Party Absorption of Ethnic Groups: The Case of Providence, Rhode Island

OB BSERVERS as diverse as Edwin O'Connor's Mayor Skeffington and the late Professor Henry Jones Ford have commented on the crucial role played by the political party as integrator of the immigrant into American political life, and, by the same token, into the American community.' Ford, for example, writing as early as 1898 in his classic Rise and Growth of American Politics suggested that the vote-seeking activities of ward politicians among immigrant groups were "... probably the secret of the powerful solvent influence which American civilization exerts upon the enormous deposits of alien populations thrown upon this country by the torrent of emigration."2 More specifically the argument is that the immigrant masses represented vast potential electoral resources in the eyes of the parties. The exploitation of these resources evolved through a pattern of social services for the new arrivals, gradual admission of their representatives into the party organization at the ward and precinct level, the ethnic balancing of candidate slates, and, in time, the shift of party control from older to newer ethnic stock. All of this involved a kind of Adam Smith "invisible hand" at work. The combined self-interests of the established politicians and of the leaders of the new groups, and soon competition between them, had the net effect for the community of breaking down the separateness in which the immigrants might otherwise have lived for a much longer time than was the case, and of bringing them into full political participation. Political participation and achievement, in turn, unquestionably foster recognition in the economic and social hierarchies of the community. When, for example, a non-Yankee is run successfully for state governor as a Republican, his new politicalgovernmental status in a variety of subtle ways doubtless leads to a degree of acceptance in Yankee dominated social circles.3 Upon leaving office, doors in the economic hierarchy may be found open to the former governor that were closed before. Thus, at any rate, the argument might run. This broad and inclusive hypothesis is reasonably well substantiated in the general political science and sociological literature.4 Much of it, however, has yet to be documented with any precision. Samuel Lubell has sketched in general terms the rise of the Italians in Rhode Island politics,5 and more recently Professor Lockard presented data on ethnic membership patterns for New England state legislatures.6 However, success in elective office which both emphasize, is at best an imprecise index of nationality recognition or the locus of party control. The present study was undertaken to shed light on the more basic question of ethnic group absorption at the level of the ward committee. Grass roots committee composition is obviously a much better index of recognition and influence than candidacies for elective office, since the latter may or may not reflect status in the party apparatus.7 Specifically, such a study should reveal the patterns which ethnic inifiltration followed, the time lag between group arrival and party representation, the points at which effective power shifted from one group to another (as measured by numbers and distribution of nationality representatives), the general significance of nationality delegations in each of the