dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
By suggesting a close examination of the evolution of subjective relationships to objective life conditions, the data from this French study suggest that remedying the basic needs of people with a long history of life on the streets is necessary but not sufficient for their engagement in a recovery process. A parallel finding concerns the decisive role collaborative-type interventions on self-esteem and hope can play, despite the occasional persistence of major objective difficulties. In this sense, our observations also bring attention to the mechanisms at work among this minority of Housing First participants who engage in a path of recovery, against all expectations. Interestingly, this minority includes some members of the control group. Finally, this study explains how positive and negative so-called objective factors are equivocal as long as analyses do not include the subjectivity of the participant.
Acknowledgments: The authors would like to thank the people involved in the program and who have been accepted to fully participate in responding to questions sometimes intimate and difficult, and openly support the experimentation in the public space. The authors first and foremost thank  Hermann Händlhuber , who spent eight years living on the street, for accepting to construct this project with professionals and for the persuasive words with which he convinced the Minister of Health to make this possible. The authors thank all those everyone involved voluntarily in the Housing First research project and who have experienced living on the streets and/or with psychiatric diagnoses. The authors also thank everyone who agreed to participate to this experimentation, included researchers and social and health workers.
In France in 2010, 2% of the persons in jails/prisons were found to be HIV positive, by comparison with a global prevalence of 0. 23% of the French population  [5]. To offer a medical consultation is mandatory during the first days of incarceration of every newcomer. HIV, syphilis, hepatitis B and C testing are to be proposed during this visit, with renewals for those who decline to be tested at the first visit or have risky behaviours while detained  [6]. Ducos penitentiary is the only facility in Martinique and comprises jail and prison for adults (both genders) and juveniles. With 750 to 1000 admissions each year, it is permanently overcrowded  [7]. The combination of HIV regional epidemiologic data and detention conditions supports active HIV testing in the Ducos facility's population.
From the Nadis 1 database we extracted information collected during the first medical visit: date of visit, age, gender, place of birth, and drugs consumption habits. According to French law, these data collected for medical care can be used for research purposes. Data from the administrative and medical files were extracted mid-2015 by the facility medical unit staff and a de-identified data set was provided to the research staff for analysis. The tests proposal, acceptance or refusal, and the actual date and results of testing were collected. HIV infection, presence of HBs antigen, anti-HBs and anti-HBc antibodies, and HTLV-1 were coded as positive or negative. Syphilis was defined as positive if the Treponema Pallidum Hemagglutinations Assay was positive and Venereal Disease Research Laboratory titre was 4 or more.
To this aim, we consider a dataset describing interactions and links of various nature in a population of Asian students with diverse nationalities, first language and gender. We study homophily patterns, as well as their temporal evolutions in each layer of the social network. To facilitate our analysis, we put forward a general method to assess whether the homophily patterns observed in one layer inform us about patterns in another layer. For instance, our study reveals that three network layers-cell phone communications, questionnaires about friendship, and trust relations-lead to similar and consistent results despite some minor discrepancies. The homophily patterns of the co-presence network layer, however, does not yield any meaningful information about other network layers.
It is, for instance, often assumed that the most important relationship of an individual can be captured by his/her mobile phone records, and that the "best friend" of an individual is the person he or she is in most contact with. Some evidence to support this assumption has come from surveys  [25, 27]  or from comparison between surveys and mobile phone records  [9] , which are, however, rarely available for the same population. It is thus important to gather and investigate datasets containing multiple layers of social interactions, to better ground such assumption and assess the extent of its validity. It is worth highlighting that the number of datasets offering multiple layers of interactions, enriched with metadata describing individual characteristics, remains extremely limited. Moreover, it is crucial to investigate whether, given that the layers of interactions are correlated but not equivalent, socially relevant patterns and theories can be reliably assessed from one layer only.
If it is indeed the case, then for a given population the data that is most conveniently accessible or that offers the best resolution can safely be used to explore such issues. Here, we focus on homophily along a range of individual characteristics, as one of the most explored patterns structuring social networks  [10]. A recent study has shown some notable differences in the strength of homophilous patterns in different communication channels in a population of European students  [4]. We investigate this particular issue in a diverse population of Asian students of various nationalities in a university of Singapore, for which we have access to phone communication records, co-presence events, and friendship and trust relations over one full calendar year. Detailed metadata about gender, nationality, first spoken language, academic performance and psychological traits are also available, allowing us to assess homophily and its temporal evolution along multiple traits and multiple layers of social relationships.
Data and methods We consider data collected in a Singapore university during one full academic yearthree consecutive terms separated by short breaks-and concerning two different cohort classes studying in the same campus and staying at the same on-campus hostel. The data consists in several types of relationship between students, as well as in metadata about each student. First, the 35 participating students used Android smartphones preinstalled with a specially developed software capable of recording and sending phone usage data and colocation information to a server located in the university premises, as described in  [28]. Raw data collected by the software consists therefore in all call events between participating students, with timestamp and duration of the call, and timestamped colocation events, where colocated devices were discovered through periodic Bluetooth scans performed by each smartphone.
Discussion The increased availability of data providing proxies for human behavior and social relationships, often in digital form, has led to a surge in the number of studies of social theories and effects. Most such studies are, however, based on the analysis of one specific layer (e. g. , phone call communications) of the population social network, which is best represented as a multilayer network. It is now well established that the various network layers bear some level of correlations but are far from being equivalent. However, it is still unclear to what extent one can infer general conclusions from the study of only one layer. In this paper, we have considered this issue-with a particular focus on homophily patterns-through the lens of a dataset providing data on several layers of the same population, namely a communication layer, a co-presence layer, and two questionnaires describing friendship and trust relationships.
In the specific case under study, we found that the communication and questionnaire layers lead to similar conclusions in many cases-even if some minor discrepancies are observed-and more than expected from the null model. This means that the communication layer allows us to obtain information about homophilous trends in the friendship and trust networks of this social network. On the other hand, the co-presence network cannot be used to assess homophily patterns occurring in the other layers. Our work has several limitations that are worth mentioning. Obviously, it is based on one single dataset of a specific population of limited size. The population was, however, largely isolated, and data is available with a high resolution in time for a whole year, allowing the analysis of the temporal evolution of the homophily patterns, as well as the comparison with the temporal evolution in the other layers.
Moreover, we could not reliably use messaging data, although messages nowadays represent a fair amount of communication between individuals. Furthermore, we did not have access to any online social network on which messages are also exchanged. The co-presence data had limited spatial resolution owing to the particular choice of the Bluetooth technology. It might be that with another technology yielding a higher spatial resolution, data on face-to-face interactions would lead to different conclusions, and correspond to a larger similarity of homophily patterns with the communication and questionnaire networks. To conclude, we note that the methodology put forward to assess the similarity of homophily patterns in different layers of a social network is general and can be applied to any dataset composed of several layers of interactions or relationships between individuals, and to any set of attributes for which homophily patterns are of interest.
Acknowledgements We would like to thank  Ms. Xiaoqian Li  for her assistance in making the database available to us, in answering multiple rounds of questions regarding the dataset, and in reviewing the manuscript. This work was supported by the  SUTD-MIT International Design Center (IDC)  under Grant  IDG31100106  and  IDD41100104  (A. M. , W. Q. Y. , and R. B. ).
Antonina Levatino led this initiative. She was in charge of the literature review, the framework of analysis, as well as wrote and edited the various versions of this paper. Tatiana Eremenko contributed to the collection and analysis of data on the French case, gave her contribution to all the sections and to the reorganization and editing of a previous version. Yoan Molinero worked on the Spanish case, made the figures using ImPol data and contributed to different versions of this paper. Erica Consterdine was in charge of the collection and analysis of data on the UK case, was a principal designer of the ImPol dataset, contributed to the literature review and to all the sections of a previous version of this paper. Amparo González-Ferrer was the principal investigator of the TEMPER project, was in charge of the collection and analysis of data on the Spanish case and contributed to the organization and editing of a former version of this paper.
, 2011). This paper seeks to contribute to the small body of cross-national comparative research on student migration policies by focusing on three European countries which are among the most attractive destinations for international students worldwide: France, Spain and the United Kingdom. This way it moves away from the single-country bias found in most of the existing literature on student mobility policies  (Haugen, 2013; Hawthorne, 2012; Mosneaga, 2015)  but also from the focus on English-language destination countries  (She and Wotherspoon, 2013; Riaño and Piguet 2016). Drawing upon a thorough analysis of legal and policy documents, as well as the exploitation of ImPol, a new migration policy database measuring changes in the restrictiveness and openness of immigration regulations, we compare the evolution of international student policies in these three countries since the 1990s, and assess the extent to which global factors encouraging convergence in this area are offset by countryspecific situations.
This presence is however still marginal, especially in the case of Spanish higher education institutions. Table  1  shows information about the main countries of origin of international students for France, Spain and the UK. It also displays figures on the number of hosted students and the share of international students among the total number of tertiary students ('inbound mobility rate'). * Inbound mobility rate is the number of students from abroad studying in a given country, as a percentage of the total tertiary enrolment in that country. Source: UNESCO-UIS 2016. Data are for reference year 2014. As suggested by table 1, linguistic proximity and former colonial ties seem important factors shaping the destination choices of international students (cf. Garneau and Mazzella, 2013). However, geographical proximity also determines international student flows and skilled migration more generally  (Beine et al.
Methodology and tools for the empirical analysis This paper was produced within the framework of the European project "Temporary vs Permanent Migration" (TEMPER project). In order to better understand student and academic mobility, the project analysed policy documents on past and current policies and programs aimed at regulating student migration. Furthermore, a new European migration database, named ImPol, was constructed to measure changes in the restrictions placed on mobility by immigration policies from the 1960s. In this paper, we combine the analysis of policy documents with that of ImPol data. The focus of our analysis is on migration policies towards third-country students for the period between the late 1990s and 2014. The starting point of our analysis is justified by the fact that the late 1990s was the period when "student mobility" emerged as a distinct policy area (Spain and the UK) or took on renewed importance (France).
This was probably due to the influence and widespread importance of ideas around the "knowledge-based economy"  (OECD, 1996). Before that period, student mobility was generally subsumed under immigration rules as a form of temporary mobility or was not a major subject of political discussion or debate. For the qualitative part, documents of the following bodies were analysed. In the UK, the relevant entities were the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills 1  and the Home Office. We also consulted the website of the UK Council for International Student Affairs (UKCISA). In the case of France, we studied the policies designed and We expand our qualitative analysis of policy documents using data from ImPol in order to graphically illustrate the evolution of student mobility policies in the three countries.
ImPol focuses on legal texts (policy inputs) rather than on policy outputs, such as the number of visa applications. In the database, information coming from legal texts is quantified into an ordinal scale for each indicator, which reflects the relative degree of restrictiveness or openness of the policy in force in a given year, with three categories: more restrictive (-1), neutral (0), and less restrictive (1). It is important to emphasize that all legal texts available, not only laws but also decrees, circulars and internal instructions were considered in the construction of the database. Furthermore, the coding of the policy indicator was based on the texts that allowed us to capture more details on the implementation of the law in force, which are normally circulars and instructions (Consterdine and Hampshire, 2016) 3.
For this paper, we use all the information available in the ImPol dataset referring to the following policy areas for the period 1999-2014: (1) Admission and eligibility; (2) Rights granted to migrants during their stay (in-country rights); (3) Possibility of transitioning from a student visa to a work permit. Table  2  shows the indicators used for each of the analysed policy area and the way they are constructed in the database. Due to data availability, some limitations should be remarked. First of all, for the in-country rights, ImPol does not contain any indicator for international students' access to social security rights. Secondly, ImPol data only covers norms regulating the migration of undergraduate students. Finally, the different policy areas rely on different numbers of indicators.
Student migration policies: admission, stay and transition to the labour market  Admission and eligibility of international students The analysis with respect to admission and stay of international students for the 1999-2014 period shows that migration policies in the UK and Spain have shifted at particular moments to become more or less restrictive, while remaining largely unchanged in France. Figure  1  displays policy changes for the eligibility criteria available in the ImPol dataset in the three countries. In the UK and Spain, shifts between openness and restrictiveness often went together with changes in the governing party or coalition. In the UK, for example, Labour governments that were in power from 1997 to 2010 adopted an expansionary approach to student immigration by facilitating the entry of third-country students.
Such aA systematic evaluation of the variability could uncover patterns in sex-specific incidence rates, pointing towards gaps in understanding of the causes of disparity. For instance, the changing prevalence of tobacco smoking between men and women over time has led to a reduction in the sex gap for lung cancer incidence rates. 2 3  Here, we posit a model for the sex ratio in cancer incidence, and explicitly quantify its variability by age, year, and geographical region. We analyzed analysed worldwide cancer incidence statistics from 1978 until 2007 (CI5plus 3 CI5plus 4 ). This period was chosen to avoid over-representation of the limited set of registries with available data in the earliest volume of CI5 (data from 39 registries were included, with 15 registries available in 1978, and more registries added throughout the years).
Accordingly, there is huge variability by age, year, and registry for cancers strongly related to smoking. Whilst it is plausible that this is wholly due to changes in smoking prevalence, the sex ratio for laryngeal cancer has not reduced as substantially as that for lung cancer in recent years, suggesting the presence of other risk factors that are maintaining the laryngeal sex ratio. By contrast, the stubborn stability of the sex ratios for kidney cancer and multiple myeloma suggest that the male-female disparities cannot be readily explained. A protective role of female sex hormones would also be expected to predominantly affect cancer incidence at younger ages, with decreasing differences between men and women after menopause. Our analyses do have some limitations. Despite standardisation in cancer coding which is a prerequisite for inclusion in the CI5 database, practice might vary between countries and has varied across time.
The General Structure of Education Systems for Early Years Mathematics The data reported by the applicants have been matched with Education Database  (n. d. ). Although in some countries (e. g. Australia, Brazil, Canada, Cyprus, Germany, Switzerland, USA) there are differences between the different states/provinces/ regions/territories, the models may be summarised as follows. While primary school or elementary school is the accepted wording, in some cases pre-primary school is named in different ways. Usually pre-primary is not mandatory but attended by many students (in some cases up to 95%) at least in the last year before entering primary school. In some cases primary school is split into different steps including also what is elsewhere called middle school. Although our convenience sample is limited to 29 countries, there is a large variety, concerning both the duration and the entry age.
According to the data reported in  UNESCO (2017)  and confirmed by some participants, there has been significant progress towards ensuring UPE in terms of access, and the conversation has now shifted from aiming for access to goals for quality UPE. The question of students with disabilities or special needs seems to be ill-posed or, maybe, ill-interpreted by the applicants to the Conference. In many cases, applicants answered YES (i. e. the system is inclusive) probably meaning that all the students are allowed to go to primary school, but in many cases (at least 12 out of 29), special schools for disabled students were mentioned as the only provision. According to  UNESCO (2009a) : In most countries, both developed and developing, the steps towards achieving the right to education for students with disabilities have followed a common pattern, with some local variations.
Reviews of the research also support several interpretations of responsibility and elucidations of inclusive education. In a recent study based on prior reviews and a recent search of databases covering the period  2004 -2012 , Goransson and Nilholm (2014a)  found four different interpretations of inclusion which gave rise to four qualitatively different categories of definitions. These definitions were related hierarchically to each other employing stricter criteria concerning what counts as inclusive education as one goes from A to D: (A) Placement definition -inclusion as the placement of pupils with disabilities in mainstream classrooms. (B) Specified individualised definition -inclusion as meeting the social/academic needs of pupils with disabilities. (C) General individualised definition -inclusion as meeting the social/academic needs of all pupils (D) Community definition -inclusion as creation of communities with specific characteristics.
In an attempt to summarise some of what was found, here are four diagrams that reflect different relationships among cardinal (C), ordinal (O) and fraction (F) words within specific languages from my dataset. The arrows indicate 'adding' a suffix to the previous sets of words to form the new set. Figure  4. 4(a) captures, e. g. Norwegian, while (b) exemplifies one common relationship (e. g. German): (c) is the 'degenerate' case of (b) that fits some Western European languages (e. g. English, French, Italian and Spanish), while (d) reflects Hungarian. 22 Pedagogically,  Hewitt (2001, pp. 47-8)  explores fraction operations based primarily on linguistic parallels between invented non-number noun names (that he gives compound number name patterns to, such as 'flinkerty-floo' or 'zipperly-bond') and number nouns, asking not only 'how many twenty-fourths are there in one?' and 'how many four-hundred-and-twentieths are there in nine?' but also 'how many flinkerty-flooths are there in one?' and 'how many flinkerty-flooths are there in zipperly-bond?'.
A key aspect, documented in the dataset (Electronic Supplementary Material:  Ramploud et al. 2017) , dataset, shows one group's sharing of their solution approach with the whole class. It is evident from the movement of the child's hand (Fig. 13. 1) that the amount for Nicola is used as a measure to draw the figural equation. Of importance to us is that there is an abandonment of the focus on an arithmetical problem and that this is replaced by a focus on structures in ways that are related to informal algebra. The writing of the expression N × 2 (Fig. 13. 2) is an important part of this shift in orientation. In this example, we can see the Italian cultural transposition of the Russian tradition, which emphasises Mellone and Ramploud (ibid. ) report positive results in their cultural transposition of the figural additive relations equation into an Italian Grade 5 classroom, noting that the structural rather than numerical emphasis of this model was associated with supporting pupils towards a more natural and flexible recourse to algebraic language in this context.