Vladimir_Putin
Ideologi og verdenssyn
I Putins «Russkij Mir»-verdenssyn og det 21. århundrets russiske identitet er det en forestilling om en egen distinkt russisk sivilisasjon. Et Russkij Mir eller Russisk verden, og forbundet med det ideen om å beskytte russisktalende i Eurasia. Selv om sikkerhetshensyn i forhold til NATOs ekspansjon klart er viktig for Kreml, er den politisk-kulturelle rollen som Ukraina spiller i samtidens russiske ideologi viktigere i Putins langsiktige visjon om en revitalisert «russisk verden», ifølge kommentatoren B.R. Young på nettstedet Foreignpolicy.com. [https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/06/russia-putin-civilization/ Putin Has a Grimly Absolute Vision of the ‘Russian World’. The Ukraine war is fueled by a delusion of civilizational necessity.] Foreignpolicy.com kommentar av Benjamin R. Young. sitat:Putin believes an invasion of Ukraine is a righteous cause and necessary for the dignity of the Russian civilization, which he sees as being genetically and historically superior to other Eastern European identities. The idea of protecting Russian-speakers in Eurasia has been a key part of Putin's "Russkiy Mir" worldview and 21st-century Russian identity. Under the rubric of Russkiy Mir (Russian World), Putin's government promotes the idea that Russia is not a mere nation-state but a civilization-state that has an important role to play in world history. While the Kremlin refers to the Ukrainian government as "Nazis," the actual neo-fascist ideologues in this conflict are those in the Russian leadership. Beginning as far back as 1994, Russian political elites started talking about a uniquely Eurasianist Russian civilization. In 1997, Russian post-liberal, neo-fascist philosopher Alexander Dugin, later an advisor to Putin, published his foundational book, Foundations of Geopolitics. Referred to as Putin's Rasputin, Dugin argues that the world order is shaped by competition between Sea Powers (Atlanticists), such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and the EU countries, and Land Powers (Eurasianists), such as Russia. (…) Beginning in 2012, Putin began to refer to a distinct Russian civilizational identity and explained that "the self-definition of the Russian people is that of a multiethnic civilization." Included within this civilizational framework are ethnic Russians and Russian-speakers in former Soviet republics that extend beyond Russia's national borders. In 2020, Putin appeared on state television and said that Russia's unique civilizational identity needed to be protected via genetics and technological sophistication. This ideology positions contemporary Russia as a global bastion of traditional values and national conservatism. Most of all, it argues that the Kremlin has a duty and right to defend the interests and culture of Russian-speakers all over the world. Putin rejects the Westphalian state system for an irredentist vision of an expansionist Russian civilization. (…) While security concerns regarding NATO expansion are certainly important to the Kremlin, the politico-cultural role that Ukraine plays in contemporary Russian ideology is of greater value to Putin's long-term vision of a rejuvenated Russian World. In February 2021, Putin's spokesperson Dmitry Peskov named Ukraine as a part of Russkiy Mir. Simply put, Putin and his circle genuinely do not believe Ukraine is a real country. To them, Ukraine has become too linguistically, culturally, and spiritually separated from Russian civilization. In the paranoid and Manichaean worldview of the Kremlin, the renegade region known in the West as "Ukraine" needs to be reconnected with its motherland, Russia. Russian history and civilization demand it. Begrepet forbindes vidt bl.a med en Russkij mir-stiftelse (i samarbeid med den ortodokse kirken), legitimering av annekteringen av Krim i 2014 og behovet for å prestere godt i utviklingen av høynivå-teknologi for å kunne bevare denne sivilisasjonen. Samarbeidet mellom den russiske staten og den russisk-ortodokse kirken er både en utadrettet diplomatisk aktivitet, og brukt inn imot staten for å helligjøre denne. En gjensidig legitimering, men også egnet til å opparbeide en nasjonal bevissthet utover statens grenser, som kan gjøres om til nasjonalisme når det egne samfunnet blir truet. Den russisk-ortodokse kirken er transnasjonal og ikke bundet av statsgrensene til Den russiske føderasjon. Den politiske kommentatoren I. Zevelev fra CSIS mener at forestillingen om den russiske verden reflekterer spenningen imellom de faktiske statsgrensene i Russland og det mentale kartet over «russiskhet» som eksisterer i hodet til mange russere. For majoriteten av den ukrainske befolkning, og for hele den politiske klassen, er ideen om den russiske verden synonymt med krig. I februar 2021 uttalte Putins talsmann Peskov at Ukraina er en del av Russkij Mir.