dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
Access to and storage of recordings Assuming videos have been recorded, several questions remain open as to the circumstances under which they are stored, and who can access them and under which constraints. Recordings can be either managed internally, or using the services of an external contractor. In both cases, procedures relative to video access, transmission and deletion must be defined, as well as the identities and roles of data controllers and processors. Since recordings will be centralised, privacy threats are especially significant during their storage: during this stage of the data life cycle, a large quantity of personal data is concentrated in a single spot. Video management conditions ought to be clarified accordingly. A factor increasing privacy protection with regard to video management is the presence of accountability measures for access, generating histories of access, e.
Risks posed by upcoming technologies A number of video camera technologies, existing or currently under development, have a significant impact on privacy and should therefore be taken into account when assessing the impact of wearable body-worn cameras. A recent European project (SurPRISE) highlighted many such features. 83 Some technologies make it possible to isolate the position or movement of recorded entities. Faces may be matched against databases or recognised. The advent of behavioural pattern recognition techniques raises the question of whether (or when) these techniques could be used to identify individuals even when their faces are not recorded in detail. Even more intrusive  76  Ibid. 77  mechanisms such as automated emotion recognition and classification are under development.
Methods and Findings We collected and harmonized data on mortality from four alcohol-related causes (alcoholic psychosis, dependence, and abuse; alcoholic cardiomyopathy; alcoholic liver cirrhosis; and accidental poisoning by alcohol) by age, sex, education level, and occupational class in 20 European populations from 17 different countries, both for a recent period and for previous points in time, using data from mortality registers. Mortality was age-standardized using the European Standard Population, and measures for both relative and absolute inequality between low and high socioeconomic groups (as measured by educational level and occupational class) were calculated. Rates of alcohol-related mortality are higher in lower educational and occupational groups in all countries. Both relative and absolute inequalities are largest in Eastern Europe, and Finland and Denmark also have very large absolute inequalities in alcohol-related mortality.
Methods Data We extracted data from national or regional mortality registers in which deaths and population numbers were classified by socioeconomic position, such as the national longitudinal mortality registers in Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark; the Office for National Statistics Longitudinal Mortality Study in England and Wales, and the Echantillon Démographique Permanent created by the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE) in France. We included all European countries for which data on cause-specific mortality covering complete national or regional populations were available that allowed a distinction by the most commonly used indicator of socioeconomic position, level of education (see below). Unfortunately, not all European countries have data collection systems in place from which such data could be extracted (e.
g. , because of privacy restrictions or lack of information on education level in their population census), but our study includes 17 countries that together represent all parts of the European subcontinent. Table  1  gives an overview of the main characteristics of our data sources; S1-S3 Tables provide additional detail. To facilitate inspection of tables and graphs, we have grouped populations into four geographical regions (Northern Europe, Western Europe, Southern Europe, and Eastern Europe). Most data stemmed from longitudinal mortality follow-up after censuses in which socioeconomic information of the population at risk and of the deceased had been recorded; some countries had only unlinked cross-sectional data in which socioeconomic information on the population at risk came from the census, and socioeconomic information on the deceased came from the death certificate.
In most countries linkage between the population and death registries was more than 95% complete; for Spain, where linkage failure exceeded 5%, mortality rates were multiplied by the inverse of the proportion of deaths that were successfully linked in order to adjust for the linkage failure. Data for Spain and Italy came from regional populations, but previous studies have shown that patterns observed in these regional populations correspond well to those seen at the national level  [25] [26] [27]. The UK is represented by two regional populations: (1) England and Wales and (2) Scotland. We used two indicators of socioeconomic position: level of education and occupational class. For education level, we used the International Standard Classification of Education 1997, and considered categories 0-2 (pre-primary, primary, and lower secondary education) as "low," categories 3-4 (upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary education) as "middle," and categories 5-6 (first and second stage of tertiary education) as "high"  [28].
What Did the Researchers Do and Find? The researchers obtained data on deaths from alcoholic psychosis, dependence, and abuse; alcoholic cardiomyopathy (a type of heart disease); alcoholic liver cirrhosis; and accidental alcohol poisoning from the mortality registers of 17 European countries. Using available data on educational level and occupational class, they calculated relative and absolute socioeconomic inequalities in alcohol-related mortality (relative inequality reflects mortality differences between socioeconomic groups in terms of a proportion or percentage; absolute inequality reflects mortality differences between groups in terms of deaths per 100,000 person-years). Rates of alcohol-related mortality were higher in individuals with less education or with manual (as opposed to non-manual) occupations in all 17 countries.
Acknowledgments We thank the members of the  DEMETRIQ consortium  for their valuable comments and suggestions on a previous version of the manuscript. In addition to the authors, the following members of the DEMETRIQ consortium contributed to this study (in alphabetical order by country). Austria:  Johannes Klotz ,  Statistics Austria ,  Vienna. Denmark :  Jorn Korsbo Petersen ,  Statistics Denmark ,  Copenhagen. England  and Wales:  Office for National Statistics, Newport, Wales. Italy (Turin) :  Giuseppe Costa ,  Department of Clinical Medicine and Biology, University of Turin, Turin. Lithuania:  Ramune Kalediene  and  Remigijus Prochorskas ,  Lithuanian University of Health Sciences, Kaunas. Norway: Bjørn Heine Strand, Division of Epidemiology, Norwegian Institute of Public Health, Oslo.
Objective deprivation is perceived collectively or socially and is registered in the census; subjective deprivation is individually perceived and is assessed by questionnaire in specific surveys. 3 4 ince individual socioeconomic data are often absent or poorly collected in routine health databases, individual socioeconomic position can be assessed using socioeconomic characteristics of the place of residence. 6] [7]  Studies are therefore usually conducted with area-based measures developed from census data that are commonly known as ecological deprivation indices. These studies assess the impact of socioeconomic characteristic of place of residence on health inequalities integrating composition and contextual effect. 8 9 cological deprivation indices were first developed in the early 1980s in the UK,  3 10 11  then in numerous countries across the world, including the USA,  12  Canada,  13 14  New Zealand  15  and, more recently, in Italy,  [16] [17] [18]  France,  [19] [20] [21] [22]  Spain,  23 24  Sweden,  25  the Czech Republic  26  and Denmark.
27 9] [30]  The approach used conceptualised multiple deprivation as a composite of different dimensions or domains of deprivation as anticipated by Townsend. IMDs was also developed and used in Germany. 31 32 According to data availability at individual or aggregated level, the type of poverty measured by theses indices and the approaches used to build them, vary widely, making European and international comparisons difficult. In a previous paper, we developed a method for constructing a small area-level ecological deprivation index that is replicable in all European Union members, based on a European survey on deprivation (European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions EU-SILC) and national census data. 33 The previous paper provided the French version of this EDI, which has since been used in several studies on social inequalities in cancer incidence  34  and screening uptake.
Data sources Individual data: the EU-SILC common questionnaire framework We used the EU-SILC (http://www. eui. eu/Research/Library/ ResearchGuides/Economics/Statistics/DataPortal/EU-SILC. aspx) survey to obtain individual data to construct the indices. EU-SILC is a cross-sectional and longitudinal sample survey providing data on income, poverty, social exclusion and living conditions in the European Union. The common EU-SILC framework provides a recommended design for implementing EU-SILC, with common requirements (for imputation, weighting, sampling errors and calculation), common concepts (household and income) and common classifications (ISCO: International Standard Classification of Occupations, NACE: Statistical Classification of Economic Activities and ISCED: International Standard Classification of Education) aimed at maximising the comparability of the information produced.
From these data, the statistical office of the European Union (Eurostat-http://ec. europa. eu/eurostat/web/main) produces a European standardised questionnaire that is specifically designed to study deprivation. It consists of nine questions, common to European Union members, evaluating needs that directly or indirectly induce financial inability. Only these individual pieces of data from the survey conducted in 2006, common to all European Union members, were used in this work. For each European Union member, the sum of weights for the sample design and the response rate to a national questionnaire were tailored on the basis of the national population size. 7] [38]  the smallest area for which census data were available was identified for each country (table 1).
Step 3: Construction of an ecological deprivation index, the EDI The third and final step was constructing an ecological deprivation index. First, the univariable logistic regression model selected the variables of step 2, which explained the individual indicator ( p<0. 05; step 1. 3). These variables were then grouped together in a new model. The multivariable logistic regression facilitated the selection of the individual variables that were available in the EU-SILC and National Census data sets, when they were associated with the EU-SILC individual deprivation indicator. As these selected variables were also available in the census data at the smallest level, we were able to build the ecological deprivation index for each country by using these variables. The regression coefficients associated with these selected variables in the final model became the weights of these variables measured at the aggregated level in the ecological index.
RESULTS Step 1: Construction of an individual deprivation indicator Selection of fundamental needs at the individual level In accordance with the concept of relative deprivation, we investigated how individuals define deprivation based on what they can or cannot afford in a specific societal and cultural context. Using EU-SILC household databases, a list of potential fundamental needs involving 'possession' was constructed. Their lack reflects deprivation in a specific cultural context (table 2). Table  2  shows that the identified fundamental needs were similar across the countries, except 'taking a week's annual holiday away from home' in Portugal and 'having a computer' in Portugal and Italy, which were lacking in >50% of the population in these countries and thus were not treated as fundamental needs there.
Definition of an individual deprivation indicator A binary individual deprivation indicator was obtained by determining the best threshold for the number of fundamental needs unmet due to financial inability. The threshold best-fitting poverty in all countries was the lacking of two fundamental needs. Then, the households were defined as deprived only if they could not afford at least two of the country-specific fundamental needs. Step 2: Identification and dichotomisation of variables available both at aggregate (census) level and individual (EU-SILC) level The aggregated index, based on each country's available census data, must fit with the common individual deprivation index to the best possible degree. Therefore, in order to compute this index, it was necessary to identify the variables that were available for each country, phrased and coded in the same way in the EU-SILC and census data sets.
Mapping of EDI To develop more easily readable maps for Italy and Spain, EDI scores were computed (SAS V. 9. 1 in France and England, R 3. 0. 1 in Spain, SPSS V. 21. 0 in Portugal and SPSS V. 19. 0 in Italy) and mapped (ArcMap V. 10. 2. 1) at the municipal level, while the Portugal and England maps are readable at the smallest level (census tract block groups and lower super output areas (LSOA; see online supplementary material 2).
36 DI can be computed at several geographical scales and sizes and can be harmonised across Europe. Further studies will be conducted to compare the ability of each country's EDI to correctly identify disadvantaged areas. One specific trait of EDI is that it assesses deprivation in the same way in urban and rural areas. However, health inequalities tend to be more marked in urban areas (especially in the England), as highlighted in the European project INEQ-CITIES. 41 he EU-SILC survey data used were those from the survey conducted in 2006, which were the complete data available at the beginning of the study. Eurostat indicator analyses on monetary poverty, material deprivation and low work intensity show that the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion in the European Union (28 members) was decreasing before the economic crisis, to reach its lowest level in 2009, and then grew again in the following years, marked by the economic crisis.
Since the EU-SILC survey is available for all members of the European community, EDI should be constructed for all 28 members. EDI will produce an improved understanding of the mechanisms underlying health inequalities while accounting for the cultural and historical context of each country. Developing a standardised EDI across Europe will allow European comparative studies to be undertaken and replicated over time and space. From a pragmatic point of view, EDI can be used to investigate links between socioeconomic environment and health in all fields where health data are available at aggregated level and comparable from one country to another. Many studies on deprivation and mortality data as health indicators have been developed in European countries  17 42 43  but no comparison between countries has been carried out.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to acknowledge European Partnership for  Action Against Cancer (EPAAC)  and  Eurostat , as well as the  National Institutes of Statistics , for providing us with census data. Contributors CP conducted the study and monitoring across all participants. EG wrote the manuscript. All the authors reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript. Funding EPAAC provided funding for workshops in Ispra, Lisbon, Porto and Caen.
Because individuals are benefit recipients we can be quite confident that an exit from the registers, which imply the suspension of benefits, is meaningful and related to a transition to employment (this view can be challenged when unemployed are not eligible to benefits; see  Card, Chetty and Weber, 2008). However, the administrative data does not allow to measure other relevant dimensions of impact, such as job quality on which the program put strong emphasis. To measure these dimensions, a phone survey was run in March and April 2008. The initial sample included around 800 job seekers out of the 4,300 individuals who had entered the experiment between April and June 2007 (see table  1 ). Job seekers had therefore been assigned for about 10 months when they were surveyed. The sample was stratified according to the job seekers' random assignment and to whether they had signed or not for an intensive scheme.
Introduction Burning Man (BM) is a community that gathers annually in the Black Rock Desert with the aim of artistic experimentation within a communal context. Mia and her "burner" friends enjoy contributing to different artistic projects. Social Innovation (SI) are new ideas (products, services and models) that simultaneously meet social needs (more effectively than alternatives) and create new social relationships or collaborations  (Murray et al 2010). We can catalogue as SI a wide range of phenomena (see  Benkler, 2006) , including popular ones such as free/libre/open source software (FLOSS) and Wikipedia, but also OpenStreetMap, Blablacar or Fablabs. SI typically relies in communities which follow a "power law", or the 1-9-90 principle. This means that, approximately, the 1% of the community participants contribute very actively; the 9% contribute occasionally; and the 90% are more passive users of the content created.
III. 2. The ICTs used In a Gendarmerie, among the co-existing ICTs one can find: -two telephone systems full-duplex, one being a land-line at the brigade, the other being a mobile GSM service; -an internal data transmission system (Rubis Messaging system) and voice transmission system half-duplex (Rubis phone) by airwave; -an Intranet / Internet network providing access to databases or specific message applications; -electronic messaging tools dedicated to each agent (inter-personal messaging service) or to the entire brigade (station messaging service). The following table (cf. Table  2 ) summarizes the characteristics of the technologies at the focus of our study, and describes their main functionality, the associated type of use, the type of exchange induced and the place of use.
-Observations of all agents in the workplace, for one day per person (n=38): this approach, involving the "paper and pencil" recording of observations, allows attention to be paid to clearly defined, intensively examined situations, with the aim of determining real practices, recording the context in which they develop, and taking the actors' verbal work and behavior into account  (Arborio & Fournier, 1999). Here, the agents' behaviors in interpersonal work relationships, and in their use of ICTs, constitute preferred observables, which are used to describe workplace situations. In parallel, an observation grid is used to make specific note of data related to the use of ICTs. For each observation situation, a detailed record is produced, in which the completed actions are presented. -Verbalizations: this involves the recording of verbal exchanges, expressed in a natural form, related to the behavior and mental operations implemented in the work situation during the execution of a task  (Caverni, 1989).
VI. CONCLUSION As a result of this research, it appears that the use of technology is determined by the combination of three factors: the nature of the task to be completed (collect information, transmit directives, enter data into a database, …), the inherent capabilities of the available technologies (speed, autonomy, cost of use, …) and the situational constraints (urgency, place, temporal context). As for the leadership of men and women, this evolves as a function of the programmed or unexpected character of the task to be completed. This result is in contradiction with the hypothesis formulated on the basis of the studies of  Gendron (ibid. ). This outcome can find its explanation in contextual elements, which are specific to the Gendarmerie. It has to do, on the one hand with the military culture, in which interpersonal relationships are based on submission to authority -indeed the leaders prefer to consider their practice as a form of participative command, rather than one of management -, and on the other hand with the characteristics of the operations the agents have to deal with; the security of material assets and people has vital consequences, which rely on the implementation of only one decision, and the assumption of responsibility.
90). Therefore, we averaged the looking time measurement from the two raters for the following analyses. A preliminary analysis revealed no significant gender difference for participants; thus, data were collapsed across participant gender in subsequent analyses. In addition to the face gender preference test, parents completed a questionnaire to report the monthly involvement of each family member in caregiving. The family members included the mother, father, grandmother on the mother's side, grandmother on the father's side, grandfather on the mother's side, and grandfather on the father's side. For each family member, one of four involvement levels was requested: (1) never, (2) occasionally, (3) often, and (4) always. Parents were asked to report the involvement in every month after the infant's birth.
Chinese Caregiving Arrangements To derive the amount of female and male caregiver involvement for each participant, we translated the involvement responses into proportional involvement scores. To do so, we first converted parent responses into numbers (never = 0, occasionally = 1, often = 2, and always = 3). Based on the caregiving data provided by the parents and in accord with Chinese culture, caregiving provided by grandparents on the mother and father sides was coordinated and offered in alternate months. Thus, for example if the grandparents on the mother side provided caregiving in the first month, then the grandparents on the father side provided caregiving in the second month, and so on. We therefore used a single grandmother score and a single grandfather score in any given month to indicate the involvements of grandparents on the mother and father side.
The palaeoenvironmental reconstruction carried out with small mammals  (Cuenca-Besc os et al. , 2009)  shows an open landscape with high humidity, a similar pattern of habitat to that found at Askondo. The transition from the Middle Palaeolithic (Mousterian) to the Upper Palaeolithic (Aurignacian) has been recorded in Cueva del Conde, a large cavity 180 masl in the Nal on River valley (Santo Adriano, Asturias). The small vertebrate assemblage indicates a patchy landscape dominated by humid meadows and woodland areas, while the temperature and precipitation parameters were slightly more severe than in the present day in the area (L opez-  García et al. , 2011b). The sequence differs slightly as that of Askondo is characterized by a harsh climate. To study the Gravettian chrono-cultural period, we have taken the data for level 128 from El Mir on.
Acknowledgments We would like to thank  A. G omez-Olivencia  and  M. J. Iriarte-Chiapusso  for their useful insights that improved this paper. Thanks also to the Bizkarra family, owners of the entrance to the cave, for facilitating the work. We are also grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for their comments, which substantially improved the manuscript. N. Garcia-Ibaibarriaga  has a predoctoral fellowhisp ( BFI-2010-289 ) from the  Basque Government , while  J. Rofes  has a  Marie Curie Action Project  ( MCA-IEF  Project n  629604 ) from the  European Comission. The archaeological work in Askondo was funded by the  Diputaci on Foral de Bizkaia. We also received financial support from the Project  GIU12/35  of the  Universidad del País Vasco UPV-EHU. Thank you to  Christine Laurin  for editing the English text.