page_title: 2013 protests in Brazil
section_title: Demands of protesters
hierarchical_section_title: 2013 protests in Brazil / Background / Demands of protesters
context_page_description: The 2013 protests in Brazil, or 2013 Confederations Cup riots, also known as the V for Vinegar Movement, Brazilian Spring, or June Journeys, were public demonstrations in several Brazilian cities, initiated mainly by the Movimento Passe Livre, a local entity that advocates for free public transportation.
  The demonstrations were initially organized to protest against increases in bus, train, and metro ticket prices in some Brazilian cities, but grew to include other issues such as the high corruption in the government and police brutality used against some demonstrators. By mid-June, the movement had grown to become Brazil's largest since the 1992 protests against former President Fernando Collor de Mello.
  As with the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey, social media has played an important role in the organization of public outcries and in keeping protesters in touch with one another.
context_section_description: Although the bus fare increase was the tipping point for demonstrators, the basis for public disenchantment with the policies of the ruling class went far deeper. There was frustration among the general population's disappointment with the inadequate provision of social services in Brazil. Despite Brazil's international recognition in lifting 40 million out of poverty, and into the nova Classe C with comfortable access to a middle class consumer market, the policies have been the subject of intense political debate. Groups among the protestors argues that "Bolsa Familia" and other social policies were simply an electoral strategy from the Worker's Party aimed at "alming the poor". Political opponents took issue with neoliberal or post-neoliberal traitor of its original Marxist precepts that benefits mostly the old, corrupt and stereotypical elites with black money and shady methods, and only making the life of the traditional, more conservative, middle middle and upper middle classes (that are rejected as a sign of reactionary decadence by left-wing elements, and dominant among the mostly urban, young, white, and educated protesters) even harder while political scandals involving the public money most expensive to this conservative middle class run rampant.
  Meanwhile, mega sports projects such as the 2013 FIFA Confederations Cup and the 2014 FIFA World Cup (to which at that time Brazil had already spent over 7 billion reais and with total expected cost of over 32 billion reais, equivalent to three times South Africa's total in 2010, despite only half the stadiums being finished), as well as the 2016 Summer Olympics, have turned out to be over-budget, and have resulted in a series of revelations about gross overbillings and multibillion-dollar financial scandals. The occurrence of these protests simultaneously with Confederations Cup matches, with sounds of police weapons being audible during the Uruguay vs. Nigeria match on Thursday June 20, have raised serious questions amongst other sporting nations about the capability of Brazil to host the main event in a year's time, based upon its ostensibly severe social problems. Other points of discontent are the high inflation rates and increases in the prices of basic consumer goods, including food, that, as many other things in Brazil, are heavily taxed (at 27%).
  Other commonly stated reasons for the malaise include high taxes (tax revenues total 36% of GDP, the highest in the developing world) that do not benefit the poor. The average Brazilian citizen is estimated to pay 40.5% of their income in taxes, yet the country still suffers from various social and infrastructural problems such as poorly functioning health services, a low education rate, inadequate welfare benefits, and a growing but still low rate of employment.
  There is also a feeling of powerlessness due to widespread cases of corruption and embezzlement as well as a lack of transparency and financial accountability. Indicted leaders and politicians often stay in power despite being cited for corruption and collusion in the growing overbilling scandals. The protesters particularly object to a constitutional amendment currently being drafted known as PEC 37 that is seen as a cover-up for corrupt politicians and an attempt to reduce the power of the judiciary in pursuing cases. Though not a main cause for the demonstrations, some protestors also object to socially conservative legislation by the religious benches that is seen as a retrocess to Brazil's LGBT and women's rights, a threat to the state of Brazilian secularism, and even freedom of expression.
caption: Situation of party seats in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies in May 2013. The PT-PMDB coalition government enjoyed a large majority of support (81.6% of the seats), paralleled with high positive popularity ratings (around 80%). After the protests, the margins of support for the government both in the Congress and with the population dropped sharply, and did not rise again