Housing Distress among High School Students

Although the term "homelessness" is a routine word in the vocabulary of Americans, it is difficult for most people to determine exactly who is and who is not "homeless." There are the obvious, visible homeless people who are found on urban America's park benches. But there are many other people whose homelessness is "out of sight, and out of mind" (Vissing, 1996). Homeless teenagers may be the most invisible group of all. Contrary to conventional norms, many teenagers do not live at home with their parents. Many live with relatives, with friends, or by themselves in accommodations that are customarily unacceptable for people their age (Kufeldt, 1991; Kufeldt & Nimmo, 1987; Matchan, 1993; McCarthy & Hagan, 1992; Mihaly, 1991; Morrissette & McIntyre, 1989; Shaffer & Caton, 1984; Wright, 1987). There is no word that adequately explains the range of housing situations experienced by teenagers. They may not be homeless like urban skid row single adults, for they are still children who may not qualify for aid or independent status. Not counted as adults, yet not living with their families, some teenagers flounder in housing situations that are less than ideal. The word "homeless" is not a useful term to explain the population of teenagers who experience housing problems; it does not portray a recognizable population, nor does it explain the nature of their housing problems. As a result of conceptual, definitional, and methodological issues that have guided traditional research about homelessness (Adams, Gullotta, & Clancy, 1985; Boxill, 1990; Finkelhor, Hotaling, & Sedlack, 1990; Kryder-Coe, Salamon, & Molnar, 1991), not enough is known about who these marginally housed teenagers are, what their experiences with housing distress are like, or how many are affected. These are important questions to address, because many national child advocacy organizations indicate that child and youth family problems and homelessness may increase (Children's Defense Fund, 1992; National Commission on Children, 1991). Given predicted future scenarios, housing distress and homelessness are likely to increasingly affect youths (Rescorla, Parker, & Stolley, 1991). This exploratory study addressed two of the most basic questions pertaining to teenage housing problems: (1) How many teenagers live in distressing housing arrangements? and (2) What housing alternatives are being used by teenagers? Information on the numbers of teenagers who do not live in traditional settings and those who spend time in other homes over the course of the year is an indication of home disruption that places teenagers at risk of becoming homeless (Bassuk & Rosenberg, 1988; Caton, 1986; Edelman & Ladner, 1991; Hewlett, 1991; Hopper & Hamberg, 1985; Johnson, Miranda, Sherman, & Weill, 1991; Jones, Levine, & Rosenberg, 1991). How Many Teenagers Have Housing Problems? The national sources typically used to identify housing conditions, such as the U.S. census, simply do not address the phenomenon of teenage homelessness and housing distress. The census, as designed, does not provide a clear understanding of the relationship between people in a given housing unit. When the U.S. Bureau of the Census attempted to count people who were homeless, they failed miserably in producing an accurate count (Burt, 1992; Hudson, 1996; National Coalition for the Homeless, 1991). Methodological flaws abounded in their count of the homeless population, because enumerators looked only in certain locations for those without housing, leaving rural areas untouched and families and children grossly undercounted. Although the U.S. Conference of Mayors (1987) found that each year there is a 20 percent increase in the number of people who are homeless, they did not specify how many were single adults, families, youths, or children. The report pointed out that if current rates of homelessness remain unchanged, over 18. …