dataesr/scientific-paragraphs-categorization huggingface dataset:
Shared haplotypes A total of 216 different haplotypes were observed among the 412 sequences included in this analysis, pointing to a considerable number of shared sequences. Of these, 146 were unique haplotypes and 70 haplotypes were shared among 266 sequences: 52 within populations, 31 between populations, and 13 both within and between populations. The shared haplotypes accounted for 64. 6% of all the sequences analyzed. This amount of haplotype sharing between populations is considerably high when compared to other population-based studies of complete mitochondrial genomes (Table  3 ). In other studies, the majority of shared haplotypes were generally observed within populations, with the exception of two African datasets from Burkina Faso and Zambia  (Barbieri et al. 2013; Barbieri et al.
Lack of genetic structure along linguistic lines Although our dataset includes populations speaking languages belonging to different language families, we found that linguistic affiliation is a poor predictor of genetic structure, as shown by the AMOVA analysis (Table  4 ) and by the Correspondence Analysis based on sub-haplogroup frequencies (Figure  2 ). This indicates that language does not constitute a barrier to gene flow, and that groups have been interacting with other neighboring groups, especially along rivers, which in our analyses performed better in explaining the patterns of genetic diversity. Archaeological and linguistic evidence demonstrates that NWA has been an area of intense contact and movement of peoples of different cultural traditions, evidenced by the diffusion of ceramic styles  (Heckenberger 2002; Lathrap 1970; Zucchi 2002 ) and shared subsistence strategies, by the existence of language areas and contact-induced linguistic change  (Aikhenvald 1999) , and the generalized multilingualism among groups  (Sorensen 1967; Stenzel 2005).
Acknowledgments We are grateful to all sample donors, communities, community leaders, and regional indigenous organizations. L. A. especially gives thanks to  Consejo Regional Indígena del Guaviare, Asociación de Autoridades Tradicionales y Cabildos de los Pueblos Indígenas del Municipio de Leguízamo y Alto Resguardo Predio Putumayo, Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Trapecio Amazónico, Organización Zonal Indígena Del Putumayo , the staff of  Parques Nacionales Naturales in Puerto Leguízamo , the office of Indigenous Affairs in Puerto Inírida,  Rafael Rodriguez ,  William Yucuna , the late  Gustavo Arias , and all people who helped during the fieldtrips for their valuable collaboration and warm welcome during our stay in their communities. We also acknowledge  Roland Schroeder  for laboratory technical assistance, and  Enrico Macholdt ,  Alexander Huebner ,  Irina Pugach , and  Michael Dannemann  for advice with the data analyses.
B. P. acknowledges the  LABEX ASLAN  ( ANR-10-LABX-0081 ) of  Université de Lyon  for its financial support within the program " Investissements d'Avenir"  ( ANR-11-IDEX-0007 ) of the French government operated by the  National Research Agency (ANR). L. A. was supported by a graduate grant from  COLCIENCIAS ; research was supported by funds from the  Max Planck Society.
The consequence of restricting freedom of panorama to non commercial uses arises from the was puzzled that the hierarchy of norms would be reverted, and international treaties such as the Berne Convention granting exclusive rights to authors should not be submitted to a private contract. In the case of Sweden, negotiations took place during a lawsuit opposing the Swedish Collecting Society v Wikimedia in Sweden 27 on the use of an image whose rights are managed by the collecting society. The Court followed article 24(1) of the Swedish Copyright Act: "Works of fine art may be reproduced in pictorial form 1. If they are permanently located outdoors on, or at, a public place" (. )" In direct application of the Berne Convention's three step test, a standard in copyright, the judge made no exception for an online publicly accessible database, the commercial objective or absence thereof was irrelevant in the exception.
THE IMPOSSIBILITY TO LEAD AN ECONOMIC ASSESSMENT ON REVENUES IMPACT After users' concerns about legal uncertainty, this section describes another area where the argumentation is more political than evidence-based. Authors' societies claim the right of panorama is a major part of artists revenues. Nevertheless, this claim could not be confirmed by the authors because of the personal information contained in the royalties database, mixing for each artist rights on artworks located in the public space and artworks not located in the public space, making it difficult to separate revenues which would be affected by an exception and assess the possible loss. French collective society claims 31 to extract an important part of graphic and plastic artists' royalties from commercial uses of public artworks in advertising campaigns.
The cross-checking of such information with broader data on the economics of copyright could help to evaluate the impact of the absence of freedom of panorama on the global amount of rights distributed to authors, designers and architects of outdoor works. Access to figures on revenues impact would require to analyse collecting societies databases. With the additional issues of personal data, and of reciprocal trust in the absence of independent source, royalties are associated to artists, and data mining would require a knowledge of which of their works is placed in the public space. And even if figures were available, it is not certain that the comparison among countries would allow to draw conclusions. According to the Architect Council of Europe's public figures 33, architects revenues are generally higher in countries which benefit from a freedom of panorama, but these countries generally have a higher standard of living (e.
THE MEDIA REPRESENTATION: HOW THE MEDIA DISCOVERED "FREEDOM OF PANORAMA" The discussions at the European and national legislative and advocacy level are only one part of a wider conversation within the European public spheres which we present in the final section of this paper. While we haven't been able to locate any use of the expression "freedom of panorama" in the news before 2011 (or, for that matter, of its French counterpart, "liberté de panorama"), hundreds of articles have been devoted to the issue since 2015 in all of the main languages of the European Union. So far, no other envisioned exception in the EU copyright plans has been the focus of such sustained media interest. To get a clearer outlook on this unprecedented coverage, we have extracted 115 articles from Google News (of which 53 are in English) and 136 articles in French from Europresse, a proprietary database accessible through university credentials 39.
MODELING THE DISSEMINATION OF A COMMUNITY-SHAPED DISCOURSE IN THE FRENCH PRESS All in all, there has certainly been an influence, but has this been lasting enough to affect the way the media dealt with the issue? To track the process of dissemination of a communityshaped discourse within the public sphere we have used a combination of text mining techniques on both our French and English corpus. The sub-discourses of the corpus were reconstructed by combining principal component analysis and an unsupervised classification technique (the "Reinert method") 45 on "segments" of texts (any arbitrary part of 40 consecutive words). With the reiterated co-occurrence of some words within each segment, wider semantic structure ("classes" or "topics") can be inferred, and linked to previous metadata (in this case, the name of the media).
The processing was made with Iramuteq (a text mining graphic application based on the R language) and the final output was visualised with an R library, ggplot. Analysis of the French corpus has yielded three classes that cover 616 segments of text (out of 780: all the other segments could not be safely classified) into almost three equal parts  (with 196, 193 and 227 segments). Not all classifications are significant, with p < 0. 05 for 77-78% of the words in each class. The attribution of each media to a specific class yields comparable results (with p < 0. 05 for four media out of 27). While the techniques we have used are far from perfect, theses uncertainties may also signal the degree of porosity and polysemy within specific parts of a discourse (that's especially true of the "media").
, the claiming of additional rights on public domain work beyond copyright. For instance, the database of the French Ministry of Culture systematically added copyright mentions (such as "© CMN") to historical monuments. The willingness to comply with existing law quickly gives way to frustrating feelings on the uncertainty of users rights. French Wikipedians unfavourably February 2017 | Volume 6 | Issue 1 compared their situation to their German and English counterparts. In April 2005, an issue of Wikimedia Quarto recalled a wave of takedown notices from cultural institutions to the French community. The cases led either to the deletion of the images by Wikimedians or were dropped by the claimants, reinforcing the frustrated feelings on behalf of the community and prompting a call for the legalisation of freedom of panorama in France.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS They are grateful for discussions with Thierry Maillard and  Marie-Anne Ferry-Fall  (ADAGP, Association pour la diffusion des arts graphiques et plastiques, French royalty collecting and distribution society in the field of graphic and visual arts),  Anne-Catherine Lorrain (Policy Advisor on Legal Affairs, Greens/EFA Group ,  European Parliament ) and  Dimitar Dimitrov  ( Wikimedia Europe ). They are also grateful for useful comments after a presentation of a previous version at the  LSE Law and Communications research network  and at the CPT meeting of the IAMCR conference in Leicester.
This curve was liberated with data collected for Lisbon specifically  (Martínez and Viegas, 2013). The results presented in Fig. 5  suggest a very large improvement in access to jobs for public transport users. This change would improve access equity largely and provide similar levels of access to everyone like private car nowadays. * -but these will be minivans and minibuses with capacities 8 and 16, not standard urban buses, with capacity 80. In terms of the costs to provide the equivalent mobility to nowadays, we found that Shared Taxi solutions could cost approximately 55 percent less per kilometres than current taxi services. 35 percent of these saving come from the average fare split inside the service while additional 20% would result from removing the driver costs from taxi fare structure (around 30 percent, although that just considered 20% due to the additional technical requirements to remotely manage a self-driving system).
, 2016) , they are not linear: the games of property valuation and land rent mechanisms do not apply uniformly; In the case of metropolises such as Mexico City, these links are structured by the coexistence of formal and informal housing markets 5. To what extent do real estate prices make it possible to grasp the heterogeneity of residential contexts? This is the first questioning behind this work. As important as they are in the apprehension of urban dynamics, studies on property prices are confronted with the problem of sources. The generalization of the online real estate listings, on sites grouping the offer of multiple agencies, constitutes a new source whose scope we wish to examine here. This is the second objective of this work, methodological this time: to evaluate the quality of a database constructed with data from online real estate listings.
Schteingart, 2001). For our part, we wish to explore the possibility of considering the variability of prices at the level of the whole MAVM, taking into account the different accessible segments, visible through the online ads channel. To do this, we will mainly support a database built on real estate advertisements from a major advertiser in Mexico, Metros Cúbicos, communicated in the framework of a partnership built during a field trip at the end of 2014 -17,900 records of advertisements of properties for sale exploitable for July 2014 9. In order to assess the quality of this database, beyond the number of recordings, we confronted it with another ad database, this time collected directly from the website of another advertiser, Realtor 10 -1950 records for one day of collection in the fall of 2014.
, 2001; Abramo, 2008; Ward, 2008; Huamán, 2010; Valette 2014). From the online ad portal to the databases While some agencies have their own ad site on the Internet (Century 21 for example), the most important sites in terms of ad volume correspond to portals which bring together the offers of several agencies, promoters and possibly individuals. This model corresponds in part to the publication of the traditional specialized press (such as El Universal or Encuentra tu casa in Mexico City); on the other hand, it distinguishes itself by giving both the seller and the buyer an unprecedented ease of comparison, at city level, or even on the national or international urban network. Ad portals, as a new type of intermediary between sellers and buyers, modify the structure of the real estate market, the modalities of prospecting potential buyers  (Larceneux et al.
, 2014)  and, more generally, the construction of the value of "opinion" described by M. Halbwachs  (Halbwachs, 1908). Databases made from such sources combine the qualities and limits of non-academic digital databases 23 : on one side, the possibility of working on exhaustive information at the time of collection, which however describes a population whose sampling is not controlled; on the other, the possibility of geolocalised information with a very high level of accuracy after correction and harmonization work  (Kitchin, 2013).
Online ads and georeferencing The database used in this article comes from the national ad portal Metros Cúbicos: it was communicated to us in the context of a research convention. During the month of July 2014, almost 49,000 ads passed through the Metros Cúbicos website, including about 20,000 only for the metropolitan area of Mexico City. In parallel, a second database we created from online ads 24 on the international portal Realtor is used as a control base. The collection of the equivalent of one day of ads brought together 3,500 ads for the MAVM. These two databases required cleaning, verification and correction work, in particular with regard to the geolocation of the advertisement 25. In total, 17,859 ads were retained in the Metros Cúbicos database and 1,948 in the control database (Table  1 ).
4 ). The East / West imbalance, major form of the social division of the metropolitan area, appears from the level of municipalities and delegations: Western municipalities -which is mainly where the housing stock for the well-off is located -are well represented in the database, in absolute values and with respect to total quantity of housing in the municipality or delegation. We can now make two assumptions. On the one hand, the housing market is less bright in popular colonies than in other parts of the city (Kunz et al. ,  Duhau, 2004). In particular, it is almost nonexistent in the most recent settlements, where housing access mostly comes through access to land and self-construction and through the land market over the real estate market. On the other hand, the existing property market goes through other channels (knowledge networks -family and / or friends -small ads in the street or directly on buildings, etc.
Advertised prices Even though our interest is more in the analysis of the relative price variability rather than in the appreciation of property prices as such, the fact remains that an important limit for databases built from ads exists in the nature of the recorded price: the recorded price is the advertised price and not the actual amount of the final transaction. This limit is especially important because the gap between the two values varies depending on the properties  (Kunz et al. , 2001)  and also, depending on the time of year and market dynamics. In addition, all property offered for sale do not necessarily find a buyer. However, in the Mexican context as in any contexts marked by widespread tax evasion, it is very difficult to obtain the actual amount for each transaction. The advertised prices remain the only sources which are systematically accessible  (Scatigna et al.
15 million pesos for a house and 2. 3 million pesos for an apartment. In other words, higher prices are over-represented in the database of Metros Cúbicos. If the ads are far more numerous in the latter, they are also much more concentrated in wealthy neighborhoods (figure  6 ). We see here the main bias of databases built from online ad portals: overrepresentation of high prices. Increasing the sample size does not automatically reduce this bias, in our case it's the opposite. The announced values can be described by another variable than the price of the housing: the advertised price per square meter. As expected, apartments appear more expensive than houses this time (Table  2 ). The control base here refers to values much closer: in other words, expensive assets that are overrepresented on Metros Cúbicos are also large areas properties; their weight is partly corrected by applying weighting coefficients.
In general, the area of property accounts for, statistically, almost 60% of price changes for advertised apartments. The relationship between size of the property and announced price is lower for houses (40% of the variance only), reflecting the heterogeneity of the housing stock: the surface of the house doesn't define its price as much as the other features of the property -such as location. In total, ad portals allow to build databases across the entire metropolitan area and in so doing, to have unprecedented coverage. Despite the number of ads regrouped (about 18,000 to describe 55 delegations and municipalities and 2,230 census units), the recording densities are very unequal: the basics only describe a portion of the city. However, this selective information does not imply a price homogeneity.
7% of ads -against 28. 8% of total apartments identified in 2010 in the MAVM (figures 7B and 1). The East-West opposition detected concerning the advertised prices for houses is even stronger here, especially within the limits of Ciudad de México. Geotagging allows ad observations at sub-municipal level, especially for census units -AGEBs. However, there is the problem concerning the representativeness of ads: below 3 recording, we consider that the information is insufficient to describe a given AGEB. In order to observe a maximum of AGEBs, we'll consider two housing stocks together, weighting the announced prices by the surface of the property (figure  8 ). The first reading level of this map refers to "dips" and "peaks" already noticed in this end level, bearing witness to how municipalities are entered in the database (figure  6 ).
In addition, the comparison between online advertised prices and the prices observed on the field suggests that high prices are over-represented on the Internet, both in popular colonies and in residential complexes. For example, in 2014, in popular colonies in the east of La Paz, it was estimated that the cost of a house (on a 120 m² plot) was approximately 1 million pesos (against a median of 3 million according to Metros Cúbicos -Figure  10A ). Similarly, in a residential complex in Cuautitlan, empirically approached prices in 2014 were lower than those advertised online: in the Hacienda Cuautitlan, the resale price for a house of 96 m² was 315,000 pesos, or three times less than the median of houses in residential complexes in the database. However, in the basis of online ads, the gap between settlement types is lower if we consider the price per square meter, the differential between residential sets and popular colonies is partly due to the very small size of the properties offered for sale in residential complexes (a typical dwelling would be a small duplex of around 60 m²).
This expertise on the quality of the data collected is, of a methodological standpoint, essential in the case of cities like Mexico City, where there are no other sources that allow us to understand the real estate market across the entire city. If uploading online enables the comprehensive collection of available information and regular updates for this information, the fact remains that database insertion requires a cleaning and layout job and -here too, data used differs greatly from academic sources. Thematic contributions from the exploitation of such databases are not negligible. The analysis of the advertised property prices completes the characterization of residential settings as they may be established from the data from censuses. Not only is the magnitude of the differences between settlement types highlighted through the differences in observed prices, but two other elements must also be emphasized.
Number of units where at least one ad is observed. In brackets, the total number of geographical units for the given step at the scale of the MAVM and the proportion represented by the spatial coverage of advertisements. Sources: Metros Cúbicos, 2014; Realtor, 2014; INEGI, 2013 Neither site being developed with a map interface that could have allowed to collect the geographic coordinates of the ad, georeferencing was performed by address in the Metros Cúbicos database, with the colony in the only in the control base. Thus, only the Metros Cúbicos database allows aggregation of advertisements on the level of AGEBs (área geoestadística básica), census unit used by the National Statistics Institute -INEGI. Geography of real estate prices in Mexico City: Variability and heterogeneity. Cybergeo : European Journal of Geography , Espace, Société, Territoire Exhaustive collection.
*: Number of units where at least one ad is observed. In brackets, the total number of geographical units for the given step at the scale of the MAVM and the proportion represented by the spatial coverage of advertisements. Sources: Metros Cúbicos, 2014; Realtor, 2014; INEGI, 2013 Neither site being developed with a map interface that could have allowed to collect the geographic coordinates of the ad, georeferencing was performed by address in the Metros Cúbicos database, with the colony in the only in the control base. Thus, only the Metros Cúbicos database allows aggregation of advertisements on the level of AGEBs (área geoestadística básica), census unit used by the National Statistics Institute -INEGI. Geography of real estate prices in Mexico City: Variability and heterogeneity. Cybergeo : European Journal of Geography , Espace, Société, Territoire Exhaustive collection.
We opted for individual interviews rather than focus groups, as interviews provide more precise information, allow for unexpected topics to be raised and avoid group-induced biases while enabling greater freedom of speech. The interviews were recorded with the participants' consent. In addition, 21 organograms were drawn up by the researchers in talks with 17 participants; these were also discussed with participants to clarify their mental maps of the organizational structure and where logisticians should be inserted. The interviews were fully transcribed and translated (when conducted in local languages) by a team of experienced transcribers. They were then re-read and corrected by the researcher who had conducted the interviews, before being encoded in NVivo software using the node tree compiled from the interview guides.
Contributors EG developed the study protocol, supervised data collection, conducted the analysis and contributed enormously to writing the report and manuscript. DA coordinated the implementation of the study in Benin. DA and RG provided technical input for developing the protocol, discussing results and writing the report and article; they also carried out the data collection. PJ recruited the core team, oversaw the development and implementation of the project, and provided input on developing the protocol, data analysis, the study report, and manuscript writing. All the authors agreed on the final draft.