Between Two Worlds: Identity and Community in Oaxaca

Access to educational opportunities is the driving force in promoting gender equality and alleviating the effects of poverty among rural populations in Mexico. In Oaxaca, small universities with scholarship programs have recently opened in rural areas to increase logistical and financial access for young people from indigenous communities; however, proper consideration has not been given to cultural constraints and psychological factors that continue inhibiting university access, particularly for young women. Due to traditional, conservative family values with regard to gender expectations that maintain women in subordinate positions to men, women face additional challenges when attempting to balance home community life while pursuing higher education. Qualitative research methods including ethnographic observations, individual interviews and focus groups were used among young, indigenous women attending university, their family members, and university staff to examine the social systems in which women study and live. Through the use of the snowball technique and key informants in the university, participants were recruited in a culturally appropriate and sensitive manner. This research shows the impact diverging from traditional gender norms has on young women’s self perception and familial relationships, and provides a better understanding of the impact socio-cultural factors exert on first-generation university women. Rural Mexican Family Structure Historically Mexican culture has placed a high value on the collective family unit. This value can especially be seen among rural Mexican families dependent on the labor of each family member to sustain the household. Men in families – fathers and sons typically are engaged in paid labor outside the home or working in the family’s field, tending to livestock and crops to produce food for self-consumption or to sell in local markets (Arias, 2009). Meanwhile, women – mothers and daughters – work within the home cooking, cleaning, raising children, and making tortillas. The gendered division of labor is so strong within these families that community members sympathize with families who have all male or all female children because one of the parents will be left without help in their household duties (Musalem Merhy, n.d.). Historically, women’s work inside the home has been viewed as “help” or as “complementary” work to men’s work in the public sphere. According to Arias (2009), the perception of women’s labor as merely complementary has devalued not only their work, but women themselves as members of the household and community, as well. This has been one form of informal social control preventing women from leaving the private sphere. As demonstrated by the Oaxacan term “pueblo chico, chisme grande” [small town, plenty of gossip] and the overall concern many women have for their reputation, gossip and innuendos are a second form of social control used to maintain both men and women in their respective roles. Esteinou (2006) explains that comments such as “iMira!, ya puso su mujer a trabajar porque no puede mantener a su familia” [“Look! He made his wife work because he can’t maintain his family.”] cause men to exert force over women to ensure their dominance in the family. Other comments directed towards women such as “Esta descuidando a sus hijos” [“She isn’t taking care of her children”] place guilt on women for working outside the home instead of tending to her children (p. 87). Thus, in small, close-knit communities both men and women learn to carefully negotiate gender norms to prevent negative reactions from community members. Due to the influence of globalization and migration, roles within families have been changing in recent years. An increase in the rights of children and decrease in the presence of male authority figures within households has challenged the historical power structure (Esteinou, 2006). For example, fathers traditionally have been in charge of administering discipline to children. Women, however, have begun to take on this role and many others due to male migration to the United States. Courtship between young lovers has changed drastically due to opportunities to meet people from other towns, states, and countries and exposure to new and different ideas. Weddings more frequently take place in December when relatives visit home for the holidays, age at first marriage has increased, and traditional practices such as “bride stealing” have become less prevalent in recent years (Esteinou, 2006). Additionally, emigration has increased the standard of living for many Mexicans due to remittances sent home from work in the United States (Esteinou, 2006). Nevertheless, strict gender norms are still very present in Mexican society, particularly in Oaxaca. Oaxacan Gender Norms Jayne Howell (1999) shows that even among educated, employed Oaxacan women from rural communities, gender role socialization is a primary force in life decisions. Although many women participating in her study explained that education is a beneficial and important component of a woman’s life, they still consider their primary role as a woman that of a mother and secondly, a wife. Characteristics of rural family values are reflected in the felt responsibility to fulfill familial obligations women feel and the influence family members have over their lifestyle choices, personal relationships, and professional development. Although the women in this study reflect a changing belief about the roles women are allowed to play in Mexican society, many women still hold traditionally female dominated occupations – teachers, secretaries, and nurses. Despite greater economic security and participation in the public sphere, women continue adhering to traditional gender roles while negotiating careers and pursuing education. Jayne Howell (1999) cites this as an indication of entrenched Oaxacan values and the strong influence of socialization in determining life outcomes. As Perez (2000) showed in the artisan community Santa Maria Atzompa, gender roles guide interactions among family and community members. One significant socialization mechanism in Mexican culture is the fiesta (Perez, 2000). Fiestas are typically associated with religious or political events, include excessive alcohol consumption by men, and often violence. Perez (2000) explained that the male violence directed at other males, their wives, and/or daughters, is due to men’s insecurity over the increased autonomy women hold in a highly machista culture. Because women in Santa Maria Atzompa are the primary producers of the town’s craft, pottery, they have gained power due to the town’s economic dependence on the sale of pottery to tourists and visitors. Santa Maria Atzompa is an example of the development of change in gender roles in Oaxacan culture and the negative reaction to women seeking change, independence, and autonomy.