Nature of Work and Future of the Social Work Profession

Social work practice and education long have been influenced by trends in the U.S. economy, particularly as these trends affected patterns of employment and unemployment. This article assesses the implications of recent changes in patterns of economic production and the nature of work for the social work profession. The authors conclude with recommendations on how schools of social work can address these implications in their curricula and their relationships with the communities in which they are located. Key words: economy; inequality; unemployment; work Social work practice and education have long been influenced by developments in the broader U.S. economy, particularly as they affected such issues as employment and unemployment. A century ago, the settlement house movement and the Charities Organization Societies emerged, in part, in response to the employment problems of immigrants and low-income residents of America's growing urban centers (Chambers, 1965; Patterson, 1994; Trolander, 1987). The early social workers who developed "welfare capitalism" as welfare secretaries in corporations and through union-based services programs addressed the workplace needs of industrial workers (Brandes, 1976; Popple, 1981; Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). The construction of the limited U.S. welfare state from the 1930s through the 1960s also reflected the central concern of social workers with the labor market, particularly its economic, social, and psychological effects (Karger, 1988; Sherraden, 1985; Straussner & Phillips, 1988). In the 21st century, social work will be sha ped by the new global economy and the growing gap between high and low wages, permanent and temporary employment (Reich, 1991; Rifkin, 1995; U.S. Department of Labor, 1995b). This article assesses the implications of two interrelated phenomena for social work practice and education. The first is the shift to what Head (1996) called "the new, ruthless economy," characterized by a growth in inequality, a shift in power from labor to capital, and a proliferation of low-wage employment. The second phenomenon is the steady reorganization and mechanization of production, which could result in the "end of work" as we know it. Rifkin (1995) argued that we are in the midst of "a third great industrial revolution" that is displacing millions of workers and eliminating or changing "whole job categories." The end of work raises the possibility, and perhaps the necessity, of reducing the workweek, separating the concept of income from work, and introducing a guaranteed annual income. In a world without work, reconstruction of the social infrastructure could become a central focus of human activity. This, in turn, could enhance the role of volunteerism and private, nonprofit institutions by paying a "social wage for community service" (Rifkin, 1995, P. 258). This idea, which expands on programs already underway, such as AmeriCorps and VISTA raises profound challenges for social workers. We analyze the key features of the "new economy" and the issues raised for policy, practice, and education and conclude with some recommendations as to how schools of social work can address the implications of the new economy in their curricula and their relationships with the surrounding community. The New Economy The roots of the new economy lie in the early 1970s. The previous 25 years (roughly 1945 to 1970) constituted a "golden" era, during which income inequality declined and most groups saw their standards of living improve (Fischer et al., 1996; Sawhill, 1996). Between 1959 and 1969, as a consequence of economic growth, a moderately progressive income tax, and the expansion of income transfer programs, the per capita incomes of the bottom 20 percent of households increased at a faster rate than those of any other group. At the same time, real median family income grew by 40 percent (Danziger & Weinberg, 1994). …