Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 10 11 12 13 WARD & PAUL 14 15 "16 “17 18 “19 .20 21 22 "23 410 First Strest, S.€., Washington, D.C. 20003 24 25 NW 54961 Docl T ) | | eo. 1947 and we have immediately converted their status from an informan to the subject, and have prosecuted I would’ say, offhand, I ‘can think of around 20 informants that we have prosecuted for: Violating the laws, once it-'came to our.attention, and even to show you our policy of disseminating information on violence in-this case, during the review of the matter, the agents told me that they found one case where their agent had been working 24 hours a day, and he was a little late in disseminating the information to the police department. No violence.occurred,, | but it showed up in a file review, and he was censured for his delay in properly: notifying local authorities. So we not only have a policy, I feel that we do follow reasonable safeguards.in order to carry it out, including periodic review of all informant. files. Senator Huddleston. Well, Mr. Rowe's statement is substantiated to some extent with the acknowledgement by the agent in charge that if you're going to be a Klansman and you happen to be with someone and they decide to.do something, that | he couldn't be an angel. These were the words of the agent, and be a good informant. .He wouldn't take the lead; but the implication is that he would have to go along and would have to be involved if he was going. to maintain his credibility. Me. Adams.. There's no question but that an informant at. times. will have to be present. during demonstrations, riots, fistfights that take place, but I believe his statement was 13259689499 Page 51
Ws Phone (Area 202) sesors WARD & PAUL 410 ), Street, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 | MW 34961 ) .  @ 1948 to the effect that -- and I was sitting in the back of the room and I don"t recall it exactly, but some of them were beat with chains, and I-didn't hear whether he said he beat someone with a chain or not, but I rather doubt that he did because it's one thing being present, and it's another thing taking an active part in criminal actions. Senator Huddleston. He was close enough to get his throat cut.. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 1? “18 “19 20 21 23 be .of any value whatsoever. 24 5) Bool: How does the gathering of information -- | Senator Tower. Senator Mathias is here, and I think that we probably should recess a few minutes. Could we have Senator Mathias' questions and then should we convene this afternoon? Senator Huddleston. I'm finished. I just had one more question. Senator Tower. Go ahead. Senator Huddleston. I wanted to ask how the selection of information about an individual's personal life,.social, sex life and -becoming involved in that sex life or social life is a requirement for law enforcement or crime prevention. Mr. Adams. Our agent handlers have advised us on Mr. Rowe, that they gave him no such instruction, they had no such knowledge concerning it, and I can's see’ where it would Senator Huddleston. You aren't avcere of any case where 325639495 Page 52
10 -1l 12 13 WARD & PAUL 14 15 16 “47 18 19 20 21 22. 23 410 » Street, S.E., Washington, 0.C. 20003 24 25 NW 54961 Docl ° 3 ° 2 “¢ 0 1 ( \ @ 3 a 8, 2 gq . é ° fe) & ‘ degrees. It might be in one case that the same individual 1949 o_o o these instructions. were given to an agent or an informant? Mr. Adams, to get involved in sexual activity? No, sir. Senator Huddleston. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator Tower. Senator Mathias. ‘Senator Mathias. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to come back very briefly to the Fourth Amendment considerations in connection with the use of informants ‘and in posing these questions we're not thinking of the one time volunteer who walks in to an FBI office and says I have a story I want to tell you and that's the only time that you may see him. I'm thinking of the kind of situations in which there is a more extended relationship which could be of varying will have some usefulness in a number of situations. But when the FBI orders a regular agent to engage in a search, the first test is a judicial warrant, and what I would Like! to explore with you is the difference between a one time search which requires a warrant, and which you get when you make that search, and a continuous search which uses an informant, or the case of a continuous search which uses a regular undercover: agent, someone who is totally under your control, and is ina slightly different category than an informant. Mr. Adams. Well, we get there into the fact that the Supreme Court has still held that the use of informants does not invade any of these constitutionally protected areas, ,and 13259689499 Page 53
Phone {Area 202) $44-6000 WARD & PAUL 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, O.Cc. 20003 NW 34961 10 ll 12 13 14 15 16 17 ‘18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 . Dool ; instruct our agents that an informant can do nothing that the 232989495 Page 54 if a person wants to tell an informant something that isn't protected by the Supreme Court. An actual search for legal evidence, that is a protectéd item, but information and the use of informants have been conSistently held as not posing any constitutional problems. Senator Mathias. I would agree, if you're talking about the fellow who walks in off the street, as I said earlier, but is it true that under existing procedures informants are given background checks? Mr. Adams. Yes, Sir. Senator Mathias. And they are subject to a testing period Mr. Adams. That's right, to verify and make sure they are providing to us reliable information. Senator Mathias. And during the period that the relation- ship continues, they are rather closely controlled by the handling agents. | ‘Mr, Adams. That's true. Senator Mathias. So in effect they can come in a very practical way agents themselves to the FBI. - Mr. Adams.) They can do nothing -- Senator Mathias. Certainly agents in the common law use of the word. Mr. Adams. That's right, they can do nothing, and we agent himself cannot do, and if the agent can work himself into
aaws @ =] Qu Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 WARD & PAUL wg WaSRington, 0.C. 20003 410 First Street, S.E. NW 34961 Doocld: 32959499 Page 55 -can enter the premises, he can enter the building, and there's. headquarters must approve the use of an informant. Is that degree of formal action required? @} | : . @ 1951 an organization in an undercover capacity, he can sit there and glean alk the information that he wants, and that’ is not in the Constitution as a protected area. But we do have this problem. Senator Mathias. But if a regular agent who is a member | of the FBI attempted to enter these premises, he would require a warrant? Mr. Adams. No, sir, if a regular -- it depends on the purpose for which he is entering. If a regular agent by concealing his identity, by -- was admitted as.a member of the Communist Party, he can attend Communist Party meetings, and he no constitutionally invaded area there. Senator Mathias. And so you feel that anyone who has a less formal relationship with the Bureau than .a.regular agent, who can undertake a continuous surveillance operation as an undercover agent .or as an informant. -- Mr. Adams. As long as he commits no illegal acts. Senator Mathias. Let me ask you.why you. feel that it is impractical to.require.a warrant, since,.as I understand it,’
liangrs 6st 4 2 2 Sen. Sel. CIA 12/2/75 Phone (Area 202) 5 . 10 11 12 WARD & PAUL 13 14 15 16 “17 18 19 20 410 udev, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 ray) GW NW 34961 Dood: 32939499 - Page 26 - going, to be discussed at that meeting. It may be a plot to @ @ 1952 Mr. Adams. The main difficulty is the particularity which has to be shown in obtaining a search warrant. You have, to go after particular evidence. You have to specify what you're going after, and an informant operates in an area that you just cannot specify. He doesn't know what's blow up the Capitol again or it may be a. plot to blow up the State Department building. . Senator Mathias. -If it were a criminal investigation, you would have little difficulty with probable cause, wouldn't you? . | Mr. Adams, We would have difficulty in a warrant to use someone as.an informant in that area because the same difficulty of particularity exists. We can't specify. Senator Mathias. ‘I understand the problem because it's very similar to one that we discussed earlier in connection say wiretaps on a national security problem. Mr. Adams. That's it, and there we face the problem of where the Soviet, an individual identified as a Soviet spy in a friendly country and they tell us he's been a Soviet spy there and now he's coming to the United States, and if we can't show under a probable cause warrant, if we couldn't show that he was actually engaging in espionage in the United States, we couldn't get a wiretap under the probable cause requirements which have been discussed, If the good fairy didn't drop the
WARD & PAUL Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 10 ll 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Ql 23 24 + 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, 0.c. 20003 ~ 25 MW 34961 ° Doclhd: 329894995 Page 7 i 22 evidence in our hands that this individual is here conducting ‘espionage, we again would fall short of this, and that's why we're still groping with it. Senator Mathias. When you say fall short, you really, you would be. falling short of the requirements of the Fourth Amendment. | Mr. Adams. That's right, except for the fact that the - President, under this Constitutional. powers, to protect this nation and make sure that it survives first, first of all national survival, and these are the areas that not only the President but the Attorney General are concerned in and we're all hoping that somehow we can reach a legislative middle ‘ ground in here. Senator Mathias. Which we discussed in the other nationa security area as to curtailling a warrant to that particular need. | Mr. Adams. And if you could get away from probable | cause and get some degree of reasonable cause and get some ‘method of sealing indefinitely your interest, say, in an ongoing espionage case and can work out those difficulties, we may get their yet. Senator Mathias. And you don't despair of finding that middle ground? > | Mr. Adams. I don't because I think that today there's more of an open mind between Congress and the Executive Branch
Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 . WARD & PAUL 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 NW 54961 ‘11 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22: 23 24 25 Doc espionage or. a foreign espionage case where you do have a littl ‘would be the use of wiretap procedure by which the Attorney -point after we attack the major abuses, or what are considered 132989495 Page 56 and the FBI and everyone concerning the need to get these areas resalved, Senator Mathias. And you believe that the Department, if we could come. together, would support, would agreé to that kind of a warrant requirement if we could agree on the language? Mr, Adams, If we can work out problems and the Attorney General is personally interested in that also. *” Senator Mathias. Do you think that this agreement might extend to some of those other areas, that we talked about? Mr. Adams. I think that that would be a much greater difficulty in an area of domestic intelligence informant who reports on many different operations and different types of activities that might come up rather than say in a Soviet more degree of specificity to deal with. “Senator Mathias. I suggest that we arrange to get together and try out some drafts with each other, but in the meantime, of course, there's another alternative and that General must approve a wiretap before it is placed, ‘and the same general process could-be used for informants, since you come to headquarters any way. Mr. Adams. That could be an alte gutive. I think it would be a very burdensome alternative -: I think at some fy
gsh 4 | @ | c  ©@ 1955 1 major abuses of Congress and get over this hurdle, I think Pa Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 a : . z we're still going to have to recognize that heads of agencies ” | 5 have to accept the responsibility for managing that agency “4 and we can't just keep pushing every operational problem up 5 to the top -because there just aren't enough hours in the’ day. 6 Senator Mathias. But the reason that parallel suggests 7 itself is of course the fact that. the wiretap deals generally 8 with one level of information in one sense of gathering 9 information. You hear what you hear from the tap. 10 Mr. Adams. But you're dealing in a much smaller number 11] also. 12 Senator Mathias. Smaller number, but that's all .the WARO & PAUL 13 more reason. When an informant goes in, he has all of his 14 senses, He's gathering all of the information a human being 15 || can acquire from a situation and has access to more information 16 than the average wiretap. | | 17 . And it would seem to me that for that reason a. parallel oe 18 | process might be usefui and in order. 19 .- Mr. Adams. Mr. Mintz pointed out one other main 20 || distinction. to me which I had overlooked’ from our prior 21 || discussions, which is the fact that with an informant he is 20. more in .the position of being a concentral monitor in that one 23 || of the two parties to the conversation agrees, such as like 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, 0.c. 20003 24 }} concentral monitoring of telephones and microphones and t 25 || anything else versus the wiretap itself where the individual MW 54961 Dodd: 32999499 Page 59 : .
Pnone (Area 202) 544-6000 LO 11 > WARD & PAUL 12 13 14 15 16 1? 18 19 20 eal 24 410 en Newt S.E., Washington, 0.C. 20003 25 NW 34961 .DogIid: 32959499 Page 60 22 | 25° 2s whose telephone is being tapped is not aware and there is, . and neither of the two parties talking had agreed that their conversation could be monitored. . Senator Mathias. I find that one difficult to accept. If I'm the thira party overhearing a conversation that is takin place in a room where I am, and my true character isn't perceived by the two people who are talking, vin effect they haven't consented to my overhearing my conversation. Then they consent if they believe that I am their friend or their, a partisan of theirs. | But if they knew in fact that I was an informant for ‘someone else, they wouldn't be consenting. Mr. Adams. Well, that's like I believe Senator. Hart raised earlier, that the courts thus far have made this distinction with no difficulty, but that doesn't mean that - _ there may not be some legislative compromise which might be addressed. Senator Mathias. Well, I particularly appreciate your attitude in being willing to work on these problems because I think that's the most important thing that can evolve from these hearings, so that we can actually look at the Pourth Amendment as the standard that we. have ts achieve. But the way we get there is obviously going to i “a lot easier if we can work toward them together, ' I’ just have one final question, Ms. Chairman, and that 1
gsh “6 >). | Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 f 2 WARD & PAUL D) 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 LO 11 12 13 14 15 16 “17 18 19 20 el 22. 23 24° "25 MW 34961 deals with whether we shouldn't impose a standard of probable cause that a crime has been committed as a means of controlling _the use of informants and the kind of information that they collect. Do you feel that‘this would be too restrictive? Mr. Adams . Yes, sir, I do.- When I look at informants and I see that each year informants provide us, locate 5000 dangerous fugitives, they provide subjects in 2000 more cases, they recover $86 million in stolen property and contraband, and that's irrespective of what we give the.lccal law enforcement and other Federal agencies, which is almost a comparable figure, we have almost reached a point in the criminal law where we’ don't have much left. And in the intelligence field we still, I think when we carve all of the problems away, we still have to make sure that we have the means to gather information which will permit us to be aware of the jaentity of individuals and organizations that are acting to overthrow the government of. the United States. And I think we still: have some areas to look hard at as we have discussed, but I think informants are here to. stay. They are absolutely essential to law enforcement, Everyone uses informants. The press has informants, Congress has informants, you have individuals in your community that you rely on, not for ulteriox purposes, but to let you know what's the fecl of the people, am I serving them properly, Dood: 32989499 Page 61
gsh & WARD & PAUL 2 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, 0.C. 20003 Phone (Area 202) 544-6000 NW 54961 Dootd:32989499 Page 62 am I carrying out this? It's here to say. It's been here throughout history "" and there will always be informants. And the thing we want to avoid is abuses. like provocateurs, criminal activities, and to ensure that we have safeguards that will prevent that. But we do need informants. Senator Tower. Senator Hart, do you have any further questions? Senator Hart of Michigan. Yes. I ask unanimous request perhaps with a view to giving balance to the record, the groups that we have discussed this morning into which the Bureau has put informants, in vopular language, our liberal groups ~~ I would ask unanimous consent that .be printed in the record, the summary of the opening of the headquarters file by the Bureau of Dr. Carl McIntyre when he announced that he was organizing a group to counter the American Civil Liberties Union and other "liberal and communist groups," is not a left only pre-occupation. Senator Tower. Without objection, so ordered. ’ (The material referred to follows:)
Q a WARO & P . & PAUL Prone (Area 202) $44-G6000 ~ ) 410 First Street, S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 we * @ ty LO il 12 13 14 15 16 1? 18 20 21 23 24 25 19° 22 t @ . q 1959 Senator Tower. Any more questions? Then the Committee will have an Executive Session this . afternoon in Room 3110 in the Dirksen Building at 3:00, and I hope everyone will be in attendance. | Tomorrow morning we will ‘hear from Courtney Evans, Cartha DeLoach. Tomorrow afternoon, former Attorneys General Ramsey Clark and Edward Katzenbach. The Committee, the hearings are recessed until 10:00 a.m, tomorrow morning. (Whereupon, at 1:10 o'clock p.m., the hearing in the above mentioned matter was concluded, to reconvene on Wednesday December 3rd, 1975, at 10:00 o'clock a.m.) x4
Sy iow, tT 10-b3, Pree acu FOR CARER Jol ohnson Put FIRE On King By CLAUDIA TOWNSEND _ AND BEAU CUTTS - Bear for his own political career prompted President Lyndon Johnson to ‘sanction the FBI’s surveillance of Dr. ‘Martin Luiher King Jr., a former John- . Son aide has testified. - . According fo the Senate Select Intelligence Committee's staff report on ihe King case, former Jofinson assistant - Bill Moyers told the commiltee that -Johnson was “very concerned that. his sembracing’ the civil rights movement - ‘ t i an ‘and Martin Luther King personally ‘ : would not backfire politically.” ~" Moyers said Johnson “seemed satis- ified” in the spring of 1965 that charges -of communist influence ameng King’s cadvisers were unfounded. However, ‘Johnson did not order an end te the ‘FBI's surveillance of King. “He (Johnson) didn’ bt want to have § 4Southern racist senaior produce § some? thing ‘that would be politically embary Trassing to the President and to the civid tyights movement,” Moyers told the com- mittee. “We had Jois of conversations about that .°.. Johnson, as everybody ° knows, bordered on paranoia about his enemies or about being trapped by other people’s activities over which he had no responsibility.” The report charges that then-Attor- ney General Robert Kennedy, who an- thorized the first FBI wiretap of King’s | telephones, allowed (he lengthy continu- ation of FBI surveillance from similar motives. Burke Marshall, Kennedy’s assistant : in charge cf civil rights affairs, told the committee that the Justice Department didn’t consider asking the FBI to re- move ils wiretaps on King. The FBI's allegations about King’sa ladvisers were “grave and serious,” he itold the commitice. The Kennedy | fadministralion had openly suppor ted 4 Re wee — weal ot - , we Be ite o + NW 34961 Doold: 32989495 “+ “Prom ‘his ‘icing, “Stopping the investiga! tion in light of those circum: stances would have run the clrisk that there would have! been a lot of complaints that , the Bureau had been blocked for political reasons from investigating serious charges -ahout communist infiltration ‘in the civil rights movement,” ‘Marshall added. i Marshall said he believes Kennedy initially approved : the wirelaps because he was ‘concerned that King was con- , tinuing to be friendly with a ” ‘suspected Communist advisor, ‘after telling both Kennedy | ‘and the President that he would break off relations with the advisor, (Kennedy’ s) point of view, Martin Luther King had made a commit. ment on a very important matter,” Marshall told the ‘committee, “King had broken that commitment, So there- fore the attorney general. Svanted to find out whether (the adviser—whose namé, as kept secret by the com* inittee) did in fact have influ. ence over King, what he way’ telling King, and so forth.” Another former Justice de- partment - official . said Kennedy approved the wire- taps out of fear that Hoover would use his influence in ! Congress to block passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act if” charges against King were not laid fo rest. From the initial wiretap av- thorization the FBI went on Jor years of surveillance of King and attempts to publicly discredit him. One such effort involved a . banguet to be held in Allanta honoring King after his re- , ceipt of the Nobel Peace t Prize. According to the staff re- ’ port former Allanta Constitu- tion publisher Ralph MeGill “was “a major focus” af {he FBI's attentions, William Sullivan, who duiv ing the King investigation was head of the burcau’s Domestic Intelligence Division, claimed in. a memo thal McGill had cyoperatcd at least in part with the FBI's attempts ty uydermine the ‘ing banquet in Atlanta. (Mount Clipping in Space Bolow) en ering in pace Below) Sullivan wrote in his memo- £ 1 randum: “Mr. McGill told me, that following my first discus-+ 5 sion with him a few weeks ‘ago he contacted a banker friend in Atlanta who was ' helping to finance the banquet to be given King next Wednes- day night. The banker was disturbed and said he would contact some other bankers involved and see if Support 4 oe be quietly withdrawn.” “(Indicate page, name of The mem alleges that the newspaper, city and state.) t bankers “did take steps {p Withdraw” bit then learned rangements with a group (é bankers in Haiti would ke dumaged if they demdi- strated a lack of support for _ King. Therefore, the memo- randum alleged, support for the banquet remained intact. “However, McGill said he would do what ke could to en- courage key people to limit their praise and support of King as much as possible, ” Sullivan wrote, Eugene Patterson, publisher of the St. Petersburg Tirnes, was The Constitution’s editor at the time of the King ban= quet, He said Wednesday that the Sullivan memo is “either _ fmisunderst: nding or a com- : plete fabrication.” | Patterson said the situation in Atlanta “was exactly oppo- site of what Mr, Sullivan understands.” If anything, “Ralph McGill would have worked harder to put that din- ner together” after being asked by the FBI to help block it, he added. Patterson said both he and McGill were contacted by PBI : agents offering them informa- jtion about King’s personal i life. He said the FBI agents ' “were trying fo get us to be a -peephole journal and to pub-- lish that information, ... We -had no idea of doing so, ” Patterson said he reported the agents’ activity to a Jus-, Stine lice department official andSEARCHED NDEXED the official “did not ever ac scriauize pos ee knowledge what I had said’ That response, Patterson said, convinced him that “eithel Attorney’ General Kennedq knew what was happening ct that Hoover was so far out (f-——=3 control that nothing could. . glop him.” ; that ° pending financial a Page 1-A enn ATLANTA CONSTITUTIC "Atlanta, Georsia —_—_— —s ee Date: Edition: 5-6-7976 Morning Torzase: nd /Cu tts Hal Gulliver SENSTUDY 75 Author: Editor: Title: Character; or: Classification: 62~2B5) Submitting Office: ATL: Ary TA Oo Reine use £ L852! ei (LiAY 6 1976 “ATLANTA Page 64
| | 3 best thing that could happen, o ., Palterson and McGill were hot the only journalists tb wifom the FBI offered infor ation about King’s persomtl fe. David Kraslow, chief #f the Cox Newspapers Washing- ton Bureau, was offered a franscript of a tape recording ‘about King while he was working in Washington for the Los Angeles Times. Kraslow (old the committee a source at the FBI read him part of the transcript over ‘the phone and said the tape came from a bug operated by a Southern police agency. He declined the offer of the infor- mation. Patterson said the FBI con- tacts came from two agents ~who were al that time in the’ * Atlanta office “and who had been news sources for the: said . his and” ‘paper. He ; cGill’s relationship with (he FBI: “cooled — considerabli . Dr. King.” Hoover wrote a letter. to _ Moyers in early 1965, accord- ; ing to the staff report, inj ‘which he-told Moyers that) “»McGill “believes that the very, a) wae would be to have King step. completely out of the civil’ rights movement and public life for he feels that if this is -not done sooner or later King will be publicly exposed. * “Mr. McGill,” the letter -- continues, “believes that an ‘exposure of King: will do ir- reparable harm to the civil "rights movement in which he, Mr. McGill, and others are So interested and have worked so hard for, and likewise it, will do injury to different citizens of the country who have been supporting King.” nO Sullivan, in his memo, claimed, that McGill had told ' him that McGill was “taking “steps to get key Negro leaders {o unite in opposition to King to gradually force him out of the civil rights movement if at’all possible.” . Patterson said there wa “no question whatsoever of ug going back on Dr. King.” Of the Atlanta dinner, he added, “I just know Mr.. McGill never slackened in his * efforts.” Jack Tarver, publisher of he Journal and Constitution dnd a close friend and associ- eile of McGill for many years} shid he was certain that “i? McGill had done anything like mw sifitgic waebldman Ghbeetso Page 65 ’ King and defended him. As I fter what‘ they tried to do to b | helped to organizé that thing | tvieen Atlanta banking, Haiti. : auld the King dinner. t @: said he recalled at; iten® a mecting of Allanta civic lsaders at the Piedmont Driving Club who were plan- ining the dinner for King There was no hint at that meeting that there had been any effort on anyone’s part fo undermine the affair.” The reference fo Haitian bankers, he added, “sounded like the figment of someone's imagination.” ' Tarver also noted that McGill attended the banqvet for King, an act the publisher regarded as wholly inconsist- ent with the tone and content of fhe FBI memo and letter. At the time of the King banquet, Tarver was president of Atlanta Newspapers. ‘ _ Mills B. Lane J&, former chief of the C & 8 bank, said: “Ralph McGill always thought very well of Martin’ Luther remember it, he (McGill) (the dinner).” : - Regarding the FBI memo, Lane said, “EZ just can’t be- lieve that.” . . 7 aLane said he had no recol- lebtion of any connection be-¢ ‘Helen Bullard, a key organ- izer of the King dinner, said she worked closely with - McGill in preparing for the banquel. The assertion that McGill became cool to honor- ing King is “completely un-f true,” said Miss Bullard, a-+ .fprmer aide to Mayors Ivan:; ’ Alen Jr. and wi® B. Hartsfield. -. ; . “There is no shred of evi- dynce and I would know,” she said. “When it (the dinner) started,.we had no money, no nothing. We (the organizers, not including McGill) met in the basement of a black church, We said we would have it to honor him (Hing) even if we just had box lunches. “Tt was a big success, We i sold out of lickels {wo weeks before the banquet. People . wanted tickets who couldn’t get them.” . Miss Bullard, who cperates a public relations firm in Atlanta, checked her files of the banqliet, which was held Jan. 27, 1965, and said there was “no mention anywhere” of any reluctance by McGill to continue sponsoring the event. The FBI's campaign against Xing, which aimed at coilect- ing information that could be used to neutralize him as a civil rights, leader, went on from late 1963 until King’s “assassination in 1968. ’ The Senate. committee did not investigate the assassina- tion. Nor did the committee listen to tapes made through “bugs” in King’s hotel rooms, or read transcripts of those tapes. Staff members said to do so would compound the invasion of the civil rights leader’s privacy, adding that the purpose of the recordings it, was clear without hearing the |. fapes. . . | The -disercediting campaign involved the use of friendly 1 ened ews people to plant un- favorable stories about Kirg; efforts, sometimes successf al, , lo block contributions: to tre Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC); efforts to block meetings between King and world leaders or to dis- courae various organizations from honoring him; and the bugging of his hotel rooms - with attempts to distribute : publicly the tapes derived ! from the bugs. The FBI mailed King one of those tapes, along with a let- ter that aides said King inter- preted as an invilaticn to commit suicide. The tape was originally to have gone to Coretta Scott King, his wife, with the aim of promoting a separation between the two, but: was mailed to King im- stead. .. . Even after his death, the . FBI continued to plan against King. The Allanta field office sent a recommendation to Washington in 1969 for a pro- posed program to be used “in the event the bureau is in- - clined to entertain counterin- telligence action against Coretta Scott Kings and-or the continuous projection of the public image of Martin Lu- ther King.” Hoover replied that the bureau “does not de- sire counterintelligence action against Corelta King of the nature you suggest af this time” : Sen. Frank Chureh, chair- man of the select intelligence committee, has called for the appointment of a speciel . prosecutor to investigate we FBI’s role in connection wilh King. . Ss at a
FD-350 (Rev. 7-16-63) ja & * @ (Mount Clipping in Space Below) By JOSEPH ALBRIGHT Journal Washington Bureau. WASHINGTON—The Sen- ate Intelligence Committee has disclosed that the FBI placed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr: on a secret “deten- . tion” list in 1962, shortly after King led a- civil rights march in Albany, Ga. . . investigation of King and his | Southern Christian peerin - Conference that was aimed att _ finding evidence of Commu »” nist infiltration. '. That investigation, known _ as COMINFIL, never -turned up any evidence that King * awas indeed a Communist, ac- . 7 cording to the Senate report. <. Even so, according to Sen- “ate sources, King remained on - ‘the FEI’s emergency deten- "tion list until” he was ay murdered ‘in 1968. That was the beginning of ~ the FBI's six-year campaign to neutralize King as an effec- +. tive civil rights leader, which the committee called “a shameful chapter in- the na- fion’s history.” , In a 50,000- word statt re- . port, the: committee Wednes- day revealed a telegram from the late F FBI director J. Edgar . Hoover to the Atlanta FBI of- fice in May. 1962 directing: that King be “placed on, the so~ _ named persons to be rounded up in event “of a national emergency. Hoover's telegram . also.- ordered that King he “tabbed ¢ . a Communist”. in the bureau's ° called “reserve , list, » which. ° nett anew internal records dealing with. - subversives. : \ Five months later, the FBI began a massive formal i _ urn to Page 124, Column tf one ( ye we ol BS Bab |- 00" av NW 34961 Docld: 325989499 Page 66 “no personal connection with -,the Communist party, the Sen- | “ate report did confirm that jj the FBI had some information in 1962 indicating that two of King’s associates were linked -.~ While declaring King vith ‘to the-Communist party while | advising King. But, the Senate: investiga- tors reported, ‘they were “un- able to reach a conclusion concerning the accuracy of the FBI's charges” against the - two King associates, who , were described only as. Adviser A and Adviser B, The} report said the FBI declined " fo produce the factual basis + for its judgment on the two King advisers for fear of com- promising its sources. The report traced the origin of the FBI's anti-King cam- . paign to the civil rights pro- tests in Albany, i in which King . Was jailed late in 1961. On the day King went on # -inlal in Albany for parading : - without a permit, Hoover di- rected all FBI field offices to & (Indicate page, name of newspaper, city and state.) 'The Atlanta Journal" Atlanta, Georgia Pages JA & 12 A Date: 5/6/76 Edition: Evening Author: Joseph Albright Editor: Hal Gulliver Title: SENSTUDY 75 Character: or Classification: 62-28 bly Submitting Office AtLanta [_] Being Investigated OP FEF - Gf SEARCHED |SEARCHED ..... INDEXED . SERIALIZED ais a MAY ~ '¢ 1976 , 7 FBI — ATLANTA
NW 34961 Doold: r . 2, * . . . review their files for “subver- sive” information about King, | which was to be submitted in reports that were “suitable for dissemination.” The Senate report said Hoover was outraged when King was quoted in Atlanta newspapers as charging that the FBI agents handling the Albany demonstration were white. > oeal police “friendly j The Senate report quoted William Sullivan, who was then head .of the FBI Domes- ‘tie Intelligence Division, as saying Hoover was “very dis- “traught over these  criti- cisms.” -y Sullivan said Hoover never “forgave King for not return- ing two phone calls from FBI ‘officials soon after, which the bureau placed in ari effort to “set him straight.” The Senate report declared: .-“The FBI's COMINFIL inves- tigation appears to have been centered almost entirely on Idiscussions among Dr. King and his advisers about pro- posed civil rights activity rather than whether those advisers were in fact agents .of the Communist party.” Information obtained through COMINFIL wiretaps and bugs was used by the FBI in a series of efforts to cut off the SCLC from its sources of funds, according to the Senate staff report. ‘ed The report contended that William Sullivan of the FBI 32989499 gave~mispecified derogatory information about King to the late Ralph McGill, publisher of The Atlanta Constitution, as part of an FBI campaign to dissuade community lead- ers from participating in a - 1965 banquet to honor King for winning the Nobel Peace Priz quoted by. the Senate investi- gators, Sullivan contended that McGill had even cooper- ated to some extent in the FBI's effort to undermine ‘the ' dinner. The Sullivan memo, written about a week before the highly successful King dinner in Atlanta, stated, “Mr. “McGill told mé that following my first discussion with him a few weeks ago, he contacted a banker friend in Atlanta who is helping to finance the ban- quet to be given King next Wednesday night. The banker was disturbed and said he would contact some other bankers also involved and see if support could quietly be withdrawn.” Sullivan’s memo went on to- say that McGill subsequently. told him the bankers decided to go ahead with financing the King. banquet. The bankers did so, according td -Sullivan, because they were worried about losing an important pending business deal with some unnamed bankers in Haiti. ; “However,” Sullivan contin- ued in the memo, “McGill said he would do what he Page 67 in’ ‘an internal FBI’ memo could to encourage Key people to limit their praise and sup- port of King as much as possi- ble.’ The Senate report said,. “McGill's version of what , transpired will never “be known since McGill. has deceased.” Asked to comment, Eugene Patterson, then editor of The Constitution, said: “This is a discredit to the memory of Ralph McGill, who worked his tail off to get that banquet put together. He was one of the four co-sponsors of the dinner, and he sat at the head table. If he contacted any bankers, I am sure it was simply to raise money for the dinner.” Patterson, now editor of the St. Petersburg (Fla.) Times, confirmed that both he and McGill were offered. deroga- tory information on King’s private life by BI agents. “I know :of my -own’ personal knowledge,” said’ Patterson, “that McGill shared my out- rage at the FBI for trying to ~ tar King.” . Jack Tarver, publisher of The Atlanta Journal and The Constitution and a close friend and long-time associate cf McGill, said he was confident that “if McGill had done any- thing like fhis, he would have told me.” Tarver said Sullivan’s men- * tion of a deal between Atlanta and Haitian bankers “sounds like a figment: of someone’s imagination.” Tarver recalled attending a planning inning meeting . Piedmont the transcript. ) C-SI. +) of Atlanta civic lead&tSartneé Driving Club. “There was no “hint at that mecting that there had been any. effort on anyone’s part to . undermine the affair,” Tarver ~ said. . ” Tarver also said that McGill attended the banquet, an act he viewed as wholly a inconsistent with the tone and content of the Sullivan memo. Another journalist identi- fied in the Senate report as having been offered anti-King . ‘information by the FBI was David Kraslow, now chief of the Cox Newspapers Washing-- ton Bureau. Kraslow was described in the report has having told a | Senate Intelligence Commit- tee investigator that one of his “better sources at the bu- reau”’ offered him a tran- script of a tape recording on- | Dr. King. In the mid-1960s, Kraslow, then a Washington corre- spondent for the Los Angeles Times, said his source read |, him a portion of the tran- } seript on the phone, -claiming ° t it came from “bug” operated . by a southern police agency. Kraslow declined to accept  ameaeieerneemaminns
MO em SR abe ea ean alert | ED ue, By JOSEPH ALBRIGHT Jouraal Washington Bureau WASHINGTON—The Sen- ate Intelligence Committee has disclosed that the FBI placed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on a secret “deten- tion” list in 1962, shortly after King led a civil rights march in Albany, Ga. That was the beginning of the FBPs six-year campaign to neutralize King as an effec- ~ tive civil rights leader, which the committee called “a shameful chapter in the na- tion's history.” In a 50,000-word staff re- port, the committee Wednes- ‘day revealed a telegram from the late FBI director J. Edgar Hoover to the Atlanta, FBI of- ‘(Mount Clipping In Spa gordered that King be “tabbed "a Communist” in the bureau’s i internal records dealing with ,,Subversives. ¥ Five months later, the FBI hegan a massive formal investigation of King and his ‘Southern Christian Leadership Conference that'was aimed: at finding evidence of Commu- nist infiltration. That investigation, known as COMINFIL, never turned ‘up any evidence that King was indeed a Communist, ac- cording to the Senate report. . Even so, according to Sen- ate sources, King remained on the FBI’s emergency deten- tion list -unti! he was * murdered in 1968. While declaring King had no personal connection with ‘the Communist party, the Sen- “ate report. did confirm that the FBI had some. information in 1962 indicating that two of _ King’s associates were linked to the Communist party while advising King. But, the Senate invéstiga- \ tors reported, they were “un- . fice in May 1962 directing « that King be placed on the so- ° called “reserve list,” which named persons to be rounde# up’ in event of a national emergency. il Hoover's telegram = alsp 54961 Doocld: 329689499 able to reach a conclusion concerning the accuracy of » the FBI’s charges” against the two King associates, who - were described only; as— Adviser A and Adviser B. The report said the FBI declined to produce the factual basis for its judgment on the two Ming advisers for fear of com- fpromising its sources. The report traced the origin of the FBI’s anti-King cam- _f Sorox 6a Original gen Page 66 co Below) paign to the civil rights pro- tests in Albany, in which Ki g was jailed late in 1961. On the day King went op trial in Albany for parading without a permit, Hoover di- rected all FBI field offices to review their files for “subver- sive” information about King, which was to be submitted in reports that were “suitable _for dissemination.” The Senate report said . Hoover was outraged when King was quoted in Atlanta newspapers as charging that the FBI agents handling the Albany demonstration were white Southerners “friendly with the local police and peo- ple who are promoting segre- gation.” The Senate report quoted William Sullivan, who was ~ then head of the FBI Domes- tic Intelligence Division, as saying Hoover was “very dis- traught over these  criti- cisms.’ Sullivan said Hoover never forgave’ King for not return- ing two phone calls from FBI officials soon after, which the bureau placed in an effort to “set him straight.” The Senate report declared: “The FBI’s COMINFIL inves- tigation appears to have been centered almost entirely on discussions among Dr. King and his advisers about pro-. posed civil rights activity rather than whether those advisers were in fact agents of tHe Communist party.” # Information obtain(ld through COMINFIL wiretats pies madet ava hh Baraat a '| newspaper, city and state.) (Indicate page, name of Page 1-A THE ATLAYTA JOURWTAL —Atlanta, Georgia Date: Edition: Author: Editor: Title: on 6-76 Byeni ug Joseph ? Albright Jack Spalding SmISTUDY 75 Character: } or Classification: 62- 285 f o Submitting Office: ATL ATA CI Being Investigated MAY 4 4 1976 BI- ATLANTA |
MW 34961 Doold: 32989495 land bugs was used by the FEI -fin a series of efforts to cut off dthe SCLC from its sources of Srunds, according to the Senate staff report, The report contended that William Sullivan of the FBI gave unspecified derogatory information about King to the Jate Ralph McGill, publisher of The Atlanta Constitution, as part of an FBI campaign to dissuade community lead- ers from participating in a- 1965 banquet to honor King for winning the Nobel Peace -Prize, In an internal FBI memo quoted by the Senate investi- - gators, . that McGill had even cooper- Sullivan contended ated to some extent in the ' FBI’s effort to undermine the dinner. The Sullivan memo, written about -a week before the highly successful King dinner in Atlanta, stated, “Mr. McGill told me that following my first discussion with him a _ few weeks ago, he contacted a banker friend in Atlanta who is helping to finance the ban- quet to be given King next Wednesday night. The banker was disturbed and said he would contact some other bankers also involved and see if ‘support could quietly be withdrawn.” 4 Sullivan’s memo went on to say that McGill subsequently told him the bankers decided t> go ahead with financing the Ring banquet The bankers Page 69 did so, according to Sullivan, because they were worried -about losing an important pending business deal with some unnamed bankers in Haiti. “However,” Sullivan contin: ued in the memo, “McGill said he would do what he could to encourage key people to limit their praise and sup- port of King as much as possi- b The “Senate report « said, “McGill’s version of what transpired will never ‘be known . since McGill has deceased. ae ‘ Asked to comment, Eugene -Patterson, then editor of The Constitution, said: “This is a diseredit to the memory’ of Ralph McGill, who worked his -tail oft to get that banquet put together. He was one of the four co-sponsors of the dinner, and he sat at the head table. If he contacted any bankers, I am sure it was simply to raise money for the dinner.” ‘ Patterson, now editor of the St. Petersburg (Fla.) Times, confirmed that both -he and McGill were offered’ deroga- tory information on King’s private life by FBI agents. “I know of my own personal knowledge,” said Patterson, “that McGill.shared my out- rage at the FBI for trying to. tar King.” Jack Tarver, publisher of The Atlanta Journal and The Constitution and a close friend and long-time associate ‘of, McGill, said he was as confiderf that if McGill had done anyt thing like this, he would havp . told me.” Tarver said Sullivan’s men- - - tion of a deal between Atlanta _ and’ Haitian bankers “sounds like a figment of someone’s imagination.” Tarver recalled attending a planning meeting of Atlanta civic leaders at the ° Piedmont Driving Club. “There was no hint at that meeting that there had been any effort on anyone’s ‘part to undermine the affair,” Tarver said. oa . Tarver also said that McGill attended the “banquet, an act he viewed as wholly inconsistent with the tone and- content of the Sullivan memo. , Another journalist identi- fied in the Senate report as havirig been offered anti-King information by the FBI was David Kraslow, now chief of the Cox Newspapers Washing- ton Bureau. Kraslow was déscribed in the report has having told a Senaté Intelligence Commit- tee investigator that one of his “better sources at the bu- reau” offered him-a tran- script of a tape recording on Dr. King. : In the mid-1960s, Kraslow, then a Washington corre- spondent for the Los Angeles, Times, said his source read chim a portion of the tran- script on the phone, claiming it came from “bug” operate by a southern police beoer| Kraslow declined to accepts the transcript.