Abstract: Institutional mechanism is the fundamental for prolific information flow to flourish across the community. This goes aboard commencing the government initiatives, especially through inducing the communication divisions crosswise the public institutions, whereby mainstream media might embed the government – public communication channels in keeping with the constitutional quest for comprehensive citizens’ access to public information. Likewise, the provision of Press Organizations role as a dynamic arbitrator amongst media and served society, it’s so far suits a self-determination classic for the news institutions and overall journalists not only to detect the professional and national guidelines on the ground, but also rationalize the journalistic working atmosphere aimed at smoothly partaking the social accountability in the democratic society. Whilst, the structure of ownership and control entails the institutional manners and nascent settings towards the media functioning vi's-à-visa expediting the news industry scenario. In this respect, Tanzania media policy and legislations necessitate to restructure the ownership patters in which the autocracy among the owners tends to nurture transformation into their manners, contrary to the sociopolitical needs of industry. Whereas, advertisers get the most out of the overall social aspirations keen on the national divide through the power of media. They routine into promotional tool to achieve extraordinary characters, ultimately media have a burden to abide the established values so as to secure the advertising boom over economy deteriorations. Hitherto the institutional mechanisms such as self-regulatory instruments are potential to curtail such divisive inclinations.

Philosophy

International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  23 The State of Institutional Media and Professionalism in Tanzania Khamis Juma Abdalla, PhD Researcher Department of Journalism, Marmara University, Istanbul-Turkey Email; , July 14, 2018 Abstract: Institutional mechanism is the fundamental for prolific information flow to flourish across the community. This goes aboard commencing the government initiatives, especially through inducing the communication divisions crosswise the public institutions, whereby mainstream media might embed the government - public communication channels in keeping with the constitutional quest for comprehensive citizens" access to public information. Likewise, the provision of Press Organizations role as a dynamic arbitrator amongst media and served society, it"s so far suits a self-determination classic for the news institutions and overall journalists not only to detect the professional and national guidelines on the ground, but also rationalize the journalistic working atmosphere aimed at smoothly partaking the social accountability in the democratic society. Whilst, the structure of ownership and control entails the institutional manners and nascent settings towards the media functioning vi's-à-visa expediting the news industry scenario. In this respect, Tanzania media policy and legislations necessitate to restructure the ownership patters in which the autocracy among the owners tends to nurture transformation into their manners, contrary to the sociopolitical needs of industry. Whereas, advertisers get the most out of the overall social aspirations keen on the national divide through the power of media. They routine into promotional tool to achieve extraordinary characters, ultimately media have a burden to abide the established values so as to secure the advertising boom over economy deteriorations. Hitherto the institutional mechanisms such as self-regulatory instruments are potential to curtail such divisive inclinations. Keywords; Media Institutions, Ownership. Professionalism, Self-regulations, Tanzania 1. INTRODUCTION Although, the concept of institution of the press ends in editorial lineup as an absolute decision maker on what to publish and in which way, meant for top-down style unlike participatory framework among other media personnel particularly reporters (Gnonzio, 2011). It signifies the limited journalists influence on the news stories outlooks. It has extra implication to Tanzanian media scenery, when journalists are sanctioned to attend some events organized by particular institutions, and if they do so institution of media likely to ignore what they write, while for those who may be assigned to be there, their reportages have to conform the media houses polices and styles in which editor are pioneers. Nevertheless, there are incredible consequences in recent times; institutional support is glowing for mutual support brought about by various organizations in which editors and ordinary reporters are acquainted with their professional contacts. For instance, the formation of media human right class is ultimate for objecting the ideal importunity of institution of media, whereby journalists might cooperatively work with their editors concerning the human rights issues (Jones & Mhando, 2006; 80). This also fostered through the upward universal perspective on the scope of cooperation between Tanzanian media houses with other countries to form regional players operating amid Tanzania and other member states (ibid.). Actually, the institutional provision of the Tanzanian media house is still idealistic, for lack of specialized training like analytical reporting on gender issues, grows into cynical around the ground, as a result of the poor institutional livelihood for media persons when covering the public affairs. Unless by means of professional media organizations, such as the Tanzania Media Foundation inclines to organize such dedicated training, including investigative journalism on extractive industries in 2016. While the application of such training in the arena has been uncertain yet, due to the lack of managerial support, to the extent that the graduates are still assigned on pressing issues in due course (Powell, 2017; 9). This attributable to the policies and interest of media houses, including editors in which some have ideal political agenda contrary to the betterment of the general public. Whilst, self-regulation is too about the institutional mechanism to enable the professionals independently achieve the social accountability unlike legislative machinery. According to Mfumbusa (2003) the self-regulation as institutional means are still futile to enforce journalistic codes of ethics in Tanzanian newsrooms which so far spur unethical journalism (p. 11). However, the Media Council of Tanzania goes forward on regulating the various journalism activities and contemplation to maintain public journalism in view of professional standards. 2. THE IDYLLIC INSTITUTIONAL SUPPORT ALONG PRIVATE AND PUBLIC MEDIA DICHOTOMY Notwithstanding there are conspicuous undertakings among media houses in Tanzania in supporting their reporters, catering the overall community, such as IPP group of companies through its broadcasting stations, the Independent Television (ITV) and Radio One (ibid. 42). They have institutional initiatives to provide funds about 20% of their annual budget, supporting the social based programs to sensitize viewers and other companies vis-à-vis International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  24 critical subjects such as HIV/AIDS (ibid.). These media institutions had also ever encouraged football fans and general Tanzanians to donate to a football team of under 17 ages, a Serengeti Boys, as motivation for better performance in their champions. Likewise, the Mwananchi Communications Ltd MCL which is acquired by Kenya's Nation Media Group since 2001, by which the Nation Media Group turned into the largest independent media house in East and Central Africa (MCT, 2014;16). Through its Kiswahili daily newspaper, Mwananchi, and one of the major English-language newspapers in the country, The Citizen, collectively have strategic measures in editorial policies on mobilizing the public concerning gender-balance per daily reportages. To the extent that, the company has been honored a Tanzanian gender equality network GEMSAT award for its deliberations on curtailing gender discriminations across the national clusters. According to the audience survey and content analysis conducted by committee formed by MCT, the Mwananchi newspaper remains identical objective adhering to the prevailing laws and ethics in the country, despite the government's intimidation during general elections in 2010 (Rioba. 2012; 145). On top of that, a MCL is progressive so far in term of capital in which by 2013 grew 29% in effective incomes (Mwaijega 2013). Besides, the newly TV broadcasting operator a Azam media established in 2013, under ownership of a business mogul Said Bakhresa, has comprehensive institutional endeavors, the line of management is equipped with high profile commissioners, counting high-ranking journalists from global media like BBC's Swahili service (Powell, 2017; 11). Azam Media evolves to change the Tanzanian and overall East African media scenario, from episodic approaches to thematic with rich public life coverage of local and international current affairs like general election, political rallies, distinguished functions of celebrities, football tournament, boxing and other local taste programs. Whereby the emphasis is put to promote local productions through movies, reality shows, family entertainment serials, educational programs, sports among others. It has acquired the exclusive rights for telecasting of Tanzania Vodacom Premier League, the Azam Uganda Premier League, the FKF League in Kenya, and the Primus League in Burundi (Football) and has effectively transmitted the matches from the beginning of its launch (Azam, 2013). The editorial policies are the dynamic phenomenon for Tanzania Media Institutions to progress in accounting for the benefit of general public, whereby the boundary between entertainment and educational programmes is supposed to be clear. Other efforts rest on the mechanism by individual Media Houses for putting forwards various policies and professional strategies to ensure the media persons abide to ethical principles and values of journalism. This involves the provision of media ombudsman initiative liable to sustain the quality of contents produced within professional framework, in an attempt to detect ethical and technical errors as well as to advocate for the audiences' utilities; hitherto certainly constructing the portrayed messages into relevant to niche spectators. Also the press ombudsman system stands for preventing and clearing the complains from audiences over media contents as well as its useful contrivance to cement mutual benefits and trust between media houses and users. However, it is only a New Habari Corporation until 2012 among media house in Tanzania which has initiated office of the ombudsman (MCT, 2013a; 70). It typically implies to the institutional foundation of media operating in the country in term of ownership configuration and control in view of professionalism, owing the background of New Habari Corporation (2006) as originally established under professionals' control in 2006 by veteran journalists notably Jenerali Ulimwengu, Johnson Mbwambo, Salva Rweyemamu and Dr Gideon Shoo, and later was transformed its ownership to a Tanzania business personcum politician Rostam Aziz. The assertive peculiarities concerning the institutional acquiescence to professionalism also depict the approaches' dichotomy in public and private media institutions. The publicly-owned media organizations consist of Tanzania Broadcasting Corporations TBC: Zanzibar Broadcasting CorporationZBC, Tanzania Newspapers Standard and Zanzibar Newspapers Corporations; which they operate semi-autonomous. They are yet still at the mercy of ruling class, since their Managing Directors are of President Appointees and their expenditures of generated revenues keep on strictly underneath government accounting procedures (Jones & Mhando, 2006; 9). In this context, the prototype of public media is still becoming government operatives attributable to the critical synopsis by government bureaucrats and political cadres' influences into the institutional subjectivity. Moehler & Singh (2011) postulate the conflicting scrutiny concerning the state owned whether are more gifted over private media in Africa; since government has entire regulations and control of all form of mass communications across the borderlines (p. 276). Taking into account that public media abundantly receive the government subsidies and advertising from public and private institutions along with provision of with professional and trained staff, infrastructures, and other workwise resources (ibid.). According to their studies across African media ecosystems Moehler & Singh (2011) indicate that government presses uphold an interesting number of circulations over private counterparty newspapers (p. 277). Ultimately, private media are vulnerable of lesser quality and unable to challenge the prevailing system of state run media, whereby the political economy ostensibly reveals on unethical and inconsistent broadcasts (ibid). It similarly implicates to Tanzania media panorama, the state‐owned TBC which encompasses TBC Taifa, TBC FM and TBC 1 are among the few broadcast stations in the country which are able to expand completely national geographical coverage. On the private counterpart, only the giant private commercial stations have significant International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  25 nationwide reach like Radio Free Africa, Radio One, Clouds FM, Independent Television (ITV) and Star TV (InterMedia. 2011; 36). Whereas several other privately owned are incapable down to the technological resources to expand their coverage, so far they are less to develop behind the public media owing to the scarce competing power over advertising deal on account of their marginal resources provisions. Nevertheless, Moehler & Singh (2011) contend that the mushrooming of privately owned radio with a variety of news sources indicates the typical dichotomy that private media played considerably concerning the democracy objectivity and overall economic development in Africa over monopoly of government in media market (p. 276). Then again, there are identical bearings among private and public media houses over proprietorship on treating the editorial conducts. According to the Survey of Journalists and Media Managers conducted by MCT ((2013b) on the Impact of Ownership on Editorial Independence in Tanzanian Media discloses the alike institutional mechanism which influence the editorial behaviors in both private and publicly owned media. It found that government figures frequently speak their mind to the editors about the entire public media programmings and even pointing out some ostensive blunders that would be corrected or removed, the juncture clues to the confiscation of some programs which were deemed would intimidate public to those in powers (MCT, 2013b; 21). Meanwhile, in private counterpart proprietors go far even to sack or side-line their media personnel who attempted to focus on objective journalism for writing up the news stories contrary to their concentration (ibid). This study stipulates the harsh conducts experienced in private media by owners, through corporal intervention of the editorial works, imposing indefinite proofreaders who may change some articles on spot over all sets approved by editor in charge for publication yet, it just to humor the owners interest (ibid). Sub-editors are not freely completing their journalistic works per professional and ethical guidelines in which managing editor are potential of censoring everything in the newsrooms so as to please the proprietor, this is due to the number of pressures executed by media patrons (ibid; 22). The further synthesis around private and state run media, the institutional appraisal rests on the inconclusive abstract vis-à-vis the public trust dichotomy. Once again Moehler & Singh (2011) matches the Private versus Public Media in Africa, stressing the historical despotic and corrupt regimes assertion of media mistreatment, meant for publicly owned media dependence to the state and apparently were twisted as a régime mouthpiece (p. 276). It suggests the public trust substantial in private media which is approachable to the community with utilization of alternative sources of news, and that's ideally exercising watchdog role in democratic wise, by means of investigative reporting over government abuses of power (ibid). In consort with capitalist notion of market competition on advertising, unlike government media which are simply empowered with public resources and consequently widespread bureaucratic information which commonly would deteriorate the public trust. However, by using the survey method Moehler & Singh (2011) reveal unexpected results that state run broadcasters secure higher levels of public trust than private broadcast media outlets (p. 279). By using the sample of the sixteen countries, they found that only five states the private media secure citizens trust; Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, and Zambia, while the rest nine countries including Tanzania, and others; Cape Verde, Ghana, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda and Zambia the government broadcasters trust is considerably greater than their private rivals (p. 283). This notion implies that Africans would facilitates democracies on public media, given to government powers of controlling all social institution and Economic methodologies where private would not survive efficiently on utilizing the official sources. In addition to the study on the audiencescape by InterMedia (2011), the government source of information is more reliable than radio, television for Tanzanians, while friends and family information trust is marginal (p. 33). Nonetheless, the enigmatic results by Moehler & Singh (2011) on public trust contention has based merely on individual personas, comprising low political sophistication in views of civic knowledge about liberal democracy abstract, autocratic and credulous arrogances concerning political power, and pro-government institutions in view of partisan coordination are commonly occupied in widespread distrust for private media in excess of public media (p. 280). While national-level inspirations in regards with political culture and political Partisanship entails trust on public media, and not by reason of the undeveloped and low quality of private media outlets (p. 283). Therefore, the trust assentation is not a supportive signal to the flourish of media industry particularly private sector. Instead, other factors should be taken into consideration upon enhancing the quality of broadcast or cultivating press freedoms, with the emphasis of the precise political culture for miscellaneous media system to prosper, triggering on to promulgating egalitarian and desired professional reputation. The private media in Tanzania has historical implications of public trust, commenced on the outset of media liberalization in 1990s whereby a load of privately owned press and broadcasting outlets were forefront on sensational and entertaining genres. Recently they have secured significant trust after exposing multi-billion corruption scandals steered to the dismissal and resignations of senior government bureaucrats in 2000s. As the general concerns on the institutional mechanism dichotomy amid public and private, differing in the manner of contents productions and ways of propagation, due to the contrasting ideologies in the basis of political and economic affiliations as mostly anchored on ownership structure. Consequently, the two media styles are absolutely engendering unlike agenda with diverse ultimate goal of shaping public opinions in the same nation. Magolanga (2016) affirms on the International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  26 provision of editorial policies dichotomy in Tanzania media system; for the government owned media always remains pro-government (p. 23). Such a Habari Leo carries content which is responsive to the government and the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and unlikely to criticize over whatever government bearings (ibid). While private media are rather impartial, such as Mwananchi editorial policy remains critical of the government (ibid. 29). on account of capitalism modes of economy, still the private paper is determined by market forces, it's used for commercial curiosity, in which the press inclines to base more on political stories in order to sell the paper over a good number of audiences as well as to attract advertisers in maximization of profits, rather than focusing on development journalism based topics (ibid. 76). 3. THE PRESS ORGANIZATIONS AND QUEST FOR JOURNALIST WAGE BOARD Tanzanian journalism encompasses a number of organizations under journalists' supervision for the professional accomplishments. This includes professional associations, trade unions, ethics and freedom fortification based organizations, femininity interest centered associations along with press clubs athwart several regions in the country (Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, 2003; 5). Press club have become dominant centers for gathering journalists across the country, enhancing professionalism and economic development to the general public (ibid; 6). The information services department is the major government institution for generating the public information, subsequent to the SHIHATA dissolution Act no. 7 of 2000. This public institution has various offices in mainland regions, while the Zanzibar information services department operates merely on the isles. The provision of communication/information managers in various public and private agencies is the step ahead for the media industry in engendering public information, whereby officers are liable to utilize mass media for social contract point of view, with the intention of maintaining mutual empathy between government and overall citizens. The chronological framework for Tanzania Journalist Association can be traced in 1963, when the founder of Umma Party and editor of Sauti ya Umma on Zanzibar, Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, formed the historical Journalist Organization in Tanzania bases on isles namely the Association of Zanzibar Journalists (AZJO). It which was chaired by Jamal Ramadhan Nasibu and Salim Ahmed Salim a secretary with was aims at protecting their rights from predominant encroachments. The association advocated not only for welfare of national journalists but also treasured a vote of confidence from East African journalists and wide African journalists' societies over government depression against the fundamental rights to enlighten the public, in which the British regime reacted accordingly, insomuch as confiscated the passports of some association's members, then still the AZJO got globally backing (ibid; 31). As happened to the gradual death of press industry during the Tanzania's Ujamaa epoch, AZJO scheme came to an end in 1964 just after the United Republic of Tanzania was formed, whereby most of its members were co-founders of union government and hence others were designated to serve public posts. When the Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) formed in1995, there had been already several national and regional media professional organizations in which to large extent paved the way for MCT initiative, following the common denunciation of the government's proposal to enact a legislative media council. The media institutions under umbrella of civil society organizations notably Media Institute of Southern Africa MISA Tanzania branch, MISATan, Association of Journalists and Media workers AJM which was formed in 1994 and Association of Tanzania Journalist TAJA have been forefront on shielding free media and augmenting ethical foundations of journalism practice in the media houses and individual journalists. Example, TAJA remains significant in safeguarding the interest of Tanzanian media workers. While MISA-Tanzania is a regional panel which conveys journalism practices and familiarities among the member states (Jones & Mhando, 2006; 25). It concentrates on: freedom of expression advocacy and lobbying; media monitoring as a tool to gauge the degree of media freedom; campaigning for broadcasting pluralism and diversity; general media support; and, a legal support and defense fund for journalists and media houses (cf. ibid). Additionally, MISA-Tan endeavored to comprehend the set objective by using deliberate implements, like conducting training workshops, exchange programs within the region and arranges awards for journalists, for example, the annual Edward Moringe Sokoine Award for journalists who have succeeded in highlighting development issues (ibid). The Tanzania Media Women's Association (TAMWA) was founded in 1987 and got registered as an NGO in 1988, the gender based organization which focuses on femininity liberation, meant for media advocacy on promoting the visibility of women in development; reviewing the Law of Marriage Act 1971; eradicating child labour; and, campaigning against HIV/AIDS and female genital mutilation (FGM) (Ibid.). Henceforth, TAMWA is influential not only on endorsing female media workers' constructive appearance over male dominance but also tends to feature the media role on women emancipation from social stereotypes. These includes promoting the news coverage of women and children, especially for remote areas alongside their basic right through legal backing, by using its own media strategy such as the journal Sauti ya Siti (Madam's Voice) which imparts sufficient knowledge on gender issues (Kiondo, 2007; 8). Besides, there are also international media monitoring agencies in Tanzania, including Africa Media Portal and the Steadman Group in which among others they deal with the proposition of media programs like advertising and monitoring of journalistic activities like news coverage and public access (Jones & Mhando, 2006; 25). The Tanzanian press clubs are International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  27 significant machinery for regulating media issues by means of top-down and bottom-up approach of administering and installing satisfactory network amid freelancers and permanent media persons. There are about 23 regional press clubs around the country with managements which role to represent districts, regional and national level, through which private and public media houses are involved to cultivate a communal progression and converse the journalists' aspirations in the direction of supplementing professionalism (MCT, 2013a; 14). Since, journalism is an inclusive line of work anchored in various specialties, the provision of dedicated media organizations is dynamic on safeguarding the professional performance towards the social obligation. For instance, the Tanzania Sports Writers Association TASWA is a core expediter for crucial characteristics of sports journalism in Tanzania. The Association has more than 90 members and branches in some regions, endures to bring together the main actors of sport commentary through decisive occasions like sports media bonanza, whereas over 1,500 participants played, ate and drank together (ibid, 16). TASWA has good link with other global based sport pioneers like the Tanzania Olympic and the International Sports Press Association which TASWA regularly attends annual general convocation, it also has been working closely with Tanzania Football Federation. It organizes training for its member and presenting annually awards of the Sportsman/Sportswoman in which various champions in sports categories are contested (ibid. 17). However, due to the financial constraints, TASWA persists ineffective throughout its deliberations, hence merely depends on sponsors which might depicts reproach on the objective journalisms. As Sports journalism is still deemed a populist element of profession in the country, the association inclines to craft the independence among its member by initiating savings and credit cooperative society (SACCOS), along with placing other various projects headed for financially supporting themselves with respect to welfare and professional sustainability. Knowing the financial limitations as a cynical burden for the professional accomplishment in Tanzania, the Tanzania Media Fund TMF was established in 2008 pointing toward at financing journalism activities in the best interests of setting up independent media milieu, necessary for an accountable, transparent government and a democratic society (TMF, 2011: 1). It's meant for precautionary legitimate over ownership comforts and overcoming other ethical challenges around the structural conditions such as brown envelope journalism. Thus, TFM which is managed by skillful local administrators is disposed to trace accountable and free journalism scenario, focusing on individual journalists and organizations to restructure into analytical and public interest reporting systems. Commencing the grassroots individuals to the mainstream media house, TMF covers endowments to over 347 individual grantees and 58 institutions from the first phase (2008 -2012) (ibid: 9). By which about 2388 of media productions were featured in newspapers, radio and TV which exceeded the original targets of (2008 -2012) plot (ibid.). Thanks to the high number of award applicants, the press sector is the major beneficiary during the first scheme 2012 - 2016 for 74% with over 2000 articles were published of which more than 50% related to transparency and accountability, likewise18% broadcasted on radio, and 8% secured on television (ibid. 10). The TMF inclines on popularizing the local programming with relevant quality, for example there are a number of popular local programs which are aired in major TV stations of Tanzania, like the documentary of 'Chief Mkwawa" produced by Alkemist Media, and the satirical puppet show "Pikabom" as well as 2011's "Nchi Yetu" series produced by Maa Media (ibid, 11). Such programs and other localized projects foster the diversity and plurality of contents, as a matter of course tracing the marginal populations in particular like gender issues and rural remote populaces. As stated by MCT (2013a) through mentorship programs TMF managed to cover 306 individual journalists and 14 institutional grantees accompanied by Investigative Journalism and mobile reporting trainings, intended at improving their journalistic capacity, understandings and ultimate quality (significance, sourcing, viewpoints and indepth reporting) (p.22). However, the analytical journalism is not yet recognized well by journalists and media institutions comparing to public interest reporting scheme (ibid). While the second phases 2012-2015 was redefined per the miscellaneous grant categories and set more realistic targets, which mostly focuses on institutional alterations of media industry vis-à-vis serious journalism counter to exemplary yellow. Thus far, TMF equipped journalists with structural environment emerged around the industry using audiences' mentorship methodology. The TMF porotype is the convenient institutional support in boosting the circulation of press, viewership and listenership for broadcasting channels. Such media development organizations are very influential on adopting the institutional mechanisms over upgrading the operational transformation with regard to accountability schemes of media, including the watchdog role that might reinforce transparency and independence. To this point, the Networking among media institutions like TAMWA, MISA, JET and TAJA, ascents to confluence and deliberate about the essential agencies to consent professional excellence and neutralizing inimical legislations into conducive settings of responsibility and transparent to prevail (TMF, 2011: 12). The media organizations are hitherto very persuasive of protecting media not only professional legality but also are potential of fortifying the labor right over structural severance. Such professional societies and trade unions have incredible character to organize journalists to protect and defend their rights in eliminating the high labor disputes including turnover amongst media houses. The study by MCT (2013a) discovered that about 98% of International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  28 respondents are member of media professional organization in which Regional Press Clubs secure 88.3% of participants (p, 70). While there is exoticism among journalists towards trade unions utilization, despite the common provision of The ILO Convention No. 87 on Freedom of Association, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and Part III of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, 1977. In this provision workers of any sector have the right to join and set up trade unions to gratify for their welfares and aspirations. Nonetheless, it normally turns out to fallacy on the subject of media occupation as far as many media houses don't have even schemes of service and contracts for employees (ibid). Hence, the press clubs are the just basic for merely professional progression and harmony, rather than championing their members' right, accordingly, journalist become disappointed of defending their privileges over disputes through trade unions (ibid; 70). The studies further consent the absence of journalism related trade union and Minimum Wage Board for Media Industry, through the Labor Institutions Act, 2004 here-in after referred to as LIA, 2004 (Part V of the Act, especially S.34(b) ) provided for wage boards, which would set up minimum income/wages. It's ideally for journalists to make use of shielding their rights a potential convergent sphere, holding the depiction of mutual interests of the employer and employees, by which permanent employed, part-timers and freelancers would be beneficiaries in accordance with Contract of Service. Due to the lack of knowledge on labor laws, whereas journalists cannot even differentiate the trade unions liable for protecting workers' rights in respect of remunerations and working conditions and media associations which primarily concentrate on professional disputes and accomplishments (ibid. 72). Despite the fact that they are proponent to generate Public awareness on labor laws, they are so far not aware of their own rights and services (ibid.). The persistency of normative discrepancy by professionals on Wage Board in the media industry is in the cards to impair the common prosperity in which a loop hole has been created for employers to maximize profit at the expense of poorly motivated journalists (cf. ibid 73) 73. Therefore utilization of labor laws through trade unions are essential accouter for labor disputes in favor of journalists as well as for promoting efficiency and professional excellence athwart media organizations. 4. MCT AS SELF-REGULATORY DEVICE FOR INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION Subsequent to the breakdown of Statutory Media Council Bill which was projected by the government to regulate the journalism and its affiliations in the country. Accordıng to the late minister of information and broadcasting Dr. William Shija the Media Profession Regulation Act of 1993 was destined as state machinery to professionalize the media sector from intervention of immature journalists who used the loophole of free market to destabilize the profession. It would have safeguarded the fundamental public right to information as well as holding media free and publicly accountable. Among other utilities the bill was premeditated to entrust the board on regulation and controlling the entire media operation, counting registration and even to deregister news people as per prerequisites. Contrary to the eyes of many media professionals who contemplated that, the proposal was another deterring legislative device and aimed to hamper the functioning of independent media which was basic for initial democratization struggle. However, the historical concerted action by various stakeholders to oppose the bill was fruitful. Since then professionals from media institutions managed to found the Independent Media Council of Tanzania IMCT in June 1995 in the course of an inclusive resolution, it was officially launched in February 1996 while started operation effectively on May 22nd 1997 after official registration (Stumer, 2008; 186). IMCT, which was constituted as a voluntary, autonomous, and nonstatutory body, aims at enforcing professional ethics and protecting individuals against invasion of privacy. Although the council"s power is based on moral authority, it can be given legal weight if IMCT testifies against an offender in court. The council has 13 members, seven from media institutions and five public representatives, and its chairman is the vice-chancellor of the Open University, Professor Geoffrey R. V. Mmari (cf. ibid). Afterwards, MCT grew into the professionally administered organization, which is pointed at undergoing self-regulation principles athwart institutional incentive afore legislative enforcement, in an attempt to enhance ethical behaviors in the media houses and inspiring the provision of free press. Meanwhile, MCT has endeavored to maintain public trust and freedom of media institutions rather than governmental contraption which normally seems to destabilize the media significant role to the society on behalf of servicing ruling elites. The independent, non-statutory and voluntary media council is ideal to set up promising milieu over legal and market constrains, to the point that responsible media are designed under concrete ethical groundwork attributable to the democratic society rations. Through the paradigm of voluntarism, all media institutions are potential members and owe a courtesy to operate the body by financial backing via annual membership fee. The MCT objectives were set to hearten the broad professional undertakings includes; ...to assist, safeguard and maintain freedom of the media in Tanzania; to oversee that journalists, editors, broadcasters, producers, directors, proprietors and all those involved in the International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  29 media industry in Tanzania adhere to highest professional and ethical standards; to consider and adjudicate upon complaints from the public and amongst the media against infringements of the code of ethics.; encouraging development of the media profession in Tanzania by undertaking activities including, but not limited to, training of journalists, overseeing press clubs development, to conduct various media freedom campaigns, seminar, workshop and/or symposia; to maintain a register of developments likely to restrict the supply of information of public interest and importance, keep a review of the same, and investigate the conduct and attitude of persons, corporations and governmental bodies at all levels, towards the media, and make public reports on such investigations; to promote and defend the interests of readers, viewers and listeners and to promote gender sensitivity, equality, equity and balance (Cf. Rioba 2009: 186). Subsequently, MCT has evolved as a substantial self-regulatory mechanism for effective and responsible media operation, it has been undertaking various arbitration of complaint by which its estimated to receive about 25 cases annually, comprising politicians, professionals, business persons, ordinary citizens, public institutions such as SUMATRA, Zanzibar Electricity Corporation, Democratic Republic of Congo Embassy, Tanzania Ports Authority and Fair Competition Commission and the government officials like former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa (MCT, 2013a; 68). It's also a vital contrivance for exceling the bearings of media personnel, so far has trained journalists in ethics and investigative journalism; organized workshops and symposia to discuss ethics; prepared codes of ethics for journalists and produced a number of publications addressing issues of quality journalism and Accountability (Cf. Rioba 2009: 186). Further to this, the council recently has succeeded to develop the common curricular for all journalism training institutions, which might standardize the profession among journalist students upon completion of their studies for healthier performing their tasks in media organizations. Bertrand (2007) affirms that media industry can archetypally survive in the emerging settings of capitalist market by merely means of self-determination through own professional conventions, due to the inclination of ownership concentration and hostile legislations (p. 28). He justifies on the changing current model of news into "iceberg journalism", which consists in covering only the small visible part of reality; in ignoring the much larger part that is under the surface... "Infotainment", the common confusion of information and entertainment, of what is interesting and what is important and a regrettable attitude and "Negativism", which consists in judging most positive news as uninteresting, and in always, showing the half-empty glass, focusing on decline, conflict, violence, suffering, disaster (ibid. 29). The critical dissertation persists on the political, economic and other social powers that might deter the aptitude and archetypal functioning of self-regulatory machinery. In Tanzania the delusion sticks around media houses which are systematic MCT members, the anomalous predisposition by editors in some newsrooms and managers reiterate unscrupulous performances, especially by sensational presses after arbitration cases went through them, in due course they withdraw from MCT supervisions as their disappointment over arbitrary decisions upon them (Kilimwiko, 2009; 91). Table 2.3.7 Strengths and Weaknesses of the MCT in Force International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  30 Source; Rioba (2009; 159) Accordingly, MCT perseveres in defiance with such media organizations, the typical examples are of Global Publications Company which publishes a number of tabloids; Uwazi, Risasi, Amani, Ijumaa and Champion, issued a common statement over the then MCT executive secretary Antony Ngaiza, accusing of had having a secrete agenda over publications, so they would keep on nonmembers (ibid.). As of 2009 two media institutions refused to comply by MCT"s ethics committee and one of them withdrew its membership with MCT (cf. ibid; 92). Another dubious instance was for a critical Zanzibar Newspaper Dira which suspected the MCT executive to devise with government on proscription of the paper (cf. ibid; 93). Such myths by MCT members clues the dismissal of some cases, since the editors had declined to join forces with Ethics Committee whereby complainant are asked to look for another legal alternatives (Cf. Rioba 2009: 190). The fallacy of self-regulatory model is mostly owing to conflict of interest in the contemporary media industry in the basis of ownership and organization policies. Owners tend to institute their orthodox journalism persona de facto in prioritizing the commercial and political interest. The owners' control of entire media functioning implicates to the truncated public trust whereby MCT rests reactive organ - event oriented potency on the ethical violation cases, waiting for complaints to fill up the intercession form (Kilimwiko, 2009; 91). Due to the meagre running of MCT to reinforce the free and effective press alike, in place of it some stakeholders think of legal enforcement to entrench punitive powers (MCT, (2014; 58). Since the framework of democracy would needs the legal compulsion with certain exceptions on the pillars conspicuously freedom of expression, that's to fashion accountable and transparent International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  31 environment where media has humble obligation to work for a legitimate concentration of the social needs and aspirations. The statutory machinery may validates the provisional power of administering and regulating in particular conditions, such as deregistering any journalist who may violate the set ethical codes and standards (ibid.). Hitherto entails for the socially responsible journalism, meant for self-disciplined among media houses and their journalists per professional principles. Nevertheless, the arbitration spectrum by dint of Ethics Committee is liable for griping and facilitating complaints with reference to abuses of media codes of ethics along media houses and its publics. MCT achieves high public trust, by which several individuals and institutions continue to make of use the Committee for handling their objections, ultimately it serves a court of honor thanks to the punctuality and affordability of arbitration procedures, unlike law court protocols which may take some years for the cases to terminate (ibid, 2013a; 68). MCT (2015) accords with the Rioba (2009) concerning the conjoint individual journalists' gratitude of MCT position in excelling their daily ethical undertakings. It"s Board of Directors, Ethics Committee and other internal mechanisms have continued to function optimally and now MCT claims to enjoy 100% compliance of its arbitration decisions (cf. MCT, 2015; p.41). This is due to the certainty that the individual professionals are always eager on the ethical tendency over external muggers. In his PhD dissertation about Media Accountability in Tanzania's Multiparty Democracy as the case of self-regulation, Rioba (2009) finds that the Media Council of Tanzania has been endeavoring to set journalism convenient in the country for the better performance, it so far has been honored regionally and globally attributable to its institutional structure of selfregulatory mechanism as well as its acknowledged with high respect from journalists (p. 190). In his analysis about the arbitration, Rioba discovered that most of the incidents are about ethical faults in the scope of defamation, libel and innuendo which are mostly filled by individuals and institutions (p. 191). Through qualitative analysis about MCT's arbitration cases in the ten year period (1997-2006), he further found out the supreme defendants of 92 percent used to complain over newspapers, while radio obtains only six percent of arbitration cases and the rest are about plagiarism and others (p. 192). While About 87 percent of protests were about false, untrue or malicious information as reasoned by complainants. Surprisingly, in this study Rioba catches that serious newspapers are the foremost potential of complaints rather than tabloids (p.193). This is due to the reality that broadsheet newspapers are always politically analytic and tend to cover the real life of human stories including the social and economic arenas. MCT undergoes with a quantity of encounters plus strengths as illustrated on table No. 1 above. All the same, this organ is the only prominent institutions in the country even out of media industry, which has efficaciously managed to reach and serve the niche publics, where by about 2000 workshops and seminars in 10 years were conducted to media owners, administrators, editors, journalists and other stakeholders, together with over 1000 beneficiaries were reached throughout the county on the scope of basic journalism, ethics and investigative reporting trainings (ibid; 211). Moreover, it sets up about 23 press clubs across the regions and developing code of ethics especially during the general elections, while its publications The Watch and Barazani have become significant tools in the media practice and academia in Tanzania (ibid). However, according to the study (MCT, 2015) there is a common longing among media professionals about (71.9%), would like to see more efficiency per deliberate mechanism to be applied so that to magnify self-regulation system. A good number of research participants think that media self-regulation would be rather effective for embedding socially accountable based journalism in Tanzania than government legislations (p.33). Therefore, there is a need of deliberate mechanisms keen on institutionalized approach with the purpose to enforce the ethical journalism to prevail the trendy profession. The MCT professional legitimacy compels further imperative institutional adherence in term of ownership, and instant structural reform in the newsrooms in an attempt to streamline independent and responsible journalism. 5. CONCLUSION The paradigm shift from a centralized economic system by the Ujamaa government towards market economic adjustment in proportion to the IMF/WB schemes in 1980s and the provision of the new constitution in 1992 into multipartism have commonly expanded the Tanzanian mediascape with diversity of content compassions and informative model, together with limited censorship and control from the state (Ekström et al. 2012; 165). When examining the antecedents around the transformation of media structures in Tanzania as militarized by economic and political liberalization, the technological determinism is so far another dynamic factor behind the crusade, in which technology diffusion had great influences to the modelling up the presence configurations. The initial landmark which elicited towards current Tanzania media ecosystem was noticed through the satellite evolution, when broadcasting etiquettes were much factored in the way of digitalisation keen on communication technologies. The implication of technological influences can be also traced after the official Migration from Analogue to Digital Broadcasting in 2012 is the historical milestone of Tanzania mediascape, coped with the free media market scheme. The individual journalists and existing mainstream media channels in the country have extended to the online version through blogs, websites, and social media platforms, by which traditional contents interrelated with and hence audiences pass their views on connected news bulletins. Besides, the mobile phone has risen amongst the most influential tool and supportive to the economic, political and social needs of communication. Kivikuru, (2016) cites on the Africa service typology of International Journal of Academic and Applied Research (IJAAR) ISSN: 2000-005X Vol. 2 Issue 10, October - 2018, Pages: 23-32  32 mobile phone like Ushaidi, the crowd-mapping platform, mobile money projects like MPesa, and the so-called MHealth projects are among the most widespread ventures of mobile utilization in Africa (p. 87). Since the institutional media transformation is typically steered with the media economics viewpoints by means of ownership and control, inevitable to shape the media market in the country. The media associations have the potential to transform the institutional power under the self-regulatory framework upon professionals' control of daily media undertakings over emerged market challenges, draconian media legislations and technological influences. REFERENCES [1] Abdalla, K.J. (2015). The media, intellectuals and civil society in Democratization in Tanzania. Point J. Hum.. Soc. Sci. 2( 1): 022-026. 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