Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 THE SOCIETY FOR PSYCHICAL RESEARCH 1, Adam and Eve Mews, London W8 6UG Telephone: 071 937 8984 The office and library are o pen to members T Thursday afternoons only from 2 to 5 pm. pn Nescay, Wednesday and generally recognized hypothesis. Inquiries about membership should be addressed to the Secretary at the above address Th ipti - Che annual sub Journal is £20.00/$36.00 which includes four issues. nee SMOSeEPHON to the Any well-attested information bearing on subjects within the Society’s field of interest will be gratefully received, whether from members or from others. The Society does not hold or express corporate views. Any opinions ex ressed In its publications are, therefore, those of the authors alone. P * * * * * * OFFICERS 1989-1990 President Dr Alan Gauld, M.A., Ph.D. Vice-Presidents Dr John Beloff, B.A., Ph.D. Professor A. J. Ellison, D.Sc. (Eng), C.Eng Mrs K. M. Goldney, M.B.E. Renée Haynes, M.A. Mr Andrew MacKenzie A. T. Oram, F.C.A., Professor D. J. West, M.D., Litt.D., M.R.C. Psych. Professor Ian Stevenson, M.D. Hon. Secretary Ralph Noyes B.Sc. Hon. Treasurer A. D. Cornell, M.A. Secretary Eleanor O'Keeffe Honorary Computer Research Coordinator Betty Markwick, B.Sc. Honorary Spontaneous Cases Liaison Officer John W. Stiles Honorary Education Officer Bernard Carr PhD. Local Centres and Research Coordinator Jane Henry, B.A. % * * * * * Editor: John Beloff Review Editor: Kathleen Wilson Homer. 0037~ 37~1475/90 $3.00 © Society for Psychical Research THE GUARULHOS POLTERGEIST: A REASSESSMENT OF ANDRADE’S (1984) MONOGRAPH by Micuen-ANcE AMoriM ABSTRACT A presentation is made of an RSPK investigation conducted over several years, in the suburbs of Sao Paulo, Brazil. A monograph describing the case, and interpretations of the phenomena, was published in Portuguese by H. G. Andrade and his collaborators at the IBPP, in 1984, Based on the phenomena reported during the interviews of family members and other witnesses, Andrade interprets the case in terms of discarnate agents and black magic rites. The purpose of the present pages is to describe the Guarulhos poltergeist in some detail, and to explore - an alternative interpretation of the phenomena, one based upon the living agent” hypothesis, and related factors, such as religious context, expectanciess”and possible personality disorders. While recently some Western authors,from foreign countries seem to be more and more interested in ‘Brazilian Psi’! whether from a clinical, anthropological or research perspective, some local investigators are also active in the field. For 50 years H. G. Andrade, director of the Brazilian Institute of Psychobiophysical Research (IBPP), and his collaborators have dealt primarily with spontaneous cases like poltergeists. In 1984 he published an extensive review of a case, taking place in the Greater Sao Paulo, in a monograph entitled ‘O Poltergeist de Guarulhos’. Andrade and his collaborators did not witness the RSPK events themselves but visited the family 7 times (between 1973 and 1984) and collected about 6 hours of tapes from various witnesses, some of whom were members of the family and some not. They also took numerous photographs of damaged objects and people who had been physically attacked. The aim of this paper is to present this RSPK case, apparently rich in macro-PK events, to the larger parapsychological community and also to present alternative interpretations of the reported events. As we shall see, Andrade opts for a ‘spiritist’ account; yet the living agent hypothesis, which he considers ‘a reductionist hypothesis’ (p. 69), may be more parsimonious. ‘The investigated poltergeist is of special interest on several accounts. First, the disturbances extended over a period of 11 years (a chronological summary will follow outlining the main events). Second, they seemed to follow part of the family despite several relocations. Finally the RSPK case involved particularly dramatic phenomena, like spontaneous fires, apports, possession trances, apparitions and cut phenomena on furniture and persons. Tue PRoTAGONISTS Marcos a plumber, aged 29 years, inhabitant of Guarulhos. Noémia his 21 year old wife, the mother of baby Ruth (18 months). ‘In Brazil, there is a relative absence of the academic, secular parapsychology of North America and Western Europe, and. insica be rival schools of the Catholic Church and the Spiritist pproved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDRSG-OO792ROdOZONSSGONIs2 For an analysis of this situation, see Hess (1987). 193
Journal of the Society for Psychical Research [Vol. 56, No. 820 . 56, No. Pedro father of Marcos, a builder and amateur exorcist aged 55, who lives with his family in a house on the Judite back plot of Marcos’s house. Pedro s wile, aged 54, the mother of three daughters wo sons whose ages range fi Eliza of them are married. S@ thom TT t© 20, none a 15 year old girl wh i ’ i family g oO came to stay with Marcos a 16 year old i “ a te year old boy who witnessed some of the Anténia a married woman and a Ca i i tholic who liv door to the Marcos family. snes who live in Artur Alvim. minister of the Pentecostal Church (Assembleia de Deus) t i i nes f° which the Marcos family belongs. The parents of Noémia Lamartine Ribeiro Maria CHRONOLOGICAL LaNnDMARKS gS > > appar ently by itself, on 1 May, 1973. Tt consisted mainly of the cutting of furniture and of mons - k . P y w ter li € apparitions The focus of the oltergeist activit Th € second set of events (Stage 2) started at the end of April 1974 with the stoning of the house and th i the meantime Pedro and his family ree and rarity co Gone 1974. In e. However, Pedro did return to gent’ which seemed to stop In the same period Marcos, Noémia Noémia’s parents home (in Artur cutting phenomena, the disappearance the birth of their second child Raquel (3 stayed some days in Pedro’s house in ouse in Guarulhos. After two weeks of esumed, consisting essentially of Ruth all RSPK phenomena there for two months (pregnant at the time) and Ruth went to Alvim) where the troubles began again ( of money and breakage of objects). After July) they left the house in August and Guaianazes before returning to a new h eens some of the RSPK phenomena r. Ong Into possession-like trances. Marcos. wh j going in like S, who took a job for o i conte ee his family in Suzano at Noémia’s sister's home: the outbreak objects, ete) thee . ' n an especially troubled night (involving movements of onde seain he RSPR y decided to return to their house in Guarulhos. However the Chonan ee Tor hehe ans continued to occur. Finally they decided to go to home, reo an phenomend am evange ic exorcism was performed in the family’s mow rd pet oF events (Stage 3) began on 28 March, 1975 and consisted of Angus oes Masses removing and apports’ of objects and of stoning. On 30 ese en nos s family moved into a new house (the third) located i hicn Marcos himself had built with his father; nevertheless ‘a ort’, like phenomena involving rosemary branch¢¢pprbveckddoinrelease, 194 Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 July 1990] The Guarulhos Poltergeist as well. They stopped after the intervention of the Church minister. But, in mid- September 1976, after four months of calm other phenomena began to recur sporadically (throwing of objects and_ stones, disappearance of money, spontancous fires and Ruth’s possession fits). These grew suddenly in intensity during a two week stay ofa 15 year old girl (named Elza) with the family; she also contracted the possession-fits. Finally (beginning October 1976), following an especially troubled night, the family asked for help from the Church and from Pedro, and, apparently, an effective exorcism ended the outbreaks. From this day on (Stage 4) until the seventh and last interview of the witnesses by Andrade and his collaborators on 21 April, 1984, the only occurrences noted were an occasional disappearance of money and the movement of objects. Meanwhile Pedro died on 29 July, 1979. The disturbances seemed to have definitively ceased when Noémia had a vision of an invisible assailant (not, dated), and had a dialogue with him; as a result of this ‘encounter’ she decidedrto adopt a more spiritual life style. REPORTED PHENOMENA ‘ (1) Cutting phenomena. Stage 1 began with extensive parallel cuts in the upholstery of the furniture and in the mattresses, as if these were being ripped apart by a pocket knife or enormous claws. Initially, it was thought that the cuts were being produced by a three year old boy, Pedro’s grandson. The little boy was taken away, but the activity didn’t stop (p. 4). The phenomenon happened either in the presence or in the absence of people. The opening of the upholstery was witnessed at least by: ‘Pedro (p. 5), Noémia (p. 5), and Adauri—a boy (sixteen) from the outside (p. 7); none of them could see who or what was producing the cuts. In Stage 2, cuts were found many times in the form of a cross, on pillows, clothes hung out, purses, slippers, blankets—even those folded in the wardrobe—on Marcos’s document case (p. 12) and on two Bibles (pp. 26-27); but in these cases the cuts were not witnessed while they occurred. People also began to be cut. Marcos awoke with his left arm bleeding on 2 May, 1974 (between 2 and 3 a.m.). On the same afternoon, an 18 months old daughter of a friend’s wife was cut on the calf of her leg (pp. 14-15) while she was inside the house with Ruth, at the bedroom doorway and the adults were chatting in the yard. From this day on (Stage 2), Marcos suffered one more cut on the left side of his forehead whereas Noémia had her face cut practically every morning. These cuts were extemely thin, three or four at a time, and she noticed them by feeling a burning sensation on her face (pp. 15-16). During the time the family stayed in Guaianazes (August 1974) Noémia had her face repeatedly cut while she went at night to Pedro’s Church. On October 1974 another child suffered a deep cut in his thigh, while his mother was praying with Noémia in the bedroom of Marcos’s house in Guarulhos. They looked for a blade on the bed where the boy sat but didn’t find one (pp. 27-29). In Stages 3 & 4 no such phenomena occurred. (2) Apparition phenomena occurred during the entire RSPK case under different forms. In Stage 1, during one cutting event Pedro stated he had the vision of the forearm ‘of a wild beast, a monster, not a man. It was very strong and big; sharp- 9/10 : CIA-RR96:007,92R0002 403500018 cm, black, shiny and curved. The fur was 195
Journal of the Society for Psychical Research [V ol. 56, No. 820 red, thin, shiny and shor | ; t as that of a cougar’ shivers, saw a shadowy form, an animal aim y neighbours, Mrs. ‘Zina’ and her husb ‘ore “ Noeémia, while feeling some a gorilla. Pedro call i woman was quite skeptical Bat nn band, in order to witness the cate The apparition she Skeet as she was questioning Noémia al ° She declared having seen hes tand passing in front of her and she fainted, Cark brown hike a monkey fur. She didn’t hoticent es aed fingers seen ‘ : ong : her (op oe) y claws but the fingers seemed uring the inci é won shape we L incidents Noémia perceived, on three occas} some hen ee tthe wardrobe as she went to sleep while Marcos only | It! husband by his neck ( stated having seen a hairy hand tryin to. size Nor hisleftar on MP oe —6 | ). In Stage 2 at the same moment as M vreos hel 2 core et 2 Mas , te Noémia saw a ‘hairy beast, like a couga sit wan Te Stagesehn way Sometl ing horrible with a face in fire and big teeth (p wD) er hie Maa One hitb passing in the house towards the bedroom ‘shox tage 4 according to? started “they | onthe inate gual Sen ipp. 67-68) she started ‘to have visage, nh he and throwing fre ohn i ofa man, with a totally distorted face teeth out te described having seen. b he spoke’. Ruth, during the period of her fis, alee Raguel (2 youn eonaa. east, a cat, a dog (p. 21). In Stage 3 she still saw nd thevone thecal she awa horse (p. 37) which description corres nds vith house by reporcne the e Church gave during an evangelic exorcis, vn the 62) On etn oecasion (Ste ofan animal shape ‘in the form of a hos se tn son-in-law, heen anon rage 2), as Pedro was praying with his wife and t nee but halfecste wer, four 9 m high, with a strong thorax, in a not black olor, cmegical struggle Y da two. meters from them (p. 55). Final P ar ede deena ge monograph (pr. 2050) ot (May 1974), one abundant struggle by killing the entity with an Gm gi won ‘this wae oon ns like state: which Pedro considered to be “the management of Galas i (p38). pirit? (p. 55). (3) Passession-like trances began in St: family into their new house (the sec very scared saying that she was seei (p. 21). From this day on the child would become speechless and her hospital were an EEG was made ge 2, two weeks alter the movi | oving of Mz *s ond) in Guarulhos. At 2 a.m. ath wate ; ing weasis on the wardrobe, a wild cat, a doe ave attacks, once or twice ad Y ’ a day. Sh face would turn purple. She was taken to A : but nothi epilepsy. I othing abnormal w. . : psy. In Stage 3, Ruth (now four years old) still had her fits; during dec hoe 2 ese her face, hands and feet ii > et would become twi i seen ae ane wisted, Again she scr sen a deployed the: Later during Eliza’s stay in the family (Sex somber] 7) become wpaved € possession symptoms; her eyes and fa vould seem ed p. 38). Of interest here is that when Ruth wa at her was at her g d Fl < Tan ™¢ other § hor ne she had no y “o as similar] 3 Elza showed no abnor mal (4) Stoning of the hou { ! se was the first occ i the daytime till 7 or 8 p-m. It consisted ofgaproleel Bote Bictoage aoneaaa 196 ps Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 (10 : CIA-REPS July 1990] The Guarulhos Poltergeist 400 and 700 g. According to Pedro ‘the stones didn’t seem to be thrown but dropped on the house’. In February 1975, during this interview, Pedro estimated that about 20 kg of such materials had been taken off the roof (p. 9). Witnesses could only perceive the stones when these were over the roof, at approximately one meter from the tiles; they never actually saw a trajectory of these stones. In Stage 3 (11 April, 1975) a fall of stones began at 11 a.m., consisting of 26 fragments of gravels and bricks of which some (2 or 3) landed on the neighbour’s side. Mrs. Antonia, the (catholic) neighbour, thought it was a kid who was throwing the stones, Marcos ‘knew? it was not but didn’t want to argue with her (pp. 33-34). Marcos noted that the intensification of the phenomena coincided with the detonations of a distant quarry, but the stones were not coming from hit as he repaired there (p. 33). On some occasions stones hit people: Marcos was the roof in Stage 2 (p. 11) and on another occasion, while he was in his bedroom (p. 37); Elza was hit twice, while she was in the house in Stage 3, 28 March, 1975 (p. 30). Finally some of the missionaries of the Church, after an exetcism (October 1976) in stage 3, were also hit (p. 41 ). Marcos noted however that these stonings of people didn’t actually hurt anyone (p. 37). ay (5) Movements of objects really began in Stage 2 while Marcos’s family still lived in the front house of Guarulhos. After a knock in the wall, pieces of broken cups and glasses were found on the floor.(p. 18). The phenomenon continued in Noémia’s parents home, where on a wall was ‘the mark of a glass broken there in acorner’ (p. 19). In Suzano also (Stage 2) objects were broken or thrown, like a Bible (p. 22). As stated by Pedro, during the outbreaks they used to read Psalm 91, then the Bible was removed from its place and was thrown (p. 26). Once (28 March, 1975), as Elza was handing Raquel to Noémia, a purse left the closed drawer of the dressing-table in the bedroom and hit the back of the adolescent (p. 30). The same afternoon (at 3 p.m.) the family was in the kitchen praying with their Church Minister, Lamartine Ribeiro and his wife Maria when a glass, among other cups and glasses, left a basin and crashed near Maria’s feet. As the two guests were going, a Bible placed on a little table, among other books, ‘jumped’ and fell on the floor (pp. 30-31). In Stage 2 as the disturbances continued in the new house in Guarulhos, Marcos witnesses his shoe levitate and forcefully hit the bedroom ceiling stucco where it left a mark and then fell on the bed; this recurred several times during the night (pp. 21-22). In Stage | the front door lock broke twice while the key was removed from it (p. 8). At the beginning of October 1976, as the family returned (8 p.m.) from Marcos’s parents home, during this short journey, ‘an invisible agent’ seemed to pursue them and taunt them by overturning Noémia’s bag on the floor, pulling Marcos’s purse and throwing it in the sewer. When they arrived home a stoning began while Raquel screamed (p. 40). After an exorcism (end of Stage 3) as the missionaries walked out of the house, a glass was thrown, hit the back of one of them and then crashed on the ground (p. 41). On 20 April, 1975, part of Noémia’s family visited her. As everybody was in the couple’s bedroom one of five cups left the next room, went through the window— people inferred —then hit a bed, jumped below the radio set and crashed on the floor (pp. 39-33). As stated by Andrade ‘breakage of cups Bane coming out of closed cupboards was common. But nobody succeeded nODFQARGHAZH0T5H6 01}.2ts taken out and damaged. They only heard 197
Journal of the Society for Psychical Research [Vol ol. 56, No. 820 the noise when the y fell do . were common’ (p. 32). wn and crashed! During prayers such occurrences (6) ‘Apport’-like phenomena y) seemed to occur during the i ite Pee a vice of men was especially frequent. Once (Stose Whee Sundin vortain pee (theese with a red cross drawn on it (p. 8). Sometime oehe "a slater eae same ay or some days later) a part of the-‘stolen’ money or wall (pen 18, 3 ar (tage 2) in places hard to get to, following a knock ont he setentbly theows tion! ver Alvim (Stage 2), money which had been tak nas ve floor near the sink in the Mithen a he e the me Sherine, the athe) 6 Moor where the mother-in- Marco and ne imself were present. As Andrade states ‘the aa the vt thro a Rare POOF OF on so me Furniture, within everybody’s sight; but y wisn’t soca vom fwhene nor ow it me’ (p. 20). In Stage 3 Elza’s purse disappea dand pas found some sys Ta er at the roadside near the house, with all her docu: ane disappearithe tem y jp. 42-43). Marcos noted that the mon di ain't Stan) ne kept wid van in bis pocket at his mother’s home (- 36), In pockets and on the window sill BIS). Some cnet: an Mares | 3 pockets 2 v sill (pp. 12-13). Some month 1974) ntee ey anoved into their second house, Marcos found under the boa some bean again (020) ppcared in the first house; then the poltergeist a tivity (September 1975) - P tage 3 when they first moved into their thi d house bre et od hey found crossed knives and rosemary (the plant) ader Church anand the math ess (pp. 46-49). These occurrences ceased fer. he ont esters vention but recommenced two months later Th © aes ode perio a white candles in their bedroom (p 35-36). rhe Noo rin in na oO two women who came twice to bless the h Tis unknown Serone hem come in the house. Once Noémia saw that ariel white candles and rosemary in her transparent hae nt bag (pp. 46-49). (7) Spontaneous fires also : 1974) tw nal; occurred during the poltergeist . vehile Nosmia and lishers (their own and the neighbours’) explod Stage 2 (May circuit (p. 13) While thet using them. Marcos stated that it wasn't Hames Guarulhos Marcos h: , le whole family had definitely left the first he Store these were his eck ad left behind some of his belongings. Includ dame u caught fire (Stage xing toals and materials and a bedside table: th, among been touched. The 2, nd.) while nothing belonging to the new occu ese latter were already complete me to have perceived the fire when Marcos’s Pon had Guainazes, was told 2, urned (p. 25). At about the same time, Ped nets element’ (p. 26). Th a sensitive that she saw in the bedside tabi "bad family’s stay at Attas Alen true’ parapyrogenesis (PPG) occurred, d e a ‘bad who ran up and ecti vim, behind a meat safe. It was Marcos’ Ps uring the wardrobe (p 42 ot) eo nny the fire (p. 20). Some clothes See rirlaw . . 42, n.d.) also caught fire in th S within’a closed in Guarul g in that house. In the thi 3 arulhos (Stage 3) PPG often occurred behind the wardrobe whe 5 house ere some newspapers were kept, whi mis pt, which were the fire target (pp. 35-36) near Marcos’s tools 198 Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R6007 00356001 July 1990] The Guarulhos Poltergeist summer 1976) Noémia dreamt one ) pulled with the help of her g. She found it later whole (8) Noémia’s strange dream (p. 44). In Stage 3 ( night about having one of her teeth (an incisor husband. Next morning her tooth was really missin with half-root red (sic)! ANDRADE’S INTERPRETATION OF THE PHENOMENA AND ALTERNATIVE HyPoTHesEs Andrade interprets the different types of occurrences present in this case as supportive of a spiritist world view in the Umbanda tradition. The Umbanda religion has several million adherents especially in the bigger cities. It combines African, Catholic, Indian, and spiritist elements and may be characterized as a relatively recent extra-ecclesiastic consolidation of popular Catholicism with ancient Afro-Brazilian sects. Some authors (Greenfield, 1987; Bronson, 1986; Montagno, 1985) have recently emphasized the importance of this Brazilian. Spiritist tradition healing practices both within and outside hospitals. a Andrade accepts (p. 63 . . .) the central belief of this religion, i-e., the existence of all sorts of spirits like Exus ans Umulums (Pagliuchi, 1974a & 1974b); he also believes that the sorcerer would be able’¢o employ magic practices within the ‘terreiros’ (place specialized in these procédures) to trouble someone according to Quimbanda laws (black magic side of Umbanda). Thus, he rejects the usual attribution of RSPK outbreaks to a living agency. In defense of his position he points to the fact that a psychological examination of Noémia, the most probable RSPK agent, was conducted by two psychologists belonging to the IBPP team’. He states ‘Mrs Noémia didn’t display any form of psychical abnormality that could justify viewing her as belonging to the ‘psychokinetic agent ofa poltergeist’ category, in conformity with the theoretical patterns suggested by the current hypotheses’ (p. 70). He adds that his macro-PK tests (which are described below) of her capacities were also negative (p. 71). (1) For Andrade there’s little doubt that the cutting of people and furniture is ith objects of our the result of a disruptive discarnate agent able to interact wl investigated by the IBPP presenting such world (pp. 73-76). This is the only casei (the 116 cases reviewed by Roll (1977) phenomena (Andrade, 1988) but in five 0 ‘one or more persons were wounded or slapped by some unknown agency OF stigmata appeared on their bodies’ (p. 397). But let us consider other ‘explanations’: the first cuts on the furniture happening in the absence of people could have been the result of fraud, yet have led to a growing expectancy from the occupants of the house. This expectancy based upon apparent PK could, in turn, have led to some genuine PK phenomena—the cutting actuaily witnessed by people. The psychodynamics here would be analogous to the one reported by Batcheldor (1984) and others, in case of a collective PK agency, whereby the ‘fuzziness’ of the situation contributes to the evocation of true paranormal phenomena. 2 In a recent letter exchange, Andrade (1989) specified that Dr. Julika Kishos (one of the two psychologists) used Pfister’s projective test, involving a judgement of color preferences. It is claimed that the test, which doesn’t demand highly developed verbal skills, gives a ‘normative’ assessment of the individual’s personality. According to Dr. Kiskos ‘the patient didn’t show significant personality pgrson in her socio-economico-culiural environment’. 199
Journal of the Society for Psychical Research [Vol. 56, N ol. 56, No. 820 The use of the Batcheldori:z ‘. reasons: atcheldorian framework scems appropriate for several (a) ‘Belief i i present since Bente ubermatural, ize Spiritual Gite ean eeition, is > emphas iri i : ; as glossolalia, prophetic utterance, healing, ete. (Gentz ois gsm) such b)In§ we . {p) a menage na ee auals anit, nie (including the daughter of Pedro) ag ly Spirit’ (p. 54) warning of th ¢ great event’ in Pedro’s family, in which there would be blood. This iteclfeautd . uld | have established an ex pectancy set (Hasti i events (e.g., cutting of people in Staeey © Sippner, 1961) for Dleeding’ | (c) The absence of an epicentre of the phenomena ( ers of the family from ‘own i i ership resistan oneselfas the source of a paranormal event) ' tended to attribute th ter e RSPK ey intervention. ens £0 SUP a PK-agent) may have freed e’ (the reluctance to identify ; the protagonists of the present case ernatural (spiritual or magic-related) The cutting of Noémia could hav mutilations (Malon ec at 1987) ¢ been either hypnotically-induced self. or stigmata. Implici ici i are part of the Batcheldorian framework (Isaacs, 1984) and gone eens ; pnosis, which is expectanc \ y-related, can lead t i Steven: ed, . 0 psychosomatic chang ears 1988). As we shall see in item (2) hypnosis may well hae an * (Stage 2) a cn ase: And Marcos’s cut on his arm while he w . prayed . » May itself have been caused by Noémia while she was ina dissocks ted > ciate supports this dissociative interpretation . (2) For Andrade, the apparitions explanation (pp. 50-65). Right from the and that some (people) saw enormous claw an inhabitant of another dimension’ dimension idea (Rucker, 1984) the transformation of these 5 . visions reinforce the Spiritist start of the monograph (p. 4) he writes $ belonging to a strange being, perhaps meron ecring to the fashionable fourth cou pirits into the Wwitneosat heey ous worille co Umbandiet waht first descriptions of the monster coincide nih Pece ot ability of cercin ar ee cites (p. 68). However lycanthropy—the reputed been largely demeanhey _ to cake on the external form of a wild animal—has a i acai ned y awcliffe (1959)? and Andrade chooses not to origin of stake € reality and of the presumably crucial issue of he eliels (p. 57). Andrade does refer to the cctoplasmic materializations oroduced by the 1 ations produced by the 1920's European mediums (pp. 64-65), b : » but finally opts for the discarnate agent explanation 36 . . . eae In Tica such b ran nid ¥ een tur er vi € by secret societies Su Ci €. ed to hid ous advanta gi € ciet: Af iefs have b r b ch . oo. : sage . : 1eties we c— YP g Pp Secret societies re often canni palisti the racticed devour 1H; arts of the human anato: as the heart, ey. ie » eyes and liver and the more tender my such Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDPR96PO8TS2RODOTOOSSOOO TF lian Umbanda, see Figge July 1990] The Guarulhos Poltergeist From a psychological perspective one must note that the apparitions had the characteristics of eidetic imagery (EI),i.e., they were autonomous, constructive and dynamic, displaying natural progressions and movement. The fact that they weren’t collectively witnessed (c.g., Marcos never saw one) points to the subjective (rather than consensual) nature of the experience. In the case of Noémia, we can notice that she was predisposed to such an event since at the age of 17 she already experienced it. She indeed often saw a black, big dog on her bedside; she would shout for help from her mother and when the light would be turned on there would be nothing. As we have seen this particular vision recurred during the RSPK events years later (cf. the wolfhound shape on the wardrobe, Stage 2). Of course in the case of Noémia, these visions seem at times to have been quite elaborate, as in her dialogue with the ‘Satanic creature’ (Stage 4). However this latter fact could simply underline her proneness to fantasy or dissociation (Marks, 1988). Similarly, Pedro’s struggle against the ‘monster could have been the result of expectancies, autosuggestien or dissociation. It is conceivable that his choice to become an exorcist was motivated by a dissociative personality syndrome similar to Noémia’s. If in this poltergeist case there reallyswas a sorcery component, as seems reasonable to suppose (p. 12), then we can hypothesize that the sorcerer, via MOBIA® (Mental or Behavioral Influence of an Agent), contributed to the triggering of EI in the witnesses’ minds. Insofar as eidetic images are evoked by a thought, suggestion, idea, or memory image (Marks & McKellar, 1982) it seems plausible to entertain that they could be evoked by a ‘psi-based’ idea, also especially when such images are consistent with the culturally shared stereotypes of the people involved (Evans, 1984). The work of Janet, Richet, Myers and Vasiliev about telepathic or PK-induced hypnosis (Leloup, 1978) and the presence of a particular expectancy set are helpful in accounting for such events. However it would have been interesting to conduct a quantitative investigation of the recurrent apparition (Maher & Schmeidler, 1975) in order to bring more useful information. (3) The possession symptoms of the children remind Andrade of the mediumistic ‘incorporation’ of spirits frequenting ‘Quimbanda sessions’® (Exu & Umulum). As he put it ‘By our personal experience in this field (more than 50 years of observation in mediumistic sessions), we have strong reasons to support such an occurrence’ (p. 66). Lack of evidence for epilepsy in the EEG examination certainly is consistent with the spiritist interpretation. Moreover the symptoms displayed by the victimized children don’t point to a specific physiologically-based neuropathology of spiritual possession (Beyerstein, 1988). Still, alternative explanations are possible. It could be that the ‘possession’ symptoms constitute a culture-bound neurotic disorder, as suggested by Ward & + EI is defined as any mental imagery projected onto the sensory environment which cannot be attributed to a material change in sensory input and which is known to the imager to be subjective. The relevant work of Marks & McKellar (1982) applies the concept of El to account for reports of apparitions collected by Sidgwick, Gurney and Myers. ’Term suggested by Rex G. Stanford (1974) as a new term for ‘active-agent telepathy’. He proposes that the agent can play an active role in telepathy and that such ‘telepathy’ is really a form of psychokinesis. MOBIA is regarded and the most common PMIR function of PK. (1975). 201
Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792R000700350001-2 Journal of the Society for Psychical Research [Vol. 56, No. 82 ol. 56, No. 820 Beaubrun’s i wae ms p a ) psycho-anthropological investigation of spirit possession in we Pewee costal group. Besides the authors noted: ‘It is significant that emselves view possessi iri i eaten by meane of vee p ion as spiritual disorder and offer T, we could i comp we aor E. Bourguignon’s (1976) stress on the therapeutic ores ne po ssion trances, the ‘cathartic aspects of the experience’. In th Present ms e€ interpersonal event of the possession “trances could b € the ren iy jcntecosta’ism) sanctioned method of conflict resolution relat d 3 persons invo ved (Marcos s family) and the situation (RSPK outbreaks) ° various of a may be, in a recent article Pattison e¢ al. (1986) described rarely of ce and possession states, in terms of modes of consciou : pena states, pers mons and contextual interpretations. They concluded that ’ » are not pathological, but ma i : ! y be experienc i as either normal or pathological personal experiences. “fand interpreted 4) And iti se © and rade, by cting See en case (p. 33), stressed the fact that “strong noise” hitting the persons didn’t hurt then ine ny RSPR me thi tne Stones f : ny cases thi randcndly Pelated effect (Roll, 1977)%. Stone-throwing RSPK episodes wwe noe This is quite even constitute the main occurrence of a poltergeist (Rogo, 1987) monothiwie ne esting, for throughout human history (and particularl in th Pedro explained ia stoning has been related to punishment. Likewise here, who was ‘drifting away from Evroecicnlpanees “( . punishment cre son oes principles’ (p. 53), this ‘ ers eeore put later (October 1976) Marcos was persoaded sencitives against his fara y conan clues that a ‘trabalho’ (magic work) had been done coos amily (P. 2). owever, if we consider Pedros’s interpretation of the “vs wenee heenet owing symbolic occurrence makes much sense. Especially if Tae etna. i ; pormal phenomena correspond to or have some relation with that Stage eo Symbolic language’ (McCully, 1981). It should be added Oris then cen ood Friday with a stoning: is that simply a coincidence ‘classical’ ROB meaning: If genuine one can classify such events as a Ofcouseivn ae 1enomenon, if not its symbolic aspect remains of importance people invoke T geandable that Andrade would infer that the stones flun at aoe safe invisi le agent’, a stone-thrower. Surely such inference . ground to invoke a spiritist explanation. After all Andrade’s remark that ‘nobody succeeded i i j objects’ panne richer m seeing the trajectory of the targeted damaged (5) On the other hand w aC) and we must not forget that sometimes le did di hoes, mens objects phenomena, e.g., Marcos’s ‘shoe levitation’ (Stage 2 agent pursuit of Marcos’s famil i ; it ¢ y at night, and i mae phrowing see with the Church Minister and his wife Maria The e the Bibles seem to be focal objects (Roll, 1977) is interesting. ’ For a brief account of the is Alvarado (1985). bjects are often flung about with great violence, but peo sue of ism j exorcism in the present case, the Reader should refer to ple are rarely hurt. The missiles may July 1990] The Guarulhos Poltergeist the two books were moved and cut on different occasions. Pedro attributed this to the fact that they used to read Psalm 91 ‘a powerful prayer in the fight against such kinds of disturbance’. Andrade quotes another case with persons belonging to an evangelical sect too: the poltergeist ‘pulled out and just removed the page containing Psalm 91’ (p. 27). Such a focal object is predictable in a family where the Evangelical principles outline the conduct of all members! According to Andrade such macro-PK events were the product ofa discarnate agency; but it’s curious to see how Noémia’s failures at showing any PKMB ability (while the family was watching a TV show presenting Uri Geller) or of some PK influence upon a compass are interpreted by him as proof that she could not be the RSPK agent, though he states that ‘this single session with negative results is meaningless’ (p. 71). Anyway even if there was really no epicentre or focal person here, one could explain the witnessed movement of objects phenomena by an unconscious PK collective agency (Owen & Sparrow, 1976). (6) In Andrade’s perspective the ‘apport’ phenomena suggest that ‘the incorporeal agent has direct access to any'place of our space’ (p. 74) from its own parallel dimension. The last events, with the two visiting women and their ‘materials’, are very suggestive of evil action at a distance by means of sorcery, according to him. On the other hand, it may suggest more mundane happenings. The women’s second visit coincided with Ruth’s birthday (4 October, 1976). They came back trying to enter the house by offering a piece of cake for No€mia and the children (p. 47) but unsuccessfully. This points to their precise knowledge of the family’s life. The two women didn’t belong to the same Church. During their first visit indeed they came by saying that ‘someone’ had sent them to bless the house (p. 46), and Noémia refused to let them in, for in her Church they anoint, they do not bless. It seems plausible that the women had some precise knowledge of the family’s life, and may have been behind some of the seemingly paranormal phenomena. The similarity with other cases investigated by the IBPP led Andrade to the sorcery-related conclusion, even while stating “we're aware of the unorthodox aspect of such an assumption, which could incur discredit for this work’ (p. 49). Certainly there is some evidence for a sorcery component in this case, as suggested by the appearance of rosemary, used in sorcery rituals (p. 12). But to state that the appearance of crossed knives, plants and lit candles are really the result of teleportation, simply because Marcos asserts that this occurred while the house was closed and nobody could enter, is to underestimate the possibilities of skeleton keys or the dexterity of certain housebreakers! After all despite being so categorical Marcos couidn’t expiain on this occasion the incense smell he found when coming into his house (p. 49). During these apport-like events, the fact that a knock in the wall preceded the ostensibly paranormal events (p. 18) is interesting, being consistent with Roll (1977) suggesting that ‘a greater number of [RSPK] cases with movements were preceded by sound”. As for the disappearance of money or of Elza’s purse or of some plates (which had disappeared in the first house and were found in the second, p. 20), there could be other explanations than teleportation. Even if ’s family could pick up the money because ip. 396) be aimed at someone, and to move with Rp preved tpg, pen : r 9003 0: ou) ag : r , CIA-RBPSE; are PRGA SAD 6 ie ccordance with the evangelical precepts’ 202 203