dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
They offer to group small and large sets of images based on inherent content attributes and then divide these visual sets according to various categories« ( (whether it depicts a cat, dog or fish) with 100,000 other photos of images deemed to have a relationship to the term ›cat,‹ which can be brought to the screen with a casual click  […]. Within such platforms there is no static viewpoint, no distinct separation between spectatorship and authorship, but an array of temporary constellations of images which are activated by users. The presentation of images from the underlying database is dependent on the sensitivity of the image to the search query, associated metadata and specific parameters coded into the interface. 165 The data image's potential meaning shifts during its movements through the transmission channels, proceeding in relation to the data-topological regroupings that are implemented there.
Depots are »transitory spaces and buffers,«168 in short, storage spaces whose memory functionality should be conceived within the context of distribution. The following will be concerned less with the empirically certain proliferation of digital image collections, the exponential growth of photo and video data pools in themselves, than with the related technologies and practices of distribution, which are then necessarily reconfigured when »the forces of administration and exploitation intervene in a medium […] and simple visual prostheses (such as videotelephony or video livestream) become image memory. «169 The expanded depot architectures as they are configured today include first and foremost data centers where servers store, administer, and output data sets upon request. The data banks operating there are on the one hand digital collection technologies, but on the other are also always data memory banks.
170 As a dynamic storage system they are conceived for algorithmic access in terms of their structural logic, thus do not so much hold data securely as make it permanently available. In this way, formats, servers, data banks connect modes of immobilizing data in various mixing ratios-formatted according to compression algorithmic rules, hosted for client access, located by a unique tabular key-with structures and parameters of their processual traffic form. A ›data flow‹ conducted in this way is constituted as neither immaterial nor without memory. Even the fluid dynamic of the data stream itself develops in relation to ›saved‹ infrastructural parameters, which embed and channel it so that adaptive feedback-such as the communication of transmission capacities-is possible. How stream and memory relate to one another against this backdrop can be described in more detail on the basis of information-technological processes whose memory functions should be understood less as diametrical to flow, and not as methods of locking data, but more as arising from the distribution dynamics themselves and to a certain degree cooperatively linked with them.
Verwaltung und Verwertung von Sichtbarkeit, Weimar: VDG, 2003, 123 (italics in the original). 170 According to Marcus Burckhardt the database is distinguished from other forms of collection like the library, the archive, or the museum first and foremost by its specific data management system, but nonetheless is not to be dismissed from the field these forms invoke, already in their terminology, which encompasses collection technology and memory (cf. Burckhardt, Digitale Datenbanken, 117ff. ). distribution network« of the 1960s in terms of the relationship between downstream and upstream realized therein. In his view, the accordingly widespread mass communication content was characterized above all by a structural feedback deficit: »broadcast stations transmit to viewers who do not transmit back.
›Native‹ digital and digitized files flow into the same depots (such as the databases of social media providers), are channeled, processed, and (temporarily) stored by the same protocols, programs, and platforms. On the other hand, parallel to the spread of digital data, media and cultural studies have worked toward universalizing the concept of the archive as a dominant cultural metaphor and generalizable epistemic figure of interpretation, which in the meantime has resulted in complaints about the »inflation of the archival« and concomitant losses in terminological precision-not least with regard to related agencies of memory like museums221 or libraries. 222 The increased scope and dynamic of the term ›archive,‹ however, might lead to permanently risking the concept's devaluation only if the diagnosis of the erosive forces causing such devaluation remains underdetermined.
David Berry speaks here of the »second-order archive« and »computational rationalities,« which the archives ›cybernetize,‹ so to speak, in that feedback logics are able to control what can be collected and how it can be recorded, searched for, and found: »[…] this reflexive database (metadata) of the archive's use and motion can be used to fine-tune, curate, and prune the archive algorithmically. «227 According to the model of this description, the process of archive consultation-at every step along the way: from the initial request and the concrete transport modalities to the successful delivery and receipt of the archival material by the user-is permanently integrated into the calculation of the archive drive. Mackenzie is not alone in observing that its operational mode derives from the processor-memory gap of the von Neumann architecture.
The technological operativity of memory that thus becomes dominant begins to transform all archival processes, replacing long-term, documentstable storage with the performative principle of instantaneous regeneration on demand, replacing one-time safeguarding with the necessity of responding to digital obsolescence with routines of continual data migration and archives of backward compatibility that are capable of emulation. 234 Where there were once archive buildings, now there are increasingly relational data banks in operation, linear numbered shelved are replaced with complex tabular keys and URL addresses, topographical localizability with comprehensive dynamics of temporalization. Where a temporal immobilization of the time of a stored document was once associated with a »transfer along the axis of time«  (Winkler) , there now dominates a logic of regeneration and updating, of update and refresh cycles, that is, the switchable real time of an incessantly present transfer of aggregate data: In essence, it is the case for streaming media (for instance, RealAudio) that signals are not first completely loaded into storage in order to then 233 Berry, »The Post-Archival Constellation.
studies, while at the same time pointing out the limits of the »post-scarcity culture« that has arisen: »The triumph of the networked archive to deliver an apparently anytime, everywhere view, paradoxically illuminates the infinity of media after the connective turn, and thus the limits of our capacity to hold or to store (a classical problem of memory), archival materials as much as archival structures, which are likewise included in and thus reformulated by digitization processes. The result is novel archival objects and archival operations that intervene in different ways. Archives now routinely deal with digital holdings, while databases have become important archival agents (equipped with a significantly expanded agency in comparison to analog lists, catalogs, registers), without interrupting continuities at the level of archival practice.
, 169ff. ). Referring to the Internet as an »institution« seems somewhat questionablehowever, the pragmatics this designation describes are plausible, namely a division of labor that had already led to an »unrestricting«253 of the archive by information technologies, to other modes and ranges of access. But the fact that, from the perspective of media technology, this division of labor might be better described with the aid of a re-entry figure-to the extent that digital processes of retrieval are always operationalized by a relay between search requests and (temporary) storage, and furthermore that under the conditions of computer network protocols the request itself can also (potentially for the long term) become the stored content (initially, for instance, in the form of IP addresses automatically registered in a database)-already suggests that the concern must be with relating the new archival practices (regarding storage, safeguarding, classification, and also consultation) to the performativity of the storage media under discussion here.
The tendency to replace the fixed location system with the random location system262-a major trend even before GPS since the implementation of radio-frequency identification (RFID) using microchips,263 a trend that by now has closely linked the fluid positioning of transport goods and transport work(ers)264-is comparatively more similar to the archive than, for instance, the library. 265 Nevertheless, even from archival standpoints the location of storage is not an arbitrary position. In converting to digital processes, which in many respects rely on relational databases, the coordinate system of media 261 Wolfgang Ernst connects this model with a concept of the internet as an »open encyclopedia« (Ernst, »Zwischen(-)Speichern,« 103). David Berry points to the »flatness« produced by the warehousing practices of leading online mail-order companies: »Amazon uses a principle of simplicity and an idea of ›flatness‹ to create a computational archive of physical objects.
All objects are treated as records to be entered into a database, and they are processed through a grammatization framework which flattens the object not only into the data store but also within the warehouse space: the singularity of the object is, in other words, abstracted away by the technology. Objects are retrieved using computer-controlled robots from Kiva Systems, which glide swiftly and quietly around the warehouse. To do this, Amazon uses a so-called ›chaotic storage‹ algorithm that optimizes storage through mediating databases. […] Amazon knows the exact dimensions of every product in its warehouses and the exact dimensions of vacant shelf space. The robots glide the objects to be stored to the most efficient places. […] From the outside, the Amazon system looks horribly disorganized and illogical.
In fact, the warehouse represents the objectification of the chaotic storage algorithm« ( technology is altered. It is not the position here that is stable, only the address. Even in data depots, archivally received and discharged information is not deposited randomly, but repeatedly »structured«266-in relational databases, in the strict sense of the term, it is structured in such a way that end users do not have to be aware of and understand the data space, the inner systematics of storage allocation, in order to be able to carry out meaningful data operations, as David Gugerli has asserted in reference to the pioneering work of Edgar F. Codd: »Codd promised that a relational database structure would serve a substantially larger group of users who might be naive about information technology but who knew how to query.
II. 1. 4 Remote Access, Granular Exploration When database management technologies enter into the archive, modifying their storage operations, but above all establishing novel modes of direct access, this changes how users interact with the collection as a whole as well as the operability of discrete archival objects. On the basis of database management systems, the entire holdings are prima facie less closed off to the archive user, more immediately understandable and searchable. They are articulated instantaneously and algorithmically. Facilitated by queries, a form of pragmatic transparency is produced, which is based, however, on blackbox technologies, which also tend to make the arrangement of the archive-its infrastructures, processes, and the media that support it-invisible. 268 If conventional archive consultation was sometimes a more laborious and costly process, more hierarchically structured, defined by entry barriers, viewing prohibitions, and the communication of institutional authority-Arlette Farge has impressively described the institutional rituals and »entrance permits«269-now it is governed by low-threshold remote access and navigation tools optimized for operation.
The historian Lara Putnam approaches this conversion from a metahistoriographical perspective: »Web-based full-text search decouples data from place. […] Digital search offers disintermediated discovery. Algorithms fetch for us, doing away with the need for intermediaries like brick-and-mortar stores  […]. «270 The fact that the encounter with archival objects is always also an encounter with archival policies that one must »obey«271 nolens volenseven if from the labyrinthine opacity of the archival space there comes the digital promise of an unmediated view (which is de facto algorithmically and microtemporally determined)-remains a relevant point for archival reservations, even under the conditions of »visibility depots«272 regulated by computer networks. At any rate, the storage objects here do not have to be made accessible linearly or by directly tracing storage practices of hierarchical classification; rather, they are sorted instantaneously on demand, in ›real time‹whether as inventories that are dynamically constructed and reconstructed, or, in the case of digitized copies stored in the form of databases or digital objects without analog antecedents, in direct connection with playing out and visually (re)generating the requested data sets through software.
274 A discursive effect associated with these widespread reservations addresses the dimension of access to digital archives. Access is again being discussed more strongly in relation to the asymmetries of the access to storage. Thus dealings with the newly emerging archival databases can also only be understood against the backdrop of those »digitally fostered values«275 that are shaped above all by the use of commercial search engines and platforms. 276 From an archival theory perspective, alongside the general extensions of storage, it is also important that digital collecting technologies have »invasive« tools at their disposal, which not only process the full inventory through information technology, but also facilitate fine-grained explorations of documents: »as access not only to, but into the documents themselves.
And if you can let go of the idea that the document you call to the screen is actually entirely the same (rather than just looking the same) each time you call it up. Searching computationally for PDFs is different, though, both because searching can rely on data and metadata that go beyond file names and because of the ways that today's searchable databases, at least, render location as relation. 278 The PDF-the dominant format for digitally distributed written documentsthus reinstalls a hierarchy between readers and authors, readings and revision, while physical-material document information is replaced by the theatricality of software. Software ›performs‹ the supplied files following a »chain of command«279 originally created according to the specifications of the work flow of private industry »file management«  (Vismann) , thus ›performing‹ the written information as a new ›piece‹ each time it is opened.
For Gitelman, what is decisive in this context is that originally analog »paper knowledge« becomes digitally accessible in the mode of the self-invoking citation: »Whatever else they are, digital and (even more so) digitized documents appear as pictures of themselves. «280 Printedness is then expressed without paper, as a compressed image of a page of text, optimized for transmission, which may not be changed without authorization, but can be examined in great detail as a content stream. If such a document is digitized using an optical character recognition program (OCR), the information it contains exists as discrete values, which database management technologies can compute literally down to the last comma. A direct consequence for historians-the »prototypical«281 archive user group-consists in the possibility of searching entire collections micro-historically according to any random alphanumeric character string, as Putnam notes: »Text-searchable sources make it possible  278 Gitelman, Paper Knowledge, 133.
«285 On the other hand, however, genuinely digital forms of source readings emerge that have reached numerous disciplines under the label of Digital Humanities and shifted their theoretical self-understandings into a new range of questions. 286 Documents are transformed into data sets, which can also be processed in ways that go beyond database queries initiated for general research purposes. There is a trend toward replacing »immersive reading«287 that is bound to a certain place with an epistemology that, from any given location, subjects large amounts of data to scanning that is tentative, easily variable, and capable of serial comparison. »Applying computer power to historical documents«288 begins with commonplace database search queries and ends in various models of »non-human readings of storage,«289 in an adjustable distant reading of digital or digitized documents.
Institutional archives therefore pursue their own specifically calculated storage agendas, while at the same time-with their networked databases organized for streaming-contributing to the ›globalization‹ of data storage, rather than being its antipodal Other in every respect. It remains relevant, however, to identify the differences between the various modes of storing and distributing. Spieker's model of externalization can be understood as a call for a potentially helpful shift in perspective. Precisely because digital storage calculations have long since come into contact with conventional archival agendas, intentions of handing down content for posterity, resilient referentialization, and the most long-lasting storage possible, the amalgamations that have emerged from this contact open up a very promising field of analysis.
Against this background, a paradigmatic product of this connection in the sense outlined here seems to be the material that the following case studies will examine: archival images that are retro-digitized by institutional agents and distributable as streaming data. An explicit dimension of historicity thus comes into play here, if only because these archival holdings have analog prehistories, which transcoding in some sense splits in two. The images in question exist from the moment of their logistical bifurcation in two states of mediatechnological storage: as physically tangible objects in concretely localizable archival spaces and as data objects in digital databases that are ready for transmission. A shared archival authority watches over both, guarantees the connection through »chains of transmission,«304 but equips these related objects with different distributional resources, ranges, practices.
304 Daston, »Introduction. Third Nature,« 6. According to Daston, these chains of transmission ultimately also guarantee the sustainability of the archive: »Longevity is no accident: a chain of individuals and institutions links Babylonian cuneiform tablets withs NASA's Five Millennium canons and the fossils piled up in a seventeenth century cabinet of curiosities with a twentieth-century digital database. At each stage of transmission, key information about the original context in which the archive was compiled might be lost; standards for precision, reliability, and relevance also have their history. Without scholars and scientists, copyists, printers, proofreaders, curators, librarians, archivists, programmers, and the institutions that at every step support them, from monastic scriptoria to the modern university library, the chain would break« (.
The murder victim lies behind the cast iron stove: »with her throat cut from ear to ear, and a carving knife by her side,« as stated in the October 14, 1915, issue of the New York American314 [figs. 5/6]. The fact that the datafication of the historical photographs is not limited to retro-digitization and the transmission process, but also entails integration into a database management system, can be seen most obviously in the search 312 Ibid. , 152. 313 »After you have read the documents, you begin culling out some among them, and by the simple acts of copying or photocopying you isolate pieces of the archive. You might make your selection by collecting and assembling things that are similar, or by picking out specific items; it all depends on the subject being studied« (Farge, The Allure of the Archives, 63).
Bertillon's department not only dreamed of securing direct evidence (ultimately for use in court), but of a datafied photogram, which could be expressed numerically and calculated according to certain rules. The preservation of evidence was intended to become an investigation, the cross section of space and time captured photographically was meant to be connected to the processual temporality of bureaucratic data processing. This thread in the history of the forensic datafication of photographic practices can be traced into the present day of image-based forms of biometric registration, in which the continuous monitoring of spaces (as potential crime scenes)-using video streams that are automatically compared with databases-practically coincides with the algorithmic identification, independent of any actual suspicion, of the persons acting within those spaces (as possible perpetrators recognition of social deviance through a mainframe-would be implemented on the basis of photographically stored visuality.
Herold was also already interested in modes of image distribution accelerated by computers-Gugerli mentions here the phototelegraphic transmission of crime scene fingerprints and the INPOL (Joint Electronic Information System) network that operated via the Telex teleprinter336-with a larger focus on logistical infrastructures, which were meant to make it possible to transport and address criminological data instantaneously: A search engine of unprecedented magnitude was created in Wiesbaden, operating with files that could be indexed, compared against one another. In order to ensure their functionality, every description of perpetrators and crimes held in crammed filing cabinets had to be brought into shape, and this meant translating them into mobile data. […] Herold dealt with the agency's flood of paper information by transforming how it was recorded, stored, and called up, or to put it another way: facts were systematically assigned addresses, and were thereafter available as database entries that could be called up at all times and combined at will-that is, in the form of data.
The camera is integrated into a larger ensemble: a bureaucratic-clerical-statistical system of »intelligence. « This system can be described as a sophisticated form of the archive. The central artifact of this system is not the camera but the filing cabinet. 354 In this database, still manifest as a piece of office furniture, the data of police records (and to a lesser degree also of crime scene forensics) is meant to coalesce in order to make the »archive [forensically productive] as an encyclopedic repository of exchangeable images«,355 as Sekula writes, referring to Oliver Wendell Holmes's famous metaphor of paper currency. The associated »archival promise« applied not to permanent storage, but to the most logistically effective temporary storage. Data mobility, understood as the prerequisite for epistemic mobility, was not meant to be excluded in favor of models of long-term preservation, which as a rule accompany postulates that involve locking information away.