Qarku_i_Çamërisë
Demografia
Pas luftërave ballkanike dhe shpërbërjes së Perandorisë Osmane në fillim të shekullit XX, rajoni i Çamërisë u bë pjesë e Greqisë. Gjatë gjithë periudhës midis dy luftërave, brenda komunitetit etnik shqiptar ndodhën ndarje serioze shoqërore edhe për shkak të politikave të qeverisë greke Lambros Baltsiotis (2011). The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a “non-existent” minority community. European Journal of Turkish Studies. "The behavior of the Greek Army, in conjunction with the legislation implemented at the time, deeply affected the Muslims and confirmed the first serious fissure between the Christian communities and the Greek State on one side, and the Muslim communities on the other. Tensions between Muslims and Christians in the area began in the late 19th century when the Christian element gradually improved its financial and social status. Soon after 1912-1913 it had a major ally to fulfill its ambition: the Greek state..... The Greco-Turkish exchange of populations and the way it was implemented in the area was, we argue, a determining factor in the rift amongst the population. In fact the exchange seems to have gradually led Muslims to veer towards Albania in search of protection, and in general, led to the creation of stronger links between the Albanian state and the Muslim population of Chamouria. Albanian nationalism at the hands of Muslim villagers and elites was turned into a useful tool for exerting pressure on Greek state nationalistic demands such as the creation of Albanian schools first appeared after the mid 1920s. Albania was gradually viewed by the community as a kin-state..... The unwavering determination of the Greek state to include the Muslims of Chamouria in the exchange of populations, alongside policies that were implemented in the field and forced upon the local population, which were in turn augmented by the determination of local officers and the local Christian population, led to extreme effects on the ground..... In the 1930s it was obvious that the Chams were viewed as a hostile population and “a lost cause for “Hellenism””. Attempts to create any kind of viable links between the community and the Greek Administration were deemed fruitless as there were few limits imposed on the hard line policies apart from the consideration of the image of the state abroad and the policies of reciprocity applied concerning the Greek Minority of Albania, which in turn had become a major national issue after the Greek Army’s defeat in Asia Minor..... For the Greeks, Muslim Chams were by now a community that was not considered as equal and was certainly treated as inferior. It appears that this perception was so widely accepted that it was explicitly expressed in an official text..... Finally, so as to exercise better control over the minority, the Greek state created in late 1936 a new prefecture, that of Thesprotia, consisting of areas that previously belonged to the Prefectures of Ioannina (Yanina) and Preveza, embodying all the Muslim population." ndaj shqipfolësve ortodoksë, të cilët gjithnjë morën anën e shtetit dhe e panë veten si grekë. Gjatë periudhës kësaj kohës, qeveria greke intensifikoi fushatën e saj në mesin e shqipfolësve ortodoksë në lidhje me gjuhën. Në vende që janë konsideruar me rëndësi demografike se kishin pak njohuri të gjuhës greke, institucione arsimor grek u hapën të tilla në fshtrat të qarkut i Çamërisë si: Psaka, Shulashi, Kastriza dhe Draganji. Kurse shqiptarët myslimanë e panë veten si një minoritet shqiptar me të drejta të vegjël. Vende si Filati dhe Paramithia ende ishin qyteza shqipfolëse në prag të Luftës së Dytë Botërore. Këto tensione shpërthyen në një konflikt komunale gjatë Luftës së Dytë Botërore, ku shumë shqipfolës ortodokse u bashkuan me forcat vendor si EDES, ndërsa shqiptarët myslimane formuan një organizim paralel të quajtur Këshilla për të mbrojtur veten e tyre nga forcat greke. Në vitin 1944, shumica e myslimanëve shqiptarë u pastruan etnikisht nga rajoni, ndërsa shqipfolësit ortodokse mbetën. Sipas zyrtarëve të qeverisë greke, nuk ka popull autoktone shqipfolës në rajon. Kjo pikëpamje është mbajtur prej zyrtarët grekë sepse ata janë të shqetësuar për demografinë socio-gjuhësore të rajonit. Gerasimos Konidaris (2005). "The Albanian migration cycle: migrants tend to return to their country of origin after all". në Russell King, Nicola Mai & Stephanie Schwander-Sievers (eds.). The new Albanian Migration. Sussex Academic. f. 78-79. "The procedure for the legislation of the undocumented immigrants in Greece was set out in article 16 of Law 2434 of 1996. This article provided for the creation of a 15-member Committee comprised of government, trade union and other officials) which was entrusted with the task for formulating two Presidential Decrees that would specify who would be entitled to be registered and then regularised, the procedure and means by which the process would be carried out, and for how long the successful immigrants would be granted permission to stay. Those entitled to be registered were given a ‘Temporary Residence Card’ (White Card) and if they could fulfil various conditions they were then given the Green Card – a ‘Residence Card of Limited Duration’. The Committee started its deliberations on 1 November 1996 and by early summer 1997 it had agreed on the final form of both Decrees. Unexpectedly, however, a Cabinet meeting on 27 June took the decision to exclude from the legalisation immigrants from countries neighbouring Greece (Eleftherotypia 1July 1997). According to my interview material, the person who put forward that proposal and supported its adoption with extreme obstinacy was Minister of the Interior Papadopoulos, who was aiming at the exclusion of the Albanian immigrants. According to the interviewees, his action can be explained by the fact that he is from Thesprotia (an area that, as we saw earlier, is closely associated with the Chams issue), which is also his electoral base. For instance, Member of Parliament Dr. Katsanevas said: Yes, it was Papadopoulos [who reacted to the legislation]. He personally has a problem with that, because he is elected in Thesprotia and he was afraid that there will be problems with the Chams and things like that. There was a personal problem for his area… Similarly the representative of SOS Racisme said: Papadopoulos’, main fear was the alteration of the composition of the population by the Albanian immigrants, as it seems he had the view that if they were legalised they would not go back to their country. . . Generally there is this idea that immigrants from neighbouring countries, and practically from Albania, can create problems in the long run, by forming minorities." Autorët vendore gjithashtu nga rajoni shmangin nga diskutimin për gjuhën shqip që ende është e folur nga popullsia ortodokse vendas, sepse i lidh ata me çamët myslimanë. Në vend të kësaj, autorët grekë të kaluara kanë përpjekur ti distancojnë shqipfolësit krishterë vendas nga shqiptarët e tjerë, ti fshehin apo ti përjashtojn të gjitha, sepse "gjuha është perceptuar si një kërcënim shtesë për greqizëm i vendit". Për shembull, në një monografi për fshatin Spllancë, autori greke përpiqet të distancojë gjuhën shqipe e folur nga vendasit, duke deklaruar se kjo gjuhë e tyre është nakatosur prej gjuhëve të ndryshme. Për më shumë shih: Sokratis D. Georgoulas (1964). Λαογραφική Μελέτη Αμμουδιάς Πρεβέζης . Κέντρων Ερεύνης της Ελληνικής Λαογραφίας. f. 12. "Οι κάτοικοι παραλλήλως προς την Ελληνικήν γλώσσαν ωμίλουν και ομιλούν σήμερον, προς αφάνταστον ζημίαν πνευματικήν και πολιτιστικήν του τόπου «τα αρβανίτικα». Τα «αρβανίτικα» των Αμμουδιωτών είναι εφθαρμένη παραλλαγή της διαλέκτου των «γκέκηδων» εις την οποίαν συνεσωρεύθησαν λέξεις άλλων γλωσσών και διαλέκτων όπως Ιταλικά, Τούρκικα, Σέρβικα, Γαλλικά, Αράπικα και πάμπολλες Ελληνικές λέξεις,. εις τρόπον ώστε οι σημερινοί Αμμουδιώται είναι δύσκολον αν μη αδύνατον να συνομιλήσουν μετά  των «γκέκηδων» ή και άλλων Αλβανικών φυλλών." Ndërsa një tjetër shembull në kohëve të fundit për fshatin Kastrizë, ringjalljen e disa zakoneve të vjetra e dasmës çame, lidhjet me shqiptarët e tjerë është mohuar. Për më shumë shih: "Σε αρβανιτοχώρι της Θεσπρωτίας αναβίωσαν τον αρβανίτικο γάμο! [Në fshatin shqiptar të Thesprotisë është ringjallur martesë shqiptarësh!]". Katopsi. Lexuar më 6 prill 2015. “Να σημειωθεί ότι τα αρβανίτικα έθιμα είναι καθαρά ελληνικά και δεν έχουν καμία σχέση με τα αλβανικά. Άλλωστε οι Αρβανίτες είναι Έλληνες με ιδιαίτερο γλωσσικό ιδιίωμα και όχι Αλβανοί [Vini re se adetët shqipe janë thjesht greke dhe nuk kanë të bëjnë me gjuhën shqipe. Përveç kësaj, shqiptarët janë grekë dhe ashtu gjuha e tyre, dhe jo shqiptarë.]” Këto pikëpamjet grek janë bërë shpeshherë që shprehen "argumentin i paraqitur se gjuha e përdorur nga popullsia kishte asnjë lidhje me përkatësinë e tyre nacionale". Ndërsa qeveria shqiptar i ka kushtuar pak kurrfarë vëmendje të popullsisë shqipfolëse e sotme në rajon. E vetmja kohë kur qeveria ka bërë këtë ka qenë në vitin 2000, kur lideri i atëhershëm i Partisë Demokratike të opozitës, Sali Berisha, bëri thirrje për të drejta kulturore për shqiptarët që jetojnë në Greqi, të tilla si hapja e një shkolle në gjuhën shqipe në Filat.