dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
Having said this, the innovative use of automatic lexical similarity detection used in the present chapter looks promising and it deserves to be tested further in other studies, because it allows the screening of large datasets and a comparison across language families in a short amount of time. An obvious issue is that the first screening by distribution patterns can turn up false positives (forms marked as related which turn out not to be). These can be filtered out, but a small chance remains that few additional, actual loanwords are not found because they have a spurious similarity to e. g. , other Austronesian forms, which makes them not pattern as loanwords. There might be other caveats that we are not aware of, which future studies using the same methodology may unravel. The limited lexical influence from ap languages into Alorese is not so peculiar if seen in a broader geographical perspective.
Similar findings are reported in two contributions of the present volume:  Schapper and Huber (this volume) , who focus on lexical borrowing from Papuan languages into Austronesian languages of Timor; and Klamer (this volume), who presents evidence for the opposite pattern, namely ancient Austronesian words attested in the lexicon of the tap languages. However, the way these two studies compiled their dataset was very different from ours. An interesting result, that is shared by Schapper and Huber's, Klamer's and our contribution is that, despite the length of contact, the number of loanwords is relatively small: a dozen loanwords in Schapper and Huber, 14 ancient loanwords in Klamer, and 28 loanwords in our study. For Schapper and Huber (this volume) , one possible explanation for the small number of loanwords is the lack of data from the Papuan languages of Timor, especially in the semantic field of plants and animals, which is a domain that attracts a considerable number of Papuan borrowings.
Types of Borrowed Items The lexical transfer between the Border, Nimboran, Sentani, and Skou families presents a manifold scenario. We see wanderwörter that are found in languages across several language families and we see words that are found in only two language families, viz. , in the Border family and in just one of the other families. Regarding the word classes transferred items belong to, we count 15 non-nouns vs. 20 nouns plus four nouns of the category wanderwort. This distribution shows that nouns are indeed more easily borrowed and dispersed than other words. With 24 to 9 items, the ratio of nouns to verbs is close to three-to-one, and is roughly in line with the average ratio found by  Tadmor (2009:61-62)  in the database representing the languages of the world. Semantically, the nouns belong to the domains of nature and environment, kinship, body parts, natural kinds, and material culture.
1. 3 Research Data To address these questions, and also in view of the present-day English influence on Tagalog, two datasets have been employed for the analysis: (a) historical data from the 19th-early 20th century (i. e. , before the spread of English-Tagalog bilingualism); and (b) contemporary data of the 20th-early 21st century (when English-Tagalog bilingualism is widespread). The early data are difficult to obtain, so dataset (a) is rather limited, consisting of the available Spanish-Tagalog dictionaries  (Laktaw, 1889; Calderón, 1915) , 34 sample Tagalog texts of 20,500 tokens  (Bloomfield, 1917: ch. i) , and six liter--978-90-04-52945-8 Downloaded from Brill. com 06/03/2024 05:07:36PM via Open Access. https://creativecommons. org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4. 0 ary texts from 1906-1922 by six Tagalog writers (Project Gutenberg), comprising around 60,000 tokens in total.
This dataset is only used to check whether derivates with each of the above-mentioned Spanish suffixes may already be found in the pre-English Tagalog lexicon. If hybrid formations with one of these Spanish suffixes are found in the early sources, this indicates that the suffix was borrowed into Tagalog during the period of direct Spanish influence on Tagalog. However, the lack of Tagalog hybrids with a Spanish suffix in the early dataset is not sufficient evidence that the suffix was not borrowed in the Spanish period. Since dataset (a) comprises mostly written texts and is rather small, it may not reflect colloquial Tagalog use from that period, and in fact, innovations might already have emerged. The main source is the contemporary dataset, which comprises two large Tagalog dictionaries  (English, 1987; Rachkov, 2012) , and the recent Tagalog Leipzig Corpus  (Goldhahn et al.
, 2012) , hereafter lc, which consists of around 20 million tokens (total number of words), and about 472,000 types (each word form counted once). It was compiled in 2012-2016 from more than 500 sources, predominantly from the leading Filipino e-dailies (Abante, Abante Tonite, Phil-Star, Journal. com. ph) and Tagalog Wikipedia, but also from some Tagalog blogs, thus it partly reflects colloquial, contemporary Tagalog. Both datasets were first searched for complex nominal formations containing the suffixes -ero/a, -ista, -ito/a, -ilyo/a (-illo/a), -enyo (-eño) and -ete/a. The lists of derivates from datasets (a) and (b) with each suffix were then analyzed in terms of provenance (namely, a Spanish complex loanword or a Tagalog hybrid formation), type of stem, semantics, and distribution in the datasets.
The rest of this chapter is organized as follows. Section 2 gives a description of some relevant aspects of Tagalog nominal derivation. Section 3 presents an overview of the characteristics of the agentive suffixes -ero/a, -ista and the suffix -eño in Spanish, an analysis of their distribution in the Tagalog datasets (a) and (b), as well as their impact on Tagalog nominal derivation. In Section 4 the same analysis is carried out for the Spanish diminutive suffixes -ito/a, -illo/a, and -ete/a in Tagalog lexical derivation. A discussion of the mechanism of borrowing of each suffix, based on the methodology of  Seifart (2015)  is presented in Section 5, followed by some concluding remarks in Section 6. The Appendix presents the characteristics of all Tagalog hybrid formations with -ero/a found in the datasets.
)' Moreover, it can also refer to nouns of objects meaning 'place' , 'container' , 'instrument/utensil' , 'group/set' , 'tree/plant' (ibid. : § 6. 8i-6. 8m, 6. 8s). In the historical dataset used in the present study, 25 types of Spanish complex loanwords (cl) with -ero/a and eight hybrid formations (hf), i. e. Tagalog neologisms with -ero, are attested (see Table  9. 2). 6 Examples (9a-b) contain two of the complex loanwords attested in the historical dataset. (10) a. Person of profession/occupation: sípaʔ 'kick with the boot; game with rattan ball' > sipéro 'sipa player'; salamángka 'conjuring; magic; sleight of hand' (< Spanish salamanca 'cave for sorcery') > salamangkéro 'magician; juggler' b. Person of certain propensity/trait: baság-úlo 'altercation; scuffle' > baság-uléro 'squabbler' (neg.
0  (11)  a. Spanish calle 'street' , callejero 'loiterer, gadabout' > Tagalog kálye, kalyehéro b. Spanish grano 'grain' , granero 'granary' > Tagalog gráno, granéro Based on the above data, several observations may be made regarding derivation with -ero/a in Tagalog at the beginning of the 20th century. First, the presence of hybrid formations with a Tagalog stem and the Spanish suffix -ero (including the masculine exponent -o) indicates that the suffix had been borrowed in that form into Tagalog not later than the turn of the 20th century. The form -era with the feminine exponent -a is not attested in the same dataset. Second, although in the early Spanish complex loanwords only the meaning 'person of certain profession/occupation' occurs, two of the three original meanings of Spanish -ero are registered in Tagalog hybrids, see (12a-b).
(12) a. Person of certain profession/occupation: bangkáʔ 'boat'-bangkéro 'boatman' b. Person of certain propensity/trait, with a negative connotation: satsát 'babble, chatter'-satsatéro 'chatterbox' Third, the agentive -ero in Tagalog, unlike its original in Spanish, combines not only with nominal stems, but also with stems referring to an action, as in (12b). Fourth and final, following  Seifart's (2015)  methodology, we can observe that the ratio of Spanish complex loanwords (25) to Tagalog hybrid formations (8) with -ero, and that to related simplex (stem) words, indicates a primarily indirect character of suffix borrowing from Spanish into Tagalog. This will be discussed further in Section 5. Let us now turn to the recent Tagalog dataset, from the late 20th-early 21st century, in order to assess the contemporary usage and semantics of the borrowed suffix -ero/a.
This dataset rendered far more Spanish complex loanwords and Tagalog hybrids: a dictionary search, cross-checked with the corpus data (see Section 1. 3), gave 158 Spanish complex loanwords, including 150 items as actor nouns. These 150 nouns pertain to the same two semantic groups as above, namely 'person of certain profession/occupation' (n = 143) and 'person of certain propensity/trait' (n = 7), mostly with a negative connotation. There is also a considerable number of hispanized English loanwords in the contemporary dataset, which are not included in the count. These are English lexemes which have been reshaped in Tagalog by analogy with a Spanish pattern, as in (13a-b), see also Section 1. 1. 7 Tagalog hybrid formations with -ero/a are also significant in number in this dataset, occurring 45 times.
The suffix -ero/a demonstrates a growth of productivity over time in Tagalog. Although the size of the historical dataset is much smaller than the con- temporary one, and thus cannot be directly compared, the scarcity of Tagalog hybrids (8 items) in the early dataset, and their much larger number in the contemporary data (55), including some recent creations, certainly implies a certain growth in productivity. Unlike in Spanish, in Tagalog -ero/a can combine with all type of stems: with nominal and verbal stems for the semantic group 'person of certain profession/occupation' , and with nominal, adjectival and verbal stems for 'person of certain propensity/trait'. Note also that the ratio between the two semantic groups for Spanish complex loanwords and Tagalog hybrid forms reveals a significant shift in Tagalog towards 'person of certain propensity/trait' with a distinct negative connotation, as illustrated in Table  9.
anécdota 'anecdote' -anecdotista 'one who is prone to anecdotes; one who composes anecdotes' c. absolutismo 'absolutism'-absolutista 'supporter of absolutism' In the historical dataset, 14 types of Spanish complex loanwords with -ista and only one Tagalog hybrid formation are attested. Their characteristics are summarized in   English, 1987; Rachkov, 2012) , but are absent in the early dataset, presumably due to its small size. Nonetheless, it is possible that they might have been borrowed into Tagalog in the early 20th century, but were infrequent. From this earlier data it may be noted that Spanish agentive complex loanwords of all the three original meanings are attested in Tagalog, with the items of group (a) prevailing (as in (15a)). Note further that all the stems of the complex loanwords except one are nominal, as in (16a-b).
3. 3 Spanish Suffix -eño/a The Spanish suffix -eño/a is one of the suffixes that can form relational adjectives from proper nouns (place and personal names) and common nouns, usually with the following meanings (Gramática: 7. 6ñ-7. 6o;  Rainer (2011: 475) ): -Born/living in N, e. g. Madrid-madrileño/a 'born/living in Madrid' -Pertaining to N, e. g. Velazquez-velazqueño/a 'pertaining to Velazquez (or his painting), m/f'; águila 'eagle'-aguileño/a 'pertaining to an eagle, aquiline, m/f' It is claimed that -eño was borrowed into Tagalog in the form -enyo with the meaning 'person born/residing in some place'  (Rachkov, 1981: 59; Alcántara y Antonio, 1999). However, no clear evidence of Tagalog hybridization with the Spanish suffix -eño was found in this study. No such derivates can be attested with certainty in the historical dataset; only a small number of personal names were found.
4. 1 Suffixes -ito/a and -illo/a -Ito/a is considered to be currently the most productive diminutive suffix in Spanish, whereas historically -illo/a predominated (Gramática: 9. 1j). This preference is manifested in, for example, the prevalence of Spanish diminutive toponyms with -illo/a in Spain  (Gramática, 9. 1m, j). Although -illo/a and -ito/a alternate with some stems (26a), in Latin America -illo/a is regarded as having mostly negative connotations (26b)  (Batchelor and San José, 2010: 452). (26) a. cuchara 'spoon'-cucharita/cucharilla 'small spoon, teaspoon' b. guerra 'war'-guerrilla '1. insignificant war, skirmish; 2. guerilla' The search of the historical dataset produced the ratio of Spanish complex loanwords with -ito/a, -ilyo/a (-illo/a) to their related simplex loanwords, and to possible hybrid formations (Table  9.
8). Only four Spanish complex loanwords with the suffix -ito/a are attested in the early dataset, all of which are related to 'an object smaller than that designated by the stem'. Two of them have their simplex pairs, such as in  (27). Though it is uncertain whether the two hybrid forms were created by Tagalog bilinguals, there is also no evidence for the Spanish provenance of these hybrids in the early dictionaries  (Serrano Laktaw, 1889; Lopes and Bensley, 1895; Calderón, 1915). It is therefore possible that they may be early Tagalog hybrid forms. Slightly more complex loanwords with -ilyo/a (-illo) are attested in the historical dataset. They are also related to 'a smaller object' , and three occur with their simplex pairs, as in (29). (29) ganchílyo/gantsílyo 'crochet hook' (< Spanish ganchillo)-gáncho/gántso 'hook; staple' (< Spanish gancho) No hybrid formations with -ilyo/a were found, although there are two instances of diminutive Tagalog hybrid formations that may pertain to the lexicon of the early 20th century, despite being unattested in this limited dataset.
4. 2 Spanish Suffix -ete The suffix -ete/a is among the less frequent diminutive suffixes in Spanish, being used both neutrally and affectionally or pejoratively  (Batchelor and San José, 2010: 452). It is also productive to a certain extent as a nominal suffix denoting an instrument or utensil, such as color 'color'-colorete 'blusher, rouge'  (Rainer, 2011: 217-218). Ten complex loanwords with -ete are attested in the historical Tagalog dataset, all of which refer to an instrument or utensil, such as bilyéte 'bill; ticket' (< Spanish billete). No simplex pairs or diminutives were registered. Only one hybrid form with -ete occurs (37), which might have been created by Tagalog-Spanish bilinguals rather than by analogy, since there are no simplex-complex pairs attested in the data. This form is still in use at present (70 tokens in the lc).
(37) kaliwéte 'left-handed; leftist'-kaliwáʔ 'left' The contemporary Tagalog dataset includes 39 complex loanwords with -ete, which relate to the semantic groups of 'instrument/utensil' (38a), 'smaller object/animal' (38b) and 'person of certain occupation' (38c); note that almost half of these forms also have a related simplex loanword. Thus, although the complex loanwords with -ete in Tagalog mostly refer to an 'instrument/utensil' or a 'smaller object' , no hybrid forms exist with such meanings. The three attested hybrids do not show consistency in semantics, with one Spanish-derived item referring to 'a person of certain occupation' , and another denoting a 'person of certain trait'. Indeed, except for  (39)  as a clear analogical creation, there is no other evidence for the productivity of -ete in the recent corpus.
The second adopted Spanish agentive suffix -ista is less productive and appears to have been borrowed into Tagalog more recently than -ero, since the early dataset does not include any -ista hybrids with a Tagalog stem (see Table  9. 5). The ratio of complex loanwords to hybrid formations (with a Spanish stem) is 14:1, while the ratio of total complex loanwords to their simplexcomplex pairs is 1:0. 8. These distributions served as a sound basis for the decomposition of the suffix from the complex loanwords by speakers. A sig--978-90-04-52945-8 Downloaded from Brill. com 06/03/2024 05:07:36PM via Open Access. https://creativecommons. org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4. 0 nificant growth in the number of complex loanwords with -ista and the corresponding recent simplex loanwords (c. 140:120) also correlates with a growth in hybrid formations (19, including items with Tagalog stems; recall  Table 9.
6). This again indicates the indirect character of borrowing of the suffix -ista into Tagalog. As shown in Tables 9. 8 and 9. 9, several compound loanwords and hybrid formations with -ito/a are already attested in the early dataset, and both increase in frequency in the contemporary data, with the same ratio of 2:1 during the two periods. Many of the compound loanwords are less frequent, however, than their simplex pairs. Thus -ito/a also meets Seifart's criteria for the primarily indirect character of borrowing. As only one possible hybrid with -ilyo/a and one with -ete are attested in the early dataset, both with Spanish stems, we assume that these Spanish suffixes might not have been adopted into Tagalog until the 1900s. The simplexcomplex pairs with and without -ilyo/a in Tagalog, the lower frequency of many compound loanwords compared with their related simplex types, as well as the lack of hybrid formations with Tagalog stems strongly suggest that this possible indirect suffixal borrowing is not yet complete, and that the suffix -ilyo is not productive in Tagalog.
As for -ete, Seifart's criteria 2 and 3 are not met, due to the lack or absence of the simplex corresponding forms for the complex loanwords. Thus it is possible that the only hybrid formation attested in the early data (37) could be an individual creation by Spanish-Tagalog bilinguals who might have directly transferred the Spanish suffix onto the Tagalog stem. In other words, they may have extracted the suffix using knowledge of Spanish (the source language) "with its subsequent use on native stems"  (Seifart, 2015: 529). Except for  (39)  as a clear analogical creation, there is no other evidence for the productivity ofete in the recent corpus, thus it appears to not yet have become a part of Tagalog lexical derivation. However, a more detailed investigation with a larger dataset would be instructive for clarifying the status of -ilyo/a and -ete in Tagalog.
Acknowledgements This chapter is based on Part ii of the author's dissertation (Fricke 2019a). I would like to thank  Marian Klamer ,  Owen Edwards  and  Francesca Moro  for their comments on earlier versions of this chapter, and  Naonori Nagaya  and  Alex Elias  for their critical reviews which raised very good additional points. Furthermore, this work would not have been possible without the  Dutch Research Council (nwo) 's vici grant for the project Reconstructing the past through languages of the present: The  Lesser Sunda Islands  by  Prof. dr. Marian.
Acknowledgements Many thanks to  Owen Edwards  for the detailed comments and extremely informative feedback he gave on an earlier version of this paper. We would also like to thank  Alex Veloso , whose documentation and sketch of Naueti made this paper possible. Jessé Fogaça  was also extremely helpful in checking various Makasae forms for us, while  Thomas Mariano Pinto  and  Iliwatu Danabere  provided information on Makalero forms. Schapper  would also like to thank  Erik Zobel  for discussion of various topics. All errors are our own. Schapper 's research was funded by the  Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research veni  project "The  evolution of the lexicon. Explorations in lexical sta-.
Acknowledgements We would like to thank the audience of the apll11 conference, as well as  Marian Klamer  and  George Saad  for their valuable feedback on previous versions of this chapter. The collection and the analysis of the data were supported by the nwo vici Project Reconstructing the past through languages of the present: The  Lesser Sunda Islands led  by  Prof. Marian Klamer  (project number  277-70-012 ).
Acknowledgements Many thanks to the organisers of the apll 11 Conference in Leiden, June 2019, for inviting me, and to the participants for helpful comments. In particular I like to thank  Timothy Asher ,  Don Daniels ,  Bethwyn Evans ,  Harald Hammarström ,  Marian Klamer ,  Godehard Link , and  Peter-Arnold Mumm  for their questions and discussions. Special thanks again to  Marian Klamer  and to an anonymous reviewer whose comments on drafts of the paper brought me additional insights that I didn't have before. All errors are my own. -Finally, I feel gratitude to my late father  Dr. Wolfgang Erich Gerstner  to whom I owe so much of my funding.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank  John Wolff ,  Marian Klamer ,  Francesca R. Moro ,  Maria Kristina Gallego  and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this chapter. Any remaining shortcomings are the authors' responsibility. 20 The same structure to mark direction/goal exists in Ivatan. However, there is no morphological distinction between general or specific locations as in Ibatan. Thus, in Ivatan, the form may-pa-sunget can either be interpreted as 'go to Sunget (a place in Mahatao, Batanes)' or 'go to the forested area'. However, the latter is the more common interpretation, as using the construction may-pa-to refer to proper nouns is not commonly used in Ivatan (based on personal communication with an Ivatan speaker).
Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the unwavering support and insight provided by the Abui community of Takalelang and in particular  Dori Lanma ,  Simon Daniel Lanma ,  Ansel Delpada ,  Benny Delpada ,  Frengki Delpada ,  Lorens Malbiyeti ,  Vivi Maufani , and  Abner Yetimauh. In addition, I would like to express my words of gratitude to  František Kratochvíl ,  Luís Miguel Rojas-Berscia ,  Kate Bellamy ,  Maria Carmen Parafita Couto ,  Pieter Muysken ,  Ad Backus ,  Marian Klamer , and  Francesca Moro  for offering invaluable feedback for the chapter. Data collection and write-up were supported by the nwo grant,  277-70-012  'Reconstructing the past through the languages of the present: The  Lesser Sundas ' , led by  Marian Klamer  at  Leiden University. Preparation for public-.
that pmp *b > prm *f was was a change in progress which had not fully diffused through the lexicon by the break-up of prm comes from these different frequencies. Intervocalic *-b-> *-f-occurs in 71% (24/34) of cases, while word-initial *b-> *f-occurs in 34% of cases (36/107). These different frequencies can be explained if pmp *b > prm *f was a change in progress. Intervocalic position is more susceptible to lenition, and *b > *f probably began in this position earlier and had more time to diffuse through in the lexicon, thus resulting in more cases of *b > *f /V_V. Secondly, Proto West Rote-Meto underwent a "second round" of *b > *f, which affected most instances of *b which had not yet undergone change. There are at least a dozen examples in my database (see Table.
There are a number of reasons why it is advantageous to configure bespoke regional models: though data catalogues like the Copernicus Marine Service (CMS: https://marine. copernicus. eu, last access: 20 February 2023, and others) are rich resources for regional and global marine data, these cannot always satisfy all user requirements. Motivations need not always be about spatial resolution. For example, missing processes can be an important driver for building a new con-Published by Copernicus Publications on behalf of the European Geosciences Union. figuration (perhaps addressing a lack of integrated physics and biogeochemistry or a lack of tidal processes in the "offthe-shelf" catalogue products). Alternatively, bespoke model outputs might be required (such as high-frequency output for specific sub-regions or new metrics).