yee cp ome -_ - — me ~ ee OPTIONAL FORM NO. 10 5010-107-02 MAY 1962 EDITION GSA GEN. REG. NO. 27 ‘UNITED STATES GO VERNMENT Memoran um ne TO + DIRECTOR, FBI (130442715) | DATE. 10/6/67 Gf : TE MEORMATION CONTAINED ACERoM: | 2 IEREIN 13 YNCLASSFIED EXCEPT 1s) ae SAC, CHICAGO f100-413593) USK dwicne SHO Ww OTHERWISE, Ne -W AD HOC COMMITTEE FOR As | MABXIST-LENINIST PARTY, a if. BECK Es: \ Siar | a” Ls ®, _ Enclosed for the Bureau and New York Office are- one xerox copy each, of a letter to the Ad Hoc Committee from RICHARD GIBSON, post marked 9/27/67 and received through the Ad Hoc Committee Chicago post office box, by CG 6547-S. In his letter, GIBSON furnishes the names of two leaders of the newly organized pro-Chinese Communist organization in Sweden, BO GUSTAFSSON, of: Uppsala, Sweden, and NILS HOLMBER Goteborg, Sweden. GIBSON suggested _ that these individuals be added to the Ad Hoc mailing ae list. ) _ -HOLMBERG has been on the Ad Hoc mailing list since January;, 1967 when GIBSON furnished his name: by letter to the AHC. In this same letter GIBSON furnished the name of GUNNAR BYLIN to which the bulletin should be sent "in care of BO GUSTAFSSON, UppSala, Sweden," and bulletins have been sent to GUSTAFSSON in this manner since January, 1967. tr OS - or C GE: ig at this time. reply to “GIBSON's letter. is called for, OS G30 De | Ps At Heys Speman Beclassity Om ‘ADB. wl i ENCLA SOTTR DS ATS Ue i ' | | | =) S & | @&- Bureau (Encl. 1) (RM) | { 1 + New York (Encl. 1) (RM) 1 = Chicago Fo, REN: tim Ti 8 RE Su. Savings Bonds Regularly on » the Payal Savings I Plan ~ | AW 55509 Docld:323392763 Page 34
» —_ ~ ° . See, . _ Ne Wednesday afternoon gecret “Here are the addresses Ll prosised you. As so many ‘of our comrades in Sweden and elsewhere in Scandinavia “yo read ‘English, I am ‘sure they would be delignted to t 2 ¢ : s receive your bulletin and to establish fraternal rela~ ; tions. — . oo, She Following comrade is cuairman of, the newly organized Marxist-Leninist group in Sweden. He is also a distinguished Marxist thinker and teaches at Uppsala University. ee Bo Gustafsson , . Marmorvégen 7A . — Uvpsala, Sweden and the other comrade vas for many years a member of the Central Comittee of the SKP, until squeezed out py the ultra-revisionisise mo _ Nils Yolm moerg. LTredje Langgetan “3 Qy GSteborg S.V., Sweden SO - a BY . : \ Kf you think there is anyone in the Hast ‘that I should “Wyo see--before-going- back-hnome, you-or.they will..be. able bo | reach me at tne i Hotel Algonquin next Monday to Vednesday. Comradely, — “Dick | an ote HS so “Declassify om HW 55509 DBocld:323392783 Page 35
ep ae re . Ad Hoo Committee © :. ae 7 a ° P.O. Pox 6193 - | Pre es, a a Chicago, LiL. 60680 mE , : - ' to ° - ‘hee - Page 36 132339283 DoclIda law 55509
cs toe Coal 2) 3 cece ents ote psattoptin Rene tot es Ste ¢ f/149 ge ad§ Z et 2 ia fi , ft? Hat J 6. hy 2-7. 1S 3 J) \ mot he fee fe € | AW 55509 ron phe. ae ce vd nui " SUBJECT: Views of Doug Andrews on the Black Militant Situation in Chicago 3 2. Andrews said he devoted his energies to West Chicago. Not omy was || ae he not thinking of going abroad, he was not even thinking of going to other Vid parts of ‘Chicago. - 3. The situation of the black militant was a desperate one, he maintained. xu Re His position was hopeless. He could "only learn to die well and take some hunkies with him," Andrews said, adding ‘there was no possibility of a black me: victory in White America. However, black people had no other course of action, NS except servitude P to escape their destruction in the battle with the whites, N he said. 1 4, ed ie eke not @ member of RAM and that RAM did not exist & : in chicago. ‘ord was a good and sincere fellow, but his tactics were™ “aN stupid and he 1 ereby fated to remain behind bars >, at least during the hot part of every s r, yet "Max was not up to. anything." . a “Tie 5. RongKarenga and ‘Lawrence lLenary were coming to. see him the afternoon a : 4 of 28 September er 1967, Andrews said, but he "knew about both of them and vhat Bai their game was," but he would not specify. oe pul Pee é& a 6. Progressive Labor and all the other white radical groups had no/ ee foothold in the black commmity, Andrews claimed. He said that William! Epton ''F. Williams. 7 very wary of hin. | the black nationalist movement was the * Que SKCAR 79 OCT 2 6 1dr —_——— a) had recently been to Chicago, and had spoken very vehemently against Robert E| Williams had no personal following in Chicago, although respecte by black militants, Andrews said, but Epton had even less of a following and Epton was up to, but they were .4 the local: Negroes did not, understand. Just what é. REC 6 05-7367 n-. Lg Ae (ct Ee oo ft, In general, in Chic Gago, as gevidre, he said, the trouble with ‘there was no unity. He&scéffed. e967 ae Saking ba ef a vast conspiracy and claimed he had had to work for two years, ad win chicese. alle s with to get even a semblance oxo— Fee Ot Ree e ARES REIN 1S UN . ae ee . ed / af ae | s 3 wer ROT 9 T of antes f T we Docld: 32339283 Page 37
8. (See: comment on Andrews by Father Mallette, paragraph 6, S-13.) 9. The Bureau may pass the above report to appropriate field offices for Background Use Only. It is requested no direct action be taken against — the Subject of this report without prior consultation with this Agency; this | .restriction may be considered withdrawn one month after Source’s departure from the United States.” “Sy NS 5-14 | i ‘HW 55509 Docld:323392763 Page 36 f
er ’ : SECKET | | ae vor | oo 6 OCT 67 SUBJECT: Comments of Claudette Morin, Former Worker Rn acct of SCLC, on Black Militancy ) 5. ceo ARM Cathe sa brilant i LLEE g oie | rit 5 MEG EER EILES (bette. BEREEK LLL Ge i. ae is twenty-one yeare old ¢ and « comes from mnae, California, : ‘but\ was,born/of French Canadian parents in Mains // _ She isa. ‘former SCLC worker and is presently living in B: es A nottylones ut old apartment at¥2030 N. Dayton, Chicago (phone: 4 mNaeT) ‘(See Report S-20;)~ Morin now works for the American frien teniag Service Committee /project in Chicago. e aie IL. “Clandette Morin is very friendly"with Rev. J Bevel. Morin was especially committed to non-violence ‘as a philosophical position and deeply E regretted the growing violence in the black movement, although she admitted | that it probably was caused by the frustrations and false hopes caused by bo the first wave of the civil rights movement. fo | : a i 3. The Bureau may pass the above information to appropriate field offices for Background Use Only. It is requested no direct action be take against the Subject of this report until after Source's departure from ti ' -2h. ("7 - Bao yet het Suse Seas) ot ie io | “Op6" vo i. yw” 4 \ Ay ee ie ; a (\ a ah. LES mm GSAITR “197 18 OCT 17 1967 F CO ALL FBT INFORMATION CONTAI NED HEREIN 1S UNCLA svSell nar F ; wpe eae ce wR eH  SECRER | HW 55509 Docld:32339283 .Page 39
The following are some general comments made by Source, based on his observations and recent contacts with Black Militants and groups in various key cities of the U.S.: 1. } There is no tight organization, no cohesiveness between the various black militant groups, no indication of a "Black Conspiracy". - ry" h yes | a a ey 2e There are no apparent indications of any signi- ficant foreign ties or of any foreign moneys oT Wi 3. The ferment is based mostly on basic grievances (housing, schooling, draft), and although poverty funds have alleviated many sore points in ghetto conditions, these have not yet reached the basic problems, which continue to exist. (These funds have, however, been effective enough to undercut the grievance platform of many militant . 4 leaders who exploited the grievances.) ad / aoe “whe There is very little real ideological ferment, °° 7 — roa It is all visceral, tied to basic grievances, or of the "Kill Whitey!" variety. Mao literature circulates, but few militants are literate enough, _ let alone intellectual enough, to understand it. \ i 9, However, a strong leader at the right moment ee (i.e., riot circumstances) could direct the mobs and even unite the various now-uncoordinated black nationalists. . . [0S “ 9.307 des 5. Even the anti-draft movement is not so much a politi- cal protest at the involvement of the U.S. in Vietnam, as it is a manifestation of the Negro belief that the draft is being used by the U.S, Government as an’ instrument to exterminate the American Negro (they point to the larger proportion of Negroes who are ALL FBI INFORMATION CONTAINED drafted because Caucasian boys can more easily evade HERE IS UNC y ED “Em it:on ae a lof REC HIN? 3 cremptagne) S07 « a AS¢ | {There are’ lo 8:68 arms toatl xl ean in all these re militant groups, and Mace is also being congo tee PP mot / stored, for use against police and national guar There is an aversion to firebombing, but egeoeral aR Lucas wyoN agreement seems to prevail toward intensive sniping, < “Cue mainly at police, \, BO OCT iss 7 SECRET a a HW 55509 Docld:323392763 Page 40
es , - evaluation of the Lomax article by William Gardner Smith.) In any case, “ ¥ mans 5 | Gs ANE 14 2 BE . s | HW 55509 " ” _ \ | / | . . . oe r . 4 | . | r, / . ‘t, | by : : | . } Ae se seat ee at mannan ‘SUBJECT: Views of James and Grace . Boggs on] Detroit, Riots Ny Sime tad Ya Car NORE “0a / / - ae and. Black Militency Generally .-~ SN | f Ae t AOS 4, ea ( iS 9 A Re 1. (According to Source, James Boggs, who ‘has been an auto worker for twenty years end is now Working in the Chrysler plant in Detroit installing engines, claims to be a Marxist, bot says he has gone a long way beyond the work of Marx, Lenin or even Mao Tse=tung, because of the uniqueness of the . racial situation in America. Boggs thinks of himself as a "black theorist". He said his involvement in politics was due to his meeting the West Indian Trotskyist C.L.R. James years ago, but he added that he had been saddened to see James not long ago and-to discover that Jemes was "still living in the thirties." Grace, his wife, is a strong-willed, fair-skinned, opinionated . woman, who occasionally argues with her husband and often competes with hin . for the attention of their visitors.) 2. The Boggses were > not. in Detroit at the time of the riots, which they “\Y . insist were a rebellion. Concerning Louis Lomax's article, they maintained + *., the articles were highly incorrect and have made Lomax the laughing stock, ny Si of the black commmity. (Please see our unnumbered report entitled "Negro. yl.” Militent Activities ~ The Black Establishment," which reports a contrary NS they claim Lomax is genuinely mentelly 111. On the Hand, Robert Maynard's , series of articles in the Washington Post and N.Y. Post were highly regarded - by the Boggses. Maynard's article reflected accurately the atmosphere of the’ black ghettoes and the thinking of militants, they said. 3. The Boggses. distinguished between the political and the military . , leedership of the black commmity in Detroit. While they did not specifically a say 60, Source assumed them to mean that the persons they mentioned as the =... "Leadership"--Rev. Albert Cleage, Milton Henry, Richard Henry, Edward Veugnn end themselves-ewere the political ieadership of the black movement. 4, They said that Rev. Cleage could mobilize 2,000 persons anytime at all, but that the movement had a hard core of about 400 persons in Detroit. The real rallying point of the movement in Detroit, they said, was Rev. % Cleage’s Central United Church of Christ and bis Black | Christian Hetionalist | Movement. . L '§. Boggs said Cleage was the real agitator of the masses, Milton Henry the "black defender" and he (Boggs) the theorist. / 4). i} oy y Ye MBAS Jos-ase72-nllllar) CRMs = |gq OCT 261° Docld: 32339283 Page 41
| a CLORLT a an 6. The rebellion had given the movement great strength, as police and: |: | military repression had broken the psychological link between the black al BLY commmnity and white society. Moreover, since the rebellion, white rightist groups, such as Breakthru, were holding nightly meetings, urging. whites to © . am and to be ready to exterminate the blacks. Black people, Boggs said, - °°, were not convinced that whites, especially working Class whites, would not = > * hesitate to apply a Hitlerite "final solution" to the black problem. This .°... widespread conviction, he pointed cut, was not the seme as the feeling in 8-1 many other cities that blacks could only "get ready to die.” Rap Brow : and many young blacks were convinced of their own early deaths by white . violence, he said. They believed there could be no escape and, at most, black people cowld hope to destroy a lerge portion of America as they went to their deaths in some sort of racial Gotterdemerms. N {- ‘Boggs maintained that this was not quite the case in Detroit, because he had been able to evolve a theory of black seizure ~or transfer of power that held some chence of success. As he had been saying j for years, the gities of America are being abandoned to Negroes as whites flee to the segregated suburbs, leaving only a white non-residential city center surrounded by black slums. Blacks in time would seize the cities by a combination of electoral power end urban guerrilla warfare. He said that violence, especially confrontation with the white working class, was_ineyitable and would be, in the main, provoked by the whites, but the blacks Were evolving much more _ sophisticated means of warfare than that seen during the July rebellion in ye Detroit. There would also be economic warfare, he added, mentioning a meeting he had had with executives of Sears to demand that one of Sears’ stores in * Detroit be turned over directly to black management. He had pointed out that. Sears had not been burned out last July, which had not been an oversight, but ~ it might be burned out in the future if the Sears executives refused to undere | stend that black@intended to manage and administer all forms of activity within their black cities. This was no threat to the ownership of the store ' by Sears or to its profits, which might even rise after transfer of management . . to Negroes, Boggs said. He said thet even some of the auto plants might — eventually be the target of black takeover attempts. | 5 os me, 8. Seizure of state power was the aim of all. revolutionaries » Boggs said, end the only power black could obtain would be inside the white- Hoe | abendoned cities. Of course, they could also establish schemes to migrate - med to virtually empty states, such as Wyoming, end eventually oust the white eo Cy minority, but that was a lot more difficult than simply exerting their : ree numbers in the urban areas, he said. Open housing in the suburbs might foil | to this concentration of black power and it was probable that the white bourgeoisie, always less racist than the working class, was well aware of this, but.the white leadership (neither Johnson in Washington nor Reuther — in Detroit) could not keep working class whites in line for. such an effort. | AW 55509 Docld:323392763 Page 42
© 9. In Detroit, black cadres had been trained and were still being trained. <A political machine was coming solidly into being, with its roots in the black commmity and enjoying wited support, even from blacks who did - not agree wholeheartedly with the program, while the moderates supported it too because it was visibly working. Black nationalists were organizing at every level of activity and in every professional group, such as teachers, no although the black industrial workers remained basically indifferent to political . Ie _ action and some even were "brainwashed" with notions about "class juoity" with white workers. Boggs said.cne of the keys to success in future rebellions was (the group of youths mown as “doerags", i.e. who wore black cloths around their straightened hair. They were essentially a social, extremely nihilistic and a . violent, lacking eny life aims, hate-filied for whites, whose hair they imitated, -¢ end for their Negroid selves, which they partially repudiated. Boggs said that nevertheless they represented the shock troops of the rebellion, Af ounce . disciplined. The black nationalist leadership had been attempting to reach the "do-rags" through nationalist youth, who tended to be students from middle- Class Negro families, and who had to be constantly reproached for taking an over-intellectual tone in dealing with this black lumpenproletariat. (The favorite current reading of this element at present is a paperback novel entitled Pimp by Iceberg Slim, probably a white author but one who certainly understood the aspirations of this sub-class. The book is a besteseller in bookshops “in Black ghettoes across the country.) . 10. As for contacts with other black nationalist groups in other cities, Boggs said that Rev. Cleage and he. travelled aggreat deal, speaking wherever *- | possible, and people from other cities and even from abroad, such as Willian ; Gardner Smith in Paris, were always coming to see them in Detroit, but the ; situation elsewhere was at a fer lower level than in Detroit. In those cities, he said, coordination meant simply a list of telephone numbers of black leaders who were contacted in an emergency, but who generally fought against each other and did not agree about anything except their opposition to whites. In Detroit, there was genuine functional coordination with political/national aims and the Detroit example was certain to spread, despite the rivalries end feuds among rod OS blacks elsewhere, Boggs felt. ~ = TO, 11. Boggs stressed that he is neither enti-white nor antiesemitic, but dnsisted that all old radical groups and parties were utterly without influence in the black commmities. In Detroit, the only white who could move freely > in the black commmity was Frank Joyce. They were sure of Frank, he added, and they know he could be trusted to do anything that was necessary. Joyce hada  ——-! small group of white followers and was an invaluable ally, but most of the. ot | i |: I | f eA roy cr "Gada ua foal | AW 55509 Docld:323392763 Page 43