14-00000 In a public announcement in August, 1966, Chief of Police Conway C. Mullins estimated that there were "50,000" _ armed persons in Gary and that their possession of small ‘arms constitutes a dangeroug gituation because it facilitates the commission of crimes of violence, Chief Mullins denounced existing lax gun-control laws and advocated much etricter legislation governing the purchase and possession of weapons. Gary police-community relations have also. come under fire, One civil rights leader characterizes these relations as "lousy," but adds that this criticisn applies to. both white and Negro police officers. The crux of the .. eriticism is ,hat officers are not adequately trained to handle people and problems that could develop into » riotous situations. Negroes ih Gary comprise a nearly solid and formidable voting bloc. Three“of: the present nine city Councilmen are Negroes; one of tthe three Gary Police Comaissioners is a Negro;,/and..the Lake’ County Coroner, a Negro, resides in Gary. All of- the: city's (eight high schools have sone Negro pupils. a This Negro voting pover was clearly evident in the .rwecent victory of Richard G. Hatcher, 33-year-old Negro Councilman-at-large, who won the Democratic nomination, for Mayor of Gary in the primary election on May 2, 1967, aver the incumbent, Mayor Katz, The campaign was conducted on an extremely Bitter Jevel and has undoubtedly left scars. among Negroes and whites. Katz, for example, called Hatcher a "radical, extremist, and an advocate of black pover," One of Hatcher's main supporters is alleged to have asserted that “we should use whatever methods possibie, including violence, in order to meet our goals." It is feared that any friction over voter registratien or almost any incident during the forthcoming election campaign could possibly spark violence, Hatcher is generally conceded to stand @ good chance of being elected. Harvey-Dixmoor, Illinois Sonar Harvey has a population of 25,000, of which 28 per cent is Negro. The Negro community is located directly opposite Dixmoor, which has a population of 6,000, 60 per cent being Negro, = 33 = PON BITE SY n . nd u Saar bE die Cl 8 ha
14-0000 puring the sumers of 1964, 1965, and 1966, the Harvey-Dixmoor area Wak the acene of riots revolving around 7: liquor store and a television gtore. A police officer Was shot in the chest during the 1966. disturbance. gince the  gpring of 1967, Holiee officers, enter’ ee the area surrounding these stores, have been-,heckled and, 1 some instances, attempts have peen made to prevent them from entering. These incidents have been qnetigated py young noodiums and youths @ho are hostile toward authority generally. - Such incidents are not considered a6 civil rights situations, put the. 7 individuals involved could conceivably create yiolence. — . indianapolis, Indiana | (1967). "population 500,000 (1967); 95 per cent Negro informed sources do.8Ct think violence 16 imminent, — p as sincere efforts are peing made to relieve conditions which preed yacial unrest. - michiccal WAACP direcsor and the | police are racial vat edal-usderstanding 9, their problems and are improving channeis petween Negroes and the police in an effort “to gorestali“incidents that could spark y Reverend Andrew g, Brown, president of the Indiana - ghapter of, the Southern christian Leadership Conference » does. . ‘mot agree that the yreial situation has jnproved. re contends that young Negroes» particularly, are Losing patience and an incident might iguite the "powder keg." - Kansas City, Hissouri . Kansas city, Missouri, has & population of 576,005, - 19 per cent of which is. Negro: and adjacent Kansas City; Kansas, has &@ population of 180,000 17 per cent of which jis Negro. , within the past year, there have peen several demonstrations in Kansas City, Hissouri, protesting alleged police prucality and discrimination against Hegroeso These Por ostrations were Led Dy the Council for United Action (CUA), an organization gorued last year with the help of Saul Alinsky ‘Ss jndustrial Areas Foundation (IAF). a
14-00000 The IAF keeps a man, Hichael James Hiller, in the city to serve as organizer and advisor for CUA. Hiller, a graduate of the University of California, at Berkeley, has been active in the past in SNCC. In the Summer of 1966, he attended a National Youth Encampment held by the Cozsunist Party, USA, at Camp: Webatuck, Wingdale, New York. The CUA ig planning economic boycotts to be held in Kansas City. Responsible minority and community leaders know of no specific potential for racial violence. They point out that spontaneous disturbances might cccur when allegatiqns are made df unequal or brutal treatment by police or when some other incident is magnified by ' drresponsible-talk or publicity. w* Lansing, Michigan Population 120, 034. £1967) 5. il per cent Negro (1967). . we . 5 Ay 20 Civic leaders. An. Lansing feel that the efforts that have been made through such’ agencies as the Human Relations Council, composed of prominent Negroes and whites in the cormunfity, have done much toward keeping racial matters from becoming controversial issues. It is felt that no militant groups exist among Lansing's Negroes and that community efforts being made to secure better job opportunities and better housing and the development of recreational facilities for Negroes attest to the success of the collaborative efforts of Negro leaders and city officials. As to the possibility of racial violence in the area, responsible members of the Negro community. feel that racial disturbances may occur this summer, but if they do, ‘they will be spontaneous, unorganized reacticns to some police enforcement matter. Hilvwaukee, Wisconsin Population 750,000 (1967); 1l per ‘cent Negro (1967). ‘Police officials, leaders of the Negro community, and other inforned sources state that there has generally been no change in the racial situation in the city during ao 35
14-00000 . prosecute Father Groppi and others, the past year. It is pointed out that a large number of the Negroes in Milwaukee are home owners and live in single or double family dwellings and there are no tenement districts. Some Negro leaders feél that the Police Department is too severe in its relations with Negroes and may be applying a double standard in dealing with Negro and white citizens. On the other hand, Chief of Police Harold Breier contends that law and order can be maintained only through vigorous law enforcement. The main worry’ of police is the potentially explosive influence posed by the Milwaukee Youth Council (MYC) of the NAACP, a civil rights group made up principally of juveniles “under the direction of Father James E. Groppli, -‘assistaiuc pastor of St. Boniface Roman Catholié Church. The headquarters of the MYC is at Freedom House, in the heart - of the Negro community. Father Groppi, who is white, is an outspoken civil rights leader. iY er { #e - ore In early March , 1967 > three embers of the MYC told police that Father Groppi and members of the MYC had. made plans fon the fire bombing of a number of residences of public officials as a diversionary tactic so that members of the MYC could start a riot. However, police have been uneble to obtain sufficient corroborative information to : = ,On May 5, 1967, Father Groppi- and two members of the MYC were arrested, for interfering with police officers in the arrest of two 16~year-old boys charged with disorderly conduct in the vicinity of Freedom House, As a result, 75 young people gathered at the scene of the arrest and threw rocks, which broke squad car windows. At the time of his arrest, Groppi allegedly shouted, "Start the riot." Since that time, police cars cruising the area have been pelted with stones and once a fire bomb struck the roof of the vehicle but did not ignite. On another occasion, two abandoned houses in this neighborhood were set on fire by a 12-year-old boy who admitted that he hangs around Freedom House, although he is not a member. Because of the provocative activities prompted by Father Groppi and members of the MYC, police are keeping a close watch on the immediate neighborhood of Freedom House. ~ 36 - FOE MITER TE COMPUIBES “a “EE & € zr ae ony
14-00000 Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota Buskegon, Michigan on Yay 13, ‘about 500 civil rights denonstrators, ‘led by Father Groppi, marched on Milwaukee's police headquarters _to protest what they contended was police harassment of. Negroes. Father Groppi had been complaining of police harassment. for several weeks. Minneapolis has a’ population of 482, B92 (1960), and adjacent St. Paul has a. population of 313,000 (1950). In each city, Negroes comprise less than. three per cent. of _ the ‘Population. - ‘Te racial situation in. Minneapolis and St. paul has not changed to any extent in recent months, according to sources most familiar with racial conditions in this area, There is no known condition at this time which would forecast racial unrest or mob. violence in, these twin cities during the next few months. yar os, ‘Hugkegon has ay fopulation of 46,0600, 15 per cent of “which is Negro, and adjacent duskegon Heights has a. population of 21, 060, of which 40 per cent is Negro. » A number of informed sources in this area ‘state that enployment.is high; schools are both good and integrated; | and no racial antagonisns exist at present. Civil rights demonstrations are peaceful and are aimed prinuwrily at.. better housing and fair treatment for Negroes. Although overall race relations in the area are _. considered good, law enforcement officials are following with. ' Some concern two potentially dangerous trends. The first is an increase in violent crine in the heavily populated Negro areas, which is considered, indicative of a growing contempt for. authority especially prevalent in the 16 to 20.age group, who attempt to screen their lawlessness by civil rights — activities, Too, within the past year, Sheriff Marion Calkins has noted a resentment on the part of the white “people in the area. over this rise in-crime and a definite -increage in requests for gun permits and in the purchases of - firearms, Sheriff Calkins is watching. for evidence of organizational activities and, together with connunity leaders, feels that there is a growing potential for racial violence inthis area anong irres sponsible Negro youths, ~ 37 u
14-00000 St. Louis, Missouri * oe 7 ; = CONFIDER PAL Onaha , Nebraska Population 385,000. (1967); 8 per cent Negro- (3967). In July, Atigust, and September, 1966, and March and April, 1967, there were serious incidents of racial violence in the Negro district of Omaha, All of these cccurred spontaneously and involved primarily Negro youths under 25 years of age. . It was.necessary to call upon the National Guard to ,8top the widdgspread vandalism and looting that occurred "in duly, 1966, Two of these incidents folloved necessary police action in the Negro district; one resulted from strong’ feelings aroused by the suicide of an incarcerated Negro youth; and the other was considered a continuation of teen-age fights at a local vecreational center. | Informed sources congider the ‘resent situation tense and rate. the possibility Of racial violence "quite high" due to the ill feeling created by past incidents and to the rapidity with which Negro youths respond to the leadership of militant ma contents who are not associated with any civil rights groups. Informed sources agree that communications between law enforcelent and city officials are open but are not as good as they were a year ago, . aThe prevailing mood in the city is one of impatience. Statements that the city will tolerate no more violence are creating preater hostility and tension. . Negro leaders are eriticizging the Police Department for inadequate protection against the rampaging youths, alleging that the police are reluctant to enter the Negro district and possibly precipitate an incident that could lead to further violence. 7 Population 700,000 (1965); 29 per cent Negro (1960). | | | In 1963, the St. Louis branch of CORE picketed the Jefferson Bank and Trust Company, alleging job discrimination, As a result of the picketing, 15 denonstrators were arrested,
14-00000 eee Bee ie BE EE ALL They were later found in contempt of court and received fines and jail sentences of varying severity, which they began to- serve in March, 1967. Protests were initiated in Harch, 1967, against the Jefferson Bank and Trust Company and against Judge Michael J. Scott, who had found the demonstrators guilty of contempt of, court. Picketing has been carried out at the Judge's home almost daily since March 13, 1967, under the sponsorship of a group kaown as the kast—West Coordinating -Council (EYCC). Eugene Tournour, who has been. described as. a member of the Communist Party, USA, in Chicago, was | reportedly in st. Louis, to assist in organizing the EWCC. . Knowledgeable sources in St. Louis agree that the jailing of the Jefferson Bank demonstrators serves as a rallying pofnt for those who may wish to stir the emotions of the Negro community. It is agreed that eventual violence isa possibility. Some observers have gone so far as to suggest that even though the sentences. meted out to the demonstrators were deserved, it might be Wise to release them in the hope of easing tensions ‘aridhg Negroes. -It is also felt by some that viblénce. could be triggered by friction between police officers and Negroes, no matter ‘how trivial the precipitating incident, Another point ‘of danger is the problen of unemploy~ ment among Negroes. Approximately 4,000 Negro youths who were employed during the Summer of 1966 will not be employed during the 'Sumaer of 1967 because of a lack of available funds. : ‘ ‘ .e , ; . . _ Outsiders such as Eugene Tournour, Martin Luther King, and Stokely Carmichael are seen as adding to the potential for unrest and violence. Carmichael spoke in St. Louis in April, 1967. One observer expressed the opinion that if such individuals, as these would stay avay from St. Louis, the problems might be more successfully resolved, Waukeganiorth Chicago-Zion, Illinois Waukegan, North Chicago, and Zion are adjacent comau- nities with a total population of 200,000, 13 per cent of which is Negro. CONFIDE!
14-00000 being of racial origin, | However, the Strong lanzuage used by Waukegan's Hayor Robert, Sabonjian in denouncing the - . persons responsible engendered resentment among the entire — Negro comaunity, who feit that all were being blamed for. the actions of relatively few, The violence potential in the Negro tavern area where the 1966 disturbances took. Place ig considered to.still exist, as many individuals _ there reportedly poreees firearms, which would create an obvious police Problem if ‘an incident did take place, A-tangible racial issue presently exists in regard. to efforts by white and Negro parents to get the Waukegan ~ - school Board to chaage the boundaries: of a local elementary. 8Cchool to Promote a'better racial balance within the school, Oe ‘A suit to force the istrict to ¢hange the boundaries is. Presently pending before the tittnoie Supreme Court, Should | the Court decide against the. plaintiffs or undue delays - occur, this could conceivably be an issue around which demonstrations could arise, == - _ Bo CONSULS . - Les v = 40 w
74-90000 .Bakersfield, California mem Sa nifornia CONFIDENTIAL ' RACIAL VIOLENCE POTENTIAL IN THE WEST ‘Califomnia et Population 64,000 (19 ; ma ‘Police officials and Negro leaders consiger the . racial Situation goog at this time, and no trouble is antici. |. . pated, However, all agree that there is always the possibility. of spontaneous outbreaks .of violence: from time to time, partic. ularly during the Summer months when the young people are not — attending School, Police Officials observe that racial -o. violence in Bakersfield has always been on the heels Of major | racial riots ‘in other localities, and they believe this has a _ bearing “on future disturbances, AS a result of a racial disturbance in May, 1966, Specific orders have been piven to police officers to. shoot community, It is believed that the orders Will prevent future disturbances, Denver Colorado & te 7 Population 512,000 (1967); 8 per cent Negro (1967), Police and city officials, religious leaders, ang ; heads of civil rights Broups state that they can foresee no . racial riots for the Denver area unless Some militant outside Groups manufacture. a problem which does not exist in Denver at the present time, The only real problem during the past _ Several summers has been due to the congregating of Negro teen- agers, particularly on weekends, in the Dahlia Shopping Center, | Where these youths made conSiderable noise and engaged in drag: racing. Some of them were on probation at the time, . . Integration leaders and others concerned advise that. there. Los Angeles California ees . - Population of Los Angeles County 6,038,771 (1960); 8 per cent Negro, 10 per cent: Mexican-American (1960), In general, the racial situation in Los Angeles and its metropolitan area appears to be normal with no apparent 67); 15 per cent Negro (1960), | CF MELBENTI 8 CONFI EA Peel
y4Hoooo . : tf 0 e . ‘ » potential for a widespread riot such as the one that took. ‘place in the Watts district in August, 1965, Police sources advise that improved relations between the Los Angeles Police Department and the Negro community are due to.the new Chief of Police, Thomas Reddin, and his positive efforts to establish. community relations offices and to maintain contact with the. Negro minority. | a All sources agree that violence of a spontaneous nature could occur among groups of idle Negro youths, as has happened in the, past. A high official of the Los Angeles _— Police Department reports that as summer approaches, the - Police Department is receiving more and more rumors. of possible ~ violence when school ends, He further states that there appears to be a general movement among restless young Negro elements . towar@g the "black power" concept, which: suggests the possibility of future violence. Another source says that State Senator Mervyn M. Dymally is attempting to arrange a Black Power Conference in Southern California, but he has no indication of what the results of auch effgrts | might ‘be. . In April, 1967;", ax “Sight Securred between a Negro and aA white student at. Long Beach Polytechnic High School which resulted in the boycott of the school track team by 43 Negro student athletes, who were, subsequently dropped from the team, Although 15 members were reinstated, an official of the Long Beach Police Department says that close liaison is, being maintained with school administrators, as he feels the situation represents a potential for violence. ‘Chief’ of Foiice Williaa Kennedy, of Inglewood, reports that there is a potential for trouble in the Morning Side Park section of Inglewood, which is rapidly changing from a white to & Negro section. However, he points out that the Negroes who have moved into the section appear to be of the law-abiding and responsible type. . According to local government and civil rights leaders, the only trouble spot in the Honrovia-Duarte area is in the. vicinity of Huntington Drive and California Street, where Negro. - juveniles congregate and frequently become involved in fights, elther among themselves or with law enforcement officers, On April 14, 1967, a group of four young Negroes attacked police officers who had stopped them for a traffic violation near Huntington Drive. About 50 other Negro youths appesred and additional patrol cars were called. The original offenders Were arrested, and the rest of the crowd guickly dispersed. A Similar situation exists in Pasadena in the vicinity of Fair Oaks ow GR om
14-00000 and Mountain Avenues, where young Negroes often gather in the ‘evenings and occasionally engage in altercations with the police. . , Venice, which has been the scene of racial inci- dents in the past, is regarded by a high police official as definitely offering ‘a potential for violence... However, the Los Angeles Police Department is taking positive steps to _. dmprove police-comnunity relations, and the president of the local chapter of the NAACP has consulted with Governor Reagan regarding an “on the job" training program the NAACP would like to’ see in operation by June, 1967. a . Diomicio Horales, Executive Director of the Mexican Opportunitiés Foundation, states that relations between ae Hexicen~Americans and Negroes in Whittier continue. to worsen, as Nexicua-Ameriesas fcel that Negroes are receiving prefer= ential job placement. Another uneasy Situation exists in the - Mexican-American community of Santa Fe Springs, where homes are being condemned to make wa “for, low-cost Federal housing. Homeowners are protestifig this action and have threatened wee to use firearms if necessary. ~~ :. 2 ut - Oakland, California 7 | | Population 378,000 (1967); 27 per cent Negre (1967). - During the past year, there has been some racial strife in Oakland. In August, 1966, following the arrest of & teen-age Negro girl for shoplifting at a food market, the market was vandalized and later burned to the ground. -Ia October, the Ad Hoc Committee for Quality. Education, formed and endorsed or supported by civil rights, neighborhood, and Church groups, announced that its demands had been rejected by the local Board of Education, A school boycott was held. _ Approximately- 200 Negro‘ teen-agers entered one high school and overturned furniture, White students and teachers were beaten. One teacher was knocked unconscious and robbed and had to be sent to the hospital. Three of Oakland's six high schools-- Oakland Technical, Castlemont, and Fremont, all three with — large numbers of both Negro and white students~~are believed to have potential for violence. . There have been other incidents of vandalism and ‘beatings. The police are harassed and charged with brutality. The Black Panther Party for Self Defense of Oakland, formed in December, 1956, roam the streets, armed to protect themselves = 43 = CONFIBENMTEAL.
14-00000 Police. ‘“Qxnard, California Net Se boa bbe? Ee EA BOB foe and fellow Negroes from "police brutality." On May 2, 1967, the Black Panthers, armed with loaded pistols, shotguns, and rifles, descended upon the State Capitol, in Sacramento. They entered the chamber where the assembly was in session. A Black Panther leader read a statement protesting an assembly bill that would ban the carrying of loaded weapons within city limits. There was no violence, and they were ejected by State It is believed that idle teen-age and young adult groups, as well as the Black Panther Party, might seize upon. some incident. as an qpportunity to cause widespread violence. Various civil rights groups continue to work for an end to de facto segregation, for equal employment opportunities for Negroes, and for an end to “police brutality." 4 ~ Population 65, 000° “(1967); 5 per cent Negro, 17 per cent Mexican-American (18 des HN According to “the, Chief of Police, the general. racial situation at Oxnard is good; however, during the past year there have Been isolated instances of animosity toward police _ officers on the part of youthful Negroes and Hexican-Americans, which indicate to him a definite possibility of violence as the result of an arrest or.some incident between the police and these youths. He points out that the Colonia District in Oxnard is potentially explosive in that it is an area of sub= standerd, homes inhabited by Mexican~Americans and Negroes. Many of them have criminal records and are contemptuous of law enforcement: officers and, because of their low economic status, undoubtedly harbor resentment toward society in general. ‘Portland, Oregon a Population 372,676 (1960); 5 per cent. Negro (1960). Local government and police officials, leaders of various racial groups, and sources representing a cross section of the community feel that the racial situation in Portland is excellent and that “"Watts"=<type rioting is inconceivable under present conditions, They caution, however, that small. disorders involving teen-agers could occur if ignited by a spark such as friction between white and Negro students or apparently overaggressive police activity. According to the police, any potential for racial unrest is concentrated in the Negro~dominated Albina District - 44 ~
14-00000 and immediate surrounding area. Police advise that the only _gppecific locations for possible racial disturbances are HcDonald's Hamburger Drive-In Restaurant or Jefferson High School after an athletic event attracting a large number of students. Both the restaurant and the high echool - are. located in the Albina District. Richmond, California. i Population ‘80, 000 -(a968); 20 per cent Negro. (968), In April, 1967, about 20 Negro youths looted a clothing store. The police felt that the looting might have | occurred because a police officer, earlier in the evening, had shot and killed a suspected burglar, a 22-year-old Negro, found running. from a liquor store. The Black Panther Party | for Self. Defense of Oakland hes used such incidents as this in seeking support in North Richmond, The Polige Department, the City Council (which has two Hegro members), and various civic organizations, with tho cooperation of new industries mdving into the area, are making an effort to solve their racial preblens, ‘They feel that job - opportunities for Negroes ate of utmost. importance but that there is no unrest serious enough to cause violence. , San Rernardino, Califortia y Population 120,000 (1967); 9g per cent Negro 1960). Police officials in San Bernardino feel that nlthough conditions have improved,there remzins a definite potential for violence in' the San Bernardino area. . There are certain Negroes who have made what are considered to be excessive demands on the community, mostly for complete integration of @11 schools, and unless these. demands are met immediately, there is the possibility that direct action will be taken by a the Negro population. «+ The west end section of San Bernardino is regarded as the "powder keg" area. There have been a number of Negro youths who, in the past, have caused incidents apparently in the hope that they vould develop into full-scale riots Although liaison between the Negro community and’ law enforce- ment agencies has improved over the past year, there is always . the possibility that the arrest of a Negro can escalate into a riot. am 4B = 3 gm te a fears > Co eyy Pod San ewe]
74200000 San Diego, California Population 650,000 (1966); 9 per cent Negro (1966). ; During the 1965 Watts riot in Los Angeles, minor disturbances occurred in southeast San Diego in Logan Heights, & predominantly Negro section, where 98 per cent of the city's Negro population and 50 per cent of the members of its otuer | minority groups reside. an . Police officials have stated that they have no infore Ration of imminent racial difficulties, They point out that, in the past, any disturbances in San Diego. have baen spontaneous — ~ and unpredictable and:that trouble in other. parts of the country, © particuldrly in Los Angeles, has a contagious effect on the San Diego Negro community. San Francisco Celifornia: rt th OL DLR Population 740,200 (1966); 16 per cent Negro (1966). _ . - There are four maini#eas of; concern in a San Francisco. These arg: the Hunters Point area, Fillmore District, Niasion District; and Haight-Ashbury District. There is also Chinatows, where the crime rate ig growing fast among youngsters who are breaking away from the customs of their lav-abiding ancestors. - nd ; e The Hunters Point area consists nainly of temporary World War If housing units, which are scheduled to be demolished in 1970, ‘The area is populated predominantly by ~ Hegroes, a large number of whom were brought into the city from soutHern states to work in the shipyards during ‘ . World War II. It is a trouble Spot becauge the inhabitants are dinsatisfied with the housing and many, including school Grop-outs, do not have the skills to qualify for employment —- in a city where business offices are the principal employers, The Fillmore District, consisting largely of Gilapidated and evercrowded housing, has a high incidence of Gcrine and delinguency., The Hission District contains a high bercentage of Spanish-speaking families and a l5-acre World War II temporary housing unit that is occupied almost entirely by Negroes. The Spanish-speaking element in the Hission Diatrict believes that it has been neglected and overlosked in employnent opportunities, The Haight-Ashbury District is referred to &8° 2 psychedelic community because it is repidly being taken over by "hippies," who use LSD and marijuana and dress in a gaudy manner. ~46—
74-00090 The Hunters Point and Fillmore Districts were the ‘scene of three days of rioting in September, 1966, after a white policeman shot and killed a 16~year-old itegro youth who was riding in a stolen car. The California National -_ Guard was called to quell the rioting. For several days, in | mid-May, 1967, scattered violence and vandalism. took place. throughout the city, with most of the trouble again centering in the Hunters Point and Fillmore areas. In unseasonably hot weather, gangs of Negro’youths tossed rocks at car and store windows, assaulted pedestrians, and started fires. - . Chief of Police Thomas J. Cahill stated that race relations are* generally ‘good in San Francisco; however, oe unemployment among young Negroes and house evictions to make room for redevelopment may cause difficulties, Chief Cahill: | also stated that Martin Luther King and Stokely Carmichael | have a definite effect on. the Negro residents of San Francisco and, therefore, the activities of these two individuals could. affect the racial situation inthe city. . Another individual with,,considerable influence in the | Negro comnunity is Dr. Carlton Benjamin'Goodlett, a surgeon and editor of the weekly, “"The Sun Reporter," which is designed for a Negro audience. Dr. Goodlett, who was an unsuccessful candidate for Gevernor of California in 1966, was considered to be a CPUSA member in 1947. He is,the only American who -_ participates in meetings of the Presidential Committee of the World Council of Peace, an international communist. front group. -WHile several civil rights organizations have head- quarters in San Francisco, the most militant is the Black | Panther Party. ‘This organization originated in Lowndes County, Alabama, where it. was known as the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. Certain members of this group are armed, - - gllegedly for self-defense, On February 21, 1967, several Black Panthers, wearing black berets and carrying shotguns, — rifles, and pistols, appeared at the San Francisco International . Airport to act as bodyguards for Betty X, widow.of Black Muslim leader Malcolm X, who was arriving by plane. No action was taken against this group by law enforcement officers in order to avoid injury to bystanders. : - In summary, San Francisco's racial relations are . generally good. There is general agreement that no group is ' planning racial violence, and there is. just as much agreement that, if racial violence does erupt, it will be triggered. by an jsolated incident. Its underlying causes will be lack of job opportunities for the limited skills in the minority AT =
14-0Q000. ' communities and discontent anong Negroes living: in. temporary wartime housing scheduled. to be demolished in 1970. The - feeling prevails in the Negro comnunity that yodevelonuent. is designed primarily to drive them from the city po that high- ‘yent housing can be constructed for white families. On the other hand, San Francisco officials are extremely sensitive | ‘to the demands of the minority communities, and the. received almost universal commendation for its work. Seattle, Washington Oo - a oo — |, Population 557,087 (1960); 5 per cent Negro (1960). - here have been no racial demonstrations in Seattle during the past year, according to the Seattle Police: ; Department. Police officials and civil rights leaders point to progress made in the civil rights field during the past 12 months and do aov foresee uny likelihood of violence in the near future: a ae oo . , . eh are - 48 us San Francisco Police Department Community Relations Unit has
14-00000 RACIAL VIOLENCE POrEWrtat IN THE SOUTH. Atlanta, Georgia Population 487, 455 (1960); 38 per cent Negro (1960). The main activity of civil rights groups in Atlanta “has been devoted to- occasional picketing.or otherwise demon~ strating against slum housing conditions that exist in some ‘predominantly Negro communities. Protests have also been made. against the failure of some businesses to employ what is a. considered by some to be a representative number of Negroes. — . ‘Three substandard Negro. communities where “violence-_ . provoking, incidents could occur are the Summerhill area, the Vine City,area, and the Boulevard area. Any real or fancied incident of violence in a substandard area between a Negro . and a vhite person,: especially if the white person is'a law enforcement officer, can‘instantly fan racial resentments .into > further violence. . In the past, when neys of racial incidents | ‘ has spread, individuals such, as ‘those connected with SNCC. have | _rushed to the scene for- the purpose. of provoking | residents of the area to rebel agaiist® ‘authority. Hate organizations, both Negro and white, present a very real threat. For’ example, in March, 1967, Atlanta police arrested five Black Muslims--adherents of the Hation, of Islan, 8 Negro hate organization--after a complaint was received that Negro citizens were attacked by Muslims selling "Muhammad Speaks," the newspaper published by the Nation of Islam. While the Black. Muslims were being booked at the Atlanta Police Departmeat, they attacked police officers on duty, hospitelizing three policemen. Members of Klan groups are antagonistic toward such 7 individuals as Stokely Carmichael, a leading figure in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, ‘whose national headquarters are located in Atlanta, and Martin Luther King, President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, whose headquarters are also situated in Atlanta. Wany other members of the white. community share this dislike of Carmichael - and King. ; Birmingham, Alabama = Population 345, 000. (1967); 40 per cent Negro (1967), ~ 49 | CONFIDENTIA
14-00000 Detective Marcus Jones, Sr., of the Birmingham Police Department, who handles racial matters in the city, states that during the past year Birmingham bas enjoyed good | yacial relations. He says there have been no bonbing incidents or acts of individual terrorism. However, on February 17, 1957, ‘an 18-year-old Negro youth burglarizing an elementary school was shot and killed by a city police officer. ‘This incident triggered daily demonstrations but, according to Detective Jones, police protection accounted for the fact that no - violence occurred during these demonstrations. ‘Reverend Edward Gardner, Vice President of the. Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, the organization sponsoring tite demonstrations, claims that at least ten Negroes. . have been shot and killed by local law enforcement officers during the past year. He says racial demonstrations against . "police brutglity" would continue. Hr. Gardner warns that ‘violence could break out at any time, for both whites and Negroes in the city are capable of violence. An eruption — could occur this fall, he feels, vhen Hegro students integrate previously all-white schools on a large scale. Dr. John Nixon, Presiddnt of;the Birmingham Chapter of the NAACP, believes that..Birmingham has come a long way in the field of racial relations in the last year but has a long way to go. Hq contends that the Negro in Birmingham can gein his equal rights only by voting power or by demonstrations. ¥ Mr. William Hamilton, Executive Secretary to Mayor Albert Boutwell, expresses the view that the potential fox violente in Birmingham is very low, mainly because thousands of ‘Negroes now have jobs they did not have during the huge racial: demonstrations in the city in 1963. . . Bogalusa, Louisiana Population 21,423 (1960); 33 per cent Negro (1960). Racial conditions in Bogalusa at the moment are termed very good. However, police officials. are concerned ‘that Federal mandates concerning hiring policies more favorable to Negroes at the local paper mill may bring about a strike, thereby causing a resumption of picketing and strife in. Bogalusa. Additionally, it is feared that should some modifications of the Federal demands be made, the Negro population might be upset enough to begin demonstrating again. w 50 -
14-00000 4 in the near future, However, the Student Nonviolent -ealled--now Claims Houston as his residence, Since 19863, the now hie religious affiliation with “the Nation of Islam, a Negro he Coordinating Committee had been conducting deronstrations to protest the refusal of the Texas Southern University to reinstate SNCC, which had been banned from the campus of this predominantly Negro institution. . On the night of May 16, a Houston police officer was shot and killed by an unknown sniper when he responded ‘to & call for help fros four other policemen who vere being | subjected to sniper fire on the campus. Heavy police reine forcenents. immediately converged on the canpus and conducted a roou-by~room ‘search of the buildings for the sniper, Several weapons were found and about 500 students were arrested, Cassius Clay--or Muhammad Ali, as he prefers to be deposed world's heavyveight boxing champion has been resisting | atteapts to induct him into the Arned Forces, on the basis of hate group which is opposed to the war in Vietnam and all. so-called white man's wars." On April 28, 1967, Clay refused to be inducted into the séfviée in Houston. Clay could become a rallying point for opposition to:the draft and to the Vietnam war by racial groups. It was reported that in the Harlem area of New York City, for instance, Clay's refusal. - te be drafted had considerable emotional impact among young Negroes, ; - é dackgon, Hishissippi omen tee BIL PPL Pupulation 165,000 (1967); 36 per cent Negro (1867). During the early hours of May 11, 1967, 2 wild demonstration was set off on the campus of Jackson State University, a predominantly Negro institution, when two Negro policemen sought to arrest a Negro man for speeding. Negro atudents rushed fron Gormitories to attack the policemen, shouting insults and curges and throwing bottles, bricks, and rocks, An estimate piaced the number of rampaging students. — at 1,500. Disturbences continued for two nights, Three Negro youths were shot during the second night of rioting, one of whom subsequently died of his wounds. Following the first night of rioting, Governor Paul Johnson called up 385 National Guardsmen to bring about law and order. Only a few days earlier, Assistant Chief of Police H. B. Pierce said there wag littie potential for mass rioting in Jackson. He pointed out that the racial Situation in Jackeon had been extronely quiet during 1966 and early L967; that there had been no mass meetings, marches, or demonstra-~ tions having prondunced racial overtones. Similarly, - 52 «- a po ee
4-90000 ‘ Allen L. Johneon, an NAACP official, stated he was not avare of any racial situation in Jackson which could lead to a racial riot. . ‘The Jackson State University demonstration graphically illustrates how quickly and unexpectedly an otherwise insig- nificant incident can ignite a demonstration which can, in turn, lead to a more serious situation, an : It is worth noting that Stokely Carmichael addressed groups at Jackson State University and Tougaloo College, another predominantly Negro school, on April kl, 1967, Louisville, Kentucky *. ‘Population 389,044 (1964); 20 per cent Negro (1964). Until March, 1967, racial conditions were considered good. It was felt that Negro demands for complete integration gradually were being met through the. work of a Human Relations Commission established in 1962,and throiigh public ordinances passed in 1963 and 1965 outlawing , discriminatory practices, oo Another ordinance, passed in August, L265, and called. the "Seclaration of Principles," provided for conpiaints : “Yvegarding didcriminatiod in housing to be settled through negotiation and persuasion, but carried no criminal penalties, This ordinance is the basis of racial difficulties that are presently threatening the ‘city of Louisville with widespread racial violence, A » In 1966, civil rights leaders complained that the ordinance was ineffective in preventing discrimination in housing. Initial conferences and discussions failed. In . Barch, 1987, civil rights demonstrations began, In April, the rejection by the Louisville Board of Aldermen of another proposed ordinance resulted in an intensification of demonstrations involving from 65 to 200 persons who marched nightly into an all-white area at the -South end of the city. The number of spectators and hecklers reached between 2,000 and 2,500 and, on three occasions, it was necessary for the police to use tear gas to disperse the violent crowd. Close to 660 arrests, primarily of demonstrators, herve been made by the Louisville Police Department. On April 21, 107 adults and 26 juveniles were arrested for attempting to march in the south end of Louisville contrary to a temporary restraining order issued on April 14 forbidding nighttine marches, ean 5 omen rhe at Re pe py Pe FS EF an g 3 ONFIDEN TIAL
14-00000 6 Memphis, Tennessee With the sanction of Martin Luther King; nis prother, Reverend A. p. Willians King, Chairmar of tne Kentucky . Christian Leadership Conference; and other Lle.eers of the open. ‘housing movement , demonstrators threatened to disrupt the e3rd Kentucky Derby on Hay &- Negro comedian pick Gregory, wao joined the fracas, was accused of incitins give young  Hegroes to bolt onto the race track at Churchill powns during the first race on Hay 2, To avert 4 Large-scale riot, rurther 4nflaned py the offer of the ansistance of 1,008 Kisnsnen, city officials cancelled many of the preliminary festivities and ordered the Hational Guardsmen to duty. The Derby was rua without further incident. a Leaders on the scene feel that tension is so great. that @ riot could erupt’ at any moment. They consider that — only the presence of a considerable number of police has - averted widéspread, riotous conditions to date. Longtime civil rights Jeaders 12 pouisville, although they feel. that city Leaders are callous to the demands of Negroes, — disagree with the flagrant ‘tactics used by the recently arrived leaders of the open Housings gcnonstrationg and are fearful . that the. irresponsible Hegro element of, the city might join oO the demonstrators. Speaking, for the Louisville ComnLttee of Hegro Churcnmens hishop C. Bybank Tucket has stated: Nie echo the denands made by © y fellow ministers and churchmen in the Chicagé area (anen*Hartin Luther King was active in .Gemonstrations in Chicago) that the technicians get the hell e out of Louisville." aS . Memphis, “<_————— Population 600,000 (1967); 45 per cent Yegro (1967) - Memphis has head no major racial violence. Police Commissioner Claude Armour has consistently enforced the Laws and has not tolerated violence from either ghite or Regro extremists. Police officials and other opservers generally agree that racial conditions in Memphis are good. However, Captain J. Ge Ray, of the Menphis Police Department, 3° of the opinion that there is more potential for vielence now than he has seen in past years. He says sone Wegroes secm to think that the — barnonious race relations and the progress in integration have been exaggerated. oo Captain Ray feels that should violence Come, $t will - occur in the LeMoyne Gardens area, @ public-howsins project _ B4 - A OLEEPRE NY | Ai CO wre’ : Fats
14-00000 t in the south central part of the city. This hovsing project ‘and the area surrounding it constitute an economically depressed area, where spontaneous violence could eccur. For. example, Captain Ray notes that recently a Negro juvenile ~ was shot by police in a burglary or break-in in this area. Immediately, Negro youths started shouting, “Black Power,' Captain Ray feels any arrest by lew enforcement officers could trigger spontaneous violence, » ‘However, be says Wegro . leaders probably can be counted on to use their inftiluance to stop violence. One informed source Says there is little potential | for violence of a racial nature in Memphis unless there is a. strong movément by nationally prominent agitators from outside the city. This. source asserts that while some Negro leaders may Speak as ,though they are not opposed to outside agitation, .they would in reality act to prevent it. ~ dams, Florida oo ro ’ Population 291, 688 (1960); | 22, per cent Negro (1960). Municipal and Nogre ‘Leaders have stated that no potential "trouble spots" exist in the Miami area and they . @o not enticipate any sort. Of racial violence in the foreseeable future. The Miami Police Department has no knowledge of situations which might trigger mob violence or riots, . ~ Nashville, Tennessee Population 176, 874 (1960) ; 40 per cent Negro (1960). The nationally publicized riot of April 8 -~ ll, 1967, | in Nashville and issues and conditions growing from this riot — have caused 2 deterioration of racial relations in the city. However, avenues for the exchange of ideas between Negroes and whites continue to exist, and it is believed that racial progress can be resumed. Observers have commented that. the Student Nonviolent ‘Coordinating Committee was deeply involved in events immediately preceding the rioting and was largely responsible for what occurred during the course of the rioting. These observers are of the opinion that SHCC is not truly representative of. the Negro academic community, particularly from a huncrical standpoint. , CONEHDSM TEAL
14-00000 6 a | CONFIDENT TAL It is believed there is little potential for renewed rioting in the Negro community during the coming months, since the potential for unrest and violence will further lessen with the ond of. the regular. school year, when the student population on the campuses of Fisk University end Ternessse Agricultural and Industrial State University will be reduced. Additionally, most SNCC leaders an ‘activists: will not be allowed to return to eithor university., Actually, the April rioting was geographically restricted to a small portion of the city in and about the campuses of Fisk and Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial State Universities. Although extremely active, the rioters were relatively few in number and consisted mostly of Negro. ' students and other Negro males in their late teens. and early _ twenties. _ — While there is a considerable amount of substandard . Negro housing in the-city, there is no. ghetto; the Negro ' community is separated into segnents in. several areas. of . Nashville, This distribution causes: ‘problems. for effective Negro leadership. On the-other” hand, @ group such as SNCC. can reach but a fraction of the total Negro community at any one time, As a matter of fact, it has been observed that in some areas of Nashville many Negroes, have never heard of Stokely Carmichael. * “Natchez, Mississippi Population 28,000 (1967); 48 per cent “Negroes (1967). * In April, 1967, James Lloyd Jones, a white man; was tried for the murder of Ben White, a Negro, A mistrial “resulted and the retrial will be held in November, 1967, Co Tension rose in the Negro community over this matter, but did not. reach a critical point. Tensions have since subsided. Chief of Police J, T. Robinson, of the Natchez Police De partment, considers the general racial situation to be quiet. He knows . Of no significant unrest among Negroes and feels there will be -none unless some unforeseen incident occurs. ; R. Brent Forman, President 6f the Natchez~Adams County School Board, says the Board has received instructions to prepare a new plan for school integration to be put into effect in the Fall of 1967, but he believes there will be trouble regardless of the action taken, = 56
14-00000 Charles Evers, NAACP Director for the State of | Mississippi, asserts that Negroes are planning no acts of violence because they feel they would be degrading themselves» by committing such acts. New Orleans, Louisiana Population 652,000 (1965); 37 per cent Negro (1960). New Orleans police officials state thore is no indication of potential racial violence in the city. Similarly, persons knowledgeable in civil rights organiza= tions in the New Orleans area foresee nothing indicating the possibility of major racial disturbances, Richmond, Virginia Pupulat cion 218, 958 (1960) ; 52 per cent Negro (1967). A spokesman for the Richm nd. Police:Department states that racial conditions are generally: *very good, since the employment picture has greatly improved in the past year or two and integration in job opportunities is universal throughout the city. Communication between. public officials and leaders of various Negro groups is amicable, and several Negroes have been elected to the City Council, Further, school integration has gone smoothly with a minimum of incidents during the past year, It is pointed out, however, that people are frequently influenced by controversiai public figures and consequent reaction under these circumstances is unpredictable. ‘ ; Edward L. Slade; Jr., President of the. Richmond Branch of the NAACP, expresses similar views, He states that racial relations in Richmond continue to progress in an orderly manner and Governor Hills E. Godwin's stand on cross burnings has given the Negro community a feeling of more security. According to Slade, the NAACP is a controlling and pacifying influence on the Negro people of Richmond and it hopes to remain so. : Another civic leader observes that’ Stokely Carmichael's recent appearance in Richmond had not sparked any lawlessness or violence, whereas his appearances in other communities have provoked such activity. San Antonio, Texas Population 710,000 (1967); 7 per cent Negro (1967). @ 57 =
74-00000 @ te. Dé tay, ~ Police Depar iay,, . Of any potent, there have bay, the past. © tive Sergeant Albert Saenz, of the San Antonio — Nt, states that neither he nor his sources know \{iy violent situation in the area and, further, | ‘no overt manifestations of racial unrest in’ © other Negr the carn Sers in the area, has expressed satistaction Z over AL Vy -the whites and the relationship between the wolt: 7 Negroes. ® Aap : ne, >» : 4 a 2” 4 a - yas ae Le aie ol 7 we ee . : + tt 4, ; oa : ¥ . » iu t & = 5 = CONFIDENTIA Tha \vesident-of. the San Antonio NAACP, as well as
14-00000 @ a victory in Vietnam. |. oe FUSION OF CIVIL RIGHTS AND ANTIWAR MOVEMENTS Aggravating Tension The innumerable racial riots and disturbances which have plagued the United States since 1964 have. had their genesis primarily in the long-smoldering discontent ‘and resentment of Negroes over unequal job, school, and housing opportunities and. their deep-seated antipathy . toward the police. However, constant agitation. and propaganda on the part.of communists and other. subversive and . -*- @xtremist elements have done much to aggravate. tension in the. ghettos of the Nation's big cities. . In*the nearly 48 years of its existence, the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA), has subjected Negroes to unending agitation ana propaganda. It has portrayed itself to this minority group as the champion of racial equality, civil rights, civil liberties, and social protest. To the credit of the ‘Négroestand.to the great disappointment of the communists, the Communist Party — has not been able to recruit and retain significant numbers of Negroes as members. Most Negroes realize that the commuhists are driterested in them primarily to — exploit racial issues and to create’the chaos upon which communism nourishes, Nevertheless, the cumulative ' effect of this ceaseless agitation and propaganda anc the familiar communist charge of "nolice brutality" cannot be ignored or minimized. , ; \ Creating Opposition to Vietnam War During a perlod which has now extended beyond three years, the CPUSA and other subversive organizations ~ have been engaged in campaigns to influence the United States Government to withdraw its troops from Vietnam or to participate in negotiations to end the war, | They hope, of course, that either action would result ultimately in advancing the cause of international communism through The activities of the CPUSA in recent months have, almost without exception, been directed in one way or another toward the creation of opposition to the war r ~ 59 «
74-00000 & oa 8 4 g@ me . Xe “oat Fw eS in Vietnam. This opposition, the communists reason, serves to lend encouragement to the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong to continus the fighting despite military adversities and could lead to domestic discontent in the United States similar to that which contributed to the French military disengagement from events in. Indochina. In view of the historic ‘designs of the CPUSA on the Negro people and the racial ferment that has been — evidenced by the disturbances of recent summers, it was inevitable that the communists and other subversives and extremists would attempt to jink civil rights protests with antiwar protests 50° as to increase the magnitude and impetus of each. As early as April, 1965, General Secretary Gus Hall told the CPUSA Secretariat that the “peace struggie" ig a major and top priority project of the CPpUSA. At the game time, Hall: claimed that the protest movements in this country were converging, with peace — leaders pecoming civil rights jeadeys and ,yice versa. By and large, Hail continued the same mass of people reacted against the On traright“in the 1964 presidential election, against conditions jn Alabama, and against events in yietnam, mhe struggle for. social progress - and the struggle against policies of ipperialist aggres- - gions were, in Hall's words, now joined. e Union of Civil Rights and Peace Movements In antiwar propaganda attuned to Hall's assertion, thé CPUSA ciaims that the war in Vietnan has racial overtones not only pecause it involves nonwhites in Asia put also because it consumes funds that might otherwise be expended for the war on poverty jn the depressed areas of large cities jnhabited py Negroes. The CPUSA has also praised the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committees csncc), the militant civil rights. youth groups for being the first to make the tie between civil rights and peace. A recent illustration of the fusion of the civil yights ana antiwar movements was the go-called 'wietnan Week," which culminated in mass demonstrations in New york City and San Francisco on April 15, 1967. - 60 -
14-00000 oo r 7 . i. Pietipv.eaterae as we e (CONFIDES PAL The Reverend James Bevel is the National Director of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam. He was released by Martin Luther King from a key position in King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference to permit him to take. this assign- ment, , ik Significantly, among the principal speakers at the antiwar rally in New York City on April 15 were Martin Luther King; Stokely Carmichael, a top figure in -SNCC; Floyd McKissick, National Director of CORE; and Bevel. Bevel stated that the next objective of the "peace forces" will be to organize a massive march on Washington, D. C., to confront President Johnson. Ahother speaker at this rally was Linda Dannenberg, Executive Secretary of the Spring Mobilization — Committee, who is known to:consult with leaders of the. New York District ‘of the CPUSA. Dannenberg announced that thousands are going to be galled upon for a "radical action summer" in which they will, go ititto every town in the United States to organize “a massive protest against this country’s involvement in the war in Vietnam. She: requested that every interested student attend an antiwar meeting in Chicago on May 13 and 14, 1967. As a follow-up to these peace demonstrations, King and other leaders of the Spring Mobilization Committee launched a’ nationwide "Vietnam Summer" organizing effort. They called for 10,000 volunteers, including 2,000 full- time workers, to spend the summer in 500 communities escalating opposition to the Vietnam war, encouraging Negroes to refuse to be drafted, and attempting to create @ political bloc powerful enough to end the war. The antiwar campaign is patterned after the 1964 summer civil rights drive in Mississippi. Now that the civil rights and the antiwar protest movements have been joined, with the distinct ‘possibility of ominous displays of civil. disobedience ‘and near seditious activities on the part of Negroes and whites alike, the outlook for this summer is grim indeed. The injection of antiwar activities into civil rights activities is bound to intensify racial discord and heighten the violence potential throughout the country. =~ GZ am
In the long run, this consolidated civil rights- peace movement will be.detrimental to the national security. and best interests of the Nation, for it will not only tend to encourage the enemy and prolong the Vietnam war but will also. have an adverse effect on the cause of civil rights. LM . . . o ‘ . . e 2 4 . ~? x ea . OS ‘ a 4 Hy : PT} i 7 - i. op ° 1 , e @ ~ aay . ® a ry { i 4a. 4 ' ° 4 Lo COMELBERT! Peart H Pte pb nem ge “aoa s -63-— : . ot hee EOE age me ba Cenk he