cyanic-selkie/wikianc huggingface dataset:
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Keamanan Publik
Uribe's declared priority has been to contain or defeat the three main armed groups in Colombia, the AUC, ELN, and FARC, and military operations launched against all three groups have increased in intensity since he took office, especially against FARC. In November 7, 2004, Colombian military intelligence intercepted a message from FARC leaders calling for all its guerilla units to try to assassinate him.
Nikkatsu
Aktor dari Nikkatsu
• Chieko Matsubara
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Keamanan Publik
Uribe has stated that the government must first show military superiority in order to eventually make the guerrillas return to the negotiating table with a more flexible position, even if this would only happen after his term in office expired. He has been quoted as saying that Colombia's main concerns at the moment are the challenges of terrorism and the narcotics trade and "Of course we need to eliminate social injustice in Colombia but what is first? Peace".
Nikkatsu
Aktor dari Nikkatsu
• Sayuri Yoshinaga
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Keamanan Publik
His security program is based on the application of what has been termed as a policy of democratic security, with the defined objectives of:
Nikkatsu
Aktor dari Nikkatsu
• Meiko Kaji
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Keamanan Publik
The policy intends to achieve these goals through:
Nikkatsu
Referensi budaya
Pada tahun 2011, sutradara Prancis Yves Montmayeur memproduksi film dokumenter tentang periode Film Merah Muda di Nikkatsu berjudul Pinku Eiga: Inside the Pleasure Dome Of Japanese Erotic Cinema.
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Keamanan Publik
In early 2002, Uribe's administration decreed a one-time tax of 1.2% of the liquid assets of the higher income Colombians and corporations, with the goal of raising US $800 million, of which in excess of $650 million was collected before the final payment quota was made, surpassing original expectations. Another goal is to increase defense expenditures from a current level of about 3.6% of GDP to 6% of GDP by 2006.
This policy has been considered controversial inside and outside of Colombia, including by Uribe's political opponents and by some human rights organizations, because it allegedly provides an exclusively military perspective to the situation and places the civilian population at risk, increasing the dangers of abuses both by military forces, the paramilitaries and the guerrilla insurgents.  According to official government statistical information from August 2004, in two years, homicides, kidnappings, and terrorist attacks in Colombia decreased by as much as 50% - their lowest levels in almost twenty years. In 2003, there were 7,000 fewer homicides than in 2002 - a decrease of 27%. By April 2004, the government had established a permanent police or military presence in every Colombian municipality for the first time in decades.
The Colombian Embassy in Washington states that, as a result of this policy, the Colombian armed forces would now have: "60% more combat ready soldiers than four years ago; Helicopters which have significantly improved the mobility of Armed Forces throughout the national territory; Attack helicopters ensuring means to be more aggressive in the fight against FARC and AUC; Increased basic combat supplies, including rifles and ammunition; and [has received] significant less human rights complaints against them."
Many analysts tend to accept that there have been some factual improvements in the areas of security (for the most part) and human rights (to a lesser degree), but they also question the exact validity and application of some of the statements, pointing out serious problems, in particular (but not only) paramilitary related, which remain a source of grave concern.
In January 2005, Human Rights Watch expressed the policy's apparent inability to adequately address the following issues: "Paramilitary groups maintain close ties with a number of Colombian military units. The Uribe administration has yet to take effective action to break these ties by investigating and prosecuting high-ranking members of the armed forces credibly alleged to have collaborated with paramilitary groups. Credible reports indicate that some of the territories from which the military has ejected the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolutionarias de Colombia, FARC) are now under the control of paramilitary groups, which continue to carry out indiscriminate attacks on the civilian population."
A February 2005 report from the United Nations's High Commissioner for Human Rights on the year 2004 stated: "Achievements and advances were observed in the field of human rights and international humanitarian law; however, there were also difficulties and contradictions...Progress was recorded in terms of prevention and protection, including strengthening of the mechanism of community defenders and the early warning system, as well as regarding the Ministry of the Interior’s programmes for the protection of vulnerable groups. Weaknesses persisted in the Government’s responses to warnings, as well as in decreasing risk factors for vulnerable groups.  The Government adopted positive measures regarding the destruction of stored anti-personnel mines.  The armed forces occasionally carried out operations in which they failed to observe humanitarian principles."
An anti-terror statute that granted the military judicial police rights and allowed limited arrests and communication intercepts without warrants, criticized by many human rights groups, had been approved by Congress on December 11 2003 but was struck down in August 2004 by the Colombian Constitutional Court during its review, due to an error in the approval procedure, an objection that it has also presented towards other bills. Few analysts have speculated that the Uribe administration might want to try to re-introduce a similar bill in 2005, and no signs of that have surfaced yet.
Hubungan Internasional
Since gaining office, Uribe's concrete actions would tend to show him as a stringent enemy of narcotics traffickers, as his administration has been responsible for arresting and extraditing more drug traffickers to the United States and to other countries than all other presidents to date.
He has also been publicly recognized as a supporter of the United States in the war on terror (supporting the invasion of Iraq despite internal opinions to the contrary) and in the war on drugs, through the continued implementation of the anti-drug strategy of Plan Colombia.
In a November 22 visit to the coastal city of Cartagena, U.S. President George W. Bush stood by the results of Colombian president Uribe's security policies and declared his support for continuing to provide Plan Colombia aid in the future: "My nation will continue to help Colombia prevail in this vital struggle. Since the year 2000, when we began Plan Colombia, the United States has provided more than $3 billion in vital aid. We'll continue providing aid. We've helped Colombia to strengthen its democracy, to combat drug production, to create a more transparent and effective judicial system, to increase the size and professionalism of its military and police forces, to protect human rights, and to reduce corruption. Mr. President, you and your government have not let us down. Plan Colombia enjoys wide bipartisan support in my country, and next year I will ask our Congress to renew its support so that this courageous nation can win its war against narco-terrorists."
The Uribe administration has maintained generally positive diplomatic relations with Spain and most Latin American nations. It signed several accords, including a 2004 one for the joint construction of a pipeline with Venezuela, a 2005 security and anti-drug trafficking cooperation deal with Paraguay, a 2004 commercial and technological cooperation agreement with Bolivia , a defense agreement with Spain (which was modified in 2004 but still remained valid) , and economic and cultural agreements with the People's Republic of China in April 2005.
Several analysts consider that, being a relative ally of the United States, he would be ideologically opposed to leftwing governments in Latin America and elsewhere. Despite these ideological differences, Uribe has participated in multilateral meetings and has held bilateral summits with presidents Hugo Chávez, Martín Torrijos, Lula da Silva, Ricardo Lagos, Carlos Mesa and Vicente Fox, among others. Colombia has also maintained diplomatic relations with Cuba and the People's Republic of China.
There have been some diplomatic incidents and crises between Venezuela and Colombia during his term, in particular around the 2005 Rodrigo Granda affair, Colombia's frustrated 2004 acquisition of 46 AMX-30 tanks from Spain and an Alleged planned Venezuelan coup in 2004 by alleged Colombian paramilitaries. These internationally worrying circumstances have been ultimately resolved through the use of official diplomatic channels and bilateral presidential summits (in the first two cases).
Uribe's government, along with Peru and Ecuador, successfully negotiated and (along with Peru) signed a free trade agreement with the United States. On December 30th, 2005, President Uribe signed a free trade agreement(FTA) with Mercosur and gives Colombian products preferential access to the market of 230 million people. Negotiation has also been underway with Mexico, Chile, and the Andean community, and with the USA over its current proposal.
Socio-economic policy
The Uribe administration has continued dealing with the IMF and the World Bank, securing loans, agreeing to cut expenses, agreeing to continue debt payments, privatize public companies and foment investor confidence, in order to comply with financial orthodoxy. These measures have been successful in reducing inflation and the size of the state's deficit, according to the government and analysts from the previously mentioned international organizations.
The government's High Advisor for Social Policy, Juan Lozano, presented in February 2005 some of the administration's socio-economic statistics: an increase of 5 million affiliates to the subsidized health system (3.5 million made in 2004, for a total of 15.4 affiliates), an increase of 2 million Colombians that receive meals and care through the Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF) (for a total of 6.6 million in 2004), an increase of 1.7 million education slots in the National Service of Learning (SENA) (for a total of 2.7 million in 2004), an increase of 157% in the amount of microcredits available to small entrepreneurs, a reduction of unemployment from 15.6% in December 2002 to 12.1% by December 2004, the addition of almost 200.000 new houses to existing housing projects for the poor, a total of 750.000 new school slots in primary and high school, some 260.000 new university slots, the return of 70.000 displaced persons to their homes (under a 800% increase in the budget assigned to this matter), and support for program that seeks to increase economic subsidies from 170.000 to 570.000 of the elderly by the end of the term.
The High Advisor added that a "colossal effort" is still required and that work must continue, and that this progress would constitute a sign of the Uribe administration's positive effects on social indicators.
Companies such as Carbocol, Telecom, Bancafé, Minercol and others, which were either already in crisis or considered by the government as overly expensive to maintain under their current spending conditions, were among those restructured or privatized.
Salvia golneviana
Salvia golneviana adalah spesies tumbuhan yang tergolong ke dalam famili Lamiaceae. Spesies ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Lamiales. Spesies Salvia golneviana sendiri merupakan bagian dari genus Salvia. Nama ilmiah dari spesies ini pertama kali diterbitkan oleh Rzazade.
Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Socio-economic policy
Uribe's administration has been considered as neoliberal by most direct critics, which argue that it has not addressed the root causes of poverty and unemployment, because continued application of traditional trade and tax policies tend to benefit private and foreign investors over small owners and workers. It is claimed by union and labor groups that many of the privatizations and liquidations have been done to please the IMF, the World Bank and multinational companies, and would end up hurting several national industries in the long run. Supporters of Uribe counter these claims by pointing to the rising per capita GDP, fast and sustainable economic growth, low inflation, rising wages, lower public debt, lower unemployment and increased social expenditures of Uribe's government.
Setbacks in 2003
A national referendum had been promoted during Uribe's campaign and was later subject to congressional modification and judicial review. Some of the aspects that were removed during the discussions included the possibility of revoking Congress and the option of voting "Yes" or "No" as a whole. The proposal as implemented was defeated at the polls on October 25 2003, and several leftwing candidates that expressed opposition gained electoral victories at the regional elections that took place the next day.
At least 25% of the electorate needed to participate in each of the referendum's 15 proposals in order for each individual result to be considered valid, but actual overall participation was only of 24.8% and only the first proposal ("political death for the corrupt") was able to achieve this (though all proposals were approved by a substantial majority of those that did vote).
Analysts considered that the combination of these two events evidenced a political setback for Uribe, as one of his main campaign propositions had failed, despite the president's personal leadership. The "active abstention" and blank voting campaigns that his opponents, in particular the Independent Democratic Pole and the Colombian Liberal Party, had promoted were allegedly successful in convincing enough of their sympathizers to stay home and instead participate in the next day's round of elections.
A number of Uribe's own supporters didn't participate either, as they found the referendum, which had been modified by Congress and later by the Judicial branch, to be too complex, long and uninspiring. Some also pointed out that extraordinary electoral initiatives (in other words, those voted independently outside standard electoral dates) have traditionally suffered complications in Colombia, including a lack of participation.
In September 2003, president Uribe had issued a speech that contained allegations against what he claims are "agents of terrorism" inside a minority of human rights organizations, while at the same time declaring that he respects criticism from most other established organizations and sources. Similar statements were later repeated in other instances.
These statements have been sharply criticized both inside and outside Colombia because they could potentially endanger the work of human rights and opposition figures. In light of this stance and his family's background as wealthy cattle ranchers, critics have made allegations of his past ties to narcotics traffickers and paramilitaries.
Also in 2003, contacts begun during the previous year with the paramilitary AUC forces and their leader Carlos Castaño Gil, which had publicly expressed their will to declare a cease-fire, continued amid a degree of national and international controversy around the matter.
See also: 2003-2004: Initial negotiation efforts
Reelection proposal
In 2004, Uribe successfully sought a Congressional amendment to the Colombian Constitution which, after being reviewed by the Colombian Constitutional Court, would allow him to run for a second term as president (the Constitution of 1991 only allowed for one presidential term).
Uribe originally had expressed his disagreement with consecutive reelection during his campaign, but later changed his mind, first at a private level and later during public appearances.
Many analysts considered that, in order to secure the approval of this reform, Uribe may have slacked on his campaign promises, because of what has been perceived as his indirect bribing of congressmen, through the alleged assignment of their relatives to the diplomatic corps and through promises of investment in their regions of origin. Uribe's supporters consider that no actual bribing took place, and that a consensus among the diverse sectors that back Uribe's policies in Congress had to be reached through political negotiation.
The constitutional amendment permitting a single reelection was approved by congress in October, 2006, and was approved by the constitutional court on November, 2006.
Paramilitary demobilizations
After some of the AUC's main leaders had declared a cease-fire and agreed to concentrate in Santa Fe de Ralito, several paramilitary demobilizations began in earnest, with thousands of their "rank and file" fighters disarming and being incorporated into government rehabilitation programs towards the end of the year. The main AUC leaders, who would be responsible for atrocities, remained in the concentration zone and continued talks with the government's High Commissioner for Peace, Luis Carlos Restrepo. A number of the paramilitary members who initially demobilized in Medellín apparently did not actually belong to the AUC and this caused public concern. The AUC commanders claimed, as the year ended, that they had difficulties controlling all of their personnel from their isolated position, that they had already demobilized some 20% of their forces, and that they would await for the drafting of the necessary legal framework before making any more significant moves.
Electoral year
The year 2005 established itself as an electoral year, as both president Uribe and Colombia's congressmen began to set their sights on next year's round of elections (to be held in May and March 2006, respectively).
The FARC, which had been perceived as relatively passive by some, began to show signs of what analysts considered as renewed vigor during the month of February, through a series of attacks against small units of the Colombian military, which left at least three dozen casualties. Uribe stated in a speech that the FARC remain strong and had never retreated, while crediting Colombia's soldiers for their efforts in producing previous successes against their activities. He also stated that he considers the FARC to be cowards, because of their hurting civilian targets during their ambushes.
There was also growing public anxiety regarding the negotiations with the AUC, due to the persisting discussions regarding the specifics of the legal provisions to adequately address the requirements of "justice, reparation and truth" that any full demobilization of the paramilitaries would imply. That the AUC's cease-fire, according to many observers, had not been fully effective and that paramilitary activity continued (albeit at a reduced rate) also was a cause for increasing concern in Colombian and international circles.
See also: 2005: Legal framework and controversy
Early political controversy
Critics of Álvaro Uribe that have investigated his background have opined that his father was murdered by the FARC in 1983 in part  because of his personal relations with Fabio Ochoa Restrepo, a known drug lord and  eventual supporter of paramilitary groups. Some have suggested that Uribe's father also collaborated in these activities. Uribe himself and most of his supporters have denied any direct involvement with the drug trade, but allegedly  they have not specifically addressed the nature of any previous  relationship to the Ochoas and their associates.
His critics also claim that during Uribe's years as director of the Civil Aviation he did nothing to prevent drug dealers from  acquiring licenses for the operation of airstrips and drug flights, and may have  intentionally allowed them to do so. His supporters claim that actively preventing and prosecuting those activities was outside of his office's  jurisdiction and was the responsibility of official law enforcement authorities.
Another frequent claim made by critics is that he was a personal friend of Pablo Escobar during his years as mayor of Medellín and as a congressional senator. Some of the critics also point out that he may have been involved in the drug business of the former, mainly through the reception of funds and passivity towards his activities, an accusation which has  been strongly denied by Uribe himself, though he has yet to directly deny the  apparent existence of a personal relationship between the two.
Other observers and his supporters would note that in his previous political positions during the 1980s and 1990s, including as mayor of Medellín, state senator, and governor of Antioquia, a limited passive acquaintance with the  narcotics cartels would have been unavoidable for any politician who wished to  actually govern without facing the consequences of cartel backlash: death,  kidnapping or exile. It is also argued that allegations that senator Uribe fought against the extradition of drug traffickers should be taken in context -  for numerous politicians argued that a partially conciliatory stance toward the  immensely powerful cartels was necessary during the 1980s and early 1990s.
Uribe himself has claimed that he never argued against extradition per se, but was in favor of postponing a decision on the matter until after the next  national elections in 1990, in order to limit any possible interference from the  drug lords. Official statements from the president's office have subsequently stated that this position is available for consultation in the congressional  archives for 1989 and in press reports.
See also: Alleged 1991 drug business involvement of Álvaro Uribe
As an example of this, it is mentioned that the Constituent Assembly of Colombia under Colombian president Cesar Gaviria banned the extradition of cartel members after the assassination of more than 50 police officers in  Medellín, the bombing of the country's largest newspaper (El Tiempo), and the  hijacking of a major international airliner. The M-19, a former leftwing guerrilla group that became a political party during the period, was opposed to  extradition, as were (and are) the other guerrilla groups, because they tend to  consider it as an undue interference of the U.S. (the main receptor of  extradited Colombians) in the country's affairs.
Some of the critics tend to consider that his past support for the CONVIVIR would make him a de facto ally of paramilitary organizations, but no charge or specific evidence regarding this matter has ever been legally presented before any tribunal. Supportive observers have stated that Uribe considered the CONVIVIR to be a legal extension of programs successfully applied in other countries, such as Peru, though in Colombia it ultimately became flawed and evaded legal supervision.
Controversy around his policies
Uribe is often characterized by his opponents as a "hard-line right-winger" on account of his stance against the FARC and the ELN and as a "neoliberal" economically.
In contrast to these perceptions, some observers believe that his socioeconomic policies taken as a whole would be more centrist and mention that he has remained open to a negotiated end to the conflict, contingent upon the armed groups first declaring a cease-fire. He has made emphasis on not repeating the experience of the Caguan demilitarized zone that President Pastrana granted the FARC, which was arguably used by the guerrillas as their main operations base.
Uribe's strong support for anti-drug policy, through Plan Colombia, which includes aerial fumigation through the use of herbicide chemicals, has been considered as counter-productive by several environmental scholars, as well as by a number of peasant and indigenous movements, and in general by opponents of drug prohibition, which claim that it doesn't permanently eradicate coca crops and that it causes harmful effects on humans and the ecosystem, in addition to stimulating displacement.
In January 2004, the European Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, Chris Patten, arrived in Colombia and expressed his reservations and criticism of the aerial fumigation campaign.
Opposition organisations and critics, while acknowledging that some improvements have been made, consider that Uribe's primary focus on security results in an intransigent position regarding the resolution of Colombia's internal conflict, leaving aside the roots of Colombia's socio-economical concerns and politically dividing the public into supporters and critics of his persona (and of his second term reelection). Some critics perceive that his administration has had a tendency to relatively disregard these concerns.
Uribe has not denied what many of these analysts would consider as the more profound elements of the conflict (such as poverty and political alienation or exclusion), and has expressed that some efforts at socio-economic reform are already being made, and that the continued creation of jobs through private and public investment, together with economic growth, will eventually be able to help address unemployment and poverty.-->
Lihat pula
Pada Februari 2006 Kolombia menandatangani Perjanjian TLC dengan AS.
Yolande van der Straten
Yolande van der Straten adalah seorang perenang Belgia-Italia. Ia berkompetisi di Olimpiade Musim Panas 1980 dan Olimpiade Musim Panas 1984.
Cyllenia turkestanica
Cyllenia turkestanica adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Cyllenia dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
Federico Silvestri
Federico Silvestri adalah seorang perenang asal Italia. Ia berkompetisi dalam lomba relay gaya bebas 4 × 200 meter putra pada Olimpiade Musim Panas 1980.
Bad Times at the El Royale
Bad Times at the El Royale adalah film neo-noir thriller Amerika Serikat tahun 2018 yang ditulis, diproduksi dan disutradarai oleh Drew Goddard. Film ini dibintangi oleh Jeff Bridges, Cynthia Erivo, Dakota Johnson, Jon Hamm, Cailee Spaeny, Lewis Pullman dan Chris Hemsworth. Berlatar pada tahun 1969, plot menceritakan tujuh orang asing yang masing-masing menyembunyikan rahasia, yang berkumpul pada suatu malam di sebuah hotel persinggahan di perbatasan California-Nevada.
Bad Times at the El Royale ditayangkan perdana di Fantastic Fest pada 27 September 2018, dan dirilis melalui bioskop di Amerika Serikat pada 12 Oktober 2018, di Indonesia film ini ditayangkan pada 26 Oktober 2018. Meskipun pendapatan box office kurang, meraup $31 juta di seluruh dunia dibandingkan dengan anggaran $30 juta, film ini menerima beragam tanggapan positif dari para kritikus, dengan pujian untuk aktingnya dan arahan Goddard, tetapi menerima kritik atas durasi.
La Teste-de-Buch
La Teste-de-Buch (La Tèsta de Bug ) merupakan sebuah komune di departemen Gironde sebelah barat daya Prancis.
Hubungan internasional
La Teste-de-Buch adalah kembaran dengan
Kang Tae-joo
Kang Tae-joo adalah pemeran dan model Korea Selatan. Ia paling dikenal untuk perannya dalam seri drama televisi seperti Missing: The Other Side (2020) dan Hello, Me! (2021).
Salvia gontscharowii
Salvia gontscharowii adalah spesies tumbuhan yang tergolong ke dalam famili Lamiaceae. Spesies ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Lamiales. Spesies Salvia gontscharowii sendiri merupakan bagian dari genus Salvia. Nama ilmiah dari spesies ini pertama kali diterbitkan oleh Kudrjasch..
Pachyanthrax circe
Pachyanthrax circe adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Pachyanthrax dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
HD 160529
HD 160529 (V905 Scorpii) adalah Bintang variabel biru bercahaya (VBR) yang terletak di konstelasi dari Scorpius. Dengan magnitudo nyata sekitar +6,8, HD 160529 tidak dapat dilihat dengan mata telanjang kecuali dalam kondisi yang sangat menguntungkan, tetapi mudah dilihat dengan teropong atau teleskop amatir.
Williams Way, Gibraltar
Williams Way adalah sebuah terowongan yang melintasi sisi timur Batu Gibraltar.
Deskripsi
Williams Way adalah satu dari dua terowongan di Gibraltar yang diberi nama sesuai Letnan Kolonel Arthur Robert Owen Williams (1905-1989) dari 178 Tunnelling Company, Royal Engineers. Ia terlatih sebagai seorang penambang di Afrika Selatan dan bertugas menangani pembangunan terowongan di Gibraltar saat Perang Dunia II. Setelah meninggalkan Angkatan Darat, ia mendapatkan gelar OBE.
Kantor Statistik Nasional (Aljazair)
Kantor Statistik Nasional (National Office of Statistics disingkat NOS, Office National des Statistiques disingkat ONS, الديوان الوطني للإحصائيات) adalah kementerian Aljazair yang mengurusi pengumpulan dan penerbitan data statistik yang berhubungan dengan ekonomi, kependudukan, dan kemasyarakatan di Aljazair pada jenjang lokal maupun nasional. Kantor pusatnya berada di Aljir.
Sandung
Sandung adalah tempat menyimpan tulang bagi orang yang sudah meninggal dan sudah diberlakukan upacara Tiwah oleh Suku Dayak yang beragama Kaharingan di Kalimantan. Di beberapa daerah, Sandung dikenal dengan sebutan lain yaitu Pambak.
Sandung bisa kita jumpai pada beberapa daerah di Kalimantan Tengah yang masih kental akan ajaran agama Kaharingan. Pada beberapa lokasi, sandung sudah menjadi sesuatu yang langka, bahkan dijadikan sasaran pencurian benda-benda bersejarah. Pada desa-desa yang pernah menyelenggarakan upacara tiwah, maka kita akan melihat di tempat tersebut ada sandung. Ada Sandung yang di bawahnya diletakkan belanga yang dalam istilah Basel Mission disebut The Holy Pot. Di Desa Bukit Rawi, Kabupaten Pulang Pisau, ada Sandung yang dijadikan sebagai objek wisata.
Harry Browne
Harry Edson Browne adalah seorang penulis, politikus dan penasehat investasi Amerika Serikat. Ia menjadi nominee presidensial Partai Libertarian dalam pemilu AS 1996 dan 2000. Ia menulis 12 buku yang terjual lebih dari 2 juta salinan.
Clémence Poésy
Clémence Poésy adalah aktris asal Prancis. Ia berperan sebagai Fleur Delacour dalam film Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (2005). Ia juga berperan sebagai Chloë dalam film In Bruges (2008). Dia juga mendapatkan kembali perannya sebagai Fleur Delacour di film Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows.
Pachyanthrax cunamae
Pachyanthrax cunamae adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Pachyanthrax dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
Cyrtisiopsis algirus
Cyrtisiopsis algirus adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Cyrtisiopsis dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
Glow
Glow adalah album mini oleh Melly Goeslaw yang dirilis pada tahun 2009. Berisi 5 buah lagu dengan hits singel berjudul sama, Glow, Sesunguhnya Aku yang diciptakan Doddy "Kangen Band", dan juga Haramkah yang dijadikan lagu tema film Ketika Cinta Bertasbih 2, di antara 5 lagu ada 2 lagu yang didaur ulang yaitu Tentang Seseorang merupakan hasil ciptaan sendiri yang pernah dibawakan oleh Anda di album Ada Apa Dengan Cinta? dan Cinta Putih yang dipopulerkan oleh Titiek Puspa dan merupakan lagu yang berbeda dengan "Cinta Putih" yang dipopulerkan Katon Bagaskara pada tahun 1996. Mini album ini untuk Konser tunggal Melly Goeslaw yang berjudul GLOW.
Dobrinka Mincheva
Dobrinka Mincheva (Добринка Минчева, ) adalah seorang perenang asal Bulgaria. Ia berkompetisi dalam tiga lomba pada Olimpiade Musim Panas 1980.
Salvia graciliramulosa
Salvia graciliramulosa adalah spesies tumbuhan yang tergolong ke dalam famili Lamiaceae. Spesies ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Lamiales. Spesies Salvia graciliramulosa sendiri merupakan bagian dari genus Salvia. Nama ilmiah dari spesies ini pertama kali diterbitkan oleh Epling & Játiva.
Raimundo Franisse
Raimundo Franisse adalah seorang perenang asal Mozambik. Ia berkompetisi dalam dua lomba pada Olimpiade Musim Panas 1980.
Salvia grandis
Salvia grandis adalah spesies tumbuhan yang tergolong ke dalam famili Lamiaceae. Spesies ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Lamiales. Spesies Salvia grandis sendiri merupakan bagian dari genus Salvia. Nama ilmiah dari spesies ini pertama kali diterbitkan oleh Epling.
Ahmed Zaki Iskandar
Ahmad Zaki Iskandar adalah seorang politikus Indonesia yang menjabat Bupati Tangerang selama dua periode yakni 2013—2018 dan 2018—2023.
Zaki pernah menjabat sebagai Anggota DPR RI Fraksi Golkar periode 2009—2013.
Biodata Singkat
Partai Golkar menjadi tempat pengabdian politik Ahmad Zaki Iskandar. Pria kelahiran Tangerang, 14 Desember 1973 diusung partai berlambang pohon beringin tersebut hingga terpilih menjadi Anggota DPR RI periode 2009—2014 untuk daerah pemilihan Banten 3 dan ditempatkan di Komisi I yang mengurus soal Pertahanan, Luar Negeri, Informasi.
Ahmad Zaki yang merupakan alumni Victoria University Australia angkatan 1996 ini terpilih lewat daerah pemilihan Banten III (kota dan kabupaten Tangerang). Ketua DPD Partai Golkar Kabupaten Tangerang ini berada di no urut 1 dalam daftar caleg DPR RI. Ia menang dengan jumlah peroleh suara sebanyak 54.121.
Cyrtisiopsis amniolus
Cyrtisiopsis amniolus adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Cyrtisiopsis dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
Salvia grandifolia
Salvia grandifolia adalah spesies tumbuhan yang tergolong ke dalam famili Lamiaceae. Spesies ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Lamiales. Spesies Salvia grandifolia sendiri merupakan bagian dari genus Salvia. Nama ilmiah dari spesies ini pertama kali diterbitkan oleh W.W.Sm..
Mantangai Tengah, Mantangai, Kapuas
Mantangai Tengah adalah nama desa di wilayah Kecamatan Mantangai, Kabupaten Kapuas, Provinsi Kalimantan Tengah, Indonesia.
Desa ini merupakan ibu kota kecamatan Mantangai. Fasilitas umum yang terdapat di desa ini adalah:
Cyrtisiopsis americanus
Cyrtisiopsis americanus adalah spesies lalat yang berasal dari genus Cyrtisiopsis dan famili Bombyliidae. Lalat ini juga merupakan bagian dari ordo Diptera, kelas Insecta, filum Arthropoda, dan kingdom Animalia.
Lalat ini biasanya memakan nektar dan polen yang ada dalam bunga.
Sauber Motorsport
Sauber Formula One Engineering (selanjutnya biasa disebut sebagai Sauber atau Team Sauber F1) adalah salah satu tim dan konstruktor Formula 1 asal Swiss. Tim ini sempat berlaga atas nama Sauber secara penuh dari tahun sampai. Awal musim Peter Sauber menjual sahamnya kepada pabrikan mobil BMW sehingga nama tim berubah menjadi BMW Sauber. Dibawah bimbingan BMW inilah tim mengalami kemajuan pesat dan bahkan mampu menjadi salah satu tim papan atas dengan hasil terbaik kemenangan 1-2 di GP Kanada 2008.
Sejak keputusan BMW yang mundur dari F1 di akhir, santer diberitakan bahwa tim Sauber Original akan kembali lagi ke arena F1. Kabar tersebut akhirnya menjadi kenyataan pada tanggal 3 Desember 2009 saat Peter Sauber resmi mengambil alih tim dan kembali lagi berlaga di ajang F1 mulai musim. Pembalap mereka untuk saat ini adalah Nico Hulkenberg dan Esteban Gutierrez.
Musim 2010 tim Sauber tetap berlaga dengan nama BMW Sauber sekalipun saat itu mereka sudah tidak ada hubungannya lagi dengan BMW. Hal ini dilakukan karena Sauber masih terikat kontrak Concorde Agreement yang telah mereka tandatangani sejak tahun 2007 saat turun dengan nama BMW Sauber. Pertengahan musim 2010 Peter Sauber kemudian mengusulkan pergantian nama ke komisi Formula 1 yang kemudian disetujui oleh Bernie Ecclestone. Namun FIA kemudian memutuskan Sauber baru bisa mengganti nama mereka sebagai konstruktor pada awal tahun 2011.
Awal mula
Tim Sauber mulai terlibat di dunia motorsport sejak 1967 lewat Peter Sauber yang berperan sebagai pembalap di ajang 24 Hours of Le Mans. Namun untuk kategori sebagai konstruktor, Sauber secara resmi mulai resmi terlibat tahun 1970 setelah mendirikan perusahaan sendiri di Swiss. Mobil pertama yang ia kembangkan waktu itu masih mengandalkan mesin Volkswagen.Selanjutnya pada 1975, Sauber berhasil mengembangkan mobil C4 dengan bodi monokok bermesin Cosworth BDG. Dan satu tahun berikutnya perusahaan bernama P.P. Sauber A.G di Hinwill dekat Zurich itu mulai memproklamirkan diri sebagai konstruktor mobil-mobil balap dan memproduksi mobil balap C5 bermesin BMW untuk kompetisi balapan Grup 6.
Tahun 1981, Sauber melakukan terobosan di dunia motorsport dengan memproduksi versi khusus dari BMW M1 dan menjuarai Nurburging 1000 Km pada tahun yang sama. Hasil itu membuat Sauber semakin serius memfokuskan diri di dunia balap. Pada 1983, ia beralih ke mesin Mercedes-Benz dengan tenaga turbocharge. Teknologi yang dikembangkan Sauber itu kemudian mendapat perhatian dari Mercedes-Benz dan akhirnya menawarkan kerjasama yang menghasilkan mobil juara World Sportscar Championship Grup 6 yaitu C9 (1989) dan C11 (1990). Namun aliansi dengan pabrikan Jerman itu sempat terputus pada tahun 1990 karena Mercedes ingin mengembangkan mesin balap sendiri dan tidak setuju dengan rencana Sauber turun ke Formula 1.
Gemini (album Sherina Munaf)
Gemini adalah album studio kelima Sherina Munaf. Album ini dirilis pada 9 Juli 2009 di Hard Rock Cafe Plaza eX. Album ini berisi 12 lagu dengan singel yang "Cinta Pertama dan Terakhir" yang dinyanyikan ulang oleh Rizky Febian dan Mahalini Raharja, "Geregetan", dan "Pergilah Kau".
Sauber Motorsport
Mitra Mercedes-Benz
Memasuki musim 1994, Sauber mempromosikan Heinz-Harald Frentzen dari test driver sebagai pembalap kedua menggantikan JJ Lehto. Sedangkan Karl tetap dipertahankan. Frentzen tampil menakjubkan sejak awal sampai akhir musim. Pada tahun yang sama, Sauber praktis tak bekerjasama lagi dengan Ilmor karena telah diambil alih oleh Mercedes-Benz. Pada tahun 1994, tim Sauber ditimpa musibah. Karl terluka parah dan koma karena menabrak dinding saat sesi latihan GP Monako. Namun performa Frentzen yang prima menempatkan Sauber di urutan delapan Kejuaraan Konstruktor dengan 12 poin. Pada akhir musim, hubungan Sauber dan Mercedes-Benz tak bisa diselamatkan karena sejumlah konflik yang melanda dua perusahaan tersebut. Mercedes kemudian mengalihkan pasokan mesinnya ke tim McLaren mulai tahun 1995 dikarenakan menurut mereka McLaren bisa menjamin dan mengantarkan Mercedes menjadi mesin juara karena dukungan sumber daya dan teknologi yang lebih maju ketimbang yang dimiliki oleh Sauber.
Era Ford
Musim 1995 Sauber beralih ke mesin Ford. Sayangnya, Sauber sudah lebih dulu mendesain mobil C14 dengan mesin V10, sementara Ford bermesin V8. Di awal-awal balapan musim 1995, mobil terlalu lamban karena kurang balance; mesin dan girboks terlalu berat sementara mesin kalah 70 hp dibanding Ferrari dan Renault. Di musim 1995 juga mereka mendapatkan tambahan suntikan dana dengan masuknya Dietrich Mateschitz melalui perusahaannya, Red Bull sebagai salah satu pemegang saham. Pembalap Jerman Heinz-Harald Frentzen menjadi bintang di musim ini dengan hasil terbaik P3 di Italia. Sauber pun berhasil finish P7 di klasemen musim.
Musim 1996, dengan masih mempertahankan mesin Ford, Sauber mulai membenahi sisi-sisi desain mobilnya. Mereka juga mendatangkan pembalap Inggris Johnny Herbert untuk bermitra bersama H-HF. Podium kemudian berhasil diraih Herbert di Monako 1996 saat Herbert finis P3 di bawah guyuran hujan. Sementara Frentzen hanya mampu meraih dua kali P4 di Monako dan Spanyol dan duet Herbert-Frentzen mampu mengantar Sauber finis di P7 klasemen dengan 11 poin.
Adik Ferrari
Pada 1997, Sauber membuat sebuah lompatan. Mereka menjalin kerjasama dengan Ferrari dan memakai mesin V10 produksi tim kuda jingkrak itu yang kemudian dilabeli ulang sebagai mesin Petronas karena saat itu Sauber berhasil menarik perusahaan minyak asal Malaysia tersebut untuk menjadi sponsor utama mereka. Sauber juga memiliki akses untuk mendapatkan beberapa teknologi terbaru yang dirancang oleh Ferrari termasuk contoh desain sasis sekalipun dalam peraturan resmi dari FIA, setiap tim F1 hanya diperbolehkan mendesain sasis sendiri. Johhny Herbert kemudian mempersembahkan podium untuk Sauber di Hungaria 1997, yang disusul dengan podium dari Jean Alesi di Belgia 1998. Sejak itu, prestasi Sauber dari musim ke musim semakin baik dan sempat menempati urutan empat Kejuaraan Konstruktor tahun 2001, di bawah kendali dua pembalap muda yaitu Kimi Raikkonen dan Nick Heidfeld.
Musim 2002 posisi Kimi digantikan oleh Felipe Massa. Peter Sauber kemudian berujar bahwa baik Felipe dan Kimi memiliki masa depan bagus di ajang F1. Ramalannya kemudian terbukti saat Kimi dan Felipe merajai F1 2007 bersama tim Ferrari. Pembalap senior Heinz-Harald Frentzen masuk ke tim Sauber di 2003, dan sekaligus pula mengakhiri karier F1-nya di tim tersebut dengan finish podium di AS 2003.
BMW Sauber (2006-2009)
Sebuah tim baru dengan wajah lama meluncur di arena Formula 1 musim. Tim tersebut bernama BMW Sauber yang merupakan hasil akusisi dari tim Sauber yang oleh pabrikan BMW mereka beli pada pertengahan 2005 dari tangan Peter Sauber, dan kemudian tetap mempertahankan Peter sebagai konsultan tim. Bos tim ini adalah DR. Mario Theissen. Tim ini berlaga di F1 selama empat musim dari 2006 sampai 2009.
Di musim perdana mereka di, Sauber memasangkan duet Nick Heidfeld dengan Jacques Villeneuve. Heidfeld tampil cukup impresif di 2006 dan sekaligus membuktikan bahwa mobil Sauber merupakan mobil yang cukup baik dan konsisten. Ia lantas memberikan podium kepada tim di Hungaria saat finis ketiga. Sementara penampilan Villeneuve cenderung labil dan sesaat sesudah tampil buruk di Jerman, JV akhirnya dipecat oleh tim. Tim lantas menarik Robert Kubica sebagai pembalap sampai akhir musim. Kubica lantas tampil luar biasa di Italia saat ia finis keenam. Di akhir musim BMW Sauber berhasil finis P5 dengan 36 angka.
Musim 2007 tim masih mempertahankan Heidfeld dan Kubica. Heidfeld langsung memberikan hasil bagus dengan tiga kali finis P4 di tiga balapan awal musim. Kubica lantas menjawab tantangan tim dengan finish P4 di Spanyol sebelum kemudian ia mengalami kecelakaan parah di Kanada dan kemudian posisinya digantikan Sebastian Vettel untuk GP AS. Di pertengahan musim, Heidfeld kembali meraih podium saat ia finis ketiga di Hungaria. Kemudian sehubungan dengan didiskualifikasinya McLaren dari klasemen konstruktor musim akibat kasus spygate, Sauber naik ke P2 konstruktor dengan raihan 101 poin.
Musim Sauber tampil sebagai salah satu tim top di arena F1. Heidfeld berhasil finish kedua di Australia disusul Kubica yang finish P2 di Malaysia dan P3 di Bahrain. Kubica kemudian kembali finish P2 di Monako. Selanjutnya di balapan Kanada, dua pesaing Sauber yaitu Ferrari dan McLaren mengalami masalah saat pitstop ketika Lewis Hamilton menyundul bagian ekor mobil Kimi Raikkonen di pitlane dan menyebabkan keduanya tersingkir. Setelah itu duet Kubica dan Heidfeld tidak terbendung lagi untuk menguasai puncak pimpinan lomba sampai finish dengan hasil maksimal yaitu 1-2. Kubica kemudian tampil konsisten dan sempat menjadi kandidat juara dunia 2008 sebelum akhirnya kandas setelah mengalami balapan buruk di Cina. Tim Sauber kemudian menutup musim dengan finish di P3 klasemen dengan 135 poin.
Musim Sauber mengalami kemunduran. Heidfeld berhasil meraih P2 di Malaysia dalam kondisi hujan lebat. Namun sampai pertengahan musim, baik Heidfeld dan Kubica gagal membawa Sauber berprestasi seperti musim 2008, yang dinilai sebagai akibat dari kesalahan tim dalam memahami dampak regulasi baru. Kebangkitan Sauber kemudian diawali di Belgia saat Kubica dan Heidfeld berhasil finish P4 dan P5. Kemudian di Brazil, Kubica kembali tampil cemerlang dengan menduduki P2 saat lomba. Sauber mengakhiri musim 2009 dengan berada di P6 klasemen dengan 36 poin.
Kembali menjadi Sauber (2010-2019)
Bulan Agustus 2009 pabrikan mobil BMW mengumumkan bahwa mereka akan mundur dari ajang F1 di akhir musim 2009. Setelah itu spekulasi tentang penjualan tim mulai merebak, dan kemudian pada 29 November 2009 diumumkan kepada public bahwa Peter Sauber akan kembali membeli saham yang ia jual kepada BMW di pertengahan 2005. Setelah resmi kembali membeli sahamnya, Peter lantas mencari dukungan agar ia bias turun lagi di F1 musim 2010. Respon grid F1 cukup baik, dimana tim-tim besar seperti Ferrari, McLaren, dan Renault mendukung penuh Sauber agar kembali lagi ke F1, sementara Williams dan Force India menolak kembalinya Sauber.
Tanggal 3 November waktu Jenewa, Swiss akhirnya diumumkan bahwa Sauber telah mendapatkan izin dari FIA untuk turun di ajang F1 musim 2010. Dalam konferensi pers terpisah di Hinwill, Peter Sauber juga mengumumkan bahwa untuk musim 2010 mereka kembali akan beraliansi dengan tim Scuderia Ferrari, baik sebagai mitra teknik ataupun sebagai mitra pembinaan pembalap muda, yang memang direncanakan akan digarap oleh tim Ferrari mulai musim 2010. Di musim kembalinya ke F1 ini, Sauber berhasil mencatat hasil baik melalui duet Kamui Kobayashi dan Pedro de la Rosa/Nick Heidfeld dengan berada di P8 klasemen dengan raihan 44 angka.