dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
Discussion and Conclusions For local marine planning, understanding activity interaction would require prior knowledge of spatial and temporal patterns of activities at a relevant scale. This study provides a methodology based on the collection and integration of data in a spatio-temporal database. The GIS enables us to describe the spatio-temporal distribution of supervised activities on a daily time step within a retrospective model, over a one-year period. To facilitate the detection of potential conflicts among maritime activities, daily spatial intersections were calculated. The analysis of these spatio-temporal intersections allow us to: quantify the occurrences of intersections among activities, to emphasize their temporal evolution, and detect significant spatial clusters of low/high intersections occurring for both space and time.
Whilst considering the time taken and the complexity of the study of dynamic human activity, this approach provides great relevance and information accuracy instead of only considering the spatial component. However, if assuming ambiguity of the potential interacting activities occurring through a spatio-temporal interaction at a daily time step, this method emphasizes the reason and importance of conducting the finer time step and should consider spatial uncertainty in order to achieve the best results for stakeholders. Within current integrated and participative management approaches of coastal zones, a GIS-based framework would strongly promote the relationship between researchers and stakeholders over a given coastal area via the exchange of data, information and simulation  [23, 38]. The model developed in this project encompasses a multiple database along with an interactive mapping device that led to feasible spatio-temporal simulations of maritime activities.
Program follow-up Organizations and institutions participating in GAP are required to submit final program reports once the vaccination program has completed administration of all three doses of vaccine. These reports described final program outcomes, including the number of girls vaccinated per round, the number of girls who received a full course of vaccine, total number of vaccination sites and number of girls vaccinated in each type of delivery site (schools and/or health clinics). The reports also gathered financial data (if available). The reports gathered information related to community involvement actions, communication key messages and methods. The program duration was defined as the time from the date of initial vaccine shipment through the date of delivery of the third vaccine dose (expressed in months).
Cost analyses The cost analysis was conducted using only those programs that provided comprehensive financial data, including staff costs. Cost data were available for seven of the 21 programs included in this study. Cost categories were not standardized among all programs. Because GAP is a donation program, the cost of vaccine was excluded from the total costs. Two costs measures were used: delivery cost per dose and delivery cost per fully-immunized girl  (FIG). Cost per FIG is defined as the cost per dose multiplied by the total number of doses delivered over three vaccination rounds divided by the total number of girls who received all three doses. Program costs were calculated in U. S. dollars (USD).
Significant effort should be made at the start of any HPV vaccine program to identify all eligible girls and determine the most effective way to include them in the vaccine campaign. For low and middle-income countries, it is a challenge to conduct effective cost analyses around HPV vaccination. Many countries adapt existing cost models, but these have been developed for high-income countries and may not be relevant  [37]. Model predictions using six different vaccination models suggest that vaccination can reduce the incidence of HPV infection and cervical cancer in a cost-effective manner  [38]. In these models, factors that influence cost effectiveness are discount rate, duration of vaccine protection, vaccine price, and HPV prevalence. In an effort to provide relevant data that could be used in designing HPV vaccine programs for low-and middle-income countries, we gathered cost data for seven of the GAP programs.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to acknowledge the contributions of the following institutions:  National Referral Hospital (Bhutan) ,  International Planned Parenthood Federation [IPPF] Centro de Investigación, Educación y Servicios [CIES], Ministerio de Salud y Deportes ,  Universidad Mayor de San Andrés (Bolivia), Hôpital de l'Amitié Khméro-Soviétique (Cambodia) ,  Cameroon Baptist Convention Health Services (Cameroon) ,  National Screening Center with Ministry of Health Republican Immunoprophylactic Center (Georgia) ,  Zanmi Lasante [ZL] (Haiti) ,  Hospital Santo Hermano Pedro Betancourt, Fundación Hondureña para el Niño con Cáncer, Ministry of Health (Honduras) ,  Moi Teaching and Referral Hospital (Kenya) Ministry of Health and Social Welfare (Lesotho) ,  Ministry of Health (Moldova) ,  Nepal Network for Cancer Treatment and Research [NNCTR] (Nepal) ,  National Institute for Medical Research (Tanzania), Mildmay Uganda (Uganda) ,  Ministry of Health (Uzbekistan)  and their respective team and partners.
This paper investigates the incidence of discrimination against internal migrants in urban China using the 2005 Chinese Population Survey, a large nationally representative dataset. It questions whether their disproportionate presence in the informal labour market is due to discrimination or to their lower human capital levels. Counterfactual empirical results show that if migrants (both rural and urban) were treated as urban residents (based on observable characteristics), there would be more with formal sector jobs. An Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition (OB,  Blinder 1973; Oaxaca 1973)  based on a linear probability model of having an informal sector job suggests that a sizable share of the gap between migrant workers and urban residents cannot be explained by the differences in their observable characteristics, suggesting discrimination out of the formal sector against migrant workers.
Second, we deepen the decomposition analysis using the semi-parametric approach proposed by  DiNardo et al. (1996)  to explain the income gap along its entire distribution. Results suggest that discrimination against migrant workers occurs in the upper half of the income distribution. We also take into account duration in the urban labour market. When the groups of migrants are divided according to whether they have spent more or less than 5 years in a location other than the one in which their hukou is registered, duration does not matter in alleviating discrimination against migrant workers. This paper contributes to the literature in the following ways. First, it uses a dataset which has advantages in identifying a nationally representative migrant sample. Second, it applies an OB method to decompose the gap between migrant and non-migrant groups in the likelihood of working in the formal or informal sector.
Adding this group into the analysis helps better identify discrimination along the two dimensions of the hukou system: local vs. non-local and rural vs. urban (or agricultural vs. non-agricultural). The paper is organised as follows. Section 2 provides a short discussion of the institutional context and a literature review of migrant labour outcomes in the Chinese urban labour market. Section 3 describes the 2005 1% population survey microdataset used in this paper. Section 4 presents and discusses the model specification and Section 5 reports empirical results, where rural migrants are compared not only with urban residents but also with urban migrants, both in terms of wages and the sectors in which they work. Section 6 discusses policy implications and concludes.
Using the 2005 China Urban Labor Survey (CULS), 5 Lee (2012) finds that there is only a small amount of discrimination between migrant and urban workers in terms of wages. However, when total labour remuneration is taken into account, the extent of the discrimination against migrant workers is larger. It is still difficult to put a monetary value on many of the hukou-related benefits, which include access to local public schools, medical services, and secure and decent jobs. Existing studies do not take into consideration these benefits. They also use data from different regions at different times and ultimately derive different conclusions, making any comparison a difficult task  (Zhao 2005). In comparison to existing literature, this paper uses a national dataset with better coverage of migrants at a similar moment in time.
Data and summary statistics Data used in this analysis come from a one-fifth random draw of the 2005 1% population survey, which is administered by the Chinese National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The sample size of around 2. 3 million individuals covers 31 provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions, and is representative of mainland China. The sample studied in this analysis includes individuals aged from 16 to 60 and who are not currently in school. Employers, household workers, and observations with no or zero declared income are also not considered. The 2005 Chinese Population Survey has advantages for studying migrant labour market outcomes relative to household surveys. An ordinary household survey may be less likely to obtain a representative sample of migrants due to the floating nature of migrants and due to its inherent sampling process.
Income data is captured using income earned in the previous month. In cases where income was not earned monthly, respondents were asked to calculate a monthly income. To calculate the hourly income, we divide the monthly income by monthly working hours, calculated as hours worked last week × 4. Educational level was divided into four levels, following ISCED standards: (1) primary and below, (2) junior middle, (3) senior middle, and (4) college and above. Summary statistics are reported in Table  1. There are 219712 urban residents, 94621 rural migrants, and 22214 urban migrants in our analysis, accounting for 65%, 28%, and 7% of the whole sample, respectively. Compared to migrant workers, urban residents are older, primarily married and relatively highly educated. Self-employed workers are typically older than the other groups, less educated, and male, while showing higher incomes than workers without a formal contract.
Acknowledgements The authors thank an anonymous referee and  Jackline Wahba  (the Editor) for their helpful comments. The authors also would like to thank and acknowledge the useful feedback and comments received during the 10-11 July 2008 experts' meeting on migration and development in Paris as well as those received from participants of the  Development Centre 's internal seminar series in October 2008. Chunbing Xing acknowledges the financial support from the  National Natural Science Foundation of China  (No. 71103019 ). Responsible editor:  Jackline Wahba.
This article proposes an original analysis of the international debate on climate change through the use of digital methods. Its originality is twofold. First, it examines a corpus of reports covering 18 years of international climate negotiations, a dataset never explored before through digital techniques. This corpus is particularly interesting because it provides the most consistent and detailed reporting of the negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Second, in this paper we test an original approach to text analysis that combines automatic extractions and manual selection of the key issue-terms. Through this mixed approach, we tried to obtain relevant findings without imposing them on our corpus. The originality of our corpus and of our approach encouraged us to question some of the habits of digital research and confront three common misunderstandings about digital methods that we discuss in the first part of the article (section 'Three misunderstandings on digital methods in social sciences').
Introduction This article proposes an original analysis of the international negotiations on climate change through the use of digital methods. Its originality is twofold. First, it examines a corpus of reports on climate negotiations never explored before through digital techniques. This corpus is particularly interesting because it provides the most consistent and detailed reporting of the proceedings of the negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) between 1995 and 2013. Though digital data have been already employed to analyze the discussions on global warming, their use has been so far limited to more ''traditional'' datasets extracted from bibliographic archives (see, for example,  Anderegg et al. , 2010; Bjurstro¨m and Polk, 2011; Li et al. , 2011; Stanhill, 2001)  and social media  (Niederer, 2013; Rogers and Marres, 2000).
Compared to these ''traditional'' datasets, our corpus is novel for its conditions of production -the reports are digital summaries of roundtable discussions of the UNFCCC meetingsand for its challenging format -each summary compiles statements made by all the participating parties. Second, in this paper we test an original approach to text analysis that combines automatic extractions and manual selection of the key issue-terms. Through such an approach, we wanted to avoid the drawbacks of grounding the extraction of the terms uniquely on quantitative indicators or on the qualitative judgment of experts. Iterating the interactions between expertise and computation, we let the dictionary of analysis emerge from our texts, but not in a purely automatic way. Through this mixed approach, we tried to obtain relevant findings, without imposing them on our corpus.
Three misunderstandings on digital methods in social sciences The appearance of digital traces has triggered contradictory feelings among social scientists. While optimists welcome enthusiastically a new source of information, potentially richer and less expensive than traditional datasets  (Kleinberg, 2008; Watts, 2007) , pessimists show distrust towards the turmoil caused by a flood of muddled traces. By this article, we wish to contribute to the debate on digital data in the social sciences (cf. Giles, 2012; Lazer et al. , 2009)  by proposing an approach that is neither enthusiastic nor alarmist. Most difficulties, we believe, derive from a misunderstanding on the nature of digital methods, or, to be more precise, from three misunderstandings: first, a split-conception of digital traces that is both too restrictive and too ambitious; second, a vacillation between disregard and distrust on the conditions of production of digital traces; finally, a tendency to mistake ''digital'' for ''automatic.
Among the available documentation, the most interesting is Volume 12 of the Earth Negotiations Bulletin (ENB). 3 Released by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), the ENB provides daily reports on 33 separate UN negotiations on environment and development. The ENB archive contains thousands of reports on dozens of multilateral agreements. Volume 12, dedicated to climate negotiations, contains 594 issues. The ENB provides a workable proxy with which to analyze all the climate negotiations (and avoid drowning in the thousands of disparate documents stocked on the website of the UNFCCC). In this article, we will principally recount the construction and treatment of this dataset that is so much unlike the sources generally used by practitioners of digital methods. There are more things in Internet and Web (Horatio) than are indexed in your platforms.
The difference is purely methodological. Its objective is to remind us that, in digital research, the work done to adapt the information to the investigation's objectives (data) is most of the time preceded by the work done by someone else to make such information available (traces). 5 The trace/ data distinction invites us to consider both operations with the greatest attention as they both influence research results. Our work on the ENB corpus provides a good example of this, as knowledge of its production context was essential not only in the harvesting process but also throughout the whole analysis and the interpretation of the results. The second lesson we can draw from our case study concerns therefore the origins of digital traces and encourages us to reflect on the processes that convert traces into data.
The handbook prescribes a clinical style -warning the authors against adjectives and adverbs: ''while it makes writing and reading the Bulletin particularly boring, it also removes Venturini et al. any overt signs of subjectivity'' (ENB Manual and Style Guide, p. 53) and suggests a list of 65 preferable verbs to avoid injecting ambiguity or motive regarding actors' statements. The very standardized structure of the ENB is one of its main interests as a collection for digital analysis: unlike the UNFCCC original negotiation documents, this high level of standardization (in terms of language, text structure, availability of metadata) makes this corpus relatively homogeneous and thus facilitates automatic processing. (Most) digital data were not created for social research. Exploiting a set of traces collected for purposes other than scientific research is not unusual digital research.
Most digital traces are collected for purposes of marketing (such as loyalty or credit cards), surveillance (as in air travel), technical optimization (as in telecommunication networks), or information sharing (as in the ENB reports we address in this paper). In one way or the other, they are second-hand data, the production of which is not directly controlled by the researches. Using these traces requires therefore questioning the conditions of their production. When the World Bank published its data (openknowledge. worldbank. org/ about), we have to ask how these data were computed and why they are disclosed  (Tabor, 2012). If American Online releases by mistake 20 million search requests, 7 we have to ask whether the use of these data is ethically fair  (Ess and AoIR ethics working committee, 2002).
Third misunderstanding: What is digital research? The abundance of digital data and computational resources has stirred a scientific excitement over a potential ''mechanization'' of digital research. ''Big data'' would reduce the need for the researcher's intervention, evacuate the task of fitting data to existing theories, and allow prediction without the fragility of interpretation. In other words, the researchers' intervention would become increasingly expendable. The confidence in quantification is not recent (think of Isaac Asimov's ''psychohistory''), but the development of digital technology has renewed this faith. Our experience with the ENB corpus, however, points to different conclusions. Even though without the help of the computer it would have been impossible to consider each and every word of the ENB Volume 12 (given its size and complexity), the intervention of the researcher remains crucial.
And the increasing number and diversity of sources brought about by ''big data'' is not making things any easier. Far from ''throwing numbers into big computing clusters,'' digital research is about making uncertain and painful arbitrations on the basis of our ''non-automatizable'' understanding. This suggests, by the way, that (until our methods are more stabilized) it might be a good idea to refrain from using the biggest datasets and focus instead on small or medium digital data -which allows direct observation and does not require us to rely exclusively on algorithmic treatment.
Three maps on climate negotiations It is now time to provide some evidence that the approach we just described can be used to obtain relevant results in researching social phenomena. Drawing on the data of the ENB corpus and navigating our way through the three misunderstandings we discussed, we have produced three ''maps'' on the international negotiations on climate change: one network of the terms co-occurring in the paragraphs of the ENB and two stream-graphs presenting the variations in the visibility of the different countries and themes of the negotiations. In this second part of the article, we will propose a possible reading of these maps. Such a reading is meant not only to offer insights to climate experts and negotiation actors 9 but also to provide an example of visual data exploration, which could hopefully inspire scholars working on other digital data.
10 Big Data & Society the cluster on Kyoto Protocol to the cluster on post-Kyoto agreement, linking directly to the term Bali Action Plan. Adopted in 2007, such a plan defines the building blocks, of a post-Kyoto agreement: the strengthening of the mitigation policies, the setting up of adaptation policies to the impacts of climate change, the transfer of technology, as well as the definition of a shared vision for long-term cooperative action. The Bali Action Plan also initiated discussions on how to reduce emissions caused by deforestation and forest degradation (REDD) as well as on the possibility for sectoral approaches to reducing emissions in developing countries. The path to adaptation, impacts, and vulnerability. The center of the map is occupied by three clusters closely connected and dedicated to the issue of adaptation, environmental and social impacts, vulnerability and adaptation action, and adaptive funding and equity (Figure  6 ).
Conclusion In this paper, we have discussed a digital analysis of a corpus of reports on the international negotiations on climate change. Though such an investigation is still in progress, the analysis has allowed us to highlight three common difficulties in digital research and to obtain three preliminary visualizations. The two results are of course connected. As we have tried to show, digital research can only be productive when scholars: 1. Draw on the appropriate corpus of digital traces (the first misunderstanding would have led us to search traces on climate diplomacy in generic datasets such as the scientific literature or the social media). 2. Take into consideration the conditions of production of such traces (the second misunderstanding would have led us to mistake our proxy on the negotiations -the ENB -for the phenomenon itself, thereby disregarding the specific mediations operated by such a proxy and its specific format).
b. Discussion guide for cognitive interviews At a subsequent stage of PRO development, when a preliminary version of a conceptual model is established, the purpose of the interviews is to have patients confirm the relevance of the concepts selected. A final version of the conceptual framework is then elaborated to develop items assessing the relevant concepts  [32]. After the concept elicitation interview data is analysed, a preliminary instrument is developed. Cognitive interviews are then conducted to verify the relevance and comprehension of the instrument to the population of interest. This phase assesses whether items (item stem and response options), questionnaire instructions, and recall period are understood by patients as intended by the item designer, i. e. , in accordance with the underlying concept.
Quality assurance and interview training Interviewing is a method for data collection and criteria to evaluate the quality of this method include providing sufficient detail on: 1) whether the way data were collected addressed the research issue (appropriateness of the qualitative research method) and 2) whether the information were collected with sufficient details and depth to provide insight into the meaning and perceptions of the informants (adequacy of implementation of the qualitative research method)  [17]. The adequacy of the qualitative interview implementation may be checked from the discussion guide, interview transcripts or excerpts/quotes. Interviews for PRO development are recorded and thus the suitability and sufficiency of the data collected may be assessed through transcribed data.