cyanic-selkie/wikianc huggingface dataset:
Sejarah Polandia
Economic and social developments of the early communist era
The government's highest economic priority was the development of heavy industry useful to the military. State-run or controlled institutions common in all the socialist countries of eastern Europe were imposed on Poland, including collective farms and worker cooperatives. The latter were dismantled in the late 1940s as not socialist enough, although they were later re-established; even small-scale private enterprises were eradicated. Stalinism introduced heavy political and ideological propaganda and indoctrination in social life, culture and education.
Great strides were made, however, in the areas of employment (which became nearly full), universal public education (which nearly eradicated adult illiteracy), health care and recreational amenities. Many historic sites, including the central districts of Warsaw and Gdańsk, both devastated during the war, were rebuilt at great cost.
The communist industrialization program led to increased urbanization and educational and career opportunities for the intended beneficiaries of the social transformation, along the lines of the peasants-workers-working intelligentsia paradigm. The most significant improvement was accomplished in the lives of Polish peasants, many of whom were able to leave their impoverished and overcrowded village communities for better conditions in urban centers. Those who stayed behind took advantage of the implementation of the 1944 land reform decree of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, which terminated the antiquated but widespread parafeudal socioeconomic relations in Poland. The Stalinist attempts at establishing collective farms generally failed. Due to urbanization, the national percentage of the rural population decreased in communist Poland by about 50%. A majority of Poland's residents of cities and towns still live in apartment blocks built during the communist era, in part to accommodate migrants from rural areas.
The Thaw and Gomułka's Polish October (1955–1958)
In March 1956, after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Moscow ushered in de-Stalinization, Edward Ochab was chosen to replace the deceased Bolesław Bierut as first secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party. As a result, Poland was rapidly overtaken by social restlessness and reformist undertakings; thousands of political prisoners were released and many people previously persecuted were officially rehabilitated. Worker riots in Poznań in June 1956 were violently suppressed, but they gave rise to the formation of a reformist current within the communist party.
Amidst the continuing social and national upheaval, a further shakeup took place in the party leadership as part of what is known as the Polish October of 1956. While retaining most traditional communist economic and social aims, the regime led by Władysław Gomułka, the new first secretary of the PZPR, liberalized internal life in Poland. The dependence on the Soviet Union was somewhat mollified, and the state's relationships with the Church and Catholic lay activists were put on a new footing. A repatriation agreement with the Soviet Union allowed the repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Poles who were still in Soviet hands, including many former political prisoners. Collectivization efforts were abandoned—agricultural land, unlike in other Comecon countries, remained for the most part in the private ownership of farming families. State-mandated provisions of agricultural products at fixed, artificially low prices were reduced, and from 1972 eliminated.
Culture in the Polish People's Republic, to varying degrees linked to the intelligentsia's opposition to the authoritarian system, developed to a sophisticated level under Gomułka and his successors. The creative process was often compromised by state censorship, but significant works were created in fields such as literature, theater, cinema and music, among others. Journalism of veiled understanding and varieties of native and Western popular culture were well represented. Uncensored information and works generated by émigré circles were conveyed through a variety of channels. The Paris-based Kultura magazine developed a conceptual framework for dealing with the issues of borders and the neighbors of a future free Poland, but for ordinary Poles Radio Free Europe was of foremost importance.
Stagnation and crackdown (1958–1970)
One of the confirmations of the end of an era of greater tolerance was the expulsion from the communist party of several prominent "Marxist revisionists" in the 1960s.
The post-1956 liberalizing trend, in decline for a number of years, was reversed in March 1968, when student demonstrations were suppressed during the 1968 Polish political crisis. Motivated in part by the Prague Spring movement, the Polish opposition leaders, intellectuals, academics and students used a historical-patriotic Dziady theater spectacle series in Warsaw (and its termination forced by the authorities) as a springboard for protests, which soon spread to other centers of higher education and turned nationwide. The authorities responded with a major crackdown on opposition activity, including the firing of faculty and the dismissal of students at universities and other institutions of learning. At the center of the controversy was also the small number of Catholic deputies in the Sejm (the Znak Association members) who attempted to defend the students.
In an official speech, Gomułka drew attention to the role of Jewish activists in the events taking place. This provided ammunition to a nationalistic and antisemitic communist party faction headed by Mieczysław Moczar that was opposed to Gomułka's leadership. Using the context of the military victory of Israel in the Six-Day War of 1967, some in the Polish communist leadership waged an antisemitic campaign against the remnants of the Jewish community in Poland. The targets of this campaign were accused of disloyalty and active sympathy with Israeli aggression. Branded "Zionists", they were scapegoated and blamed for the unrest in March 1968, which eventually led to the emigration of much of Poland's remaining Jewish population (about 15,000 Polish citizens left the country).
With the active support of the Gomułka regime, the Polish People's Army took part in the infamous Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, after the Brezhnev Doctrine was informally announced.
Chandan Arora
Chandan Arora adalah seorang penyunting dan sutradara film India dalam Bollywood, yang paling dikenal atas film-filmnya, Main, Meri Patni Aur Woh (2005) dan rilis terkini, Striker (2010). Ia juga meraih Penghargaan Filmfare untuk Penyuntingan Terbaik atas Company pada 2003.
Sejarah Polandia
Stagnation and crackdown (1958–1970)
In the final major achievement of Gomułka diplomacy, the governments of Poland and West Germany signed in December 1970 the Treaty of Warsaw, which normalized their relations and made possible meaningful cooperation in a number of areas of bilateral interest. In particular, West Germany recognized the post-World War II de facto border between Poland and East Germany.
Worker revolts, reforms of Gierek, the Polish pope and Solidarity (1970–1981)
To revitalize the economy, from 1971 the Gierek regime introduced wide-ranging reforms that involved large-scale foreign borrowing. These actions initially caused improved conditions for consumers, but in a few years the strategy backfired and the economy deteriorated. Another attempt to raise food prices resulted in the June 1976 protests. The Workers' Defence Committee (KOR), established in response to the crackdown that followed, consisted of dissident intellectuals determined to support industrial workers, farmers and students persecuted by the authorities. The opposition circles active in the late 1970s were emboldened by the Helsinki Conference processes.
In October 1978, the Archbishop of Kraków, Cardinal Karol Józef Wojtyła, became Pope John Paul II, head of the Catholic Church. Catholics and others rejoiced at the elevation of a Pole to the papacy and greeted his June 1979 visit to Poland with an outpouring of emotion.
Fueled by large infusions of Western credit, Poland's economic growth rate was one of the world's highest during the first half of the 1970s, but much of the borrowed capital was misspent, and the centrally planned economy was unable to use the new resources effectively. The 1973 oil crisis caused recession and high interest rates in the West, to which the Polish government had to respond with sharp domestic consumer price increases. The growing debt burden became insupportable in the late 1970s, and negative economic growth set in by 1979.
On 31 August 1980, representatives of workers at the Gdańsk Shipyard, led by an electrician and activist Lech Wałęsa, signed the Gdańsk Agreement with the government that ended their strike. Similar agreements were concluded in Szczecin (the Szczecin Agreement) and in Silesia. The key provision of these agreements was the guarantee of the workers' right to form independent trade unions and the right to strike. Following the successful resolution of the largest labor confrontation in communist Poland's history, nationwide union organizing movements swept the country.
Edward Gierek was blamed by the Soviets for not following their "fraternal" advice, not shoring up the communist party and the official trade unions and allowing "anti-socialist" forces to emerge. On 5 September 1980, Gierek was replaced by Stanisław Kania as first secretary of the PZPR.
Delegates of the emergent worker committees from all over Poland gathered in Gdańsk on 17 September and decided to form a single national union organization named "Solidarity".
While party–controlled courts took up the contentious issues of Solidarity's legal registration as a trade union (finalized by November 10), planning had already begun for the imposition of martial law. A parallel farmers' union was organized and strongly opposed by the regime, but Rural Solidarity was eventually registered (12 May 1981). In the meantime, a rapid deterioration of the authority of the communist party, disintegration of state power and escalation of demands and threats by the various Solidarity–affiliated groups were occurring. According to Kuroń, a "tremendous social democratization movement in all spheres" was taking place and could not be contained. Wałęsa had meetings with Kania, which brought no resolution to the impasse.
Following the Warsaw Pact summit in Moscow, the Soviet Union proceeded with a massive military build-up along Poland's border in December 1980, but during the summit Kania forcefully argued with Leonid Brezhnev and other allied communists leaders against the feasibility of an external military intervention, and no action was taken. The United States, under presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, repeatedly warned the Soviets about the consequences of a direct intervention, while discouraging an open insurrection in Poland and signaling to the Polish opposition that there would be no rescue by the NATO forces.
In February 1981, Defense Minister General Wojciech Jaruzelski assumed the position of prime minister. The Solidarity social revolt had thus far been free of any major use of force, but in March 1981 in Bydgoszcz three activists were beaten up by the secret police. In a nationwide "warning strike" the 9.5-million-strong Solidarity union was supported by the population at large, but a general strike was called off by Wałęsa after the 30 March settlement with the government. Both Solidarity and the communist party were badly split and the Soviets were losing patience. Kania was re-elected at the Party Congress in July, but the collapse of the economy continued and so did the general disorder.
At the first Solidarity National Congress in September–October 1981 in Gdańsk, Lech Wałęsa was elected national chairman of the union with 55% of the vote. An appeal was issued to the workers of the other East European countries, urging them to follow in the footsteps of Solidarity. To the Soviets, the gathering was an "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet orgy" and the Polish communist leaders, increasingly led by Jaruzelski and General Czesław Kiszczak, were ready to apply force.
In October 1981, Jaruzelski was named first secretary of the PZPR. The Plenum's vote was 180 to 4, and he kept his government posts. Jaruzelski asked parliament to ban strikes and allow him to exercise extraordinary powers, but when neither request was granted, he decided to proceed with his plans anyway.
The martial law, Jaruzelski's rule and the end of communism (1981–1989)
On 12–13 December 1981, the regime declared martial law in Poland, under which the army and ZOMO riot police were used to crush Solidarity. The Soviet leaders insisted that Jaruzelski pacify the opposition with the forces at his disposal, without direct Soviet involvement. Virtually all Solidarity leaders and many affiliated intellectuals were arrested or detained. Nine workers were killed in the Pacification of Wujek. The United States and other Western countries responded by imposing economic sanctions against Poland and the Soviet Union. Unrest in the country was subdued, but continued.
During martial law, Poland was ruled by the so-called Military Council of National Salvation. The open or semi-open opposition communications, as recently practiced, were replaced by underground publishing (known in the eastern bloc as Samizdat), and Solidarity was reduced to a few thousand underground activists.
Having achieved some semblance of stability, the Polish regime relaxed and then rescinded martial law over several stages. By December 1982 martial law was suspended and a small number of political prisoners, including Wałęsa, were released. Although martial law formally ended in July 1983 and a partial amnesty was enacted, several hundred political prisoners remained in jail. Jerzy Popiełuszko, a popular pro-Solidarity priest, was abducted and murdered by security functionaries in October 1984.
Further developments in Poland occurred concurrently with and were influenced by the reformist leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union (processes known as Glasnost and Perestroika). In September 1986, a general amnesty was declared and the government released nearly all political prisoners. However, the country lacked basic stability, as the regime's efforts to organize society from the top down had failed, while the opposition's attempts at creating an "alternate society" were also unsuccessful. With the economic crisis unresolved and societal institutions dysfunctional, both the ruling establishment and the opposition began looking for ways out of the stalemate. Facilitated by the indispensable mediation of the Catholic Church, exploratory contacts were established.
Student protests resumed in February 1988. Continuing economic decline led to strikes across the country in April, May and August. The Soviet Union, increasingly destabilized, was unwilling to apply military or other pressure to prop up allied regimes in trouble. The Polish government felt compelled to negotiate with the opposition and in September 1988 preliminary talks with Solidarity leaders ensued in Magdalenka. Numerous meetings that took place involved Wałęsa and General Kiszczak, among others. In November, the regime made a major public relations mistake by allowing a televised debate between Wałęsa and Alfred Miodowicz, chief of the All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, the official trade union organization. The fitful bargaining and intra-party squabbling led to the official Round Table Negotiations in 1989, followed by the Polish legislative election in June of that year, a watershed event marking the runtuhnya komunisme di Polandia. -->
Transisi dari komunisme
Persetujuan Meja Bundar Polandia pada bulan April 1989 menyerukan pembentukan pemerintahan yang mandiri, dikeluarkannya kebijakan-kebijakan jaminan kerja, legalisasi serikat-serikat buruh independen, dan reformasi besar-besaran di berbagai bidang. Sejm kala itu segera mengimplementasikan hasil kesepakatan dan setuju untuk menyelenggarakan pemilihan umum Majelis Nasional pada tanggal 4 dan 18 Juni. 35% dari kursi di Sejm (majelis rendah legislatif nasional) dan seluruh kursi di Senat diperebutkan secara bebas; sisa kursi di Sejm yang tidak diperebutkan (65%), diperuntukkan bagi partai komunis dan sekutu-sekutunya.
Kekalahan partai komunis dalam perhitungan suara (hampir seluruh kursi yang diperebutkan dimenangkan oleh kubu oposisi) menimbulkan krisis politik. Persetujuan konstitusional bulan April yang disepakati selepas Persetujuan Meja Bundar menyerukan pemulihan jabatan Presiden Polandia, dan pada 19 Juli, Majelis Nasional memilih pemimpin komunis, Jenderal Wojciech Jaruzelski untuk menduduki jabatan itu. Pemilihan dirinya kala itu dipandang penting secara politik, namun dilakukan tanpa dukungan dari sejumlah deputi Solidaritas, sehingga posisi dari presiden yang baru itu pun menjadi tidak kuat. Selain itu, hasil akhir yang tak disangka-sangka dari pemilihan umum parlementer mengakibatkan gerakan-gerakan dan upaya-upaya baru yang dilakukan oleh partai komunis untuk membentuk suatu pemerintahan berakhir dengan kegagalan.
Pada 19 Agustus, Presiden Jaruzelski meminta wartawan sekaligus aktivis Solidaritas, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, untuk membentuk pemerintahan; pada 12 September, melalui pemungutan suara, Sejm menyetujui pengangkatan Perdana Menteri Mazowiecki dan kabinet yang dibentuknya. Mazowiecki memutuskan untuk menyerahkan urusan reformasi ekonomi sepenuhnya ke tangan para pendukung ekonomi liberal di bawah pimpinan deputi perdana menteri yang baru, Leszek Balcerowicz, yang menindaklanjuti keputusan itu dengan merancang dan mengimplementasikan kebijakan "terapi kejut". Untuk pertama kalinya dalam sejarah pascaperang, pemerintahan Polandia berada di tangan kaum nonkomunis. Langkah Polandia ini segera menjadi acuan yang diikuti oleh negara-negara komunis lainnya, sehingga menimbulkan suatu fenomena besar yang dikenal dengan sebutan Revolusi 1989. Penerimaan Mazowiecki terhadap rumus "garis tebal" bermakna bahwa pemerintahannya tidak akan melakukan "perburuan tukang sihir", yakni tindakan balas dendam dan penyingkiran terhadap para mantan pejabat komunis dari gelanggang politik Polandia.
Dipengaruhi oleh kebijakan indeksasi upah, inflasi pun melonjak hingga 900% pada akhir 1989, namun segera ditanggulangi dengan kebijakan-kebijakan yang radikal. Pada bulan Desember 1989, Sejm menyetujui Rencana Balcerowicz untuk mentransformasi ekonomi Polandia dengan cepat dari ekonomi terpusat menjadi ekonomi pasar bebas. Konstitusi Republik Rakyat Polandia diamendemen guna menghilangkan keutamaan-keutamaan yang diberikan kepada partai komunis dan mengubah nama negara menjadi "Republik Polandia". Partai Persatuan Karyawan Polandia yang berhaluan komunis membubarkan diri pada bulan Januari 1990. Sebagai gantinya, mereka membentuk sebuah partai baru dengan nama Demokrasi Sosial Republik Polandia. "Pemerintah wilayah mandiri" yang dihapuskan pada 1950 diundangkan kembali pada bulan Maret 1990, untuk selanjutnya dipimpin oleh pejabat-pejabat yang dipilih secara demokratis di daerah masing-masing; satuan dasarnya adalah gmina yang mandiri secara administratif.
Pada bulan Oktober 1990, konstitusi kembali diamendemen untuk membatasi masa jabatan Presiden Jaruzelski. Pada bulan November 1990, Perjanjian Tapal Batas Jerman-Polandia ditandatangani.
Pada bulan November 1990, Lech Wałęsa terpilih menjadi Presiden Polandia untuk masa jabatan lima tahun; pada bulan Desember, ia dilantik menjadi Presiden Polandia pertama yang dipilih secara langsung oleh rakyat. Pemilihan umum parlemen secara bebas untuk pertama kalinya diselenggarakan pada bulan Oktober 1991. 18 partai mendapatkan kursi di Sejm yang baru, tetapi perwakilan yang terbesar hanya memenangkan 12% dari total perolehan suara.
Konstitusi demokratis, bergabung dengan NATO dan Uni Eropa
Antara pemilihan umum 1989 dan pemilihan umum 1993, pemerintahan Polandia beberapa kali diselenggarakan oleh kabinet-kabinet pasca-Solidaritas sebelum akhirnya diambil alih oleh partai-partai sayap kiri "pascakomunis". Pada 1993, bekas Pasukan Kelompok Utara Uni Soviet, sisa-sisa kekuasaan masa lampau, akhirnya angkat kaki dari negeri Polandia.
Pada 1995, Aleksander Kwaśniewski dari Partai Sosial Demokrat terpilih menjadi Presiden Polandia dan menjabat selama sepuluh tahun (dua kali masa jabatan).
Pada 1997, Konstitusi Polandia yang baru akhirnya rampung dan disetujui melalui referendum; konstitusi ini menggantikan Konstitusi Kecil 1992, yakni konstitusi negara komunis Polandia yang telah diamendemen.
Polandia bergabung dengan NATO pada 1999. Sejak saat itu pula, unsur-unsur Angkatan Bersenjata Polandia telah diikutsertakan dalam Perang Irak dan Perang di Afganistan. Polandia bergabung dengan Uni Eropa saat pemekaran Uni Eropa pada 2004. Keanggotaan Polandia dalam dua organisasi ini menandai integrasi Republik Polandia Ketiga dengan dunia Barat. Meskipun demikian, Polandia belum mengadopsi Euro sebagai mata uang bersama negara-negara anggota Uni Eropa.
Keterangan
<!-- b.Pada tahun 1938, Polandia dan Rumania menolak menyetujui proposal Prancis-Britania yang menghendaki agar, di tengah-tengah berlangsungnya perang dengan Jerman, pasukan-pasukan Uni Soviet diizinkan melewati wilayah Polandia guna membantu Cekoslowakia. Para petinggi negara Polandia menganggap Uni Soviet jauh lebih berbahaya daripada Nazi.
Uni Soviet berulang kali memaklumkan niat menunaikan kewajibannya sesuai kesepakatan yang telah ditandatanganinya bersama Cekoslowakia pada tahun 1935, dan mengerahkan pasukannya untuk membela Cekoslowakia. Untuk itu, Soviet perlu mengerahkan pasukan ke Cekoslowakia melalui wilayah darat dan udara Polandia dan/atau Rumania, dan oleh karena itu Soviet mendekati Prancis was required and the Soviets approached the French about it, who also had a treaty with Czechoslovakia (and with Poland and with the Soviet Union). Edward Rydz-Śmigły rebuked the French suggestion on that matter in 1936, and in 1938 Józef Beck pressured Romania not to allow even Soviet warplanes to fly over its territory. Like Hungary, Poland was looking into using the German-Czechoslovak conflict to settle its own territorial grievances, namely disputes over parts of Zaolzie, Spiš and Orava.
c. In October 1939, the British Foreign Office notified the Soviets that the United Kingdom would be satisfied with a post-war creation of small ethnic Poland, patterned after the Duchy of Warsaw. An establishment of Poland restricted to "minimal size", according to ethnographic boundaries (such as the lands common to both the prewar Poland and postwar Poland), was planned by the Soviet People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in 1943–44. Such territorial reduction was recommended by Ivan Maisky to Vyacheslav Molotov in early 1944, because of what Maisky saw as Poland's historically unfriendly disposition toward Russia and the Soviet Union, likely in some way to continue. Joseph Stalin opted for a larger version, allowing a "swap" (territorial compensation for Poland), which involved the eastern lands gained by Poland at the Peace of Riga of 1921 and now lost, and eastern Germany conquered from the Nazis in 1944–45. In regard to the several major disputed areas: Lower Silesia west of the Oder and the Nysa Kłodzka rivers (the British wanted it to remain a part of the future German state), Stettin (in 1945 the German communists already established their administration there), "Zakerzonia" (western Red Ruthenia demanded by the Ukrainians), and the Białystok region (Białystok was claimed by the communists of the Byelorussian SSR), the Soviet leader made decisions that favored Poland.
Other territorial and ethnic scenarios were also possible, generally with outcomes less advantageous to Poland than its present form.
d.Timothy Snyder spoke of about 100,000 Jews killed by Poles during the Nazi occupation, the majority probably by members of the collaborationist Blue Police. This number would have likely been many times higher had Poland entered into an alliance with Germany in 1939, as advocated by some Polish historians and others.
Bashkirium
Bashkirium adalah sub-kala pertama dari kala Pennsylvanian, yang dimulai pada 323.2 juta tahun lalu, hingga 315.2 juta tahun lalu. Sub-kala ini ditentukan dengan kronostratigrafi, dan sudah memiliki GSSP (Global Boundary Stratotype Sections and Points).
Sejarah Polandia
Keterangan
e.Some may have falsely claimed Jewish identity hoping for permission to emigrate. The communist authorities, pursuing the concept of a Poland of single ethnicity (in accordance with the recent border changes and expulsions), were allowing the Jews to leave the country. For a discussion of early communist Poland's ethnic politics, see Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations, chapters on modern "Ukrainian Borderland".
f.A Communist Party of Poland had existed in the past, but was eliminated in Stalin's purges in 1938.
g.The Soviet leadership, which had previously ordered the crushing of the Uprising in East Germany, the Hungarian Revolution and the Prague Spring, now became worried about the demoralization of the Polish army, a crucial Warsaw Pact component, because of its deployment against Polish workers. The Soviets withdrew their support for Gomułka, who insisted on the use of force; he and his close associates were subsequently ousted from the Polish Politburo by the Polish Central Committee.
h.East of the Molotov-Ribbentrop line, the population was 43% Polish, 33% Ukrainian, 8% Belarusian and 8% Jewish. The Soviet Union did not want to appear as an aggressor, and moved its troops to Eastern Poland under the pretext of offering protection to "the kindred Ukrainian and Belorussian people".
i.Joseph Stalin at the 1943 Tehran Conference discussed with Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt new post-war borders in central-eastern Europe, including the shape of a future Poland. He endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west. Stalin resolved to secure and stabilize the western reaches of the Soviet Union and disable the future military potential of Germany by constructing a compact and ethnically defined Poland (along with the Soviet ethnic Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania) and by radically altering the region's system of national borders. After 1945, the Polish communist regime wholeheartedly adopted and promoted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to be the true inheritors of Polish nationalism. After all the killings and population transfers during and after the war the country was 99% "Polish".
j."All the currently available documents of Nazi administration show that, together with the Jews, the stratum of the Polish intelligentsia was marked for total extermination. In fact, Nazi Germany achieved this goal almost by half, since Poland lost 50 percent of her citizens with university diplomas and 35 percent of those with a gimnazium diploma."
k.Decisive political events took place in Poland shortly before the Soviet intervention in Hungary. Władysław Gomułka, a reformist leader at that time, was reinstated to the Polish Politburo and the Eighth Plenum of the Party's Central Committee was announced to convene on October 19, 1956, all without seeking a Soviet approval. The Soviet Union responded with military moves and intimidation and its "military-political delegation", led by Nikita Khrushchev, quickly arrived in Warsaw. Gomułka tried to convince them of his loyalty but insisted on the reforms that he considered essential, including a replacement of Poland's Soviet-trusted minister of defense, Konstantin Rokossovsky. The disconcerted Soviets returned to Moscow, the Polish Plenum elected Gomułka first secretary and removed Rokossovsky from the Politburo. On October 21, the Soviet Presidium followed Khrushchev's lead and decided unanimously to "refrain from military intervention" in Poland, a decision likely influenced also by the ongoing preparations for the invasion of Hungary. The Soviet gamble paid off because Gomułka in the coming years turned out to be a very dependable Soviet ally and an orthodox communist.
Unlike the other Warsaw Pact countries, Poland did not endorse the Soviet armed intervention in Hungary. The Hungarian Uprising was intensely supported by the Polish public.
l.The delayed reinforcements were coming and the government military commanders General Tadeusz Rozwadowski and Władysław Anders wanted to keep on fighting the coup perpetrators, but President Stanisław Wojciechowski and the government decided to surrender to prevent the imminent spread of civil war. The coup brought to power the "Sanation" regime under Józef Piłsudski and Edward Rydz-Śmigły after Piłsudski's death. The Sanation regime persecuted the opposition within the military and in general. Rozwadowski died after abusive imprisonment, according to some accounts murdered. According to Aleksandra Piłsudska, the marshal's wife, following the coup and for the rest of his life Piłsudski lost his composure and appeared over-burdened.
At the time of Rydz-Śmigły's command, the Sanation camp embraced the ideology of Roman Dmowski, Piłsudski's nemesis. Rydz-Śmigły did not allow General Władysław Sikorski, an anti-Sanation enemy, to participate as a soldier in the defense of the country in September 1939. During World War II in France and Britain the Polish government in exile became dominated by anti-Sanation politicians. The perceived Sanation followers were in turn persecuted (in exile) under prime ministers Sikorski and Stanisław Mikołajczyk.
m.General Zygmunt Berling of the Soviet-allied First Polish Army attempted in mid-September a crossing of the Vistula and landing at Czerniaków to aid the insurgents, but the operation was defeated by the Germans and the Poles suffered heavy losses.
n.The decision to launch the Warsaw Uprising resulted in the destruction of the city, its population and its elites and has been a source of lasting controversy. According to the historians Czesław Brzoza and Andrzej Leon Sowa, orders of further military offensives, issued at the end of August 1944 as a part of Operation Tempest, show the loss of a sense of responsibility for the country's fate on the part of the Polish leadership.
o.One of the party leaders Mieczysław Rakowski, who abandoned his mentor Gomułka following the 1970 crisis, saw the demands of the demonstrating workers as "exclusively socialist" in character, because of the way they were phrased. Most people in communist Poland, including opposition activists, did not question the supremacy of socialism or the socialist idea; misconduct by party officials, such as not following the provisions of the constitution, was blamed. This assumed standard of political correctness was increasingly challenged in the decades that followed, when pluralism became a frequently used concept.
p.The Polish Sanation authorities were provoked by the independence-seeking Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). OUN engaged in political assassinations, terror and sabotage, to which the Polish state responded with a repressive campaign in the 1930s, as Józef Piłsudski and his successors imposed collective responsibility on the villagers in the affected areas. After the disturbances of 1933 and 1934, a prison camp in Bereza Kartuska was established, which became notorious for its brutal regime. The government brought Polish settlers and administrators to Volhynian areas with a centuries-old tradition of Ukrainian peasant rising against Polish land owners (and to Eastern Galicia). In the late 1930s, after Piłsudski's death, military persecution intensified and a policy of "national assimilation" was aggressively pursued. Military raids, public beatings, property confiscations and the closing and destruction of Orthodox churches aroused lasting enmity in Galicia and antagonized Ukrainian society in Volhynia at, according to Timothy Snyder, the worst possible moment. However, he also notes that "Ukrainian terrorism and Polish reprisals touched only part of the population, leaving vast regions unaffected" and "the OUN's nationalist prescription, a Ukrainian state for ethnic Ukrainians alone was far from popular". Halik Kochanski wrote of the legacy of bitterness between the Ukrainians and Poles that soon exploded in the context of the World War II. See also: History of the Ukrainian minority in Poland.
r.Foreign policy was one of the few governmental areas in which Piłsudski took an active interest. He saw Poland's role and opportunity as lying in Eastern Europe and advocated passive relations with the West. He felt that a German attack should not be feared because, even if this unlikely event were to take place, the Western powers would be bound to restrain Germany and come to Poland's rescue.
s.According to the researcher Jan Sowa, the Commonwealth failed as a state because it was not able to conform to the emerging new European order established at the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. Poland's elective kings, restricted by the self-serving but short-sighted nobility, could not impose a strong and efficient central government, with its characteristic post-Westphalian internal and external sovereignty. The inability of Polish kings to levy and collect taxes (and therefore sustain a standing army) and conduct independent foreign policy were among the chief obstacles to Poland competing effectively on the changed European scene, where absolutist power was a prerequisite for survival and became the foundation for the abolition of serfdom and gradual formation of parliamentarism.
t.Besides the Home Army there were other major underground fighting formations: Bataliony Chłopskie, National Armed Forces (NSZ) and Gwardia Ludowa (later Armia Ludowa). From 1943, the leaders of the nationalistic NSZ collaborated with Nazi Germany in a case unique in occupied Poland. The NSZ conducted an anti-communist civil war. Before the arrival of the Soviets, the NSZ's Holy Cross Mountains Brigade left Poland under the protection of the German army. According to the historians Czesław Brzoza and Andrzej Leon Sowa, participation figures given for the underground resistance are often inflated. In the spring of 1944, the time of the most extensive involvement of the underground organizations, there were most likely considerably fewer than 500,000 military and civilian personnel participating, over the entire spectrum, from the right wing to the communists.
--> a.Keluarga Piłsudski adalah keluarga terkemuka di Kadipaten Agung Lituania yang sudah beradaptasi dengan budaya Polandia. Keluarga ini berasal dari kalangan ningrat Kadipaten Agung Lituania yang sudah terpolonisasi sehingga membuatnya menganggap diri sendiri maupun orang-orang dengan latar belakang yang sama sepertinya dirinya sebagai warga Lituania yang sah. Pandangan semacam ini menempatkan dirinya pada posisi yang berseberangan dengan kaum nasionalis Lituania modern (yang pada masa hidup Piłsudski mendefinisikan ulang lingkup makna dari "orang Lituania"), dan oleh karena itu bertentangan pula dengan kaum nasionalis lain serta pergerakan kebangsaan Polandia modern.
u.Menurut Jerzy Eisler, sekitar 1,1 juta orang mungkin pernah dipenjarakan atau ditahan dalam kurun waktu 1944–1956, dan sekitar 50.000 orang mungkin tewas akibat pergolakan dan penindasan, termasuk sekitar 7.000 orang prajurit gerakan bawah tanah sayap kanan yang gugur pada era 1940-an. Menurut Adam Leszczyński, jumlah korban yang tewas dibunuh rezim komunis dalam beberapa tahun pertama selepas perang mencapai 30.000 jiwa.
v.Menurut Andrzej Stelmachowski, salah seorang tokoh penting dalam transformasi sistemik Polandia, Menteri Leszek Balcerowicz ingin menerapkan kebijakan-kebijakan ekonomi yang sangat liberal, sehingga sering kali menyengsarakan rakyat. Statuta Sejm tentang reformasi pelayanan kredit pada bulan Desember 1989 memperkenalkan sistem hak-hak istimewa yang "gila-gilaan" bagi kalangan perbankan. Bank-bank diizinkan untuk mengubah tingkat bunga secara sepihak dalam kontrak-kontrak yang sudah dibuat. Tingkat bunga yang serta-merta ditetapkan terlalu tinggi oleh bank-bank membangkrutkan banyak perusahaan yang sebelumnya mampu menghasilkan laba dan mematikan industri konstruksi blok apartemen, yang dalam jangka panjang juga berdampak buruk bagi anggaran pendapatan dan belanja negara. Kebijakan-kebijakan Balcerowicz juga menimbulkan kerusakan permanen dalam sektor pertanian Polandia, yang "tidak dipahami" oleh Balcerowicz, dan dalam sektor koperasi di Polandia yang sering kali berhasil dan bermanfaat bagi rakyat.
w.Di bawah pimpinan Władysław Anders, Korps II Polandia ikut berjuang dalam Pertempuran Monte Cassino pada 1944, sebagai bagian dari Kampanye Italia yang dilancarkan oleh Pihak Sekutu.
x.Teori ini dikenal dengan sebutan Gagasan Piast, pelopor utama teori ini adalah Jan Ludwik Popławski, berlandaskan pernyataan bahwa kampung halaman Piast didiami oleh kaum yang disebut sebagai "masyarakat bumiputra" Slavi dan Slavi Polandia semenjak zaman purbakala dan kelak "disusupi" oleh "orang-orang asing" Kelt, Jerman, dan lain sebagainya. Setelah 1945, mazhab prasejarah Polandia yang disebut-sebut dengan istilah "otoktonim" atau "aborigin" ini meraih dukungan yang cukup besar di Polandia. Menurut mazhab pemikiran ini, peradaban Lausitz yang telah berhasil diidentifikasi oleh para arkeolog di daerah antara Sungai Oder dan Sungai Wisła dari permulaan Zaman Besi, konon berciri khas Slavi; semua suku dan suku bangsa non-Slavi yang tercatat pernah mendiami kawasan itu dianggap sebagai kaum "pendatang" dan "pengunjung" belaka. Di lain pihak, para penentang teori ini, seperti Marija Gimbutas,menganggapnya sebagai sebuah hipotesis tanpa bukti, dan bagi mereka tarikh dan daerah asal dari gerak perpindahan orang Slavi ke arah barat sebagian besar belum terpetakan; hubungan antara orang Slavi dengan peradaban Lausitz sepenuhnya khayalan belaka; dan keberadaan suku-suku bangsa yang saling membaur serta pergantian suku-suku bangsa penghuni Dataran Eropa Utara dianggap sebagai suatu kenyataan yang sudah ada sejak semula.
y.Berdasarkan isi laporan Perdana Menteri merangkap Menteri Urusan Dalam Negeri Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski di hadapan komisi Sejm pada bulan Januari 1938, 818 orang terbunuh dalam upaya meredam aksi protes buruh (industri dan budi daya pertanian) yang dilakukan oleh polisi dalam kurun waktu 1932–1937.
Daftar pustaka
Buku-buku sejarah umum Polandia yang lebih mutakhir dalam bahasa Inggris
Diterbitkan di Polandia
Dioctria cornuta
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Moskovium (subkala)
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Hohenwarth
Hohenwarth (bahasa Bayern: Hoawoad) adalah kota yang terletak di distrik Cham di Bayern, Jerman.
Kota Hohenwarth memiliki luas sebesar 24.23 km².
(340048) 2005 VT5
(340048) 2005 VT5 adalah sebuah asteroid. Asteroid ini merupakan bagian dari asteroid Amor, yang terletak dekat dengan bumi. Eksentrisitas orbit asteroid ini tercatat sebesar 0.261, sementara magnitudo mutlaknya adalah 19.0.
Pembentukan
Seperti asteroid secara keseluruhan, asteroid ini terbentuk dari nebula matahari primordial sebagai pecahan planetisimal, sesuatu di nebula matahari muda yang tidak cukup besar untuk berubah menjadi planet.
Pemasaran bergerak
Pemasaran bergerak (juga dikenal dalam mobile marketing, "pemasaran mobil") adalah teknik pemasaran online multi-saluran yang berfokus untuk menjangkau audiens tertentu di ponsel cerdas, ponsel berfitur, tablet, atau perangkat terkait lainnya melalui situs web, E-mail, SMS dan MMS, media sosial, atau aplikasi seluler. Pemasaran seluler dapat memberi pelanggan informasi pribadi yang sensitif terhadap waktu dan lokasi yang mempromosikan barang, layanan, pengingat janji temu, dan ide. Dalam cara yang lebih teoretis, akademisi Andreas Kaplan mendefinisikan pemasaran seluler sebagai "setiap aktivitas pemasaran yang dilakukan melalui jaringan di mana-mana di mana konsumen terus-menerus terhubung menggunakan perangkat seluler pribadi".
Pemasaran SMS
Pemasaran melalui SMS ponsel (Short Message Service) menjadi semakin populer pada awal 2000-an di Eropa dan beberapa bagian Asia ketika bisnis mulai mengumpulkan nomor ponsel dan mengirimkan konten yang diinginkan (atau tidak diinginkan). Rata-rata, pesan SMS memiliki tingkat buka 98% dan dibaca dalam waktu 3 menit, membuatnya sangat efektif untuk menjangkau penerima dengan cepat.
Selama beberapa tahun terakhir, pemasaran SMS telah menjadi saluran periklanan yang sah di beberapa bagian dunia. Ini karena tidak seperti email melalui internet publik, operator yang mengawasi jaringan mereka sendiri telah menetapkan pedoman dan praktik terbaik untuk industri media seluler (termasuk periklanan seluler). IAB ( Biro Periklanan Interaktif ) dan Asosiasi Pemasaran Seluler (MMA), juga, telah menetapkan pedoman dan menginjili penggunaan saluran seluler untuk pemasar. Meskipun hal ini telah membuahkan hasil di wilayah maju seperti Amerika Utara, Eropa Barat dan beberapa negara lain, pesan SPAM seluler (SMS yang dikirim ke pelanggan seluler tanpa persetujuan yang sah dan eksplisit oleh pelanggan) tetap menjadi masalah di banyak bagian lain dari dunia, sebagian karena operator menjual database anggota mereka ke pihak ketiga. Di India, bagaimanapun, upaya pemerintah untuk membuat National Do Not Call Registry telah membantu pengguna ponsel untuk menghentikan iklan SMS dengan mengirim SMS sederhana atau menelepon 1909.
Pendekatan pemasaran seluler melalui SMS telah berkembang pesat di Eropa dan Asia sebagai saluran baru untuk menjangkau konsumen. SMS awalnya menerima liputan media negatif di banyak bagian Eropa karena menjadi bentuk spam baru karena beberapa pengiklan membeli daftar dan mengirim konten yang tidak diminta ke telepon konsumen; namun, sebagai pedoman yang diberlakukan oleh operator seluler, SMS telah menjadi cabang paling populer dari industri Pemasaran Seluler dengan beberapa 100 juta SMS iklan yang dikirim setiap bulan di Eropa saja. Ini sebagian berkat pesan SMS yang bersifat agnostik perangkat keras—pesan tersebut dapat dikirimkan ke hampir semua ponsel, ponsel cerdas, atau ponsel menengah dan diakses tanpa Wi-Fi atau koneksi data seluler. Ini penting untuk dicatat karena ada lebih dari 5 miliar pelanggan ponsel unik di seluruh dunia pada tahun 2017, yaitu sekitar 66% dari populasi dunia.
Pemasaran SMS memiliki strategi pemasaran inbound dan outbound. Pemasaran masuk berfokus pada perolehan prospek, dan pemasaran keluar berfokus pada pengiriman pesan untuk penjualan, promosi, kontes, donasi, pemungutan suara program televisi, janji temu, dan pengingat acara.
ID pengirim
ID pengirim adalah nama atau nomor yang mengidentifikasi siapa pengirimnya. Untuk tujuan komersial, nomor virtual, kode pendek, hosting SIM, dan nama khusus paling sering digunakan dan dapat disewa melalui penyedia SMS massal.
Nomor Virtual Bersama
Sesuai dengan namanya, nomor virtual bersama digunakan oleh banyak pengirim yang berbeda. Mereka biasanya gratis, tetapi mereka tidak dapat menerima balasan SMS, dan nomornya berubah dari waktu ke waktu tanpa pemberitahuan atau persetujuan. Pengirim mungkin memiliki nomor virtual bersama yang berbeda pada hari yang berbeda, yang dapat membingungkan atau tidak dapat dipercaya oleh penerima tergantung pada konteksnya. Misalnya, nomor virtual bersama mungkin cocok untuk pesan teks otentikasi 2 faktor, karena penerima sering mengharapkan pesan teks ini, yang sering dipicu oleh tindakan yang dilakukan penerima. Tetapi untuk pesan teks yang tidak diharapkan penerima, seperti promosi penjualan, nomor virtual khusus mungkin lebih disukai.
Nomor Virtual Khusus
Untuk menghindari berbagi nomor dengan pengirim lain, dan untuk pengenalan merek dan konsistensi nomor, sewa nomor virtual khusus, yang juga dikenal sebagai kode panjang atau nomor panjang (format nomor internasional, misalnya +44 7624 805000 atau format nomor AS, misalnya 757 772 8555), adalah pilihan yang layak. Tidak seperti nomor bersama, dapat menerima balasan SMS. Pengirim dapat memilih dari daftar nomor virtual khusus yang tersedia dari penyedia SMS massal. Harga untuk nomor virtual khusus dapat bervariasi. Beberapa nomor, sering disebut nomor Emas, lebih mudah dikenali, dan karenanya lebih mahal untuk disewa. Pengirim juga bisa menjadi kreatif dan memilih nomor meja rias. Angka-angka ini mengeja kata atau frasa menggunakan papan tombol, seperti +1-(123)-ANUMBER.
Kode pendek
Kode pendek menawarkan fitur yang sangat mirip dengan nomor virtual khusus tetapi merupakan nomor ponsel pendek yang biasanya 5-6 digit. Panjang dan ketersediaannya berbeda di setiap negara. Ini biasanya lebih mahal dan biasanya digunakan oleh perusahaan dan organisasi pemerintah. Untuk pesan massal, kode pendek lebih disukai daripada nomor virtual khusus karena throughputnya yang lebih tinggi dan bagus untuk kampanye dan keadaan darurat yang sensitif terhadap waktu.