  the  means 
of  profuse  expenditure  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  influence  in  other 
quarters;  and  since  the  people  have  decided  that  the  Federal  Government 
can  not  be  permitted  to  employ  its  income  in  internal  improvements, 
efforts  will  be  made  to  seduce  and  mislead  the  citizens  of  the  several 
States  by  holding  out  to  them  the  deceitful  prospect  of  benefits  to  be 
derived  from  a  surplus  revenue  collected  by  the  General  Government 
and  annually  divided  among  the  States;  and  if,  encouraged  by  these 
fallacious  hopes,  the  States  should  disregard  the  principles  of  economy 
which  ought  to  characterize  every  republican  government,  and  should 
indulge  in  lavish  expenditures  exceeding  their  resources,  they  will  before 
long  find  themselves  oppressed  with  debts  which  they  are  unable  to  pay, 
and  the  temptation  will  become  irresistible  to  support  a  high  tariff  in 
order  to  obtain  a  surplus  for  distribution.  Do  not  allow  yourselves,  my 
fellow-dtizens,  to  be  misled  on  this  subject.  The  Federal  Government 
can  not  collect  a  surplus  for  such  purposes  without  violating  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Constitution  and  assuming  powers  which  have  not  been 
granted.  It  is,  moreover,  a  system  of  injustice,  and  if  persisted  in  will 
inevitably  lead  to  cormption,  and  must  end  in  ruin.  The  surplus  reve- 
nue will  be  drawn  from  the  pockets  of  the  people — from  the  farmer,  the 
mechanic,  and  the  laboring  classes  of  society;  but  who  will  receive  it
Andrew  Jackson  1520 
when  distributed  among  the  States,  where  it  is  to  be  disposed  of  by  lead- 
ing State  politicians,  who  have  friends  to  favor  and  political  partisans  to 
gratify  ?  It  will  certainly  not  be  returned  to  those  who  paid  it  and  who 
have  most  need  of  it  and  are  honestly  entitled  to  it.  There  is  but  one 
safe  rule,  and  that  is  to  confine  the  General  Government  rigidly  within 
the  sphere  of  its  appropriate  duties.  It  has  no  power  to  raise  a  revenue 
or  impose  taxes  except  for  the  purposes  enmnerated  in  the  Constitution, 
and  if  its  income  is  found  to  exceed  these  ws^nts  it  should  be  forthwith 
reduced  and  the  burden  of  the  people  so  far  lightened. 
In  reviewing  the  conflicts  which  have  taken  place  between  different 
interests  in  the  United  States  and  the  policy  pursued  since  the  adoption 
of  our  present  form  of  Government,  we  find  nothing  that  has  produced 
such  deep-seated  evil  as  the  course  of  legislation  in  relation  to  the  cur- 
rency. The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  unquestionably  intended 
to  secure  to  the  people  a  circulating  medium  of  gold  and  silver.  But  the 
establishment  of  a  national  bank  by  Congress,  with  the  privilege  of  issu- 
ing paper  money  receivable  in  the  payment  of  the  public  dues,  and  the 
unfortunate  course  of  legislation  in  the  several  States  upon  the  same 
subject,  drove  from  general  circulation  the  constitutional  currency  and 
substituted  one  of  paper  in  its  place. 
It  was  not  easy  for  men  engaged  in  the  ordinary  pursuits  of  business, 
whose  attention  had  not  been  particularly  drawn  to  the  subject,  to  foresee 
all  the  consequences  of  a  currency  exclusively  of  paper,  and  we  ought 
not  on  that  account  to  be  surprised  at  the  facility  with  which  laws  were 
obtained  to  carry  into  effect  the  paper  system.  Honest  and  even  enlight- 
ened men  are  sometimes  misled  by  the  specious  and  plausible  statements 
of  the  designing.  But  experience  has  now  proved  the  mischiefs  and 
dangers  of  a  paper  currency,  and  it  rests  with  you  to  determine  whether 
the  proper  remedy  shall  be  applied. 
The  paper  system  being  founded  on  public  confidence  and  having 
of  itself  no  intrinsic  value,  it  is  liable  to  great  and  sudden  fluctuations, 
thereby  rendering  property  insecure  and  the  wages  of  labor  unsteady  and 
uncertain.  The  corporations  which  create  the  paper  money  can  not  be 
relied  upon  to  keep  the  circulating  medium  uniform  in  amount.  In  times 
of  prosperity,  when  confidence  is  high,  they  are  tempted  by  the  prospect 
of  gain  or  by  the  influence  of  those  who  hope  to  profit  by  it  to  extend 
tlieir  issues  of  paper  beyond  the  bounds  of  discretion  and  the  reasonable 
demands  of  business;  and  when  these  issues  have  been  pushed  on  from 
day  to  day,  until  public  confidence  is  at  length  shaken,  then  a  reaction 
takes  place,  and  they  immediately  withdraw  the  credits  they  have  given, 
suddenly  curtail  their  issues,  and  produce  an  unexpected  and  ruinous 
contraction  of  the  circulating  medium,  which  is  felt  by  the  whole  com- 
munity. The  banks  by  this  means  save  themselves,  and  the  mischievous 
consequences  of  their  imprudence  or  cupidity  are  visited  upon  the  public. 
N'or  does  the  evil  stop  here.     These  ebbs  and  flows  in  the  currency  and
1521  Messages  a/td  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
these  indiscreet  extensiotis  of  credit  naturally  engender  a  spirit  of  specu- 
lation injurious  to  the  7iabits  and  character  of  the  people.  We  have 
already  seen  its  effects  in  the  wild  spirit  of  speculation  in  the  public  lands 
and  various  kinds  of  stock  which  within  the  last  year  or  two  seized 
upon  such  a  multitude  of  our  citizens  and  threatened  to  pervade  all 
classes  of  society  and  to  withdraw  their  attention  from  the  sober  pur- 
suits of  honest  industry.  It  is  not  by  encouraging  this  spirit  that  we 
shall  best  preserve  public  virtue  and  promote  the  true  interests  of  our 
country;  but  if  your  currency  continues  as  exclusively  paper  as  it  now 
is,  it  will  foster  this  eager  desire  to  amass  wealth  without  labor;  it  will 
multiply  the  number  of  dependents  on  bank  accommodations  and  bank 
favors;  the  temptation  to  obtain  money  at  any  sacrifice  will  become 
stronger  and  stronger,  and  inevitably  lead  to  corruption,  which  will  find 
its  way  into  your  public  councils  and  destroy  at  no  distant  day  the 
purity  of  your  Government.  Some  of  the  evils  which  arise  from  this 
system  of  paper  press  with  peculiar  hardship  upon  the  class  of  society 
least  able  to  bear  it.  A  portion  of  this  currency  frequently  becomes 
depreciated  or  worthless,  and  all  of  it  is  easily  counterfeited  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  require  peculiar  skill  and  much  experience  to  distinguish 
the  counterfeit  from  the  genuine  note.  These  frauds  are  most  generally 
perpetrated  in  the  smaller  notes,  which  are  used  in  the  daily  transactions 
of  ordinary  business,  and  the  losses  occasioned  by  them  are  commonly 
thrown  upon  the  laboring  classes  of  society,  whose  situation  and  pursuits 
put  it  out  of  their  power  to  guard  themselves  from  these  impositions,  and 
whose  daily  wages  are  necessary  for  their  subsistence.  It  is  the  duty  of 
every  government  so  to  regulate  its  currency  as  to  protect  this  numerous 
class,  as  far  as  practicable,  from  the  impositions  of  avarice  and  fraud.  It 
is  more  especially  the  duty  of  the  United  States,  where  the  Government  is 
emphatically  the  Government  of  the  people,  and  where  this  respectable 
portion  of  our  citizens  are  so  proudly  distinguished  from  the  laboring 
classes  of  all  other  nations  by  their  independent  spirit,  their  love  of  lib- 
erty, their  intelligence,  and  their  high  tone  of  moral  character.  Their 
industry  in  peace  is  the  source  of  our  wealth  and  their  bravery  in  war 
has  covered  us  with  glory;  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
will  but  ill  discharge  its  duties  if  it  leaves  them  a  prey  to  such  dishonest 
impositions.  Yet  it  is  evident  that  their  interests  can  not  be  effectually 
protected  unless  silver  and  gold  are  restored  to  circulation. 
These  views  alone  of  the  paper  currency  are  sufficient  to  call  for  imme- 
diate reform;  but  there  is  another  consideration  which  should  still  more 
strongly  press  it  upon  your  attention. 
Recent  events  have  proved  that  the  paper-money  system  of  this  coun- 
try  may  be  used  as  an  engine  to  undermine  your  free  institutions,  and 
that  those  who  desire  to  engross  all  power  in  the  hands  of  the  few  and 
to  grovem  by  corruption  or  force  are  aware  of  its  power  and  prepared  to 
employ  it.     Your  banks  now  furnish  your  only  circulating  medium,  and
Andrew  Jackson  1522 
money  is  plenty  or  scarce  according  to  the  quantity  of  notes  issued  by 
them.  While  they  have  capitals  not  greatly  disproportioned  to  each 
other,  they  are  competitors  in  business,  and  no  one  of  them  can  exercise 
dominion  over  the  rest;  and  although  in  the  present  state  of  the  cur- 
rency these  banks  may  and  do  operate  injuriously  upon  the  habits  of 
business,  the  pecuniary  concerns,  and  the  moral  tone  of  society,  yet, 
from  their  number  and  dispersed  situation,  they  can  not  combine  for  the 
purposes  of  political  influence,  and  whatever  may  be  the  dispositions  of 
some  of  them  their  power  of  mischief  must  necessarily  be  confined  to  a 
narrow  space  and  felt  only  in  their  immediate  neighborhoods. 
But  when  the  charter  for  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  obtained 
from  Congress  it  perfected  the  schemes  of  the  paper  system  and  gave 
to  its  advocates  the  position  they  have  struggled  to  obtain  from  the 
commencement  of  the  Federal  Government  to  the  present  hour.  The 
immense  capital  and  peculiar  privileges  bestowed  upon  it  enabled  it  to 
exercise  despotic  sway  over  the  other  banks  in  every  part  of  the  country. 
From  its  superior  strength  it  could  seriously  injure,  if  not  destroy,  the 
business  of  any  one  of  them  which  might  incur  its  resentment;  and  H 
openly  claimed  for  itself  the  power  of  regulating  the  ciurency  through- 
out the  United  States.  In  other  words,  it  asserted  (and  it  imdoubtedly 
possessed)  the  power  to  make  money  plenty  or  scarce  at  its  pleasure,  at 
any  time  and  in  any  quarter  of  the  Union,  by  controlling  the  issues  of 
other  banks  and  permitting  an  expansion  or  compelling  a  general  con- 
traction of  the  circulating  medium,  according  to  its  own  will.  The  other 
banking  institutions  were  sensible  of  its  strength,  and  they  soon  gener- 
ally became  its  obedient  instruments,  ready  at  all  times  to  execute  its 
mandates;  and  with  the  banks  necessarily  went  also  that  numerous 
class  of  persons  in  our  commercial  cities  who  depend  altogether  on  bank 
credits  for  their  solvency  and  means  of  business,  and  who  are  therefore 
obliged,  for  their  own  safety,  to  propitiate  the  favor  of  the  money  power 
by  distinguished  zeal  and  devotion  in  its  service.  The  result  of  the 
ill-advised  legislation  which  established  this  great  monopoly  was  to  con- 
centrate the  whole  moneyed  power  of  the  Union,  with  its  boundless 
means  of  corruption  and  its  numerous  dependents,  under  the  direction 
and  command  of  one  acknowledged  head,  thus  organizing  this  particular 
interest  as  one  body  and  securing  to  it  unity  and  concert  of  action 
throughout  the-  United  States,  and  enabling  it  to  bring  forward  upon 
any  occasion  its  entire  and  undivided  strength  to  support  or  defeat  any 
measure  of  the  Government.  In  the  hands  of  this  formidable  power, 
thus  perfectly  organized,  was  also  placed  unlimited  dominion  over  the 
amount  of  the  circulating  medium,  giving  it  the  power  to  regulate  the 
value  of  property  and  the  fruits  of  labor  in  every  quarter  of  the  Union, 
and  to  bestow  prosperity  or  bring  niin  upon  any  city  or  section  of  the 
country  as  might  best  comport  with  its  own  interest  or  policy. 
We  are  not  left  to  conjecture  how  the  moneyed  power,  thus  organized
1523  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
and  with  such  a  weapon  in  its  hands,  would  be  likely  to  use  it.  The 
distress  and  alarm  which  pervaded  and  agitated  the  whole  country  when 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  waged  war  upon  the  people  in  order  to 
compel  them  to  submit  to  its  demands  can  not  yet  be  forgotten.  The 
ruthless  and  unsparing  temper  with  which  whole  cities  and  communi- 
ties were  oppressed,  individuals  impoverished  and  ruined,  and  a  scene  of 
cheerful  prosperity  suddenly  changed  into  one  of  gloom  and  despondency 
ought  to  be  indelibly  impressed  on  the  memory  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  If  such  was  its  power  in  a  time  of  peace,  what  would  it  not  have 
been  in  a  season  of  war,  with  an  enemy  at  your  doors?  No  nation  but  the 
freemen  of  the  United  States  could  have  come  out  victorious  from  such  a 
contest;  yet,  if  you  had  not  conquered,  the  Government  would  have  passed 
from  the  hands  of  the  many  to  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  this  organized 
money  power  from  its  secret  conclave  would  have  dictated  the  choice 
of  your  highest  officers  and  compelled  you  to  make  peace  or  war,  as 
best  suited  their  own  wishes.  The  forins  of  your  Government  might  for 
a  time  have  remained,  but  its  living  spirit  would  have  departed  from  it. 
The  distress  and  sufferings  inflicted  on  the  people  by  the  bank  are 
some  of  the  fruits  of  that  system  of  policy  which  is  continually  striving 
to  enlarge  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  beyond  the  limits 
fixed  by  the  Constitution.  The  powers  enumerated  in  that  instrument, 
do  not  confer  on  Congress  the  right  to  establish  such  a  corporation  as  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  the  evil  consequences  which  followed  may 
warn  us  of  the  danger  of  departing  from  the  true  rule  of  construction 
and  of  permitting  temporary  circumstances  or  the  hope  of  better  pro- 
moting the  public  welfare  to  influence  in  any  degree  our  decisions  upon 
the  extent  of  the  authority  of  the  General  Government.  Let  us  abide 
by  the  Constitution  as  it  is  written,  or  amend  it  in  the  constitutional  mode 
if  it  is  found  to  be  defective. 
The  severe  lessons  of  experience  will,  I  doubt  not,  be  sufficient  to 
prevent  Congress  from  again  chartering  such  a  monopoly,  even  if  the 
Constitution  did  not  present  an  insuperable  objection  to  it.  But  you 
must  remember,  my  fellow-citizens,  that  eternal  vigilance  by  the  people 
is  the  price  of  liberty,  and  that  you  must  pay  the  price  if  you  wish  to 
secure  the  blessing.  It  behooves  you,  therefore,  to  be  watchful  in  your 
States  as  well  as  in  the  Federal  Government.  The  power  which  the 
moneyed  interest  can  exercise,  when  concentrated  under  a  single  head 
and  with  our  present  system  of  currency,  was  sufficiently  demonstrated 
in  the  struggle  made  by  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.  Defeated  in 
the  General  Government,  the  same  class  of  intriguers  and  politicians 
will  now  resort  to  the  States  and  endeavor  to  obtain  there  the  same 
organization  which  they  failed  to  perpetuate  in  the  Union;  and  with 
specious  and  deceitful  plans  of  public  advantages  and  State  interests 
and  State  pride  they  will  endeavor  to  establish  in  the  different  States 
one  moneyed  institution  with  overgrown  capital  and  exclusive  privileges
Andrew  Jackson  1524 
sufficient  to  enable  it  to  control  the  operations  of  the  other  banks.  Such 
an  institution  will  be  pregnant  with  the  same  evils  produced  by  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  although  its  sphere  of  action  is  more  confined,  and 
in  the  State  in  which  it  is  chartered  the  money  power  will  be  able  to 
embody  its  whole  strength  and  to  move  together  with  undivided  force 
to  accomplish  any  object  it  may  wish  to  attain.  You  have  already  had 
abundant  evidence  of  its  power  to  inflict  injury  upon  the  agricultural, 
mechanical,  and  laboring  classes  of  society,  and  over  those  whose  engage- 
ments in  trade  or  speculation  render  them  dependent  on  bank  facilities 
the  dominion  of  the  State  monopoly  will  be  absolute  and  their  obedience 
imlimited.  With  such  a  bank  and  a  paper  currency  the  money  power 
would  in  a  few  years  govern  the  State  and  control  its  measures,  and  if 
a  sufficient  number  of  States  can  be  induced  to  create  such  establish- 
ments the  time  will  soon  come  when  it  will  again  take  the  field  against 
the  United  States  and  succeed  in  perfecting  and  perpetuating  its  organi- 
zation by  a  charter  from  Congress. 
It  is  one  of  the  serious  evils  of  our  present  system  of  banking  that  it 
enables  one  dass  of  society — and  that  by  no  means  a  numerous  one — ^by 
its  control  over  the  currency,  to  act  injtuiously  upon  the  interests  of 
all  the  others  and  to  exercise  more  than  its  just  proportion  of  influence 
in  political  affairs.  The  agricultural,  the  mechanical,  and  the  laboring 
classes  have  little  or  no  share  in  the  direction  of  the  great  moneyed  cor- 
porations, and  from  their  habits  and  the  natture  of  their  pursuits  they  are 
incapable  of  forming  extensive  combinations  to  act  together  with  united 
force.  Such  concert  of  action  may  sometimes  be  produced  in  a  single 
dty  or  in  a  small  district  of  country  by  means  of  personal  commu- 
nications with  each  other,  but  they  have  no  regular  or  active  corre- 
spondence with  those  who  are  engaged  in  similar  pursuits  in  distant 
places;  they  have  but  little  patronjge  to  g^ve  to  the  press,  and  exercise 
but  a  small  share  of  influence  over  it;  they  have  no  crowd  of  dependents 
about  them  who  hope  to  grow  rich  without  labor  by  their  countenance 
and  favor,  and  who  are  therefore  always  ready  to  execute  their  wishes. 
The  planter,  the  farmer,  the  mechanic,  and  the  laborer  all  know  that 
their  success  depends  upon  their  own  industry  and  econpmy,  and  that 
they  must  not  expect  to  become  suddenly  rich  by  the  fruits  of  their  toil. 
Yet  these  classes  of  society  form  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States;  they  are  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  coimtry — ^men  who 
love  liberty  and  desire  nothing  but  equal  rights  and  equal  laws,  and 
who,  moreover,  hold  the  great  mass  of  our  national  wealth,  although  it 
is  distributed  in  moderate  amounts  among  the  millions  of  freemen  who 
possess  it.  But  with  overwhelming  numbers  and  wealth  on  their  side 
they  are  in  constant  danger  of  losing  their  fair  influence  in  the  Govern- 
ment, and  with  difficulty  maintain  their  just  rights  against  the  incessant 
efforts  daily  made  to  encroach  upon  them.  The  mischief  springs  from 
the  power  which  the  moneyed  interest  derives  from  a  paper  currency 
50*
1525  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
which  they  are  able  to  control,  from  the  multitude  of  corporations  with 
exclusive  privileges  which  they  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  in  the 
different  States,  and  which  are  employed  altogether  for  their  benefit,- 
and  unless  you  become  more  watchful  in  your  States  and  check  this 
spirit  of  monopoly  and  thirst  for  exclusive  privileges  you  will  in  the 
end  find  that  the  most  important  powers  of  Government  have  been 
given  or  bartered  away,  and  the  control  over  your  dearest  interests  has 
passed  into  the  hands  of  these  corporations. 
The  paper-money  system  and  its  natural  associations — ^monopoly  and 
exclusive  privileges — ^have  already  struck  their  roots  too  deep  in  the 
soil,  and  it  will  require  all  your  efforts  to  check  its  further  growth  and 
to  eradicate  the  evil.  The  men  who  profit  by  the  abuses  and  desire  to 
perpetuate  them  will  continue  to  besiege  the  halls  of  legislation  in  the 
General  Government  as  well  as  in  the  States,  and  will  seek  by  every 
artifice  to  mislead  and  deceive  the  public  servants.  It  is  to  yourselves 
that  you  must  look  for  safety  and  the  means  of  guarding  and  perpetu- 
ating your  free  institutions.  In  your  hands  is  rightfully  placed  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  country,  and  to  you  everyone  placed  in  authority  is 
ultimately  responsible.  It  is  always  in  your  power  to  see  that  the  wishes 
of  the  people  are  carried  into  faithful  execution,  and  their  will,  when 
once  made  known,  must  sooner  or  later  be  obeyed;  and  while  the  peo- 
ple remain,  as  I  trust  they  ever  will,  imcorrupted  and  incorruptible,  and 
continue  watchful  and  jealous  of  their  rights,  the  Government  is  safe, 
and  the  cause  of  freedom  will  continue  to  triumph  over  all  its  enemies. 
But  it  will  require  steady  and  persevering  exertions  on  your  part  to 
rid  yourselves  of  the  iniquities  and  mischiefs  of  the  paper  system  and 
to  check  the  spirit  of  monopoly  and  other  abuses  which  have  sprung  up 
with  it,  and  of  which  it  is  the  main  support.  So  many  interests  are 
united  to  resist  all  reform  on  this  sybject  that  you  must  not  hope  the 
conflict  will  be  a  short  one  nor  success  easy.  My  humble  efforts  have 
not  been  spared  during  my  administration  of  the  Government  to  restore 
the  constitutional  currency  of  gold  and  silver,  and  something,  I  trust, 
has  been  done  toward  the  accomplishment  of  this  most  desirable  object; 
but  enough  }net  remains  to  require  all  your  energy  and  perseverance. 
The  power,  however,  is  in  your  hands,  and  the  remedy  must  and  will 
be  applied  if  you  determine  upon  it. 
While  I  am  thus  endeavoring  to  press  upon  your  attention  the  princi- 
ples which  I  deem  of  vital  importance  in  the  domestic  concerns  of  the 
country,  I  ought  not  to  pass  over  without  notice  the  important  consid- 
erations which  should  govern  your  policy  toward  foreign  powers.  It  is 
unquestionably  our  true  interest  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  imder- 
standing  with  every  nation  and  to  avoid  by  every  honorable  means  the 
calamities  of  war,  and  we  shall  best  attain  this  object  by  frankness  and 
sincerity  in  our  foreign  intercourse,  by  the  prompt  and  faithful  execution 
of  treaties,  and  by  justice  and  impartiality  in  our  conduct  to  all.     But  no
Andreu)  Jackson  1526 
nation,  however  desirous  of  peace,  can  hope  to  escape  occasional  collisions 
with  other  powers,  and  the  soundest  dictates  of  policy  require  that  we 
should  place  ourselves  in  a  condition  to  assert  our  rights  if  a  resort  to 
force  should  ever  become  necessary.  Our  local  situation,  otir  long  line 
of  seacoast,  indented  by  numerous  bays,  with  deep  rivers  opening  into  the; 
interior,  as  well  as  our  extended  and  still  increasing  commerce,  point  to 
the  Navy  as  our  natural  means  of  defense.  It  will  in  the  end  be  found 
to  be  the  cheapest  and  most  effectual,  and  now  is  the  time,  in  a  season  of 
peace  and  with  an  overflowing  revenue,  that  we  can  year  after  year  add 
to  its  strength  without  increasing  the  bturdens  of  the  people.  It  is  youi 
true  policy,  for  your  Navy  will  not  only  protect  your  rich  and  Nourish- 
ing commerce  in  distant  seas,  but  will  enable  you  to  reach  and  anno> 
the.  enemy  and  will  give  to  defense  its  greatest  efl&ciency  by  meeting 
danger  at  a  distance  from  home.  It  is  impossible  by  any  line  of  fortifi- 
cations to  guard  every  point  from  attack  against  a  hostile  force  advan- 
cing from  the  ocean  and  selecting  its  object,  but  they  are  indispensable 
to  protect  cities  from  bombardment,  dockyards  and  naval  arsenals  from 
destruction,  to  give  shelter  to  merchant  vessels  in  time  of  war  and  tc 
single  ships  or  weaker  squadrons  when  pressed  by  superior  force.  For- 
tifications of  this  description  can  not  be  too  soon  completed  and  armed 
and  placed  in  a  condition  of  the  most  perfect  preparation.  The  abundant 
means  we  now  possess  'can  not  be  applied  in  any  manner  more  useful 
to  the  country,  and  when  this  is  done  and  our  naval  force  sufficiently 
strengthened  and  our  militia  armed  we  need  not  fear  that  any  nation 
will  wantonly  insult  us  or  needlessly  provoke  hostilities.  We  shall  more 
certainly  preserve  peace  when  it  is  well  understood  that  we  are  prepared 
for  war. 
In  presenting  to  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  these  parting  counsels,  I  have 
brought  before  you  the  leading  principles  upon  which  I  endeavored  to 
administer  the  Government  in  the  high  office  with  which  you  twice 
honored  me.  Elnowing  that  the  path  of  freedom  is  continually  beset  by 
enemies  who  often  asstune  the  disguise  of  friends,  I  have  devoted  the 
last  hoiurs  of  my  public  life  to  warn  you  of  the  dangers.  The  progress 
of  the  United  States  under  our  free  and  happy  institutions  has  surpassed 
the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  the  founders  of  the  Republic.  Our  growth 
has  been  rapid  beyond  all  former  example  in  numbers,  in  wealth,  in 
knowledge,  and  all  the  useful  ar^^  which  contribute  to  the  comforts  and 
convenience  of  man,  and  from  the  earliest  ages  of  history  to  the  present 
day  there  never  have  been  thirt-^en  millions  of  people  associated  in  one 
political  body  who  enjoyed  so  much  freedom  and  happiness  as  the  people 
of  these  United  States.  You  have  no  longer  any  cause  to  fear  danger 
from  abroad;  your  strength  and  power  are  well  known  throughout  the 
civilized  world,  as  well  as  the  high  and  gallant  bearing  of  your  sons.  It 
is  from  within,  among  yourselves — from  cupidity,  from  corruption,  from 
disappointed  ambition  and  inordinate  thirst  for  power — ^that  factions  will
1527  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
be  formed  and  liberty  endangered.  It  is  against  such  designs,  whatever 
disguise  the  actors  may  assume,  that  you  have  especially  to  g^uard  your- 
selves. You  have  the  highest  of  human  trusts  committed  to  your  care. 
Providence  has  showered  on  this  favored  land  blessings  without  number, 
and  has  chosen  you  as  the  guardians  of  freedom,  to  preserve  it  for  the 
benefit  of  the  human  race.  May  He  who  holds  in  His  hands  the  desti- 
nies of  nations  make  you  worthy  of  the  favors  He  has  bestowed  and 
enable  you,  with  pure  hearts  and  pure  hands  and  sleepless  vigilance,  to 
guard  and  defend  to  the  end  of  time  the  great  charge  He  has  committed 
to  yotu"  keeping. 
My  09m  race  is  nearly  run;  advanced  age  and  failing  health  warn  me 
that  before  long  I  must  pass  beyond  the  reach  of  human  events  and 
cease  to  feel  the  vicissitudes  of  human  affairs.  I  thank  God  that  my 
life  has  been  spent  in  a  land  of  Uberty  and  that  He  has  given  me  a  heart 
to  love  my  country  with  the  affection  of  a  son.  And  filled  with  grati- 
tude for  your  constant  and  unwavering  kindness,  I  bid  you  a  last  and 
Affectionate  farewelL 
ANDREW  JACKSON.
WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 
The  Women's  Rights  Convention,  of  which  a  contemporary  cartoon  is 
here  shown,  was  held  in  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  in  October,  1850,  and 
was  the  beginning  of  attempts  to  remove  restrictions  upon  women  in  the 
United  States.  It  is  interesting  to  contrast  the  universal  ridicule  excited  by 
the  convention  in  1850  with  the  progress  of  the  movement  for  equal  suf- 
frage, which  up  to  1917  had  seen  full  suffrage  granted  to  women  in  11 
states  and  Alaska;  primary  suffrage,  amotmting  to  full  suffrage,  in  another 
Southern  state ;  presidential  and  municipal  suffrage  in  5  states ;  and  presidential 
suffrage  in  2  states,  with  more  than  9,000,000  women  eligible  to  vote  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  (See  article  Woman  Suffrage  in  Encyclo- 
pedic Index.)
QUESTIONS. 
1.  Does  the  law  or  the  Constitution  provide  for  the  time  for 
adjournment  of  Congress?    Page  1451. 
2.  On  what  occasion  did  the  French  Government  object  to  the 
Messages  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States?    Pages 
1376,  1377- 
3.  Does  the  Congressman  represent  the  District  or  State  from 
which  he  is  elected,  or  does  he  represent  the  whole  people 
of  the  United  States?    Page  121 1. 
4.  May  the  President  adjourn  Congress  in  a  certain  contin- 
gency?   Page  1451. 
5.  When    was    the    national    debt    practically    extinguished? 
Page  1379. 
6.  Is  the  meeting-time  of  Congress  fixed  by  law?     Page  1451. 
7.  What  former  President  of  Mexico  asked  the  intervention 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  .in  his  behalf?    Page 
1494. 
8.  What  was  the  cause  of  the  failure  of  our  early  diplomatic 
relations  with  Mexico?    Page  1009. 
9.  Outline  Jackson's  plan  for  a  National  Bank  in  connection 
with  the  Treasury  Department.     Page  1092. 
10.  What  are  the  dangers  of  a  large  regular  army?    Page  1166. 
11.  When  was  the  death  penalty  for  desertion  from  the  army 
abolished?     Page  1062. 
12.  What  Presidents  recommended  that  the  Attorney-Generars 
office  be  made  an  executive  department?  Page  1016,  1090. 
13.  What  plan  did  Jackson  suggest  for  extending  the  benefits  of 
the  circuit  courts?    Piages  1024,  1168,  1336. 
14.  What  complaint  did  Jackson  make  of  railway  mail  charges? 
Page  1393. 
15.  In  what  manner  was  trade  with  the  countries  bordering  on 
the  Indian  Ocean  secured?    Page  1272. 
1627-A      51
SUGGESTIONS. 
Jackson's  administration  is  noteworthy  for  his  rugged  positioi^ 
on  many  important  questions;  one  of  the  most  interesting  of 
which  was  tjiat  of  banking,  discussed  in  many  of  his  messages. 
Read  Jackson's  nullification  message,  page  1173,  and  his  nulli- 
fication proclamation,  page  1203. 
Jackson  discussed  the  Mexican  question.    Pages  1456,  1487. 
It  is  interesting  to  read  also  Jackson's  correspondence  with 
Santa  Anna  regarding  the  war  between  Mexico  and  Texas.  Pages 
1493  to  1495. 
His  Farewell  Address  was  masterly.    Pages  151 1  to  1527. 
Read  Jackson's  Foreign  Policy.  Pages  11 59,  1222,  1324,  1370, 
1378,  1456,  1484,  1500. 
NOTE. 
For  further  suggestions  on  Jackson's  administration,  see  Jack- 
son, Andrew,  Encyclopedic  Index. 
By  reading  the  Foreign  Policy  of  each  President,  and  by  scan- 
ning the  messages  as  to  the  state  of  the  nation,  a  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  the  history  of  the  United  States  will  be  acquired  from  the 
most  authentic  sources ;  because,  as  has  been  said,  "Each  Presi- 
dent reviews  the  past,  depicts  the  present  and  forecasts  the  future 
of  the  nation." 
1527-B
Martin  Van  Buren 
March  4,  1837,  to  March  4,  1841 
SEE  ENCYCLOPEDIC  INDEX. 
The  Encyclopedic  Index  is  not  only  an  index  to  the  other  volumes,  not  onlv  a  key  that 
unlocks  the  treasures  of  the  entire  publication,  but  it  is  in  itself  an  alphabeticuly  arranged 
brief  history  or  story  of  the  great  controlling  events  constituting  the  History  of  the  United 
SUtes. 
Under  its  proper  alphabetical  classification  the  story  is  told  of  every  great  subject 
referred  to  by  any  of  the  Presidents  in  thei»  official  Messages,  and  at  the  end  of  each  article 
the  official  utterances  of  the  Presidents  themselves  are  cited  upon  the  subject,  so  that  you 
may  readily  turn  to  the  page  in  the  body  of  the  work  itself  for  this  original  information. 
Next  to  the  possession  of  knowledge  is  the  abilitv  to  turn  at  will,  i^q  where  knowledge 
19  to  be  found.
HOME  AT   KINDERHOOK,   NEW  YORK,   OF   MARTIN   VAN   BUREN 
With  reproduction  of  official  portrait,  by  Healy,  from  the  White  House  Collection
Angelica  Singleton  was  presented  by  her 
cousin,  Mrs.  Madison,  to  President  Van  Buren,  in 
1837,  and  in  the  following  year  married  his  son, 
Major  Van  Buren.  On  New  Year's  day,  1839, 
she  assumed  her  place  as  hostess  of  the  White 
House,  as  Hannah  Hoes,  the  wife  of  Martin  Van 
Buren,  had  died  in  1819,  leaving  him  a  widower 
when  elected  President.  This  was  a  great  loss, 
for  she  would  have  well  filled  the  exalted  position 
occupied  in  later  years  by  her  eldest  son's  wife. 
The  next  spring  Major  Van  Buren  and  his  wife 
went  abroad,  where  they  received  most  flattering 
attentions,  attributed  to  their  high  standing  in 
America,  and  also  to  Mrs.  Van  Buren's  exceeding 
charm  of  features,  form  and  manner,  and  long 
ancestral  descent.  They  were  invited  to  dine  at 
the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud,  where  they  were  enter- 
tained with  a  cordial  lack  of  ceremony  by  Louis 
Philippe  and  his  Queen.  In  later  life  she  was  a 
society  leader  in  New  York,  her  death  occurring 
in  1878.
VAN  BUREN 
With  the  election  of  Van  Buren  came  the  first  success  of  a  politician. 
Jackson  was  not  a  statesman,  and  his  election  was  largely  the  work  of 
the  politicians,  but  he  was  a  strong  character  owing  little  of  his  political 
success  to  his  skill  in  machine  politics.  With  Van  Buren's  election  came 
the  triumph  of  political  machinery;  his  elevation  to  that  office  was  the 
final  fruit  of  a  lifetime  of  the  shrewdest  political  maneuvering,  the 
keenest  knowledge  of  the  methods  of  political  combination,  and  of  the 
theories  of  political  rewards  and  proscriptions.  His  political  life  was 
one  of  steady  and  logical  advancement,  but  he  did  not  come  forward 
from  local  to  state  prominence,  and  from  state  to  national  position,  as 
an  exponent  and  advocate  of  any  great  principle  or  political  conviction. 
In  his  career  as  a  lawyer  of  fair  ability,  a  Senator  of  his  State,  a  member 
of  the  United  States  Senate,  as  Governor  of  New  York,  as  Prime  Min- 
ister of  Jackson's  cabinet,  as  foreign  envoy,  and  as  Vice-President,  he 
never  once  stood  for  great  political  principles.  He  was  not  inconsistent ; 
he  was  silent.  Always  the  clever  courteous  gentleman,  always  anxious 
to  avoid  controversy,  and  showing  a  remarkable  genius  for  combina- 
tions, he  built  up  a  machine  which  moved  forward  to  political  prominence 
sometimes  himself  and  sometimes  others,  but  which  he  always  held  com- 
pactly together  by* the  bonds  of  self-interest,  by  a  system  of  political 
rewards  for  the  friends  of  the  machine,  and  political  exclusion  for  its 
enemies. 
The  strong  friendship  which  Andrew  Jackson  held  for  his  Secretary 
of  State  was  one  of  the  most  important  causes  leading  to  Van  Buren's 
election  to  succeed  Jackson.  There  had  been  for  several  years  a  per- 
fectly clear  understanding  between  the  two  men  that  the  younger  was 
to  be  a  political  legatee,  and  the  immense  personal  popularity  of  Jackson 
made  the  legacy  of  his  good  will  a  thing,  of  the  greatest  importance. 
WTien  there  was  added  to  that  the  strength  of  the  perfect  political 
machine  of  which  Van  Buren  was  the  master,  his  nomination  and  his 
election  were  not  difficult. 
He  drew  great  strength  from  the  fact  that  Jackson's  political  mantle 
was  looked  upon  as  having  been  laid  upon  his  shoulders.  Even  at  the 
time  of  the  inauguration,  Jackson  seemed  the  central  figure  rather  than 
the  new  President,  and  the  temper  of  the  inaugural  address  was  distinctly 
one  of  subordination  to  his  more  popular  predecessor.*  Jackson's  fare- 
well address  was  taken  up  with  a  glorification  of  his  financial  views, 
and  with  a  parting  shot  at  the  defunct  national  bank.  Hardly  had  the 
people  ceased  reading  that  farewell  message  in  which  there  was  no 
comprehension  of  the  trouble  that  was  to  come,  than  a  financial  crash, 
IS27.C
such  as  the  country  had  never  known,  broke  with  tremendous  fury,  and 
the  new  President  was  brought  face  to  face  with  the  most  trying  of 
situations.  The  tremendous  speculative  bubble,  which  had  been  inflat- 
ing for  years,  burst  in  a  moment.  The  situation  was  made  vastly  more 
severe  by  some  of  the  features  of  Jackson's  empirical  system  of  finance, 
and  the  blame  for  it  all  came  down  upon  the  head  of  Jackson's  successor. 
He  now  rose  to  a  height  that  had  not  at  all  been  measured  by  anything 
in  his  previous  career.  He  faced  an  angry  and  excited  nation  with 
calmness  and  dignity.  He  would  not  be  driven  into  hasty  and  unadvised 
action  for  the  relief  of  a  situation  that  had  become  distressing  in  the 
extreme.  He  carried  this  calmness  in  the  midst  of  the  terrific  uproar 
that  came  about  his  head  to  a  degree  that  left  doubt  as  to  whether  he 
could  show  anything  more  than  the  phlegmatic  characteristics  of  his 
Dutch  ancestors,  refusing  for  a  time  even  to  call  any  extra  session  of 
Congress  to  consider  means  of  relief.  He  did  finally  convene  Congress 
and  presented  his  scheme  of  completely  divorcing  government  finances 
from  the  banks,  the  scheme  which  subsequently  developed  into  the 
present  sub-treasury  system.  It  was  not  original  with  the  President, 
but  had  been  proposed  by  a  Virginia  representative,  and  rejected  by  a 
decisive  vote  of  the  President's  party  in  the  House  as  early  as  1834. 
It  was  again  rejected  after  being  brought  forward  in  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
message  to  Congress,  but  at  the  next  session  was  passed  in  practically 
the  same  form  as  was  at  first  proposed  and  endures  to  the  present  time. 
Upon  this  single  act  must  rest  Van  Buren's  claims  to  a  statesmanship 
which  originates  great  public  measures.  He  accomplished  what  he 
undoubtedly  believed  to  be  a  most  important  financial  step — the  divorcing 
of  government  finance  from  the  banks.  Had  he  been  a  wiser  statesman, 
had  he  possessed  a  more  comprehensive  knowledge  of  practical  finance, 
he  would  have  found  a  way  for  securing  the  safety  at  which  he  aimed, 
with  vastly  less  hardship  upon  the  commercial  interests  than  this  plan 
of  locking  up  all  government  fundg  in  idleness. 
His  introduction  of  the  spoils  system  into  politics  has  been  none  too 
severely  condemned,  but  his  use  of  the  public  patronage  after  he  became 
President  was  less  objectionable  than  were  the  actions  of  some  of  his 
contemporaries.  At  all  times  he  showed  admirable  courage,  and  great 
political  sagacity. 
''^^iAu^'i^^UA^ 
1527-15
Martin  Van  Buren 
Martin  Van  Buren  was  bom  in  Kinderhook,  Columbia  County, 
N.  Y. ,  December  5, 1782.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  Abraham  Van  Bufen, 
a  small  farmer,  and  of  Mary  Hoes  (originally  spelled  Goes),  whose  first 
husband  was  named  Van  Alen.  He  studied  the  rudiments  of  English 
and  Latin  in  the  schools  of  his  native  village.  At  the  age  of  14  years 
commenced  reading  law  in  the  office  of  Frauds  Sylvester,  and  pursued 
his  legal  novitiate  for  seven  years.  Combining  with  his  professional 
studies  a  fondness  for  extemporaneous  debate,  he  was  early  noted  for  his 
intelligent  observation  of  public  events  and  for  his  interest  in  politics; 
was  chosen  to  participate  in  a  nominating  convention  when  only  18 
years  old.  In  1802  went  to  New  York  City  and  studied  law  with  Wil- 
liam P.  Van  Ness,  a  friend  of  Aaron'  Biur;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1803,  returned  to  Kinderhook,  and  associated  himself  in  practice  with  his 
half-brother,  James  I.  Van  Alen.  He  was  a  zealous  adherent  of  Jeffer- 
son, and  supported  Morgan  Lewis  for  governor  of  New  York  in  1803 
against  Aaron  Burr.  In  February,  1807,  he  married  Hannah  Hoes,  a  dis- 
tant kinswoman.  In  the  winter  of  1806-7  removed  to  Hudson,  the  county 
seat  of  Columbia  County,  and  in  the  same  year  was  admitted  to  practice 
in  the  supreme  court.  In  1807  supported  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  for  gov- 
ernor against  Morgan  Lewis,  the  latter  having  come  to  be  considered  less 
true  than  the  former  to  the  measures  of  Jefferson.  In  1808  became  sur- 
rogate of  Coltunbia  County,  displacing  his  half-brother  and  partner,  who 
belonged  to  the  defeated  faction.  In  18 13,  on  a  change  of  party  pre- 
dominance at  Albany,  his  half-brother  was  restored  to  the  office.  Early 
in  181 1  he  figured  in  the  councils  of  his  party  at  a  convention  held  in 
Albany,  when  the  proposed  recharter  of  the  United  States  Bank  was  the 
leading  question  of  Federal  politics.  Though  Albert  Gallatin,  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  had  recommended  a  recharter,  the  predominant  senti- 
ment of  the  Republican  party  was  adverse  to  the  measure.  Van  Buren 
shared  in  this  hostility ,. and  publicly  lauded  the  "Spartan  firmness**  of 
George  Clinton  when  as  Vice-President  he  gave  his  casting  vote  in  the 
United  States  Senate  against  the  bank  bill,  February  20,  1811.  In  1812 
was  elected  to  the  senate  of  New  York  from  the  middle  district  as  a 
Clinton  Republican,  defeating  Edward  P.  Livingston;  took  his  seat  in 
November  of  that  year,  and  became  thereby  a  member  of  the  court  of 
errors,  then  composed  of  senators  in  connection  with  the  chancellor  and 
1528
1529  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
the  supreme  cottrt.  As  senator  he  strenuously  opposed  the  charter  of 
''The  Bank  of  America/'  which  was  then  seeking  to  establish  itself  in 
New  York  and  to  take  the  place  of  the  United  States  Bank.  Though 
counted  among  the  adherents  of  Madison's  Administration,  and  though 
committed  to  the  policy  of  declaring  war  against  Great  Britain,  he  sided 
with  the  Republican  members  of  the  New  York  legislature  in  1812,  and 
supported  De  Witt  Clinton  for  the  Presidency.  In  the  following  year, 
however,  he  dissolved  his  political  relations  with  Clinton  and  resumed  the 
entente  cordiale  with  Madison's  Administration.  In  1815,  while  still  a 
membeir  of  the  senate,  was  appointed  attorney-general  of  the  State,  super- 
seding the  venerable  Abraham  Van  Vechten.  In  18 16  was  reelected  to 
the  State  senate,  and,  removing  to  Albany,  formed  a  partnership  with  his 
life-long  friend,  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  In  the  same  year  was  appointed 
a  regent  of  the  University  of  New  York.  Supported  De  Witt  Clinton 
for  governor  of  New  York  in  1817,  but  opposed  his  reelection  in  1820. 
In  18 19  was  removed  from  the  office  of  attorney-general.  February  6, 
182 1,  was  elected  United  States  Senator.  In  the  same  year  was  chosen 
from  Otsego  County  as  a  member  of  the  convention  to  revise  the  consti- 
tution of  the  State.  Took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  December 
3,  1 82 1,  and  was  at  once  made  a  ntember  of  its  Committees  on  the  Judi- 
ciary and  Finance.  For  many  years  was  chairman  of  the  former.  Sup- 
ported William  H.  Crawford  for  the  Presidency  in  1824.  Was  reelected 
to  the  Senate  in  1827,  but  soon  resigned  his  seat  to  accept  the  office  of 
governor  of  New  York,  to  which  he  was  elected  in  1828.  Was  a  zealous 
supporter  of  Andrew  Jackson  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1828,  and  in 
1829  became  premier  of  the  new  Administration.  As  Secretary  of  State 
he  brought  to  a  favorable  close  the  long-standing  feud  between  the  United 
States  and  England  with  regard  to  the  West  India  trade.  Resigned  his 
Secretaryship  in  June,  1831,  and  was  sent  as  minister  to  England.  The 
Senate  refused  in  1832  to  confirm  his  nomination  by  the  casting  vote  of 
John  C.  Calhoun,  the  Vice-President.  In  1832  was  elected  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  and  in  1833  came  to  preside  over  the  body  which  a 
year  before  had  rejected  him  as  a  foreign  minister.  On  May  20,  1835, 
was  formally  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and  was  elected  in  1836  over 
his  three  competitors,  William  H.  Harrison,  Hugh  L.  White,  and  Daniel 
Webster,  by  a  majority  of  57  in  the  electoral  college,  but  of  only  25,000 
in  the  popular  vote.  On  May  5,  1840,  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Democratic  national  convention  at  Baltimore,  Md.  At  the  election 
on  November  10  was  defeated  by  William  Henry  Harrison,  who  received 
234  electoral  votes  and  a  popular  majority  of  nearly  140,000.  Van  Buren 
received  but  60  votes  in  the  electoral  college.  Retired  to  his  country 
seat,  Lindenwald,  in  his  native  county.  Was  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dential nomination  at  the  Democratic  national  convention  at  Baltimore, 
Md.,  May  27,  1844,  but  was  defeated  by  James  K.  Polk.  Was  nominated 
for  the  Presidency  by  a  Barnburner  convention  at  Utica,  N.  Y.,  June
Martin  Van  Buren  1530 
22,  1848,  a  nomination  which  he  had  declined  by  letter  in  advance.  He 
was  also  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Pree  Soil  national  conven- 
tion of  Buffalo,  August  9,  1848.  At  the  election,  November  7,  received 
only  a  popular  vote  of  291,263,  and  no  electoral  vote.  Supported  Frank- 
lin Pierce  for  the  Presidency  in  1852  and  James  Buchanan  in  1856.  In 
i860  voted  the  ftision  ticket  of  Breckinridge,  Douglas,  and  Bell  in  New 
York  against  Mr.  Lincoln,  but  when  the  dvil  war  b^;an  gave  to  the 
Administration  his  zealous  support.  Died  at  Kinderhook  Jidy  24, 1862, 
and  was  buried  there. 
INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 
Ptoi/>w*CmzBNS:  The  practice  of  all  my  predecessors  imposes  on  me 
an  obligation  I  cheerfully  fulfill — ^to  accompany  the  first  and  solemn  act 
of  my  public  trust  with  an  avowal  of  the  principles  that  will  guide  me  in 
performing  it  and  an  expression  of  my  feelings  on  assuming  a  charge  so 
responsible  and  vast.  In  imitating  their  example  I  tread  in  the  footsteps 
of  illustrious  men,  whose  superiors  it  is  our  happiness  to  believe  are  not 
found  on  the  executive  calendar  of  any  country.  Among  them  we  rec- 
ognize the  earliest  and  firmest  pillars  of  the  Republic — those  by  whom 
our  national  independence  was  first  declared,  him  who  above  all  others 
contributed  to  establish  it  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  those  whose  expanded 
intellect  and  patriotism  constructed,  improved,  and  perfected  the  inesti- 
mable institutions  under  which  we  live.  If  such  men  in  the  position  I 
now  occupy  felt  themselves  overwhelmed  by  a  sense  of  gratitude  for  this 
the  highest  of  all  marks  of  their  country's  confidence,  and  by  a  conscious- 
ness of  their  inability  adequately  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  office  so 
difficult  and  exalted,  how  much  more  must  these  considerations  affect 
one  who  can  rely  on  no  such  claims  for  favor  or  forbearance!  Unlike  all 
who  have  preceded  me,  the  Revolution  that  gave  us  existence  as  one 
people  was  achieved  at  the  period  of  my  birth;  and  whilst  I  contemplate 
with  grateful  reverence  that  memorable  event,  I  feel  that  I  belong  to  a 
later  age  and  that  I  may  not  expect  my  countrymen  to  weigh  my  actions 
with  the  same  kind  and  partial  hand. 
So  sensibly,  fellow-dtizens,  do  these  circumstances  press  themselves 
upon  me  that  I  should  not  dare  to  enter  upon  my  path  of  duty  did  I  not 
look  for  the  generous  aid  of  those  who  will  be  associated  with  me  in  the 
various  and  coordinate  branches  of  the  Government;  did  I  not  repose 
with  unwavering  reliance  on  the  patriotism,  the  intelligence,  and  the 
kindness  of  a  people  who  never  yet  deserted  a  public  servant  honestly 
laboring  in  their  cause;  and,  above  all,  did  I  not  permit  myself  humbly 
to  hope  for  the  sustaining  support  of  an  ever-watchful  and  beneficent 
Providence.
1 53 1  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
To  the  confidence  and  consolation  derived  from  these  sources  it  would 
be  ungrateful  not  to  add  those  which  spring  from  our  present  fortunate 
condition.  Though  not  altogether  exempt  from  embarrassments  that 
disturb  our  tranquillity  at  home  and  threaten  it  abroad,  yet  in  all  the 
attributes  of  a  great,  happy,  and  flourishing  people  we  stand  without  a 
parallel  in  the  world.  Abroad  we  enjoy  the  respect  and,  with  scarcely 
an  exception,  the  friendship  of  every  nation;  at  home,  while  our  Govern- 
ment quietly  but  eflSciently  performs  the  sole  legitimate  end  of  political 
institutions — in  doing  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number — we  pre- 
sent an  aggregate  of  human  prosperity  surely  not  elsewhere  to  be  found. 
How  imperious,  then,  is  the  obligation  imposed  upon  every  citizen,  in 
his  own  sphere  of  action,  whether  limited  or  extended,  to  exert  himself 
in  perpetuating  a  condition  of  things  so  singularly  happy!  All  the  les- 
sons of  history  and  experience  must  be  lost  upon  us  if  we  are  content  to 
trust  alone  to  the  peculiar  advantages  we  happen  to  possess.  Position 
and  climate  and  the  bounteous  resources  that  nature  has  scattered  with 
so  liberal  a  hand— even  the  diffused  intelligence  and  elevated  character 
of  our  people — will  avail  us  nothing  if  we  fail  sacredly  to  uphold  those 
political  institutions  that  were  wisely  and  deliberately  formed  with  ref- 
erence to  every  circumstance  that  could  preserve  or  might  endanger  the 
blessings  we  enjoy.  The  thoughtful  framers  of  our  Constitution  legis- 
lated for  our  country  as  they  found  it.  Looking  upon  it  with  the  eyes  of 
statesmen  and  patriots,  they  saw  all  the  sources  of  rapid  and  wonderful 
prosperity;  but  they  saw  also  that  various  habits,  opinions,  and  institu- 
tions peculiar  to  the  various  portions  of  so  vast  a  region  were  deeply 
fixed.  Distinct  sovereignties  were  in  actual  existence,  whose  cordial 
union  was  essential  to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  all.  Between  many 
of  them  there  was,  at  least  to  some  extent,  a  real  diversity  of  interests, 
liable  to  be  exaggerated  through  sinister  designs;  they  differed  in  size, 
in  population,  in  wealth,  and  in  actual  and  prospective  resources  and 
power;  they  varied  in  the  character  of  their  industry  and  staple  pro- 
ductions, and  [in  some]  existed  domestic  institutions  which,  unwisely 
disturbed,  might  endanger  the  harmony  of  the  whole.  Most  carefully 
were  all  these  circumstances  weighed,  and  the  foundations  of  the  new 
Government  laid  upon  principles  of  reciprocal  concession  and  equitable 
compromise.  The  jealousies  which  the  smaller  States  might  enter- 
tain of  the  power  of  the  rest  were  allayed  by  a  rule  of  representation 
confessedly  unequal  at  the  time,  and  designed  forever  to  remain  so.  A 
natural  fear  that  the  broad  scope  of  general  legislation  might  bear  upon 
and  unwisely  control  particular  interests  was  counteracted  by  limits 
strictly  drawn  around  the  action  of  the  Federal  authority,  and  to  the 
people  and  the  States  was  left  unimpaired  their  sovereign  power  over 
the  innumerable  subjects  embraced  in  the  internal  government  of  a  just 
republic,  excepting  such  only  as  necessarily  appertain  to  the  concerns 
of  the  whole  confederacy  or  its  intercourse  as  a  united  commimity  with 
the  other  nations  of  the  world.
Martin  Van  Buren  1532 
This  provident  forecast  has  been  verified  by  time.  Half  a  century, 
teeming  with  extraordinary  events,  and  elsewhere  producing  astonishing 
results,  has  x>assed  along,  but  on  our  institutions  it  has  left  no  injurious 
mark.  From  a  small  community  we  have  risen  to  a  people  powerful  in 
numbers  and  in  strength;  but  with  our  increase  has  gone  hand  in  hand 
the  progress  of  just  principles.  The  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  of  the 
humblest  individual  are  still  sacredly  protected  at  home,  and  while  the 
valor  and  fortitude  of  our  people  have  removed  far  from  us  the  slightest 
apprehension  of  foreign  power,  they  have  not  yet  induced  us  in  a  single 
instance  to  forget  what  is  right.  Our  commerce  has  been  extended  to 
the  remotest  nations;  the  value  and  even  nature  of  pur  productions  have 
been  greatly  changed;  a  wide  difference  has  arisen  in  the  relative  wealth 
and  resources  of  every  portion  of  our  country;  yet  the  spirit  of  mutual 
regard  and  of  faithful  adherence  to  existing  compacts  has  continued  to 
prevail  in  our  councils  and  never  long  been  absent  from  our  conduct. 
We  have  learned  by  experience  a  fruitful  lesson — that  an  implicit  and 
undeviating  adherence  to  the  principles  on  which  we  set  out  can  carry  us 
prosperously  onward  through  all  the  conflicts  of  circumstances  and  vicis- 
situdes inseparable  from  the  lapse  of  years. 
The  success  that  has  thus  attended  our  great  experiment  is  in  itself  a 
sufBdent  cause  for  gratitude,  on  account  of  the  happiness  it  has  actually 
conferred  and  the  example  it  has  unanswerably  given.  But  to  me,  my 
fellow-citizens,  looking  forward  to  the  far-distant  future  with  ardent 
prayers  and  confiding  hopes,  this  retrospect  presents  a  ground  for  still 
deeper  delight.  It  impresses  on  my  mind  a  firm  belief  that  the  perpetuity 
of  our  institutions  depends  upon  ourselves;  that  if  we  maintain  the  prin- 
ciples on  which  they  were  established  they  are  destined  to  confer  their 
benefits  on  countless  generations  yet  to  come,  and  that  America  will 
present  to  every  friend  of  mankind  the  cheering  proof  that  a  popular 
government,  wisely  formed,  is  wanting  in  no  element  of  endurance  or 
strength.  Fifty  years  ago  its  rapid  failure  was  boldly  predicted.  Latent 
and  uncontrollable  causes  of  dissolution  were  supposed  to  exist  even 
by  the  wise  and  good,  and  not  only  did  unfriendly  or  speculative  the- 
orists anticipate  for  us  the  fate  of  past  republics,  but  the  fears  of  many 
an  honest  patriot  overbalanced  his  sanguine  hopes.  Look  back  on  these 
forebodings,  not  hastily  but  reluctantly  made,  and  see  how  in  every 
instance  they  have  completely  failed. 
An  imperfect  experience  during  the  struggles  of  the  Revolution  was 
supposed  to  warrant  the  belief  that  the  people  would  not  bear  the  taxa- 
tion requisite  to  discharge  an  immense  public  debt  already  incurred  and 
to  pay  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government.  The  cost  of  two  wars 
has  been  paid,  not  only  without  a  murmur,  but  with  unequaled  alacrity. 
No  one  is  now  left  to  doubt  that  every  burden  will  be  cheerfully  borne  that 
may  be  necessary  to  sustain  our  civil  institutions  or  guard  otu:  honor  or 
welfare.     Indeed,  all  exx>erience  has  shown  that  the  willingness  of  the
1533  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidenis 
people  to  contribute  to  these  ends  in  cases  of  emergency  has  uniformly 
outrun  the  confidence  of  their  representatives. 
In  the  early  stages  of  the  new  Government,  when  all  felt  the  imposing 
influence  as  they  recognized  the  unequaled  services  of  the  first  Presi- 
dent, it  was  a  common  sentiment  that  the  great  weight  of  his  character 
could  alone  bind  the  discordant  materials  of  our  Government  together 
and  save  us  from  the  violence  of  contending  factions.  Since  his  death 
nearly  forty  years  are  gone.  Party  exasperation  has  been  often  carried 
to  its  highest  point;  the  virtue  and  fortitude  of  the  people  have  some- 
times been  greatly  tried;  yet  our  system,  purified  and  enhanced  in  value 
by  all  it  has  encountered,  still  preserves  its  spirit  of  free  and  fearless 
discussion,  blended  with  unimpaired  fraternal  feeling. 
The  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government,  and  their  willingness, 
from  a  high  sense  of  duty  and  without  those  exhibitions  of  coerdve  power 
so  generally  employed  in  other  countries,  to  submit  to  all  needful  restraints 
and  exactions  of  municipal  law,  have  also  been  favorably  exemplified  in 
the  history  of  the  American  States.  Occasionally,  it  is  true,  the  ardor 
of  public  sentiment,  outrunning  the  regular  progress  of  the  judicial  tri- 
bunals or  seeking  to  reach  cases  not  denounced  as  criminal  by  the  existing 
law,  has  displayed  itself  in  a  manner  calculated  to  give  pain  to  the  friends 
of  free  government  and  to  encourage  the  hopes  of  those  who  wish  for  its 
overthrow.  These  occurrences,  however,  have  been  far  less  frequent  in 
our  country  than  in  any  other  of  equal  population  on  the  globe,  and  with 
the  diffusion  of  intelligence  it  may  well  be  hoped  that  they  will  con- 
stantly diminish  in  frequency  and  violence.  The  generous  patriotism 
and  sound  common  sense  of  the  great  mass  of  our  fellow-citizens  will 
assuredly  in  tim^  produce  this  result;  for  as  every  assumption  of  illegal 
power  not  only  wounds  the  majesty  of  the  law,  but  furnishes  a  pretext 
for  abridging  the  liberties  of  the  people,  the  latter  have  the  most  direct 
and  permanent  interest  in  preserving  the  landmarks  of  social  order  and 
maintaining  on  all  occasions  the  inviolability  of  those  constitutional 
and  legal  provisions  which  they  themselves  havje  made. 
In  a  supposed  unfitness  of  our  institutions  for  those  hostile  emergen- 
cies which  no  country  can  always  avoid  their  friends  found  a  fruitful 
source  of  apprehension,  their  enemies  of  hope.  While  they  foresaw  less 
promptness  of  action  than  in  governments  differently  formed,  they  over- 
looked the  far  more  important  consideration  that  with  us  war  could 
never  be  the  result  of  individual  or  irresponsible  will,  but  must  be  a 
measure  of  redress  for  injuries  sustained,  voluntarily  resorted  to  by  those 
who  were  to  bear  the  necessary  sacrifice,  who  would  consequently  fed 
an  individual  interest  in  the  contest,  and  whose  energy  would  be  com- 
mensurate with  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered.  Actual  events  have 
proved  their  error;  the  last  war,  far  from  impairing,  gave  new  confidence 
to  our  Government,  and  amid  recent  apprehensions  of  a  similar  conflict 
we  saw  that  the  energies  of  our  country  would  not  be  wanting  in  ample
Martin  Van  Btiren  1534 
season  to  vindicate  its  rights.  We  may  not  possess,  as  we  should  not 
desire  to  possess,  the  extended  and  ever-ready  military  organization  of 
other  nations;  we  may  occasionally  suffer  in  the  outset  for  the  want 
of  it;  but  among  ourselves  all  doubt  upon  this  great  point  has  ceased, 
while  a  salutary  experience  will  prevent  a  contrary  opinion  from  inviting 
aggression  from  abroad. 
Certain  danger  was  foretold  from  the  extension  of  our  territory,  the 
multiplication  of  States,  and  the  increase  of  population.  Our  system 
was  supposed  to  be  adapted  only  to  boundaries  comparatively  narrow. 
These  have  been  widened  beyond  conjecture;  the  members  of  our  Con- 
federacy are  already  doubled,  and  the  numbers  of  our  people  are  incred- 
ibly augmented.  The  alleged  causes  of  danger  have  long  surpassed 
anticipation,  but  none  of  the  consequences  have  followed.  The  power 
and  influence  of  the  Republic  have  risen  to  a  height  obvious  to  all  man- 
kind; respect  for  its  authority  was  not  more  apparent  at  its  ancient  than 
it  is  at  its  present  limits;  new  and  inexhaustible  sources  of  general  pros- 
perity have  been  opened;  the  effects  of  distance  have  been  averted  by 
the  inventive  genius  of  our  people,  developed  and  fostered  by  the  spirit 
of  our  institutions;  and  the  enlarged  variety  and  amount  of  interests, 
productions,  and  pursuits  have  strengthened  the  chain  of  mutual  depend- 
ence and  formed  a  circle  of  mutual  benefits  too  apparent  ever  to  be 
overlooked.   » 
In  justly  balancing  the  powers  of  the  Federal  and  State  authorities 
diflSculties  nearly  insurmountable  arose  at  the  outset,  and  subsequent 
collisions  were  deemed  inevitable.  Amid  these  it  was  scaicely  believed 
possible  that  a  scheme  of  government  so  complex  in  construction  could 
remain  uninjured.  From  time  to  time  embarrassments  have  certainly 
occurred;  but  how  just  is  the  confidence  of  future  safety  imparted  by  the 
knowledge  that  each  in  succession  has  been  happily  removed!  Over- 
looking partial  and  temporary  evils  as  inseparable  from  the  practical 
operation  of  all  human  institutions,  and  looking  only  to  the  general 
result,  every  patriot  has  reason  to  be  satisfied.  While  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment has  successfully  performed  its  appropriate  functions  in  relation 
to  foreign  affairs.and  concerns  evidently  national,  that  of  every  State 
has  remarkably  improved  in  protecting  and  developing  local  interests  and 
indi\ddual  welfare;  and  if  tj;ie  vibrations  of  authority  have  occasionally 
tended  too  much  toward  one  or  the  other,  it  is  unquestionably  certain 
that  the  ultimate  operation  of  the  entire  system  has  been  to  strengthen 
all  the  existing  institutions  and  to  elevate  our  whole  country  in  pros- 
perity and  renown. 
The  last,  perhaps  the  greatest,  of  the  prominent  sources  of  discord  and 
disaster  supposed  to  lurk  in  our  political  condition  was  the  institution 
of  domestic  slavery.  Our  forefathers  were  deeply  impressed  with  the 
delicacy  of  this  subject,  and  they  treated  it  with  a  forbearance  so  evi- 
dently wise  that  in  spite  of  every  sinister  foreboding  it  never  until  the
1535  Messages  and  Papers  o/  the  Prestdefils 
present  period  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  our  common  country.  Such 
a  result  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the  justice  and  the  patriotism  of  their 
course;  it  is  evidence  not  to  be  mistaken  that  an  adherence  to  it  can 
prevent  all  embarrassment  from  this  as  well  as  from  every  other  antici- 
pated cause  of  difficulty  or  danger.  Have  not  recent  events  made  it 
obvious  to  the  slightest  reflection  that  the  least  deviation  from  this  spirit 
of  forbearance  is  injurious  to  every  interest,  that  of  humanity  included? 
Amidst  the  violence  of  excited  passions  this  generous  and  fraternal  feel- 
ing has  been  sometimes  disregarded;  and  standing  as  I  now  do  before  my 
countrymen,  in  this  high  place  of  honor  and  of  trust,  I  can  not  refrain 
from  anxiously  invoking  my  fellow-citizens  never  to  be  deaf  to  its  dic- 
tates. Perceiving  before  my  election  the  deep  interest  this  subject  was 
beginning  to  excite,  I  believed  it  a  solemn  duty  fully  to  make  known  my 
sentiments  in  regard  to  it,  and  now,  when  every  motive  for  misrepresen- 
tation has  passed  away,  I  trust  that  they  will  be  candidly  wdglied  and 
understood.  At  least  they  will  be  my  standard  of  conduct  in  the  path 
before  me.  I  then  declared  that  if  the  desire  of  those  of  my  countr)rmen 
who  were  favorable  to  my  election  was  gratified  **I  must  go  into  the 
Presidential  chair  the  inflexible  and  uncompromising  opponent  of  every 
attempt  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  against  fhe  wishes  of  the  slaveholding  States,  and  also  with  a 
determination  equally  decided  to  resist  the  slightest  interference  with  it  in 
the  States  where  it  exists.'*  I  submitted  also  to  my  fellow-citizens,  with 
fullness  and  frankness,  the  reasons  which  led  me  to  this  determination. 
The  result  authorizes  me  to  believe  that  they  have  been  approved  and 
are  confided  in-  by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  includ- 
ing those  whom  they  most  immediately  affect.  It  now  only  remains  to 
add  that  no  bill  conflicting  with  these  views  can  ever  receive  my  con- 
stitutional sanction.  These  opinions  have  been  adopted  in  the  firm 
belief  that  they  are  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  that  actuated  the  vener- 
ated fathers  of  the  Republic,  and  that  succeeding  experience  has  proved 
them  to  be  humane,  patriotic,  expedient,  honorable,  and  just.  If  th*< 
agitation  of  this  subject  was  intended  to  reach  the  stability  of  our  insti- 
tutions, enough  has  occurred  to  show  that  it  has  signally  failed,  and  that 
in  this  es  in  every  other  instance  the  apprehensions  of  the  timid  and  the 
hopes  of  the  wicked  for  the  destruction  of  otu;  Government  are  again  des- 
tined to  be  disappointed.  Here  and  there,  indeed,  scenes  of  dangerous 
excitement  have  occurred,  terrifying  instances  of  local  violence  have 
been  witnessed,  and  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  consequences  of  their  con- 
duct has  exposed  individuals  to  popular  indignation;  but  neither  masses 
of  the  people  nor  sections  of  the  country  have  been  swerved  from  their 
devotion  to  the  bond  of  union  and  the  principles  it  has  made  sacred. 
It  will  be  ever  thus.  Such  attempts  at  dangerous  agitation  may  period- 
ically return,  but  with  each  the  object  will  be  better  understood.  That 
predominating  affection  for  our  political  system  which  prevails  through-
Martin  Van  Buren  1536 
out  our  territorial  limits,  that  calm  and  enlightened  judgment  which 
ultimately  governs  our  people  as  one  vast  body,  will  always  be  at  hand  to 
resist  and  control  every  effort,  foreign  or  domestic,  which  aims  or  would 
lead  to  overthrow  our  institutions. 
What  can  be  more  gratifying  than  such  a  retrospect  as  this?»  We 
look  back  on  obstacles  avoided  and  dangers  overcome,  on  expectations 
more  than  realized  and  prosperity  perfectly  secured.  To  the  hopes  of 
the  hostile,  the  fears  of  the  timid,  and  the  doubts  of  the  anxious  actual 
experience  has  given  the  conclusive  reply.  We  have  seen  time  grad- 
ually dispel  every  unfavorable  foreboding  and  our  Constitution  surmount 
every  adverse  circumstance  dreaded  at  the  outset  as  beyond  control. 
Present  excitement  will  at  all  times  magnify  present  dangers,  but  true 
philosophy  must  teach  us  that  none  more  threatening  than  the  past  can 
remain  to  be  overcome;  and  we  ought  (for  \  e  have  just  reason)  to  enter- 
tain an  abiding  confidence  in  the  stability  of  our  institutions  and  an  entire 
conviction  that  if  administered  in  the  true  form,  character,  and  spirit  in 
which  they  were  established  they  are  abundantly  adequate  to  preserve 
to  us  and -our  children  the  rich  blessings  already  derived  from  them,  to 
make  our  beloved  land  for  a  thousand  generations  that  chosen  spot  where 
happiness  springs  from  a  perfect  equality  of  ]X)litical  rights. 
For  myself,  therefore,  I  desire  to  declare  that  the  principle  that  will 
govern  me  in  the  high  duty  to  which  my  country  calls  me  is  a  strict 
adherence  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution  as  it  was  designed 
by  those  who  framed  it.  Looking  back  to  it  as  a  sacred  instrument 
carefully  and  not  easily  framed;  remembering  that  it  was  throughout  i 
work  of  concession  and  compromise;  viewing  it  as  limited  to  nationi.l 
objects;  regarding  it  as  leaving  to  the  people  and  the  States  all  power 
not  explicitly  parted  with,  I  shall  endeavor  to  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  it  by  anxiously  referring  to  its  provision  for  direction  in  ^very 
action.  To  matters  of  domestic  concernment  which  it  has  intrasted  to 
the  Federal  Government  and  to  such  as  relate  to  our  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations  I  shall  zealously  devote  myself;  beyond  those  limits  I 
shall  never  pass. 
To  enter  on  this  occasion  into  a  further  or  more  minute  exposition  of 
my  views  on  the  various  questions  of  domestic  policy  would  be  as  obtru- 
sive as  it  is  probably  unexpected.  Before  the  suffrages  of  my  countr)'^- 
men  were  conferred  upon  me  I  submitted  to  them,  with  great  precision, 
my  opinions  on  all  the  most  prominent  of  these  subjects.  Those  opin- 
ions I  shall  endeavor  to  carry  out  with  my  utmost  ability. 
Our  course  of  foreign  policy  has  been  so  uniform  and  intelligible  as  to 
constitute  a  rule  of  Executive  conduct  which  leaves  little  to  my  discretion, 
unless,  indeed,  I  were  willing  to  run  counter  to  the  lights  of  experience 
and  the  known  opinions  of  my  constituents.  We  sedulously  cultivate  the 
friendship  of  all  nations  as  the  condition  most  compatible  with  our  welfare 
and  the  principles  of  our  Government.  We  decline  alliances  as  adverse 
to  our  peace.     We  desire  commercial  relations  on  equal  terms,  being  ever
1537  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
willing  to  give  a  fair  equivalent  for  advantages  received.  We  endeavor 
to  conduct  our  intercourse  with  openness  and  sincerity,  promptly  avowing 
our  objects  and  seeking  to  establish  that  mutual  frankness  which  is  as 
beneficial  in  the  dealings  of  nations  as  of  men.  We  have  no  disposition 
and  we  disclaim  all  right  to  meddle  in  disputes,  whether  internal  or  for- 
eign, that^  may  molest  other  countries,  regarding  them  in  their  actual 
state  as  social  communities,  and  preserving  a  strict  neutraUty  in  all  their 
controversies.  Well  knowing  the  tried  valor  of  our  people  and  our 
exhaustless  resources,  we  neither  anticipate  nor  fear  any  designed  aggres»- 
sion;  and  in  the  consciousness  of  our  own  just  conduct  we  feel  a  security 
that  we  shall  never  be  called  upon  to  exert  our  determination  never  to 
permit  an  invasion  of  our  rights  without  punishment  or  redress. 
In  approaching,  then,  in  the  presence  of  my  assembled  countrymen, 
to  make  the  solemn  promise  that  yet  remains,  and  to  pledge  myself  that 
I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  I  am  about  to  fill,  I  bring  with  me 
a  settled  purpose  to  maintain  the  institutions  of  my  country,  which  I 
trust  will  atone  for  the  errors  I  commit. 
In  receiving  from  the  people  the  sacred  trust  twice  confided  to  my 
illustrious  predecessor,  and  which  he  has  discharged  so  faithfully  and  so 
well^  I  know  that  I  can  not  expect  to  perform  the  arduous  task  with  equal 
ability  and  success.  But  united  as  I  have  been  in  his  counsels,  a  daily 
witness  of  his  exclusive  and  unsurpassed  devotion  to  his  country's  welfare, 
agreeing  with  him  in  sentiments  which  his  countrymen  have  warmly  sup- 
ported, and  permitted  to  partake  largely  of  his  confidence,  I  may  hope  that 
somewhat  of  the  same  cheering  approbation  will  be  found  to  attend  upon 
my  path.  For  him  I  but  express  with  my  own  the  wishes  of  all,  that  he 
may  yet  long  live  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  evening  of  his  well-spent  life;  and 
for  myself,  conscious  of  but  one  desire,  faithfully  to  serve  my  country,  I 
throw  myself  without  fear  on  its  justice  and  its  kindness.  Beyond  that 
I  only  look  to  the  gracious  protection  of  the  Divine  Being  whose  strength- 
ening support  I  humbly  solicit,  and  whom  I  fervently  pray  to  look  down 
upon  us  all.  May  it  be  among  the  dispensations  of  His  providence  to 
bless  our  beloved  country  with  honors  and  with  length  of  days.  May  her 
ways  be  ways  of  pleasantness  and  all  her  paths  be  peace! 
March  4, 1837. 
SPECIAL  MESSAGE. 
Washington,  March  6, 1837. 
To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 
I  nominate  to  the  Senate  Powhatan  Ellis,  of  Mississippi,  to  be  envoy 
extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  the 
United  Mexican  States,  to  be  sent  whenever  circumstances  will  permit 
a  renewal  of  diplomatic  intercourse  honorably  with  that  power. 
M.  VAN  BUREN.
Martin  Van  Buren  1538 
PROCLAMATIONa 
[Prom  SUtntes  at  I<arge  (Uttle  &  Brown),  VoL  V,  ^  80a.] 
By  thb  Presidbnt  of  thb  United  States  of  America. 
A  PROCLAMATION. 
Whereas  by  an  &ct  of  Congress  of  the  7th  of  June,  1836,  it  was  enacted 
that  when  the  Indian  title  to  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  State  of 
Missonri  and  the  Missouri  River  should  be  extinguished  the  jurisdiction 
over  said  land  should  be  ceded  by  the  said  act  to  the  State  of  Missouri 
and  the  western  boundary  of  said  State  should  be  then  extended  to  the 
Missouri  River,  reserving  to  the  United  States  the  original  right  of  soil 
in  said  lands  and  of  disposing  of  the  same;  and 
Whereas  it  was  in  and  by  the  said  act  provided  that  the  same  shotdd 
not  take  effect  until  the  President  should  by  proclamation  declare  that 
the  Indian  title  to  said  lands  had  been  extinguished,  nor  until  the  State 
of  Missouri  should  have  assented  to  the  provisions  of  the  said  act;  and 
Whereas  an  act  was  passed  by  the  general  assembly  of  the  State  of 
Missouri  on  the  i6th  of  December,  1836,  expressing  the  assent  of  th« 
said  State  to  the  provisions  of  the  said  act  of  Congress,  a  copy  of  which 
act  of  the  general  assembly,  duly  authenticated,  has  been  officially  com- 
municated to  this  Government  and  is  now  on  file  in  the  Department  of 
State: 
Now,  therefore,  I,  Martin  Van  Buren,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  do  by  this  my  proclamation  declare  and  make  known  that  the 
Indian  title  to  all  the  said  lands  l3ring  between  the  State  of  Missouri  and 
the  Missouri  River  has  been  extinguished  and  that  the  said  act  of.  Con- 
gress of  the  7th  of  June,  1836,  takes  effect  from  the  date  hereof. 
Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  28th  day  of 
March,  A.  D.  1837,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America  the  sixty-first. 
By  the  President:  MARTIN  VAN  BURBN. 
John  Forsyth, 
Secretary  of  State, 
[Piom  Statutes  at  I^arge  (UtUe,  Brown  &  Co.)»  Vol.  XI,  p.  78)}.] 
By  thb  Prbsidbnt  op  thb  Unitbd  Statbs  of  Ambrica. 
a  proclamation. 
Whereas  great  and  weighty  matters  claiming  the  consideration  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  form  an  extraordinary  occasion  for  conven- 
ing them,  I  do  by  these  presents  appoint  the  first  Monday  of  September
1539  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
next  for  their  meeting  at  the  city  of  Washington,  hereby  requiring  the 
respective  Senators  and  Representatives  then  and  there  to  assemble  in 
Congress  in  order  to  receive  such  communications  as  may  then  be  made 
to  them  and  to  consult  and  determine  on  such  measures  as  in  their  wis- 
dom may  be  deemed  meet  for  the  welfare  of  the  United  States. 
In  testimony  whereof  I  have  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to 
be  hereunto  affixed,  and  signed  the  same  with  my  hand. 
FsKAi,  1         ^^^^  ^*  ^^  ^^^  ^^  Washington,  the  15th  day  of  May,  A.  D. 
1837,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  sixty- 
first. 
MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 
By  the  President: 
John  Forsyth, 
Secretary  of  State. 
By  thb  Prkident  op  the  United  States  of  America, 
a  proclamation. 
•  Whereas  by  the  third  section  of  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  United 
States  of  the  13th  of  July,  1832,  entitled  '*An  act  concerning  tonnage 
duty  on  Spanish  vessels,'*  it  is  provided  that  whenever  the  President 
shall  be  satisfied  that  the  discriminating  or  countervailing  duties  of  ton- 
nage levied  by  any  foreign  nation  on  the  ships  or  vessels  of  the  United 
States  shall  have  been  abolished  he  may  direct  that  the  tonnage  duty 
on  the  vessels  of  such  nation  shall  cease  to  be  levied  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States;  and 
Whereas  satisfactory  evidence  has  lately  been  received  from  His  Maj- 
esty the  King  of  Greece  that  the  discriminating  duties  of  tonnage  levied 
by  said  nation  on  the  ships  or  vessels  of  the  United  States  have  been 
abolished: 
Now,  therefore,  I,  Martin  Van  Buren,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  declare  and  proclaim  that  the  tonnage  duty  on  the  vessels  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Greece  shall  from  this  date  cease  to  be  levied  in  the 
ports  of  the  United  States. 
Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  city  of  Washington,  the  14th  day  of 
June,  A.  D.  1837,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the 
sixty-first. 
M.  VAN  BUREN. 
By  the  President: 
John  Forsyth, 
Secretary  of  State,
Martin  Van  Buren  1540 
EXECUTIVE  ORDER. 
Headquarters  of  thk  Army, 
Adjutant-Generai^'s  Office, 
Washington^  March  7,  i83'i. 
Generai,  Order  No.  6. 
I.  The  Major-General  Commanding  in  Chief  has  received  from  the 
War  Department  the  following  order: 
Washington,  March  6,  1837, 
General  Andrew  Jackson,  ex-President  of  the  United  States,  being 
about  to  depart  from  this  city  for  his  home  in  Tennessee,  and  the  state 
of  his  health  rendering  it  important  that  he  should  be  accompanied  by  a 
medical  attendant,  the  President  directs  that  the  Surgeon-General  of  the 
Army  accompany  the  ex-President  to  Wheeling,  in  the  State  of  Virginia, 
there  to  be  relieved,  in  case  the  ex-President's  health  shall  be  such  as  to 
allow  it,  by  some  officer  of  the  Medical  Department,  who  will  attend  the 
ex- President  from  that  place  to  his  residence. 
In  giving  this  order  the  President  feels  asstured  that  this  mark  of 
attention  to  the  venerable  soldier,  patriot,  and  statesman  now  retiring  in 
infirm  health  from  the  cares  of  office  to  the  repose  of  private  life  will 
be  as  grateful  to  the  feelings  of  the  American  people  as  it  appears  to  the 
President  to  be  suitable  in  itself. 
M.  VAN  BUREN. 
The  Major-General  Commanding  in  Chief  will  carry  into  effect  the 
foregoing  directions  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
B.  F.  BUTLER, 
Secretary  of  War  cul  interim, 
II.  Pursuant  to  the  above  order,  Surgeon-General  Lawson  will  imme- 
diately join  the  ex-President,  and  will  accompany  him  as  his  medical 
attendant  to  Wheeling,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  and,  at  his  discretion, 
to  the  residehce  of  the  ex-President,  at  the  Hermitage,  near  Nashville, 
in  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
'  III.  Assistant  Surgeon  Reynolds  will  join  the  ex- President  at.  Wheel- 
ing, Va.,  and  from  that  place,  either  alone  or  in  conjunction  with  the 
Surgeon-General,  as  the  latter  may  direct,  will  proceed  with  the  ex- Presi- 
dent to  his  residence  in  Tennessee. 
IV.  The  officers  above  named,  on  the  conclusion  of  the  duties  above 
assigned  to  them,  will  repair  to  their  respective  stations. 
By  order  of  Alexander  Macomb,  Major-General  Commanding  in  Chief: 
R.  JONES,  Adfutant'GeneraL
I54T  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
SPECIAL  SESSION  MESSAGE. 
Washington,  September  /,  1837. 
FeUauhCiiusens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 
The  act  of  the  23d  of  June,  1836,  regulating  the  deposits  of  the  public 
money  and  directing  the  employment  of  State,  District,  and  Tenitorial 
banks  for  that  purpose,  made  it  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  discontinue  the  use  of  such  of  them  as  should  at  any  time  refuse 
to  redeem  their  notes  in  specie,  and  to  substitute  other  banks,  provided 
a  sufficient  nuniber  could  be  obtained  to  receive  the  public  deposits  upon 
the  terms  and  conditions  therein  prescribed.  The  general  and  almost 
simultaneous  suspension  of  specie  payments  by  the  banks  in  May  last 
rendered  the  performance  of  this  duty  imperative  in  respect  to  those 
which  had  been  selected  under  the  act,  and  made  it  at  the  same  time 
impracticable  to  employ  the  requisite  number  of  others  upon  the  pre- 
scribed conditions.  The  specific  regulations  established  by  Congress  for 
the  deposit  and  safe-keeping  of  the  public  moneys  having  thus  unex- 
pectedly become  inoperative,  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  afford  you  an 
early  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  your  supervisory  powers  over  the 
subject. 
I  was  also  led  to  apprehend  that  the  suspension  of  specie  payments, 
increasing  the  embarrassments  before  existing  in  the  pecuniary  affairs 
of  the  country,  would  so  far  diminish  the  public  revenue  that  the  accru- 
ing receipts  into  the  Treasury  would  not,  with  the  reserved  five  millions, 
be  sufficient  to  defray  the  unavoidable  expenses  of  the  Government  until 
the  usual  period  for  the  meeting  of  Congress,  whilst  the  authority  to 
call  upon  the  States  for  a  portion  of  the  sums  deposited  with  them  was 
too  restricted  to  enable  the  Department  to  realize  a  sufficient  amount 
from  that  source.  These  apprehensions  have  been  justified  by  subse- 
quent results,  which  render  it  certain  that  this  deficiency  will  occur  if 
additional  means  be  not  provided  by  Congress. 
The  difficulties  experienced  by  the  mercantile  interest  in  meeting  their 
engagements  induced  them  to  apply  to  me  previously  to  the  actual  sus- 
pension of  specie  payments  for  indulgence  upon  their  bonds  for  duties, 
and  all  the  relief  authorized  by  law  was  promptly  and  cheerfully  granted. 
The  dependence  of  the  Treasury  upon  the  avails  of  these  bonds  to  enable 
it  to  ipake  the  deposits  with  the  States  required  by  law  led  me  iu  the 
outset  to  limit  this  indulgence  to  the  ist  of  September,  but  it  has  since 
been  extended  to  the  ist  of  October,  that  the  matter  might  be  submitted 
to  your  further  direction. 
Questions  were  also  expected  to  arise  in  the  recess  in  respect  to  the 
October  installment  of  those  deposits  requiring  the  interposition  of  Con- 
gress. 
A  provision  of  another  act,  passed  about  the  same  time,  and  intended  to
Martin  Van  Buren  1542 
secure  a  faithful  compliance  with  the  obligation  of  the  United  States  to 
satisfy  all  demands  upon  them  in  specie  or  its  equivalent,  prohibited 
the  offer  of  any  bank  note  not  convertible  on  the  spot  into  gold  or  silver 
at  the  will  of  the  holder;  and  the  ability  of  the  Government,  with  mil- 
lions on  deposit,  to  meet  its  engagements  in  the  manner  thus  required 
by  law  was  rendered  very  doubtful  by  the  event  to  which  I  have  referred. 
Sensible  that  adequate  provisions  for  these  unexpected  exigencies 
could  only  be  made  by  Congress;  convinced  that  some  of  them  would  be 
indispensably  necessary  to  the  public  service  before  the  regular  period  of 
your  meeting,  and  desirous  also  to  enable  you  to  exercise  at  the  earliest 
moment  your  full  constitutional  powers  for  the  relief  of  the  country,  I 
could  not  with  propriety  avoid  subjecting  you  to  the  inconvenience  of 
assembling  at  as  early  a  day  as  the  state  of  the  popular  representation 
would  permit.  I  am  sui:e  that  I  have  done  but  justice  to  your  feelings 
in  believing  that  this  inconvenience  vnll  be  cheerfully  encountered  in 
the  hope  of  rendering  your  meeting  conducive  to  the  good  of  the  country. 
During  the  earlier  stages  of  the  revulsion  through  which  we  have  just 
passed  much  acrimonious  discussion  arose  and  great  diversity  of  opinion 
existed  as  to  its  real  causes.  This  was  not  surprising. .  The  operations 
of  credit  are  so  diversified  and  the  influences  which  affect  them  so  niuner- 
ous,  and  often  so  subtle,  that  even  impartial  and  well-informed  persons 
are  seldom  found  to  agree  in  respect  to  them.  To  inherent  difficulties 
were  also  added  other  tendencies  which  were  by  no  means  favorable  to 
the  discovery  of  truth.  It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  those  who 
disapproved  th6  policy  of  the  Government  in  relation  to  the  currency 
would,  in  the  excited  state  of  public  feeling  produced  by  the  occasion,  fail 
to  attribute  to  that  policy  any  extensive  embarrassment  in  the  monetary 
affairs  of  the  country.  The  matter  thus  became  connected  with  the  pas- 
sions and  conflicts  of  party;  opinions  were  more  or  less  affected  by  polit- 
ical considerations,  and  differences  were  prolonged  which  might  otherwise 
have  been  determined  by  an  appeal  to  facts,  by  the  exercise  of  reason,  or 
by  mutual  concession.  It  is,  however,  a  cheering  reflection  that  circum- 
stances of  this  nature  can  not  prevent  a  commtmity  so  intelligent  as  ours 
from  ultimately  arriving  at  correct  conclusions.  Encouraged  by  the  firm 
belief  of  this  truth,  I  proceed  to  state  my  views,  so  far  as  may  be  neces- 
»ry  to  a  clear  understanding  of  the  remedies  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  propose 
and  of  the  reasons  by  which  I  have  been  led  to  recommend  them. 
The  history  of  trade  in  the  United  States  for  the  last  three  or  four  years 
affords  the  most  convincing  evidence  that  our  present  condition  is  chiefly 
to  be  attributed  to  overaction  in  all  the  departments  of  business — an  over- 
action  deriving,  perhaps,  its  first  impulses  from  antecedent  causes,  but 
stimulated  to  its  destructive  consequences  by  excessive  issues  of  bank 
paper  and  by  other  facilities  for  the  acquisition  and  enlargement  of  credit. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  year  1834  the  banking  capital  of  the  United 
States,  including  that  of  the  national  bank,  then  existing,  amounted  to
1543  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
about  $200,000,000,  the  bank  notes  then  in  circulation  to  abput  ninety- 
five  millions,  and  the  loans  and  discounts  of  the  banks  to  thr^  hundred 
and  twenty-four  millions.  Between  that  time  and  the  ist  of  January, 
1836,  being  the  latest  period  to  which  accurate  accounts  have  been 
received,  our  banking  capital  was  increased  to  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty-one  millions,  our  paper  circulation  to  more  than  one  hundred  and 
forty  millions,  and  the  loans  and  discounts  to  more  than  four  hundred 
and  fifty-seven  millions.  To  this  vast  increase  are  to  be  added  the  many 
millions  of  credit  acquired  by  means  of  foreign  loans,  contracted  by  the 
States  and  State  institutions,  and,  above  all,  by  the  lavish  accommoda- 
tions extended  by  foreign  dealers  to  our  merchants. 
The  consequences  of  this  redundancy  of  credit  and  of  the  spirit  of 
reckless  speculation  engendered  by  it  were  a  foreign  debt  contracted 
by  our  citizens  estimated  in  March  last  at  more  than  $30,000,000;  the 
extension  to  traders  in  the  interior  of  our  country  of  credits  for  supplies 
greatly  beyond  the  wants  of  the  people;  the  investment  of  $39,500,000 
in  unproductive  public  lands  in  the  years  1835  and  1836,  whilst  in  the 
preceding  year  the  sales  amounted  to  only  four  and  a  half  millions; 
the  creation  of  debts,  to  an  almost  countless  amount,  for  real  estate  in 
existing  or  anticipated  cities  and  villages,  equally  unproductive,  and  at 
prices  now  seen  to  have  been  greatly  disproportionate  to  their  real  value; 
the  expenditure  of  immense  sums  in  improvements  which  in  many  cases 
have  been  found  to  be  ruinously  improvident;  the  diversion  to  other  pur- 
suits of  much  of  the  labor  that  should  have  been  applied  to  agriculture, 
thereby  contributing  to  the  expenditure  of  large  sums  in  the  importa- 
tion of  grain  from  Europe — an  expenditure  which,  amounting  in  1834 
to  about  $250,000,  was  in  the  first  two  quarters  of  the  present  year 
increased  to  more  than  $2,000,000;  and  finally,  without  enumerating 
other  injurious  results,  the  rapid  growth  among  all  classes,  and  espe- 
cially in  our  great  commercial  towns,  of  luxurious  habits  foimded  too 
often  on  merely  fancied  wealth,  and  detrimental  alike  to  the  industry, 
the  resources,  and  the  morals  of  our  people. 
It  was  so  impossible  that  such  a  state  of  things  could  long  continue 
that  the  prospect  of  revulsion  was  present  to  the  minds  of  considerate 
men  before  it  actually  came.  None,  however,  had  correctly  anticipated 
its  severity.  A  concurrence  of  circumstances  inadequate  of  themselves 
to  produce  such  widespread  and  calamitous  embarrassments  tended  so 
greatly  to  aggravate  them  that  they  can  not  be  overlooked  in  considering 
their  history.  Among  these  may  be  mentioned,  as  most  prominent,  the 
great  loss  of  capital  sustained  by  our  commercial  emporium  in  the  fire  of 
December,  1835 — a  loss  the  effects  of  which  were  underrated  at  the  time 
because  postponed  for  a  season  by  the  great  facilities  of  credit  then  exist- 
ing; the  disturbing  effects  in  our  commercial  cities  of  the  transfers  of 
the  public  moneys  required  by  the  deposit  law  of  June,  1836,  and  the 
meastures  adopted  by  the  fprei^  creditors  of  our  merchants  to  reduce
Martin  Van  Sureti  1544 
their  debts  and  to  withdraw  from  the  United  States  a  large  portion  of 
our  specie. 
However  unwilling  any  of  our  citizens  may  heretofore  have  been  to 
assign  to  these  causes  the  chief  instrumentality  in  producing  the  present 
state  of  things,  the  developments  subsequently  made  and  the  actual  con- 
dition  of  other  commercial  countries  must,  as  it  seems  to  me,  dispel  all 
remaining  doubts  upon  the  subject.  It  has  since  appeared  that  evils 
similar  to  those  suflFered  by  ourselves  have  been  experienced  in  Great 
Britain,  on  the  Continent,  and,  indeed,  throughout  the  commercial  world, 
and  that  in  other  countries  as  well  as  in  our  own  they  have  been  uniformly . 
preceded  by  an  tmdue  enlargement  of  the  boundaries  of  trade,  prompted, 
as  with  us,  by  unprecedented  expansions  of  the  systems  of  credit.  A 
reference  to  the^motmt  of  banking  capital  and  the  issues  of  paper  credits 
put  in  circulation  in  Great  Britain,  by  banks  and  in  other  ways,  during 
the  years  1834,  1835,  and  1836  will  show  an  augmentation  of  the  paper 
currency  there  as  much  disproportioned  to  the  real  wants  of  trade  as  in 
the  United  States.  With  this  redundancy  of  the  paper  currency  there 
arose  in-that  country  also  a  spirit  of  adventurous  speculation  embracing 
the  whole  range  of  human  enterprise.  Aid  was  profusely  given  to  pro- 
jected improvements;  large  investments  were  made  in  foreign  stocks  and 
loans;  credits  for  goods  were  granted  with  unbounded  liberality  to  mer- 
chants in  foreign  countries,  and  all  the  means  of  acquiring  and  employ- 
ing credit  were  put  in  active  operation  and  extended  in  their  eflEects  to 
every  department  of  business  and  to  every  quarter  of  the  globe.  The 
reaction  was  proportioned  in  its  violence  to  the  extraordinary  character 
of  the  events  which  preceded  it.  The  commercial  community  of  Great 
Britain  were  subjected  to  the  greatest  difl&culties,  and  their  debtors  in  this 
country  were  not  only  suddenly  deprived  of  accustomed  and  expected 
credits,  but  called  upon  for  pajrments  which  in  the  actual  posture  of 
things  here  could  only  be  made  through  a  general  pressure  and  at  the 
most  ruinous  sacrifices.  , 
In  view  of  these  facts  it  would  seem  impossible  for  sincere  inquirers 
after  truth  to  resist  the  conviction  that  the  causes  of  the  revulsion  in 
both  countries  have  been  substantially  the  same.  Two  nations,  the  most 
commercial  in  the  world,  enjoying  but  recently  the  highest  degree  of 
apparent  prosperity  and  maintaining  with  each  other  the  closest  relations, 
are  suddenly,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  and  without  any  great  national 
disaster,  arrested  in  their  career  and  plunged  into  a  state  of  embarrass- 
ment and  distress.  In  both  countries  we  have  witnessed  the  same  redun- 
dancy of  paper  money  and  other  facilities  of  credit;  the  same  spirit  of 
speculation;  the  same  partial  successes;  the  same  difficulties  and  reverses, 
and  at  length  nearly  the  same  overwhelming  catastrophe.  The  most 
material  difference  between  the  results  in  the  two  countries  has  only 
been  that  with  us  there  has  also  occurred  an  extensive  derangement  in 
the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  Federal  and  State  Governments,  occasioned  by  the 
suspension  of  specie  pa3rments  by  the  banks.
1545  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
The  history  of  these  causes  and  effects  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  is  substantially  the  history  of  the  revulsion  in  all  other  commercial 
countries. 
The  present  and  visible  efiEects  of  these  circumstances  on  the  operations 
of  the  Government  and  on  the  industry  of  the  people  point  out  the  objects 
which  call  for  your  immediate  attention. 
They  are,  to  regulate  by  law  the  safe-keeping,  transfer,  and  disburse- 
ment of  the  public  moneys;  to  designate  the  funds  to  be  received  and 
paid  by  the  Government;  to  enable  th^  Treasury  to  meet  promptly  every 
demand  upon  it;  to  prescribe  the  terms  of  indulgence  and  the  mode 
of  settlement  to  be  adopted,  as  well  in  collecting  from  individuals  the 
revenue  that  has  accrued  as  in  withdrawing  it  from  former  depositories; 
and  to  devise,  and  adopt  such  further  measures,  within  the  constitutional 
competency  of  Congress,  as  will  be  best  calculated  to  revive  the  enter- 
prise and  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 
For  the  deposit,  transfer,  and  disbursement  of  the.  revenue  national 
and  State  banks  have  always,  with  temporary  and  limited  exceptions, 
been  heretofore  employed;  but  although  advocates  of  each  system  are 
still  to  be  found,  it  is  apparent  that  the  events  of  the  last  few  months 
have  greatly  augmented  the  desire,  long  existing  among  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  to  separate  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  Government 
from  those  of  individuals  or  corporations. 
Again  to  create  a  national  bank  as  a  fiscal  agent  would  be  to  disre- 
'gard  the  popular  will,  twice  solemnly  and  unequivocally  expressed.  C^n 
no  question  of  domestic  policy  is  there  stronger  evidence  that  the  seia- 
timents  of  a  large  majority  are  deliberately  fixed,  and  I  can  not  conciu- 
with  those  who  think  they  see  in  recent  events  a  proof  that  these  senti- 
ments are,  or  a  reason  that  they  should  be,  changed. 
Events  similar  in  their  origin  and  character  have  heretofore  fre- 
quently occurred  without  producing  any  such  change,  and  the  lessons 
of  experience  must  be  forgotten  if  we  suppose  that  the  present  over- 
throw of  credit  would  have  been  prevented  by  the  existence  of  a  national 
bank.  Proneness  to  excessive  issues  has  ever  been  the  vice  of  the  bank- 
ing system — a  vice  as  prominent  in  national  as  in  State  institutions. 
This  propensity  is  as  subservient  to  the  advancement  of  private  interests 
in  the  one  as  in  the  other,  and  those  who  direct  them  both,  being  prin- 
cipally guided  by  the  same  views  and  influenced  by  the  same  motives, 
will  be  equally  ready  to  stimulate  extravagance  of  enterprise  by  improvi- 
dence of  credit.  How  strikingly  is  this  conclusion  sustained  by  experi- 
ence! The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  with  the  vast  powers  conferred 
on  it  by  Congress,  did  not  or  could  not  prevent  former  and  similar 
embarrassments,  nor  has  the  still  greater  strength  it  has  been  said  to 
possess  under  its  present  charter  enabled  it  in  the  existing  emergency 
to  check  other  institutions  or  even  to  save  itself.  In  Great  Britain, 
where  it  has  been  seen  the  same  causes  have  been  attended  with  the
Martin  Van  Buren  1546 
same  effects,  a  national  bank  possessing  powers  far  greater  than  are 
asked  for  by  the  warmest  advocates  of  such  an  institution  here  has  also 
proved  unable  to  prevent  an  undue  expansion  of  credit  and  the  evils 
that  flow  from  it.  Nor  can  I  find  any  tenable  ground  for  the  reestab 
lishment  of  a  national  bank  in  the  derangement  alleged  at  present  to 
exist  in  the  domestic  exchanges  of  the  country  or  in  the  facilities  it 
may  be  capable  of  affording  them.  Although  advantages  of  this  sort 
were  anticipated  when  the  first  Bank  of  the  United  States  was  created, 
they  were  regarded  as  an  incidental  accommodation,  not  one  which 
the  Federal  Government  was  bound  or  could  be  called  upon  to  furnish. 
This  accommodation  is  now,  indeed,  after  the  lapse  of  not  many  years, 
demanded  from  it  as  among  its  first  duties,  and  an  omission  to  aid  and 
regulate  commercial  exchange  is  treated  as  a  ground  of  loud  and  serious 
complaint.  Such  results  only  serve  to  exemplify  the  constant  desire 
among  some  of  our  citizens  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  Government 
and  extend  its  control  to  subjects  with  which  it  should  not  interfere. 
They  can  never  justify  the  creation  of  an  institution  to  promote  such 
objects.  On  the  contrary,  they  justly  excite  among  the  community  a 
more  diligent  inquiry  into  the  character  of  those  operations  of  trade 
toward  which  it  is  desired  to  extend  such  peculiar  favors. 
The  various  transactions  which  bear  the  name  of  domestic  exchanges 
differ  essentially  in  their  nature,  operation,  and  utility.  One  class  of 
them  consists  of  bills  of  exchange  drawn  for  the  purpose  of  transferring 
actual  capital  from  one  part  of  the  country  to  another,  or  to  anticipate 
the  proceeds  of  property  actually  transmitted.  Bills  of  this  description 
are  highly  useful  in  the  movements  of  trade  and  well  deserve  all  the 
encouragement  which  can  rightfully  be  given  to  them.  Another  class 
is  made  up  of  bills  of  exchange  not  drawn  to  transfer  actual  capital  nor 
on  the  credit  of  property  transmitted,  but  to  create  fictitious  capital, 
partaking  at  once  of  the  character  of  notes  discounted  in  bank  and  of 
bank  notes  in  circulation,  and  swelling  the  mass  of  paper  credits  to  a 
vast  extent  in  the  most  objectionable  manner.  These  bills  have  formed 
for  the  last  few  years  a  large  proportion  of  what  are  termed  the  domestic 
exchanges  of  the  country,  serving  as  the  means  of  usurious  profit  and 
constituting  the  most  unsafe  and  precarious  paper  in  circulation.  This 
species  of  traffic,  instead  of  being  upheld,  ought  to  be  discountenanced 
by  the  Government  and  the  people. 
In  transferring  its  funds  from  place  to  place  the  Government  is  on  the 
same  footing  with  the  private  citizen  and  may  resort  to  the  same  legal 
means.  It  may  do  so  through  the  medium  of  bills  drawn  by  itself  or 
purchased  from  others;  and  in  these  operations  it  may,  in  a  manner 
undoubtedly  constitutional  and  legitimate,  facilitate  and  assist  exchanges 
of  individuals  founded  on  real  transactions  of  trade.  The  extent  to 
which  this  may  be  done  and  the  best  means  of  effecting  it  are  entitled 
to  the  fullest  consideration.  This  has  been  bestowed  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  and  his  views  will  be  submitted  to  you  in  his  report.
1547  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
But  it  was  not  designed  by  the  Constitution  that  the  Government 
should  assume  the  management  of  domestic  or  foreign  exchange.  It  is 
indeed  authorized  to  regulate  by  law  the  commerce  between  the  States 
and  to  provide  a  general  standard  of  value  or  medium  of  exchange  in 
gold  and  silver,  but  it  is  not  its  province  to  aid  individuals  in  the  trans- 
fer of  their  funds  otherwise  than  through  the  facilities  afforded  by  the 
Post-Office  Department.  As  justly  might  it  be  called  on  to  provide  for 
the  transportation  of  their  merchandise.  These  are  operations  of  trade. 
They  ought  to  be  conducted  by  those  who  are  interested  in  them  in  the 
same  manner  that  the  incidental  difficulties  of  other  pursuits  are  encoun- 
tered by  other  classes  of  citizens.  Such  aid  has  not  been  deemed  neces- 
sary in  other  countries.  Throughout  Europe  the  domestic  as  well  as 
the  foreign  exchanges  are  carried  on  by  private  houses,  often,  if  not 
generally,  without  the  assistance  of  banks;  yet  they  extend  through- 
out distinct  sovereignties,  and  far  exceed  in  amount  the  real  exchanges 
of  the  United  States.  There  is  no  reason  why  our  own  may  not  be  con- 
ducted in  the  same  manner  with  equal  cheapness  and  safety.  Certainly 
this  might  be  accomplished  if  it  were  favored  by  those  most  deeply  inter- 
ested; and  few  can  doubt  that  their  own  interest,  as  well  as  the  general 
welfare  of  the  country,  would  be  promoted  by  leaving  such  a  subject  in 
the  hands  of  those  to  whom  it  properly  belongs.  A  system  founded  on 
private  interest,  enterprise,  and  competition,  without  the  aid  of  legisla- 
tive grants  or  regulations  by  law,  would  rapidly  prosper;  it  would  be 
free  from  the  influence  of  political  agitation  and  extend  the  same  exemp- 
tion to  trade  itself,  and  it  would  put  an  end  to  those  complaints  of 
neglect,  partiality,  injustice,  and  oppression  which  are  the  unavoidable 
results  of  interference  by  the  Government  in  the  proper  concerns  of 
individuals.  All  former  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  Government  to 
carry  its  legislation  in  this  respect  further  than  was  designed  by  the 
Cbnstitution  have  in  the  end  proved  injurious,  and  have  served  only  to 
convince  the  great  body  of  the  people  more  and  more  of  the  certain  dan- 
gers of  blending  private  interests  with  the  operations  of  public  business; 
and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  a  repetition  of  them  now  would 
be  more  successful. 
It  can  not  be  concealed  that  there  exists  in  our  community  opinions 
and  feelings  on  this  subject  in  direct  opposition  to  each  other.  A  large 
portion  of  them,  combining  great  intelligence,  activity,  and  influence,  are 
no  doubt  sincere  in  their  belief  that  the  operations  of  trade  ought  to  be 
assisted  by  such  a  connection;  they  regard  a  national  bank  as  necessary 
for  this  purpose,  and  they  are  disinclined  to  every  measure  that  does  not 
tend  sooner  or  later  to  the  establishment  of  such  an  institution.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  majority  of  the  people  are  believed  to  be  irreconcilabl}' 
opposed  to  that  measure;  they  consider  such  a  concentration  of  power 
dangerous  to  their  liberties,  and  many  of  them  regard  it  as  a  violation  of 
the  Constitution,     This  collision  of  opinion  has  doubtless  caused  much
Martin  Van  Buren  1548 
of  the  embarrassment  to  which  the  commercial  transactions  of  the  coun- 
try have  lately  been  exposed.  Banking  has  become  a  political  topic  of 
the  highest  interest,  and  trade  has  suflEered  in  the  conflict  of  parties.  A 
speedy  termination  of  this  state  of  things,  however  desirable,,  is  scarcely 
to  be  expected.  We  have  seen  for  nearly  half  a  century  that  those  who 
advocate  a  national  bank,  by  whatever  motive  they  may  be  influenced, 
constitute  a  portion  of  our  community  too  numerous  to  allow  us  to  hope 
for  an  early  abandonment  of  their  favorite  plan.  On  the  other  hand,  they 
must  indeed  form  an  erroneous  estimate  of  the  intelligence  and  temper  of 
the  American-  people  who  suppose  that  they  have  continued  on  slight  or 
insufficient  grounds  their  persevering  opposition  to  such  an  institution, 
or  that  they  can  be  induced  by  pecuniary  pressure  or  by  any  other  com- 
bination of  circiunstances  to  surrender  principles  they  have  so  long  and 
30  inflexibly  maintained 
My  own  views  of  the  subject  are  unchanged.  They  have  been  repeat- 
edly and  unreservedly  ai^nounced  to  my  fellow-citizens,  who  with  full 
knowledge  of  them  conferred  upon  me  the  two  highest  offices  of  the 
Government.  On  the  last  of  these  occasions  I  felt  it  due  to  the  people 
to  apprise  them  distinctly  that  in  the  event  of  my  election  I  would  not  be 
able  to  cooperate  in  the  reestablishment  of  a  national  bank.  To  these 
sentiments  I  have  now  only  to  add  the  expression  of  an  increased  con- 
viction that  the  reestablishment  of  such  a  bank  in  any  form,  whilst  it 
would  not  accomplish  the  beneficial  purpose  promised  by  its  advocates, 
would  impair  the  rightful  supremacy  of  the  popular  will,  injure  the  char- 
acter and  diminish  the  influence  of  our  political  system,  and  bring  once 
more  into  existence  a  concentrated  moneyed  power,  hostile  to  the  spirit 
and  threatening  the  permanency  of  our  republican  institutions. 
I/x:al  banks  have  been  employed  for  the  deposit  and  distribution  of  the 
revenue  at  all  times  partially  and  on  three  different  occasions  exclusively: 
First,  anterior  to  the  establishment  of  the  first  Bank  of  the  United  States; 
secondly,  in  the  interval  between  the  termination  of  that  institution  and 
the  charter  of  its  successor;  and  thirdly,  during  the  limited  period  which 
has  now  so  abruptly  closed.  The  connection  thus  repeatedly  attempted 
proved  unsatisfactory  on  each  successive  occasion,  notwithstanding  the 
various  measures  which  were  adopted  to  facilitate  or  insure  its  success. 
On  the  last  occasion,  in  the  year  1833,  the  employment  of  the  State  banks 
was  guarded  especially,  in  every  way  which  experience  and  caution  could 
suggest.  Personal  security  was  required  for  the  safe-keeping  and  prompt 
payment  of  the  moneys  to  be  received,  and  full  returns  of  their  condition 
were  from  time  to  time  to  be  made  by  the  depositories.  In  the  first  stages 
the  measure  was  eminently  successful,  notwithstanding  the  violent  oppo- 
sition of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  the  unceasing  efforts  made 
to  overthrow  it.  The  selected  banks  performed  with  fidelity  and  with- 
out any  embarrassment  to  themselves  or  to  the  community  their  engage- 
ments to  the  Government,  and  the  system  promised  to  be  permanently
1549  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
useful;  but  when  it  became  necessary,  under  the  act  of  June,  1836,  to 
withdraw  from'  them  the  public  money  for  the  purpose  of  placing  it  in 
additional  institutions  or  of  transferring  it  to  the  States,  they  found  it 
in  many  cases  inconvenient  to  comply  with  the  demands  of  the  Treasury, 
and  numerous  and  pressing  applications  were  made  for  indulgence  or 
relief.  As  the  installments  under  the  deposit  law  became  payable  their 
own  embarrassments  and  the  necessity  under  which  they  lay  of  curtailing 
their  discounts  and  calling  in  their  debts  increased  the  general  distress 
and  contributed,  with  other  causes,  to  hasten  the  revulsion  in  which 
at  length  they,  in  common  with  the  o^her  banks,  were  fatally  involved. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  becomes  our  solemn  duty  to  inquire 
whether  there  are  not  in  any  connection  between  the  Government  and 
banks  of  issue  evils  of  great  magnitude,  inherent  in  its  very  nature 
and  against  which  no  precautions  can  effectually  guard. 
Unforeseen  in  the  organization  of  the  Government  and  forced  on  the 
Treasury  by  early  necessities,  the  practice  of  emplo5dng  banks  was  in 
truth, from  the  beginning  more  a  measure  of  emergency  than  of  sound 
policy.  When  we  started  into  existence  as  a  nation,  in  addition  to  the 
burdens  of  the  new  Government  we  assumed  all  the  large  but  honorable 
load  of  debt  which  was  the  price  of  our  liberty;  but  we  hesitated  to  weigh 
down  the  infant  industry  of  the  country  by  resorting  to  adequate  taxa- 
tion for  the  necessary  revenue.  The  facilities  of  banks,  in  return  for  the 
privileges  they  acquired,  were  promptly  offered,  and  perhaps  too  readily 
received  by  an  embarrassed  Treasury.  During  the  long  continuance  of 
a  national  debt  and  the  intervening  difficulties  of  a  foreign  war  the  con- 
nection was  continued  from  motives  of  convenience;  but  these  causes 
have  long  since  passed  away.  We  have  no  emergencies  that  make  banks 
necessary  to  aid  the  wants  of  the  Treasury;  we  have  no  load  of  national 
debt  to  provide  for,  and  we  have  on  actual  deposit  a  large  surplus.  No 
public  interest,  therefore,  now  requires  the  renewal  of  a  connection  that 
circumstances  have  dissolved.  The  complete  organization  of  our  Gov- 
ernment, the  abtmdance  of  our  resources,  the  general  harmony  which 
prevails  between  the  different  States  and  with  foreign  powers,  all  enable 
us  now  to  select  the  system  most  consistent  with  the  Constitution  and 
most  conducive  to  the  public  welfare.  Should  we,  then,  connect  the 
Treasury  for  a  fourth  time  with  the  local  banks,  it  can  only  be  under  a 
conviction  that  past  failures  have  arisen  from  accidental,  not  inherent, 
defects. 
A  danger  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  be  avoided  in  such  an  arrange- 
ment is  made  strikingly  evident  in  the  very  event  by  which  it  has  now 
been  defeated.  A  sudden  act  of  the  banks  intrusted  with  the  funds  of 
the  people  deprives  the  Treasury,  without  fault  or  agency  of  the  Govern- 
ment, of  the  ability  to  pay  its  creditors  in  the  currency  they  have  by  law 
a  right  to  demand.  This  circumstance  no  fluctuation  of  commerce  could 
have  produced  if  the  public  revenue  had  been  collected  in  the  legal
Martin  Van  Buren  1550 
currency  and  kept  in  that  form  by  the  oflScers  of  the  Treasury.  The  citi- 
zen whose  money  was  in  bank  receives  it  back  since  the  suspension  at  a 
sacrifice  in  its  amount,  whilst  he  who  kept  it  in  the  legal  currency  of  the 
^x>untry  and  in  his  own  possession  pursues  without  loss  the  current  of 
his  business.  The  Government,  placed  in  the  situation  of  the  former,  is 
involved  in  embarrassments  it  could  not  have  suffered  had  it  pursued  the 
course  of  the  latter.  These  embarrassments  are,  moreover,  augmented 
by  those  salutary  and  just  laws  which  forbid  it  to  use  a  depreciated  cur- 
rency, and  by  so  doing  take  from  the  Government  the  ability  wjiich  indi- 
viduals have  of  accommodating  their  transactions  to  such  a  catastrophe. 
A  system  which  can  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  when  there  is  a  large 
revenue  laid  by,  thus  suddenly  prevent  the  application  and  the  use  of  the 
money  of  the  people  in  the  manner  and  for  the  objects  they  have  directed 
can  not  be  wise;  but  who  can  think  without  painful  reflection  that  under 
it  the  same  unforeseen  events  might  have  befallen  us  in  the  midst  of  a 
war  and  taken  from  us  at  the  moment  when  most  wanted  the  use  of 
those  very  means  which  were  treasured  up  to  promote  the  national  wel- 
fare and  guard  our  national  rights?  To  such  embarrassments  and  to 
such  dangers  will  this  Government  be  always  exposed  whilst  it  takes  the 
moneys  raised  for  and  necessary  to  the  public  service  out  of  the  hands 
of  its  own  officers  and  converts  them  into  a  mere  right  of  action  against 
corporations  intrusted  with  the  possession  of  them.  Nor  can  such  results 
be  eflEectually,  guarded  against  in  such  a  system  without  investing  the 
Executive  with  a  control  over  the  banks  themselves,  whether  State  or 
national,  that  might  with  reason  be  objected  to.  Ours  is  probably  the 
only  Government  in  the  world  that  is  liable  in  the  management  of  its 
fiscal  concerns  to  occurrences  like  these. 
But  this  imminent  risk  is  not  the  only  danger  attendant  on  the  surren- 
der of  the  public  money  to  the  custody  and  control  of  local  corporations. 
Though  the  object  is  aid  to  the  Treasury,  its  effect  may  be  to  introduce 
into  the  operations  of  the  Government  influences  the  most  subtle,  fotmded 
on  interests  the  most  selfish. 
The  use  by  the  banks,  for  their  own  benefit,  of  the  money  deposited 
with  them  has  received  the  sanction  of  the  Government  from  the  com- 
mencement of  this  connection.  The  money  received  from  the  people, 
instead  of  being  kept  till  it  is  needed  for  their  use,  is,  in  consequence  of 
this  authority,  a  fund  on  which  discounts  are  made  for  the  profit  of  those 
who  happen  to  be  owners  of  stock  in  the  banks  selected  as  depositories. 
The  supposed  and  often  exaggerated  advantages  of  such  a  boon  will 
always  cause  it  to  be  sought  for  with  avidity.  I  will  not  stop  to  consider 
on  whom  the  patronage  incident  to  it  is  to  be  conferred.  Whether  the 
selection  and  control  be  trusted  to  Congress  or  to  the  Executive,  either 
will  be  subjected  to  appeals  made  in  every  form  which  the  sagacity  of 
interest  can  suggest.  The  banks  under  such  a  system  are  stimulated  to 
make  the  most  of  their  fortunate  acquisition;  the  deposits  are  treated  as
I5SI  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
an  increase  of  capital;  loans  and  circulation  are  rashly  augmented,  and 
when  the  public  exigencies  require  a  return  it  is  attended  with  embar- 
rassments not  provided  for  nor  foreseen.  Thus  banks  that  thought 
themselves  most  fortunate  when  the  public  funds  were  received  find  them- 
selves most  embarrassed  when  the  season  of  pajrment  suddenly  arrives. 
Unfortunately,  too,  the  evils  of  the  system  are  not  limited  to  the 
banks.  It  stimulates  a  general  rashness  of  enterprise  and  aggravates 
the  fluctuations  of  commerce  and  the  currency.  This  result  was  strik- 
ingly exhibited  during  the  operations  of  the  late  deposit  system,  and 
especially  in  the  purchases  of  public  lands.  The  order  which  ultimately 
directed  the  payment  of  gold  and  silver  in  such  purchases  greatly 
checked,  but  could  not  altogether  prevent,  the  evil.  Specie  was  indeed 
more  difl&cult  to  be  procured  than  the  notes  which  the  banks  could  them- 
selves create  at  pleasure;  but  still,  being  obtained  from  them  as  a  loan 
and  returned  as  a  deposit,  which  they  were  again  at  Uberty  to  use,  it 
only  passed  round  the  circle  with  diminished  speed.  This  operation 
could  not  have  been  performed  had  the  funds  of  the  Government  gone 
into  the  Treasury  to  be  regularly  disbursed,  and  not  into  banks  to  be 
loaned  out  for  their  own  profit  while  they  were  permitted  to  substitute 
for  it  a  credit  in  account. 
In  expressing  these  sentiments  I  desire  not  to  undervalue  the  benefits 
of  a  salutary  credit  to  any  branch  of  enterprise.  The  credit  bestowed  on 
probity  and  industry  is  the  just  reward  of  merit  and  an  honorable  incen- 
tive to  further  acquisition.  None  oppose  it  who  love  their  country  and 
understand  its  welfare.  But  when  it  is  unduly  encouraged;  when  it  is 
made  to  inflame  the  public  mind  with  the  temptations  of  sudden  and 
unsubstantial  wealth;  when  it  turns  industry  into  paths  that  lead  sooner 
or  later  to  disappointment  and  distress,  it  becomes  liable  to  censure  and 
needs  correction.  Far  from  helping  probity  and  industry,  the  ruin  to 
which  it  leads  falls  most  severely  on  the  great  laboring  classes,  who  are 
thrown  suddenly  out  of  emplojnnent,  and  by  the  failure  of  magnificent 
schemes  never  intended  to  enrich  them  are  deprived  in  a  moment  of 
their  only  resource.  Abuses  of  credit  and  excesses  in  speculation  will 
happen  in  despite  of  the  most  salutary  laws;  no  government,  perhaps, 
can  altogether  prevent  them,  but  surely  every  government  can  refrain 
from  contributing  the  stimulus  that  calls  them  into  life. 
Since,  therefore,  experience  has  shown  that  to  lend  the  public  money 
to  the  local  banks  is  hazardous  to  the  operations  of  the  Government,  at 
least  of  doubtful  benefit  to  the  institutions  themselves,  and  productive 
of  disastrous  derangement  in  the  business  and  currency  of  the  country, 
is  it  the  part  of  wisdom  again  to  renew  the  connection? 
It  is  true  that  such  an  agency  is  in  many  respects  convenient  to  the 
Treasury,  but  it  is  not  indispensable.  A  Umitation  of  the  expenses  of 
the  Government  to  its  actual  wants,  and  of  the  revenue  to  those  expenses, 
with  convenient  means  for  its  prompt  application  to  the  purposes  for
Martin  Van  Buren  1552 
which  it  was  raised,  are  the  objects  which  we  should  seek  to  accomplish. 
The  collectioti,  safe-keeping,  transfer,  and  disbursement  of  the  public 
money  can,  it  is  believed,  be  well  managed  by  officers  of  the  Government. 
Its  collection,  and  to  a  great  extent  its  disbursement  also,  have  indeed 
been  hitherto  conducted  solely  by  them,  neither  national  nor  State  banks, 
when  employed,  being  required  to  do  more  than  keep  it  safely  while  in 
their  custody,  and  transfer  and  pay  it  in  such  portions  and  at  such  times 
as  Ihe  Treasury  shall  direct. 
Surely  banks  are  not  more  able  than  the  Government  to  secure  the 
money  in  their  possession  against  accident,  violence,  or  fraud.  The 
assertion  that  they  are  so  must  assume  that  a  vault  in  a  bank  is  stronger 
than  a  vault  in  the  Treasury,  and  that  directors,  cashiers,  and  clerks 
not  selected  by  the  Government  nor  under  its  control  are  more  worthy 
of  confidence  than  officers  fleeted  from  the  people  and  responsible  to 
the  Government — officers  bound  by  official  oaths  and  bonds  for  a  faithful 
performance  of  their  duties,  and  constantly  subject  to  the  supervision  of 
Congress. 
The  difficulties  of  transfer  and  the  aid  heretofore  rendered  by  banks 
have  been  less  than  is  usually  supposed.  The  actual  accounts  show  that 
by  far  the  larger  portion  of  payments  is  made  within  short  or  convenient 
distances  from  the  places  of  collection;  and  the  whole  number  of  warrants 
issued  at  the  Treasury  in  the  year  1834 — a  year  the  result  of  which  will, 
it  is  believed,  aflFord  a  safe  test  for  the  future — ^fell  short  of  5,000,  or  an 
average  of  less  than  i  daily  for  each  State;  in  the  city  of  New  York 
they  did  not  average  more  than  2  a  day,  and  at  the  city  of  Washington 
only  4. 
The  difficulties  heretofore  existing  are,  moreover,  daily  lessened  by 
an  increase  in  the  cheapness  and  faciUty  of  communication,  and  it  may 
be  asserted  with  confidence  that  the  necessary  transfers,  as  well  as  the 
safe-keeping  and  disbursements  of  the  public  moneys,  can  be  with  safety 
and  convenience  accomplished  through  the  agencies  of  Treasury  officers. 
This  opinion  has  been  in  some  degree  confirmed  by  actual  experience 
since  the  discontinuance  of  the  banks  as  fiscal  agents  in  May  last — a 
period  which  from  the  embarrassments  in  commercial  intercourse  pre- 
sented obstacles  as  great  as  any  that  may  be  hereafter  apprehended. 
The  manner  of  keeping  the  public  money  since  that  period  is  fully 
stated  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  That  officer  also 
suggests  the  propriety  of  assigning  by  law  certain  additional  duties  to 
existing  establishments  and  officers,  which,  with  the  modifications  and 
safeguards  referred  to  by  him,  will,  he  thinks,  enable  the  Department 
to  continue  to  perform  this  branch  of  the  public  service  without  any 
material  addition  either  to  their  ntunber  or  to  the  present  expense.  The 
extent  of  the  business  to  be  transacted  has  already  boen  stated;  and  in 
respect  to  the  amount  of  money  with  which  the  officers  employed  would 
be  intrusted  at  any  one  time,  it  appears  that,  assuming  a  balance  of  five
1553  Afes  severs  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
millions  to  be  at  all  times  kept  in  the  Treasury,  and  the  whole  of  it 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  collectors  and  receivers,  the  proportion  of  each 
would  not  exceed  an  average  of  $30,000;  but  that,  deducting  one  million 
for  the  use  of  the  Mint  and  assuming  the  remaining  four  millions  to  be 
in  the  hands  of  one-half  of  the  present  number  of  officers — a  supposition 
deemed  more  likely  to  correspond  with  the  fact — the  sura  in  the  hands 
of  each  would  still  be  less  than  the  amount  of  most  of  the  bonds  now 
taken  from  the  receivers  of  public  money.  Every  apprehension,  how- 
ever, on  the  subject,  either  in  respect  to  the  safety  of  the  money  or  the 
faithful  discharge  of  these  fiscal  transactions,  may,  it  appears  to  me,  be 
effectually  removed  by  adding  to  the  present  means  of  the  Treasury  the 
establishment  by  law  at  a  few  important  points  of  offices  for  the  deposit 
and  disbursement  of  such  portions  of  the  public  revenue  as  can  not  with 
obvious  safety  and  convenience  be  left  in  the  possession  of  the  collecting 
officers  until  paid  over  by  them  to  the  public  creditors.  Neither  the 
amounts  retained  in  their  hands  nor  those  deposited  in  the  offices  would 
in  an  ordinary  condition  of  the  revenue  be  larger  in  most  cases  than 
those  often  under  the  control  of  disbursing  officers  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  and. might  be  made  entirely  safe  by  requiring  such  securities 
and  exercising  such  controlling  supervision  as  Congress  may  by  law 
prescribe.  The  principal  officers  whose  appointments  would  become 
necessary  under  this  plan,  taking  the  largest  number  suggested  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  would  not  exceed  ten,  nor  the  additional 
expenses,  at  the  same  estimate,  $60,000  a  year. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  obligation  of  those  who  are  intrusted 
with  the  affairs  of  Government  to  conduct  them  with  as  little  cost  to 
the  nation  as  is  consistent  with  the  public  interest;  and  it  is  for  Con- 
gress, and  ultimately  for  the  people,  to  decide  whether  the  benefits  to 
be  derived  from  keeping  our  fiscal  concerns  apart  and  severing  the  con- 
nection which  has  hitherto  existed  between  the  Government  and  banks 
offer  sufficient  advantages  to  justify  the  necessary  expenses.  If  the 
object  to  be  accomplished  is  deemed  important  to  the  future  welfare  of 
the  country,  I  can  not  allow  myself  to  believe  that  the  addition  to  the 
public  expenditure  of  comparatively  so  small  an  amount  as  will  be  neces* 
sary  to  effect  it  will  be  objected  to  by  the  people. 
It  will  be  seen  by  the  report  of  the  Postmaster-General  herewith  com- 
municated that  the  fiscal  affairs  of  that  Department  have  been  success- 
fully conducted  since  May  last  upon  the  principle  of  dealing  only  in  the 
legal  currency  of  the  United  States,  and  that  it  needs  no  legislation  to 
maintain  its  credit  and  facilitate  the  management  of  its  concerns,  the 
existing  laws  being,  in  the  opinion  of  that  officer,  ample  for  those  objects. 
Difficulties  will  doubtless  be  encountered  for  a  season  and  increased 
services  required  from  the  public  functionaries;  such  are  usually  incident 
to  the  commencement  of  every  system,  but  they  will  be  greatly  lessened 
in  the  progress  of  its  operations.
Kfcw''^^W^^-^*^'  • -•  ■   r-  .    .  ._.    '      •  -       —  •• 
 :  :  — 
VAN  BUREN'S  PROCLAMATION  REVOKING  TONNAGE  DUTIES 
ON  GREEK  VESSELS.
/inyf-/  af^Zr^  a-P^tisC'  /^k^^t'^  ^i^^€r^^'tJ^ 
r 
777  ^{2ic^/^^t^^^ 
^yj^  ^^^^^rW^,y^z^ 
^^^ 
^^.c^.^^.a^y  ^  .<:^^?^-i£:. 
SIGNATURES  OF  VAN  BUREN  AND  SECRETARY  JOHN  FORSYTH.
Martin  Van  Buren  1554 
The  power  and  influence  supposed  to  be  connected  with  the  custody 
and  disbursement  of  the  public  money  are  topics  on  which  the  public 
mind  is  naturally,  and  with  great  propriety,  peculiarly  sensitive.  Much 
has  been  said  on  them  in  reference  to  the  proposed  separation  of  the 
Government  from  the  banking  institutions;  and  surely  no  one  can  object 
to  any  appeals  or  animadversions  on  the  subject  which  are  consistent 
with  facts  and  evince  a  proper  respect  for  the  intelligence  of  the  people. 
If  a  Chief  Magistrate  may  be  allowed  to  speak  for  himself  on  such  a 
point,  I  can  truly  say  that  to  me  nothing  would  be  more  acceptable  than 
the  withdrawal  from  the  Executive,  to  the  greatest  practicable  extent,  of 
all  concern  in  the  custody  and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue;  not 
that  I  would  shrink  from  any  responsibility  cast  upon  me  by  the  duties 
of  my  office,  but  because  it  is  my  firm  belief  that  its  capacity  for  use- 
fulness is  in  no  degree  promoted  by  the  possession  of  any  patronage  not 
actually  necessary  to  the  performance  of  those  duties.  But  under  our 
present  form  of  government  the  intervention  of  the  executive  officers  in 
the  custody  and  disbursement  of  the  public  money  seems  to  be  unavoid- 
able; and  before  it  can  be  admitted  that  the  influence  and  power  of  the 
Executive  would  be  increased  by  dispensing  with  the  agency  of  banks 
the  nature  of  that  intervention  in  such  an  agency  must  be  carefully 
regarded,  and  a  comparison  must  be  instituted  between  its  extent  in  the 
two  cases. 
The  revenue  can  only  be  collected  by  officers  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  The  public  moneys  in 
the  first  instance  must  therefore  in  all  cases  pass  through  hands  selected 
by  the  Executive.  Other  officers  appointed  in  the  same  way,  or,  as  in 
some  cases,  by  the  President  alone,  must  also  be  intrusted  with  them 
when  drawn  for  the  purpose  of  disbursement.  It  is  thus  seen  that  even 
when  banks  are  employed  the  public  funds  must  twice  pass  through 
the  hands  of  executive  officers.  Besides  this)  the  head  of  the  Treasury 
Department,  who  also  holds  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President,  and 
some  other  officers  of  the  same  Department,  must  necessarily  be  invested 
witH  more  or  less  power  in  the  selection,  continuance,  and  supervision  of 
the  banks  that  may  be  employed.  The  question  is  then  narrowed  to  ihe 
single  point  whether  in  the  intermediate  stage  between  the  collection 
and  disbursement  of  the  public  money  the  agency  of  banks  is  necessary  to 
avoid  a  dangerous  extension  of  the  patronage  and  influence  of  the  Execu- 
tive. But  is  it  clear  that  the  connection  of  the  Executive  with  power- 
ful moneyed  institutions,  capable  of  ministering  to  the  interests  of  men  in 
points  where  they  are  most  accessible  to  corruption,  is  less  liable  to  abuse 
than  his  constitutional  agency  in  the  appointment  and  control  of  the  few 
public  officers  required  by  the  proposed  plan?  Will  the  public  money 
when  in  their  hands  be  necessarily  exposed  to  any  improper  interference 
on  the  part  of  the  Executive?  May  it  not  be  hoped  that  a  prudent  fear 
of  public  jealousy  and  disapprobation  in  a  matter  so  peculiarly  exposed  to
15SS  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
them  will  deter  him  from  auy  such  interference,  even  if  higher  motives 
be  foimd  inoperative?  May  not  Congress  so  regulate  by  law  the  duty 
of  those  oflScers  and  subject  it  to  such  supervision  and  publicity  as  tc 
prevent  the  possibility  of  any  serious  abuse  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  ? 
And  is  there  equal  room  for  such  supervision  and  publicity  in  a  connec- 
tion with  banks,  acting  under  the  shield  of  corporate  immunities  and 
conducted  by  persons  irresponsible  to  the  Government  and  the  people? 
It  is  believed  that  a  considerate  and  candid  investigation  of  these  ques- 
tions will  result  in  the  conviction  that  the  proposed  plan  is  far  less  liable 
to  objection  on  the  score  of  Executive  patronage  and  control  than  any 
bank  agency  that  has  been  or  can  be  devised. 
With  these  views  I  leave  to  Congress  the  measures  necessary  to  regu- 
late in  the  present  emergency  the  safe-keeping  and  transfer  of  the  public 
moneys.  In  the  performance  of  constitutional  duty  I  have  stated  to 
them  without  reserve  the  result  of  my  own  reflections.  The  subject  is 
of  great  importance,  and  one  on  which  we  can  scarcely  expect  to  be  as 
united  in  sentiment  as  we  are  in  interest.  It  deserves  a  full  and  free 
discussion,  and  can  not  fail  to  be  benefited  by  a  dispassionate  comparison 
of  opinions.  Well  aware  myself  of  the  duty  of  reciprocal  concession 
among  the  coordinate  branches  of  the  Government,  I  can  promise  a 
reasonable  spirit  of  cooperation,  so  far  as  it  can  be  indulged  in  without 
the  surrender  of  constitutional  objections  which  I  believe  to  be  well 
founded.  Any  system  that  may  be  adopted  should  be  subjected  to  the 
fullest  legal  provision,  so  as  to  leave  nothing  to  the  Executive  but  what  i» 
necessary  to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  imposed  on  him;  and  whatever 
plan  may  be  ultimately  established,  my  own  part  shall  be  so  discharged 
as  to  give  to  it  a  fair  trial  and  the  best  prospect  of  success. 
The  character  of  the  funds  to  be  received  and  disbursed  in  the  trans- 
actions of  the  Government  likewise  demands  your  most  careful  consid- 
eration. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  those  who  framed  and  adopted  the  Con- 
stitution, having  in  immediate  view  the  depreciated  paper  of  the  Confed- 
eracy— of  which  $500  in  paper  were  at  times  only  equal  to  $1  in  coin — 
intended  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  similar  evils,  so  far  at  least  as 
related  to  the  transactions  of  the  new  Government.  They  gave  to 
Congress  express  powers  to  coin  money  and  to  regulate  the  value  thereof 
and  of  foreign  coin;  they  refused  to  give  it  power  to  establish  corpora- 
tions— the  agents  then  as  now  chiefly  employed  to  create  a  paper  cur- 
rency; they  prohibited  the  States  from  making  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts;  and  the  First  Congress  directed 
by  positive  law  that  the  revenue  should  be  received  in  nothing  but  gold 
and  silver. 
Public  exigency  at  the  outset  of  the  Government,  without  direct  legis- 
lative authority,  led  to  the  use  of  banks  as  fiscal  aids  to  the  Treasury. 
In  admitted  deviation  from  the  law,  at  the  same  period  and  under  the
Martin  Van  Buren  1556 
same  exigency,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  received  their  notes  in 
payment  of  duties.  The  sole  ground  on  which  the  practice  th«s  com- 
menced was  then  or  has  since  been  justified  is  the  certain,  immediate, 
and  convenient  exchange  of  such  notes  for  specie.  The  Government 
did,  indeed,  receive  the  inconvertible  notes  of  State  banks  during  the 
difficulties  of  war,  and  the  community  submitted  without  a  murmur 
to  the  unequal  taxation  and  multiplied  evils  of  which  such  a  course 
was  productive.  With  the  war  this  indulgence  ceased,  and  the  banks 
were  obliged  again  to  redeem  their  notes  in  gold  and  silver.  The  Treas- 
ury, in  accordance  with  previous  practice,  continued  to  dispense  with 
the  currency  required  by  the  act  of  1789,  and  took  the  notes  of  banks  in 
full  confidence  of  their  being  paid  in  specie  on  demand;  and  Congress, 
to  guard  against  the  slightest  violation  of  this  principle,  have  declared 
by  law  that  if  notes  are  paid  in  the  transactions  of  the  Government  it 
must  be  under  such  circumstances  as  to  enable  the  holder  to  convert 
them  into  specie  without  depreciation  or  delay. 
Of  my  own  duties  under  the  existing  laws,  when  the  banks  suspended 
specie  pa3mients,  I  could  not  doubt.  Directions  were  immediately  given 
to  prevent  the  reception  into  the  Treasury  of  anything  but  gold  and  silver, 
or  its  equivalent,  and  every  practicable  arrangement  was  made  to  pre- 
serve the  public  faith  by  similar  or  equivalent  payments  to  the  public 
creditors.  The  revenue  from  lands  had  been  for  some  time  substantially 
so  collected  under  the  order  issued  by  directions  of  my  predecessor.  The 
effects  of  that  order  had  been  so  salutary  and  its  forecast  in  regard  to 
the  increasing  insecurity  of  bank  paper  had  become  so  apparent  that  even 
before  the  catastrophe  I  had  resolved  not  to  interfere  with  its  operation. 
Congress  is  now  to  decide  whether  the  revenue  shall  continue  to  be  so 
collected  or  not. 
The  receipt  into  the  Treasury  of  bank  notes  not  redeemed  in  specie  on 
demand  will  not,  I  presume,  be  sanctioned.  It  would  destroy  without 
the  excuse  of  war  or  public  distress  that  equality  of  imposts  and  identity 
of  commercial  regulation  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  our  Confederacy, 
and  would  offer  to  each  State  a  direct  temptation  to  increase  its  foreign 
trade  by  depreciating  the  currency  received  for  duties  in  its  ports.  Such 
a  proceeding  would  also  in  a  great  degree  frustrate  the  policy  so  highly 
cherished  of  infusing  into  our  circulation  a  larger  proportion  of  the  pre- 
cious metals — a  policy  the  wisdom  of  which  none  can  doubt,  though  there 
may  be  different  opinions  as  to  the  extent  to  which  it  should  be  carried. 
Its  results  have  been  already  too  auspicious  and  its  success  is  too  closely 
interwoven  with  the  future  prosperity  of  the  country  to  permit  us  for  a 
moment  to  contemplate  its  abandonment.  We  halve  seen  under  its  influ- 
ence our  specie  augmented  beyond  eighty  millions,  our  coinage  increased 
so  as  to  make  that  of  gold  amount,  between  August,  1834,  and  Decem- 
ber, 1836,  to  $10,000,000,  exceeding  the  whole  coinage  at  the  Mint 
during  the  thirty-one  previous  years.
I5S7  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
The  prospect  of  further  improvement  continued  without  abatement 
tmtil  the  moment  of  the  suspension  of  specie  payments.  This  policy 
has  now,  indeed,  been  suddenly  checked,  but  is  still  far  from  being  over- 
thrown. Amidst  all  conflicting  theories,  one  position  is  undeniable — the 
precious  metals  will  invariably  disappear  when  there  ceases  to  be  a  neces- 
sity for  their  use  as  a  circulating  medium.  It  was  in  strict  accordance 
with  this  truth  that  whilst  in  the  month  of  May  last  they  were  every- 
where seen  and  were  current  for  all  ordinary  purposes  they  disappeared 
from  circulation  the  moment  the  payment  of  specie  was  refused  by  the 
banks  and  the  community  tacitly  agreed  to  dispense  with  its  employ- 
ment. Their  place  was  supplied  by  a  currency  exclusively  of  paper,  and 
in  many  cases  of  the  worst  description.  Already  are  the  bank  notes 
now  in  circulation  greatly  depreciated,  and  they  fluctuate  in  value  between 
one  place  and  anoth^,  thus  diminishing  and  making  uncertain  the  worth 
of  property  and  the  price  of  labor,  and  failing  to  subserve,  except  at  a 
heavy  loss,  the  purposes  of  business.  With  each  succeeding  day  the 
metallic  currency  decreases;  by  some  it  is  hoarded  in  the  natural  fear 
that  once  parted  with  it  can  not  be  replaced,  while  by  others  it  is  diverted 
from  its  more  legitimate  uses  for  the  sake  of  gain.  Should  Congress 
sanction  this  condition  of  things  by  making  irredeemable  paper  money 
receivable  in  payment  of  public  dues,  a  temporary  check  to  a  wise  and 
salutary  policy  will  in  all  probability  be  converted  into  its  absolute 
destruction. 
It  is  true  that  bank  notes  actually  convertible  into  specie  may  be 
received  in  payment  of  the  revenue  without  being  liable  to  all  these 
objections,  and  that  such  a  course  may  to  some  extent  promote  indi- 
vidual convenience — ^an  object  always  to  be  considered  where  it  does  not 
conflict  with  the  principles  of  our  Government  or  the  general  welfare 
of  the  country.  If  such  notes  only  were  received,  and  always  under 
circumstances  allowing  their  early  presentation  for  payment,  and  if  at 
short  and  fixed  periods  they  were  converted  into  specie  to  be  kept  by 
the  ofiBcers  of  the  Treasury,  some  of  the  most  serious  obstacles  to  their 
reception  would  perhaps  be  removed.  To  retain  the  notes  in  the  Treas- 
ury would  be  to  renew  under  another  form  the  loans  of  public  money  to 
the  banks,  and  the  evils  consequent  thereon. 
It  is,  however,  a  mistaken  impression  that  any  large  amount  of  specie 
is  required  for  public  payments.  Of  the  seventy  or  eighty  millions  now 
estimated  to  be  in  the  countr>',  ten  millions  would  be  abundantly  sufficient 
for  that  purpose  provided  an  accumulation  of  a  large  amount  of  revenue 
beyond  the  necessary  wants  of  the  Government  be  hereafter  prevented. 
If  to  these  considerations  be  added  the  facilities  which  will  arise  from 
enabling  the  Treasury  to  satisfy  the  public  creditors  by  its  drafts  or  notes 
receivable  in  payment  of  the  public  dues,  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that 
no  motive  of  convenience  to  the  citizen  requires  the  reception  of  bank 
paper.
Martin  Van  Biireft  1558 
To  say  that  the  refusal  of  paper  money  by  the  Government  introduces 
an  unjust  discrimination  between  the  currency  received  by  it  and  that 
used  by  individuals  in  their  ordinary  affairs  is,  in  my  judgment,  to  view 
it  in  a  very  erroneous  light.  The  Constitution  prohibits  the  States  from 
making  anything  but  gold  and  silver  a  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts, 
and  thus  secures  to  every  citizen  a  right  to  demand  payment  in  the  legal 
currency.  To  provide  by  law  that  the  Government  will  only  receive  its 
dues  in  gold  and  silver  is  not  to  confer  on  it  any  peculiar  privilege,  but 
merely  to.  place  it  on  an  equality  with  the  citizen  by  reserving  to  it  a 
right  secured  to  him  by  the  Constitution.  It  is  doubtless  for  this  reason 
that  the  principle  has  been  sanctioned  by  successive  laws  from  the  time 
of  the  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  down  to  the  last.  Such  prec- 
edents, never  objected  to  and  proceeding  from  such  sources,  afford  a 
decisive  answer  to  the  imputation  of  inequality  or  injustice. 
But  in  fact  the  measure  is  one  of  restriction,  not  of  favor.  To  forbid 
the  public  agent  to  receive  in  payment  any  other  than  a  certain  kind  of 
money  is  to  refuse  him  a  discretion  possessed  by  every  citizen.  It  may 
be  left  to  those  who  have  the  management  of  their  own  transactions  to 
make  their  own  terms,  but  no  such  discretion  should  be  given  to  him  who 
acts  merely  as  an  agent  of 'the  people — who  is  to  collect  what  the  law 
requires  and  to  pay  the  appropriations  it  makes.  When  bank  notes  are 
redeemed  on  demand,  there  is  then  no  discrimination  in  reality,  for  the 
individual  who  receives  them  may  at  his  option  substitute  the  specie  for 
them;  he  takes  them  from  convenience  or  choice.  When  they  are  not 
so  redeemed,  it  will  scarcely  be  contended  that  their  receipt  and  payment 
by  a  public  oflScer  should  be  permitted,  though  none  deny  that  right  to 
an  individual;  if  it  were,  the  effect  would  be  riiost  injurious  to  the  public, 
since  their  ofi&cer  could  make  none  of  those  arrangements  to  meet  or 
guard  against  the  depreciation  which  an  individual  is  at  liberty  to  do. 
Nor  can  inconvenience  to  the  community  be  alleged  as  an  objection  to 
such  a  regulation.  Its  object  and  motive  are  their  convenience  and 
welfare. 
If  at  a  moment  of  simultaneous  and  unexpected  suspension  by  the 
banks  it  adds  something  to  the  many  embarrassments  of  that  proceeding, 
yet  these  are  far  overbalanced  by  its  direct  tendency  to  produce  a  wider 
circulation  of  gold  and  silver,  to  increase  the  safety  of  bank  paper,  to 
improve  the  general  currency,  and  thus  to  prevent  altogether  such  occur- 
rences and  the  other  and  far  greater  evils  that  attend  them. 
It  may  indeed  be  questioned  whether  it  is  not  for  the  interest  of  the 
banks  themselves  that  the  Government  should  not  receive  their  paper. 
They  would  be  conducted  with  more  caution  and  on  sounder  principles. 
By  using  specie  only  in  its  transactions  the  Government  would  create  a 
demand  for  it,  which  would  to  a  great  extent  prevent  its  exportation, 
and  by  keeping  it  in  circulation  maintain  a  broader  and  safer  basis  for 
the  paper  currency.  That  the  banks  would  thus  be  rendered  more 
sound  and  the  community  more  safe  can  not  admit  of  a  doubt.
1 5  59  *      Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
The  foregoing  views,  it  seems  to  me,  do  but  fairly  carry  out  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  relation  to  the  currency,  as  far  as 
relates  ,to  the  public  revenue.  At  the  time  that  instrument  was  framed 
there  were  but  three  or  four  banks  in  the  United  States,  and  had  the 
extension  of  the  banking  system  and  the  evils  growing  out  of  it  been 
foreseen  they  would  probably  have  been  specially  guarded  against.  The 
same  poUcy  which  led  to  the  prohibition  of  bills  of  credit  by  the  States 
would  doubtless  in  that  event  have  also  interdicted  their  issue  as  a 
cturency  in  any  other  form.  The  Constitution,  however,  contains  no 
such  prohibition;  and  since  the  States  have  exercised  for  nearly  half  a 
century  the  power  to  regulate  the  business  of  banking,  it  is  not  to  be 
expected  that  it  will  be  abandoned.  The  whole  matter  is  now  under 
discussion  before  the  proper  tribunal — the  people  of  the  States.  Never 
before  has  the  public  mind  been  so  thoroughly  awakened  to  a  proper 
sense  of  its  importance;  never  has  the  subject  in  all  its  bearings  been 
submitted  to  so  searching  an  inquiry.  It  would  be  distrusting  the  intel- 
ligence and  virtue  of  the  people  to  doubt  the  speedy  and  efficient  adoption 
of  such  measures  of  reform  as  the  public  good  demands.  All  that  can 
rightfully  be  done  by  the  Federal  Government  to  promote  the  accom- 
plishment of  that  important  object  will  without  doubt  be  performed. 
In  the  meantime  it  is  our  duty  to  provide  all  the  remedies  against  a 
depreciated  paper  currency  which  the  Constitution  enables  us  to  afford. 
The  Treasury  Department  on  several  former  occasions  has  suggested  the 
propriety  and  importance  of  a  uniform  law  concerning  bankruptcies  of 
corporations  and  other  bankers.  Through  the  instrumentality  of  such 
a  law  a  salutary  check  may  doubtless  be  imposed  on  the  issues  of  paper 
money  and  an  effectual  remedy  given  to  the  citizen  in  a  way  at  once 
equal  in  all  parts  of  the  Union  and  fully  authorized  by  the  Constitution. 
The  indulgence  granted  by  Executive  authority  in  the  payment  of 
bonds  for  duties  has  been  already  mentioned.  Seeing  that  the  imme- 
diate enforcement  of  these  obligations  would  subject  a  large  and  highly 
respectable  portion  of  our  citizens  to  great  sacrifices,  and  believing 
that  a  temporary  postponement  could  be  made  without  detriment  to 
other  interests  and  with  increased  certainty  of  ultimate  payment,  I  did 
not  hesitate  to  comply  with  the  request  that  was  made  of  me.  The  terms 
allowed  are  to  the  full  extent  as  liberal  as  any  that  are  to  be  found  in 
the  practice  of  the  executive  department.  It  remains  for  Congress  to 
decide  whether  a  further  postponement  may  not  with  propriety  be  allowed; 
and  if  so,  their  legislation  upon  the  subject  is  respectfully  invited. 
The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  exhibit  the  condition 
of  these  debts,  the  extent  and  effect  of  the  present  indulgence,  the 
probable  result  of  its  further  extension  on  the  state  of  the  Treasury,  and 
every  other  fact  necessary  to  a  full  consideration  of  the  subject.  Similar 
information  is  communicated  in  regard  to  such  depositories  of  the  public 
moneys  as  are  indebted  to  the  Government,  in  order  that  Congress  may 
also  adopt  the  proper  measures  in  regard  to  them.
Martin  Van  Bur  en  1560 
The  receipts  and  expenditures  for  the  first  half  of  the  year  and  an 
estimate  of  those  for  the  residue  will  be  laid  before  you  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  In  his  report  of  December  last  it  was  estimated 
that  the  current  receipts  would  fall  short  of  the  expenditures  by  about 
$3,000,000.  It  wiU  be  seen  that  the  difference  will  be  much  greater. 
This  is  to  be  attributed  not  only  to  the  occurrence  of  greater  pecuniary 
embarrassments  in  the  business  of  the  country  than  those  which  were 
then  predicted,  and  consequently  a  greater  diminution  in  the  revenue, 
but  also  to  the  fact  that  the  appropriations  exceeded  by  nearly  six  mil- 
lions the  amount  which  was  asked  for  in  the  estimates  then  submitted. 
The  sum  necessary  for  the  service  of  the  year,  beyond  the  probable 
receipts  and  the  amount  which  it  was  intended  should  be  reserved  in  the 
Treasury  at  the  commencement  of  the  year,  will  be  about  six  millions. 
If  the  whole  of  the  reserved  balance  be  not  at  once  applied  to  the  current 
expenditures,  but  four  millions  be  still  kept  in  the  Treasury,  as  seems 
most  expedient  for  the  uses  of  the  Mint  and  to  meet  contingencies,  the 
sum  needed  will  be  ten  millions. 
In  making  this  estimate  the  receipts  are  calculated  on  the  supposition 
of  some  further  extension  of  the  indulgence  granted  in  the  payment  of 
bonds  for  duties,  which  will  affect  the  amount  of  the  revenue  for  the 
present  year  to  the  extent  of  two  and  a  half  millions. 
It  is  not  proposed  to  procure  the  required  amount  by  loans  or  increased 
taxation.  There  are  now  in  the  Treasury  $9,367,214,  directed  by  the 
act  of  the  23d  of  June,  1836,  to  be  deposited  with  the  States  in  October 
next.  This  sum,  if  so  deposited,  will  be  subject  under  the  law  to  be 
recalled  if  needed  to  defray  existing  appropriations;  and  as  it  is  now 
evident  that  the  whole,  or  the  principal  part,  of  it  will  be  wanted  for 
that  purpose,  it  appears  most  proper  that  the  deposit  should  be  with- 
held. Until  the  amount  can  be  collected  from  the  banks,  Treasury  notes 
may  be  temporarily  issued,  to  be  gradually  redeemed  as  it  is  received. 
I  am  aware  that  this  course  may  be  productive  of  inconvenience  to 
many  of  the  States.  Relying  upon  the  acts  of  Congress  which  held  out 
to  them  the  strong  probability,  if  not  the  certainty,  of  receiving  this 
installment,  they  have  in  some  instances  adopted  measures  with  which 
its  retention  may  seriously  interfere.  That  such  a  condition  of  things 
should  have;  occurred  is  much  to  be  regretted.  It  is  not  the  least  among 
the  unfortunate  results  of  the  disasters  of  the  times;  and  it  is  for  Con- 
gress to  devise  a  fit  remedy,  if  there  be  one.  The  money  being  indis- 
pensable to  the  wants  of  the  Treasury,  it  is  diflScult  to  conceive  upon 
what  principle  of  justice  or  expediency  its  application  to  that  object  can 
be  avoided.  To  recall  any  portion  of  the  sums  already  deposited  with 
the  States  would  be  more  inconvenient  and  less  efficient.  To  burden  the 
country  with  increased  taxation  when  there  is  in  fact  a  large  surplus 
revenue  would  be  tmjust  and  unwise;  to  raise  moneys  by  loans  under 
such  circumstances,  and  thus  to  commence  a  new  national  debt,  would 
scarcely  be  sanctioned  by  the  American  people.  '
iS6i  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
The  plan  proposed  will  be  adequate  to  all  our  fiscal  ox>erations  during 
the  remainder  of  the  year.  Should  it  be  adopted,  the  Treasury,  aided 
by  the  ample  resources  of  the  country,  will  be  able  to  discharge  punctually 
every  pecuniary  obligation.  For  the  future  all  that  is  needed  will  be 
that  caution  and  forbearance  in  appropriations  which  the  diminution  of 
the  revenue  requires  and  which  the  complete  accomplishment  or  great 
forwardness  of  many  expensive  national  undertakings  renders  equally 
consistent  with  prudence  and  patriotic  liberality. 
The  preceding  suggestions  and  recommendations  are  submitted  in  the 
belief  that  their  adoption  by  Congress  will  enable  the  executive  depart- 
ment to  conduct  our  fiscal  concerns  with  success  so  far  as  their  man- 
agement has  been  committed  to  it.  Whilst,  the  objects  and  the  means 
proposed  to  attain  them  are  within  its  constitutional  powers  and  appro- 
priate duties,  they  will  at  the  same  time,  it  is  hoped,  by  their  necessary 
operaftion,  afford  essential  aid  in  the  transaction  of  individual  concerns, 
and  thus  yield  reUef  to  the  people  at  large  in  a  form  adapted  to  the  nature 
of  our  Government.  Those  who  look  to  the  action  of  this  Government  for 
specific  aid  to  the  citizen  to  relieve  embarrassments  arising  from  losses 
by  revulsions  in  commerce  and  credit  lose  sight  of  the  ends  for  which  it 
was  created  and  the  powers  with  which  it  is  clothed.  It  was  established 
to  give  security  to  us  all  in  our  lawful  and  honorable  pursuits,  under 
the  lasting  safeguard  of  republican  institutions.  It  was  not  intended  to 
confer  special  favors  on  individuals  or  on  any  classes  of  them,  to  create 
systems  of  agriculture,  manufactures,  or  trade,  or  to  engage  in  them 
either  separately  or  in  connection  with  individual  citizens  or  organized 
associations.  If  its  operations  were  to  be  directed  for  the  benefit  of 
any  one  class,  equivalent  favors  must  in  justice  be  extended  to  the  rest, 
and  the  attempt  to  bestow  such  favors  with  an  equal  hand,  or  even  to 
select  those  who  should  most  deserve  them,  would  never  be  successful. 
All  communities  are  apt  to  look  to  government  for  too  much.  Even 
in  our  own  country,  where  its  powers  and  duties  are  so  strictly  Umited, 
we  are  prone  to  do  so,  especially  at  periods  of  sudden  embarrassment  and 
distress.  But  this  ought  not  to  be.  The  framers  of  our  excellent  Con- 
stitution and  the  people  who  approved  it  with  calm  and  sagacious  delib- 
eration acted  at  the  time  on  a  sounder  principle.  They  wisely  judged 
that  the  less  government  interferes  with  private  pursuits  the  better  for 
the  general  prosperity.  It  is  not  its  legitimate  object  to  make  men  rich 
or  to  repair  by  direct  grants  of  money  or  legislation  in  favor  of  particular 
pursuits  losses  not  incurred  in  the  public  service.  This  would  be  sub- 
stantially to  use  the  property  of  some  for  the  benefit  of  others.  But  ita 
real  duty — that  duty  the  performance  of  which  makes  a  good  govern- 
ment the  most  precious  of  human  blessings — is  to  enact  and  eirforce  a 
system  of  general  laws  commensurate  with,  but  not  exceeding,  the  objects 
of  its  establishment,  and  to  leave  every  citizen  and  every  interest  to  reap 
under  its  benign  protection  the  rewards  of  virtue,  industry,  and  prudence.
Martin  I  an  Ihiren  1562 
I  can  not  doubt  that  on  this  as  on  all  similar  occasions  the  Federal 
Government  will  find  its  agency  most  conducive  to  the  security  and  hap- 
piness of  the  people  when  limited  to  the  exercise  of  its  conceded  powers. 
In  never  assuming,  even  for  a  well-meant  object,  such  powers  as  were  not 
designed  to  be  conferred  upon  it,  we  shall  in  reality  do  most  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare.  To  avoid  every  unnecessary  interference  with  the  pursuits 
of  the  citizen  will  result  in  more  benefit  than  to  adopt  measures  which 
could  only  assist  limited  interests,  and  are  eagerly,  but  perhaps  naturally, 
sought  for  under  the  pressure  of  temporary  circumstances.  If,  therefore, 
I  refrain  from  suggesting  to  Congress  any  specific  plan  for  regulating  the 
exchanges  of  the  country,  relieving  mercantile  embarrassments,  or  inter- 
fering with  the  ordinary  operations  of  foreign  or  domestic  commerce,  it 
is  from  a  conviction  that  such  measures  are  not  within  the  constitutional 
province  of  the  General  Government,  and  that  their  adoption  would  not 
promote  the  real  and  permanent  welfare  of  those  they  might  be  designed 
to  aid. 
The  difficulties  and  distresses  of  the  times,  though  unquestionably 
great,  are  limited  in  their  extent,  and  can  not  be  regarded  as  affecting  the 
permanent  prosperity  of  the  nation.  Arising  in  a  great  degree  from 
the  transactions  of  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  it  is  upon  them  that 
they  have  chiefly  fallen.  The  great  ag^cultural  interest  has  in  many 
parts  of  the  country  suffered  comparatively  little,  and,  as  if  Providence 
intended  to  display  the  munificence  of  its  goodness  at  the  moment  of 
our  greatest  need,  and  in  direct  contrast  to  the  evils  occasioned  by  the 
waywardness  of  man,  we  have  been  blessed  throughout  our  extended 
territory  with  a  season  of  general  health  and  of  uncommon  fruitfulness. 
The  proceeds  of  our  great  staples  will  soon  furnish  the  means  of  liqui- 
dating debts  at  home  and  abroad,  and  contribute  equally  to  the  revival 
of  commercial  activity  and  the  restoration  of  conimercial  credit.  The 
banks,  established  avowedly  for  its  support,  deriving  their  profits  from 
it»  and  resting  under  obligations  to  it  which  can  not  be  overlooked,  will 
feel  at  once  the  necessity  and  justice  of  uniting  their  energies  with  those 
of  the  mercantile  interest. 
The  suspension  of  specie  payments  at  such  a  time  and  under  such 
circumstances  as  we  have  lately  witnessed  could  not  be  other  than  a 
temporary  meastu-e,  and  we  can  scarcely  err  in  believing  that  the  period 
must  soon  arrive  when  all  that  are  solvent  will  redeem  their  issues  in 
gold  and  silver.  Dealings  abroad  naturally  depend  on  resources  and 
prosperity  at  home.  If  the  debt  of  our  merchants  has  accumulated  or 
their  credit  is  impaired,  these  are  fluctuations  always  incident  to  exten- 
sive or  extravagant  mercantile  transactions.  But  the  ultimate  security 
of  such  obligations  does  not  admit  of  question.  They  are  guaranteed 
by  the  resources  of  a  country  the  fruits  of  whose  industry  afford  abun- 
dant means  of  ample  liquidation,  and  by  the  evident  interest  of  every 
merchant  to  sustain  a  credit  hitherto  high  by  promptly  applying  these 
means  for  its  preservation.
1  $6^  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
I  deeply  regret  that  events  have  occurred  which  require  me  to  ask 
your  consideration  of  such  serious  topics.  I  could  have  wished  that  in 
making  my  first  communication  to  the  assembled  representatives  of  my 
country  I  had  nothing  to  dwell  upon  but  the  history  of  her  unalloyed 
prosperity.  Since  it  is  otherwise,  -we  can  only  feel  more  deeply  the 
responsibility  of  the  respective  trusts  that  have  been  confided  to  us,  and 
under  the  pressure  of  diflSculties  unite  in  invoking  the  guidance  and  aid 
of  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  Nations  and  in  laboring  with  zealous  resolution 
to  overcome  the  difficulties  by  which  we  are  environed. 
It  is  under  such  circumstances  a  high  gratification  to  know  by  long 
experience  that  we  act  for  a  people  to  whom  the  truth,  however  un- 
promising, can  always  be  spoken  with  safety;  for  the  trial  of  whose 
patriotism  no  emergency  is  too  severe,  and  who  are  sure  never  to  desert 
a  public  functionary  honestly  laboring  for  the  public  good.  It  seems 
just  that  they  should  receive  without  delay  any  aid  in  their  embarrass- 
ments which  your  deliberations  can  afford.  Coming  directly  from  the 
midst  of  them,  and  knowing  the  course  of  events  in  every  section  of  our 
country,  from  you  may  best  be  learnt  as  weU  the  extent  and  nature 
of  these  embarrassments  as  the  most  desirable  measures  of  relief. 
I  am  aware,  however,  that  it  is  not  proper  to  detain  you  at  present 
longer  than  may  be  demanded  by  the  special  objects  for  which  you  are 
convened.  To  them,  therefore,  I  have  confined  my  communication; 
and  believing  it  will  not  be  your  own  wish  now  to  extend  your  delib- 
erations beyond  them,  I  reserve  till  the  usual  period  of  your  annual 
meeting  that  general  information  on  the  state  of  the  Union  which  the 
Constitution  requires  me  to  give.  ^  VAN  BURBN 
SPECIAL  MESSAGES. 
Washington,  September  7,  1837. 
To  the  Senate  of  the  UniUd  States: 
I  transmit,  for  the  consideration  of  the  Senate  with  a  view  to  its 
ratification,  a  general  convention  of  peace,  friendship,  commerce,  and 
navigation  between  the  United  States  and  the  Peru-Bolivian  Confeder- 
ation, signed  at  Lima  on  the  30th  of  November,  1836,  by  Samuel  Lamed, 
the  charg6  d'afltaires  of  the  United  States,  and  J.  Garcia  del  Rio,  minister 
of  state  in  the  department  of  finance  of  the  North  Peruvian  State. 
M.  VAN  BUREN. 
Hon.  R.  M.  Johnson.  ^Asm^oro^.  September  19, 1837. 
Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  Inclose  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  on 
the  subject  of  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the  2d  of  March,  1837.* 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
M.   VAN   BUREN. 
♦  Whether  the  works  at  BUck  Rock  rai»e  the  waters  of  Lake  Brie  to  the  injury  of  property  on  its 
southern  and  western  shores.
Martin  Van  Buren  1564 
Washington,  September  26^  1837. 
To  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States: 
I  herewith  transmit  to  the  House  of  Representatives  a  report  from 
the  Secretary  of  State,  accompanied  by  copies  of  the  correspondence 
requested  by  their  resolution  of  the  13th  instant. 
M.  VAN  BUREN. 
Dbpartmknt  of  STAT«, 
Washington^  September  2$^  1837, 
The  Secretary  of  State,  to  whom  was  referred  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives dated  the  13th  instant,  requesting  the  President  to  communicate  to  that 
body,  "so  far  as  the  public  interest  will  permit,  the  correspondence  between  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  Great  Britain  relating  to  the  north- 
eastern boundary  of  the  United  States  since  the  message  of  the  late  President  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  of  the  15th  of  June,  1836,  and  all  the  correspondence 
which  has  taken  place  since  that  period  between  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  governor  of  the  State  of  Maine  on  the  subject  of  alleged  aggressions 
upon  the  rights  of  Maine  by  the  British  authorities,'*  has  the  honor  respectfully 
to  submit  to  the  President  copies  of  the  letters  and  documents  requested  by  that 
resolution. 
JOHN  FORSYTH. 
STATS  OF  Mains,  Executivb  DEPARTMEirr, 
Augusta^  March  jo,  1837. 
Sir:  In  compliance  with  a  request  of  the  legislature  of  this  State,  I  have  the  honc^ 
to  transmit  to  you  the  accompanpng  report  and  resolutions. 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
ROBERT  P.  DUNLAP. 
Stats  of  Mains,  Houss  op  Rsprsssntativss. 
March  ^,  1837. 
The  joint  select  committee  who  had  under  consideration  the  order  relating  to  th« 
expediency  of  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  Subject  of  fortifying  our  mari« 
time  and  interior  frontier  have  attended  to  that  duty,  and  ask  leave  to  present  the 
following  report: 
One  object  of  the  federal  compact  is  "to  provide  for  the  common  defense  and 
general  welfare.  * ' 
In  accordance  with  these  objects  of  the  compact,  the  General  Government  has 
from  time  to  time  made  libexBl  appropriations  for  fortifying  and  defending  the 
several  States  along  oiu:  extended  maritime  frontier  west  and  south  of  the  western 
boundary  line  of  this  State.  East  of  that  line  a  mere  trifle  has  as  yet  been  appro- 
priated for  these  objects. 
Maine  has  a  maritime  frontier  of  about  500  miles  in  extent,  following  the  indenta- 
tions of  her  shores,  and  our  interior  frontier,  bounding  on  New  Brunswick  on  the  east 
and  the  Canadas  on  the  north,  is  about  600  miles  in  extent 
Considering  this  great  extent  of  seacoast,  her  numerous  excellent  harbors,  her 
noble  rivers  and  great  advantages  for  shipbuilding,  and  her  proximity  to  the  fish- 
ing grounds,  probably  no  State  in  the  Union  possesses  the  natural  advantages  for 
carrying  on  this  branch  of  industry  that  Maine  does. 
It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  consideration  that  all  maritime  nations  have  looked  to  their 
fisheries  as  the  nursery  of  hardy  seamen  for  the  merchant  service  in  time  of  peace 
and  for  the  navy  in  time  of  war,  and  as  a  great  question  of  national  policy  (aside
1565  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
from  the  inducement  to  encourage  this  branch  of  business  as  an  unfailing  source  of 
'natural  wealth)  it  is  deemed  worthy  of  the  fostering  care  of  all  commercial  nations. 
Already  the  navigation  of  Maine  is  estimated  at  more  than  300,000  tons,  and 
exceeded  by  only  two  States  in  the  Union,  and  her  increase  annually  of  tonnage  is 
greater  than  that  of  any  other  State. 
The  abundance  of  building  materials,  believed  to  be  inexhaustible,  her  great  con- 
veniences for  shipbuilding  along  her  extended  seacoast,  her  numerous  bays,  rivers, 
and  harbors,  render  it  highly  probable  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  the  mari- 
time interests  of  Maine  will  exceed  that  of  any  of  her  sister  States;  and  if  reliance 
can  be  placed  upon  the  statements  of  a  scientific  engineer  of  high  respectability  and 
standing,  who  has  during  the  past  year,  under  the  direction  of  the  government  of 
this  State  and  our  parent  Commonwealth,  made  a  geological  survey  of  a  portion 
of  our  State,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  same  extent  of  territory  on  the  conti- 
nent contains  more  real  value  viewed  in  all  its  bearings  (the  facilities  of  quarrying, 
manufacturing,  exporting,  and  its  influence  upon  the  great  interests  of  the  State  and 
nation)  than  is  contained  in  our  inexhaustible  quarries  of  granite,  lime,  marble, 
slate,  etc.,  mines  and  minerals  in  which  large  and  profitable  investments  are  already 
made.  Some  of  these  branches  of  business  have  been  carried  on  for  many  years, 
and  others  to  a  large  extent  are  commencing  under  the  most  favorable  auspioes. 
These,  together  with  our  agricultural,  commercial,  and  manufacturing  interests^ 
our  immense  forests  of  invaluable  timber ,'^th  a  water  power  of  vast  extent  and 
value,  giving  us  the  means  of  laying  the  seaports  of  the  Union  under  a  contribution 
for  ages  to  come,  and  warranting  the  belief  that  our  present  shipping  interest  will  be 
sustained  and  employed  and  a  great  increase  required. 
About  one-third  of  the  most  valuable  portion  of  our  territory  is  claimed  by  Great 
Britain,  and  the  history  of  this  protracted  controversy  from  its  commencement  to 
the  present  time  is  such  as  to  awaken  general  anxiety.  We  are  admonished  by 
recent  events  that  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  termination  of  our  toils  and  embarrass- 
ments, and  they  have  awakened  the  painful  apprehension  that  om*  just  rights  may 
not  be  secured  by  honorable  negotiation  or  patient  submission  to  unprovoked  inju- 
ries. These  considerations,  in  the  opinion  of  your  committee,  call  loudly  for  the 
interposition  of  the  General  Government,  and  require  at  their  hands  all  needful  prep- 
aration for  possible  contingencies.  The  late  Governor  Lincoln  nearly  ten  years 
since  called  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  importance  of  erecting  a  strong 
fortification  in  some  eligible  position  on  the  confines  of  that  portion  of  our  territory 
to  which  an  adverse  claim  is  set  up  by  Great  Britain.  In  the  opinic^^  of  your  com- 
mittee, the  subject  has  lost  none  of  its  interest  since  that  period,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
the  events  to  which  we  have  alluded  give  to  it  vastly  augmented  importance;  and  to 
our  view,  irrespective  of  any  conditions  growing  out  of  the  present  controversy,  a 
strong  fortification  upon  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the  United  States,  situated 
far  in  the  interior  and  upon  the  confines  of  a  foreign  country,  and  surrounded  by 
millions  of  acres  of  fertile  land,  destined  soon  to  be  peopled  with  a  numerous  popu- 
lation of  hardy  yeomanry,  is  of  high  importance. 
Our  isolated  situation,  being  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the  nation,  with  an 
interior  frontier  upward  of  600  miles  upon  a  foreign  country  and  a  large  proportion 
of  our  territory  Ijring  between  two  Provinces  of  Great  Britain  and  so  situated  as  to 
render  it  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  that  nation  to  possess  it;  the  inflexible  deter- 
mination which  she  manifests  to  pursue  tlie  course  which  interest  dictates  should  not 
be  forgotten;  the  extent  of  our  seacoast;  the  exposed  situation  of  our  seaport  towns, 
l3ring  within  a  few  hours*  sail  of  the  British  naval  depot  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Maine;  the  disastrous  consequences  of  our  defenseless  situation  during  the  last 
war;  the  great  and  increasing  maritime  interests  which  we  have  at  stake  without 
one  single  point  where  a  ship,  if  dependent  upon  the  United  States  fortifications, 
would  be  safe  from  the  attacks  of  a  frigate — these  and  the  consideration  that  little,
MarHn  Van  Buren  1566 
comparatively,  has  yet  been  done  for  Maine  seem  to  our  view  to  Constitute  irresistible 
reaaons  why  Maine  should  no  longer  be  forgotten  or  neglected  in  the  common  defense 
of  the  country. 
Through  all  the  long-protracted  struggles,  difficulties,  and  embarrassments  of  our 
infant  Republic  this  portion  of  our  Union  has  never  been  urgent  or  importunate  in 
pressing  its  cUdms,  but  has  submitted  patiently  to  the  force  of  circumstances  which 
rendered  it  necessary  to  defer  them. 
But  in  the  present  altered  condition  of  the  country— the  national  debt  paid  off  at  a 
season  of  tmiversal  peace  and  unexampled  prosperity,  with  an  overburthened  Treas- 
ury, and  when  it  is  deemed  necessary  to  dispose  of  it  to  resort  to  measures  which 
many  eminent  statesmen  consider  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution  and  which  a 
great  portion  of  the  people  of  the  Union  consider  of  doubtful  policy— at  such  a  period 
and  under  such  circumstances  it  is  difficult  to  perceive  the  justice  of  longer  with- 
holding suitable  appropriations  for  the  defense  of  Maine,  and  to  our  view  it  can 
only  be  withheld  by  doing  violence  to  the  principles  of  equal  rights  and  by  neglect- 
ing a  plain  constitutional  duty. 
Your  committee  therefore  submit  the  following  resolutions. 
STEPHEN  C.  POSTER,  Chairman, 
Statk  op  Maimb. 
RSSOtVlS  Tvlating  to  the  fortification  of  frontier  States. 
Resolved^  That  the  obligation  of  the  Federal  Government,  under  the  Constitution, 
when  it  has  the  means  to  erect  suitable  -fortifications  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier 
of  the  States,  is  a  practical  duty  not  justly  to  be  denied,  evaded,  neglected,  or  delayed. 
Resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed  and  our  Representatives 
requested  to  use  their  influence  to  obtain  liberal  appropriations  for  the  defense  of 
Maine  and  the  Union. 
Resolved,  That  the  governor  be  requested  to  transmit  copies  of  the  above  report 
and  resolutions  to  the  President  and  Vice-Pitesident,  the  Secretaries  of  State,  Navy, 
and  War,  and  to  each  of  our  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress. 
[Passed  by  both  Houses  and  approved  March  30, 1837.] 
Statb  op  Mainb,  Exbcxttivb  Dbpartmhmt, 
Augusta^  April  jo,  /^j/. 
His  Excellency  Martin  Van  Burbn, 
President  of  the  United  States, 
Sir:  In  compliance  with  a  request  of  the  legislature  of  this  State,  I  have  the  honor 
to  transmit  to  Your  Excellency  the  accompanying  report  and  resolutions: 
In  behalf  of  the  State  of  Maine,  I  would  respectfully,  yet  urgently,  call  on  the 
President  of  the  United  States  to  cause  the  northeastern  boundary  of  this  State  to  be 
explored  and  surveyed  and  monuments  erected  in  accordance  with  the  request  con- 
tained in  the  resolutions  which  are  herewith  communicated.  As  the  subject  is  one 
in  which  the  people  of  Maine  have  a  deep  interest,  I  feel  a  confidence  it  will,  com- 
mend itself  to  your  early  attention. 
With  high  consideration,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient  servant, 
ROBERT  P.  DUNLAP. 
Statb  of  Mainb,  in  Housb  op  Rbprbsbntativbs, 
February  <?,  1B37, 
The  joint  committee  to  whom  was  referred  so  much  of  the  governor's  message 
as  relates  to  the  northeastern  boundary,  and  the  documents  and  evidence,  together 
with  an  order  of  the  two  houses  instructing  the  committee  "  to  inquire  into  the  expe- 
diency of  providing  by  law  for  the  appointment  of  .commissioners  on  the  part  of  this
1567  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
State,  by  the  consent  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  to  survey  the  line 
between  this  State  and  the  Province  of  New  Brunswick  according  to  the  treaty  of 
1783,  to  establish  monuments  in  such  places  as  shall  be  fixed  by  said  commissionerB 
and  by  commissioners  to  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain/'  have  attended  to  the  duties  assigned  them  with  the  industry  and  solicitude 
which  the  importance  of  the  subject  demanded.  Could  the  committee  have  spared 
the  time  and  had  the  means  to  obtain  documents  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
State,  and  consequently  out  of  its  power,  a  more  clear,  methodical,  and  perfect  view 
of  the  subject  would  have  been  presented;  but  as  there  had  been  hitherto  so  much 
procrastination  and  the  impatience  of  the  public,  already  great,  was  becoming  more 
and  more  intense,  your  committee  without  further  preamble  or  apology  ask  leave  to 
present  the  following  report: 
The  legislature  and  people  of  Maine,  we  believe,  will  not  contend  that  the  treaty- 
making  power  of  the  United  States  does  not  extend  to  a  final  a(djustment  of  a  dis- 
puted and  undefined  line  of  boundary  between  a  State  and  a  foreign  nation;  Imi 
we  do  insist  that  no  power  is  granted  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to 
limit  or  change  the  boundary  of  a  State  or  cede  a  part  of  its  territory  without  its 
conjient.  It  is  even  by  no  means  certain  how  far  such  consent  would  enable  the 
trea^  authority  to  exert  its  powers.  Citizens  might  be  made  the  subjects  of  a  treaty 
tranter,  and  these  citizens  owing  allegiance  to  the  State  and  to  the  Union,  and 
allegiance  and  protection  being  reciprocally  binding,  the  right  to  transfer  a  citizen 
to  a  foreign  government,  to  sell  him,  might  well  be  questioned  as  being  inconsistent 
with  the  spirit  of  our  free  institutions.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  Maine  will  never  con- 
cede the  principle  that  the  President  and  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  can  transfer  its 
territory,  much  less  its  citizens,  without  its  permission,  given  by  its  constitutional 
organs. 
Your  committee,  however,  deem  it  but  fair  to  admit  that  they  have  discovered 
no  inclination  in  the  General  Government,  or  any  department  of  it,  to  assume  this 
power.  On  the  contrary,  the  President  has  repeatedly  declined  the  adoption  of  a 
conventional  line  deviating  from  the  treaty  of  1783,  upon  the  express  grotmd  that  it 
could  not  be  done  without  the  consent  of  Maine. 
It  is  due,  nevertheless,  to  the  State  of  Maine  to  say  that  the  committee  have  no 
evidence  that  any  conventional  line  has  been  proposed  to  them  for  their  consent. 
It  indeed  appears  that  the  consent  of  Maine  had  not  been  given  to  the  adoption  of 
any  other  boundary  than  that  prescribed  by  the  treaty  of  1783  up  to  the  29th  Feb- 
ruary, 1836,  and  we  are  well  assured  that  no  proposition  for  a  different  boundary  has 
since  that  time  been  made  to  any  department  of  the  government  of  this  State. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  15th  June  last  commtmicated  to  the 
Senate,  in  compliance  with  their  resolution,  a  copy  of  the  corsespondence  relative 
to  the  northeastern  boundary.  This  correspondence  embraced  a  period  from  the 
2lst  July,  1832,  to  the  5th  March,  1836. 
The  opinion  and  advice  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  to  whom  the  controversy 
was  referred  by  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  was  made  on  the  loth  Janu- 
ary, 183 1,  and  of  the  three  questions  submitted,  viz,  the  northeastern  boundary,  the 
northwestemmost  head  of  Connecticut  River,  and  the  forty-fifth  parallel  of  latitude, 
he  seems  to  have  determined  but  one.  He  did  decide  that  the  source  of  the  stream 
running  into  and  through  ConnecHcut  Lake  is  the  true  northwest  head  of  that  river 
as  intended  by  the  treaty  of  1783;  and  as  to  the  rest,  he  advises  that  it  will  be  con^ 
venient  {il  conviendra)  to  adopt  the  ** Thalweg,'*  the  deepest  channel  of  the  St 
John  and  St.  Francis,  for  the  north  Hue,  and  that  the  forty-fifth  degree  ^  to  be 
measured  in  order  to  mark  out  the  boimdary  to  the  St.  ]>wrence,  with  a  deviation 
so  as  to  include  Rouses  Point  within  the  United  States.  As  to  the  convenience  of 
establishing  the  St  John  and  St  Francis  as  the  northern  boundary  of  Maine,  we 
have  only  to  observe  that  however  ' '  convenient ' '  it  may  be  to  Great  Britain  to  obtain
Martin  Van  Buren  1568 
BO  large  a  portion  of  our  territory  and  waters,  it  would  certainly  be  very  inconvenient 
to  us,  and  inasmudi  as  we  are  probably  capable  of  judging  of  our  own  '*  conven- 
ience,'*  and  have  never  solicited  the  adtnce  of  anyone  on  this  point,  it  is  scarcely  to 
be  expected  that  we  shall  be  advised  to  adopt  a  line  so  preposterous  and  injurious. 
It  was  in  this  view  and  in  strict  conformity  with  the  Constitution  conferring  the 
treaty  power  that  the  President  on  the  7th  December,  1831,  submitted  to  the  Senate 
this  *  *  award  *  *  and '  *  advice  * '  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  Senators  were  divided 
on  a  principal  point,  some  insisting  that  to  carry  the  award  or  opinion  into  effect 
was  only  in  execuiion  of  the  treaty,  and  it  therefore  belonged  exclusively  to  the 
President  '*to  take  care'*  that  this  "supreme  law*'  was  faithfully  executed  or  to 
reject  it  altogether. 
But  the  prevailing  opinion  was  that  this  ** award  "  or  " advice"  yn^petfecHng  an 
unfinished  treaty,  and  that  therefore  it  could  not  be  effected  by  the  President  with- 
out "  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  con- 
curring therein."  So  far  from  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds /(TT  the  measure,  there 
were  thirty-four  to  eight  against  it,  and  it  was  consequently  rejected,  and  a  recom- 
mendation to  the  President  was  adopted  to  open  a  new  negotiation  to  detennine 
the  line  of  boundary  according  to  the  treaty  of  1783. 
It  is  insisted  by  the  British  ministers  that  a  due  north  line  from  the  montunent  at 
the  source  of  the  St.  Croix  will  intersect  no  highlands  described  in  the  treaty  of 
1783.  Now  this  is  an  assumption  by  Great  Britain  totally  unwarranted  by  any  evi- 
dence. The  botmdaries  bearing  upon  the  question  are  thus  given:  "Prom  the 
northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  wit,  that  angle  which  is  formed  by  a  line  drawn 
due  north  from  the  source  of  the  St.  Croix  River  to  the  highlands;  along  the  said 
highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  St.  Lawrence 
from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  to  the  northwestemmost  head  of  Con- 
necticut River;"  "east  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  St.  Croix 
from  its  mouth,  in  the  ]^y  of  Pundy,  to  its  source,  and  from  its  source  directly  north 
to  the  aforesaid  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
from  those  which  fall  into  the  St.  Lawrence." 
The  first  object,  starting  place,  or  terminus  a  quo^  is  this  northwest  angle  of  Nova 
Scotia.  It  is  the  comer  of  the  British  Province  designated  by  themselves.  It  was 
presumed,  and  it  is  still  believed,  that  they  knew  the  identical  spot;  we  have  a  right 
to  demand  of  them  to  define  it.  In  the  treaty  of  1783  they  were  disposed  to  define 
it,  and  hence  they  say  it  is  that  angle,  which  is  formed  by  a  line  drawn  due  north 
from  the  source  of  the  St.  Croix  to  those  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  flow 
into  the  St.  Laivrence  from  those  which  flow  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
Nothing  can  be  more  clear  than  that  the  British  negotiators  of  the  treaty  of  1783 
had  reference  to  their  east  and  west  line  between  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia.  This  in 
1755-56  was  matter  of  controversy  between  France  and  England,  the  French  claim- 
ing that  it  was  far  south  and  the  British  strenuously  contending  that  these  very 
highlands  were  even  more  north  than  we  have  endeavored  to  fix  them. 
The  controversy  resulted  in  a  war,  which,  after  the  capture  of  Quebec,  was  termi- 
nated by  the  peace  of  1763,  whereby  Great  Britain  obtained  both  sides  of  the  iine,  and 
she  then  established  the  north  line  of  Nova  Scotia  about  where  we  contend  it  should 
be.  So  far  from  admitting  that  a  due  north  line  from  the  monument  will  not  inter- 
sect the  highlands  intended  by  the  treaty  of  1783,  the  State  of  Maine  has  always 
insisted,  and  still  insists,  that  no  known  obstacle  exists  to  the  ascertaining  and  accu- 
rately defining  them,  and  thus  establishing  the  terminus  a  quOy  to  wit^  the  northwest 
angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  It  would  seem  strange,  indeed,  that  this  line,  so  fully  dis- 
CQSsed  and  controverted  between  the  English  and  French  in  1755-56,  should  have 
been  left  unsettled  still  when  both  Provinces  became  British.  It  is  impossible  to 
imagine  such  ignorance  of  so  imix>rtant  a  point  as  this  northwest  angle,  so  often 
referred  to  and  spoken  of  as  a  notorious  monument
1569  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents 
The  peace  of  1783  was  considered  by  Great  Britain  as  a  grant  by  metes  and  bounds. 
The  boundaries  were  prescribed,  and  this  northwest  angle  was  the  commencement. 
Twenty  years  only  before  this  (1763)  Nova  Scotia  had  been  organized  as  a  distinct 
Province,  then  including  what  are  now  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick,  and  this 
angle  was  referred  to  as  a  boundary  without  hesitancy  or  doubt.  Indeed,  the  treaty 
itself,  as  if  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  fixed  it  where  a  due  north  line  from  the 
source  of  the  St.  Croix  will  intersect  those  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  which 
flow  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence  from  those  Which  flow  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
This  source  of  the  St.  Croix  has  been  determined  and  a  monument  fixed  there  by 
the  commissioners  under  the  fifth  article  of  the  treaty  of  1795  (Jay*s).  Now  the 
asstunption  that  the  north  line  from  this  monument  will  intersect  or  meet  no  such 
highlands  is  entirely  gratuitous. 
The  treaty  does  not  speak  of  mountains  nor  eveu  hills,  but  of  * 'highlands"  that 
divide  rivers  flowing  different  ways.  It  was  well  known  that  rivers  did  fall  into  the 
St.  Lawrence  and  into  the  Atlantic,  that  these  rivers  would  run  dotun  and  not  up^ 
and  it  was  consequently  inferred  that  the  tand  from  whence  these  rivers  flowed  must 
of  necessity  be  highy  and  unless  there  are  to  be  found  in  that  region  geological 
phenomena  which  exist  nowhere  else  on  the  face  of  the  globe  this  inference  is 
irresistible. 
The  truth  is  that  these  highlands  have  been  known  and  well  understood  by  the 
British  themselves  ever  since  the  grant  of  James  I  to  Sir  William  Alexander,  in 
162 1.  The  portion  of  the  boundary  there  given  which  relates  to  this  controversy  is 
**from  the  western  spring  head  of  the  St.  Croix,  by  an  imaginary  line  conceived  to 
run  through  the  land  northward  to  the  next  road  of  Ships  River  or  Spring  discharg- 
ing itself  into  the  great  river  of  Canada,  and  proceeding  thence  eastward  along  the 
shores  of  the  sea  of  the  said  river  of  Canada  to  the  road,  haven,  or  shore  commonly 
C2X\^Gaspeck''  (Gasp^). 
The  cession  of  Canada  by  France  made  it  necessary  to  define  the  limits  of  the 
Province  of  Quebec,  and  accordingly  His  Britannic  Majesty,  by  his  proclamation  of 
7th  October,  1763,  is  thus  explicit  as  to  what  affects  this  question:  "  Passing  along 
the  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  said  river  St. 
Lawrence  from  those  which  fall  into  the  sea,  and  also  along  the  north  coast  of  the 
Bay  de  Chaleurs  and  the  coast  of  the  Gul/oi  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Cape  /^osiers,**  etc. 
The  act  of  Parliament  of  the  fourteenth  George  III  ( 1774)  defines  thus  the  south 
line  of  Canada:  *' South  by  a  line  from  the  Bay  de  Chaleurs  along  the  highlands 
which  divide  the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St  Lawrence  from  those 
which  flow  into  the  sea.**  The  north  line  of  the  grant  to  Alexander  is  from  the 
source  of  the  St.  Croix  to  the  **  spring  head  *'  or  sotux:e  of  some  river  or  stream  which 
falls  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  and  thence  eastward  to  Gasp^  Bay,  which  commu- 
nicates with  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  in  latitude  49^  30^,  and  wotdd  make  nearly  an 
east  and  west  line.  The  proclamation  of  1763  defines  the  south  line  of  the  Province 
of  Quebec  as  passing  along  the  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the 
St.  Lawrence  from  those  which  fall  into  the  sea,  and  also  along  the  north  coast  o' 
the  Bay  de  Chaleurs  to  the  Gulfot  St.  Lawrence.  This  is  the  south  boundary,  and 
consequently  in  an  east  and  west  direction;  but  it  passes  north  of  Bay  de  Chaleurs, 
wherefore  the  south  boundary  of  the  Province  must  of  necessity  be  north  of  Bay  de 
Chaleurs.  The  eastern  boundary  is  northerly  by  the  Gulf  of  Cape  /^osiers,  in  about 
latitude  50*^,  longitude  64°  north  of  Gasp^  Bay,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St. 
Lawrence,  where  it  communicates  with  the  gulf  or  sea.  And  the  act  of  Parliament 
makes  this  south  side  from  this  same  bay  along  those  highlands,  and  it  must  inevi* 
tabfy  run  west  or  it  is  no  south  boundary.  Now  no  one  can  doubt  that  in  the  proc- 
lamation of  1763  it  was  the  intent  to  adopt  Sir  William  Alexander's  northern  for 
this  southern  boundary  of  the  Province  of  Quebec. 
Indeed,  it  appears  in  every  commission   to  the  governor  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New