The Position of the Press in the U. S. Power Structure

This paper examines the institutional links between the U.S. power elite and the press. Specifically, it looks at the institutional affiliations (corporate directorships, business and trade associations and policy groups, non-profit civic groups, and social clubs) of the directors of the nation's 24 largest newspaper-owning companies. The data reveal a web of affiliations that link all these corporations to the nation's power structure, but also reveal that some newspaper-owning companies are more linked than others. Those firms most closely linked to the power elite are those with the greatest journalistic and political influence. These, in turn, display and are distinguished from most other newspapers by a "corporate liberal" ideology that reflects the viewpoint of the "inner group" of the capitalist class. A great deal has been written about the "power of the press," but little is known about the position of the press within the power structure of the United States. This paper examines the relationship between the U.S. business elite and the mass media elite. The mass media play two critical roles in society. First, they are profit-seeking firms; their owners, directors, suppliers, and advertisers are interested in the economic health of these firms. Second, they are ideological institutions. The media set the agenda of political, social, and economic debate. They shape public opinion on crucial issues; socialize individuals to social roles and behavior; and can legitimate or undermine powerful institutions, individuals, and ideas. Who controls these organizations is an important area for research. Observers of and spokespersons for the mass media both view it as unique among U.S. industries. They view the media as a "fourth estate," standing apart from other institutions and segments of society, putting its public role and its social responsibility above the unfettered pursuit of profits. Publishers, editors, and journalists alike claim that their organizations are not beholden to any special interests except the pursuit of truth. The prime function of the press, according to the canons of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, is "to satisfy the public's need to know" (Udell, 1978:24). Because of their unique function in society, the mass media are, alone among U.S. industries, protected by the Constitution through First Amendment guarantees of "freedom of the press" (Bagdikian, 1971). The media's special status is codified in an ideology extolling objectivity and impartiality. According to this ideology, the media should not reflect the views of any particular segment of society, but should try to provide a balance of all perspectives and points of view (Schudson, 1978; Tuchman, 1978). These norms are institutionalized in the daily practice of journalism. To guarantee that journalists' judgments are not colored by their own affiliations, newspapers encourage, and often require, that journalists avoid potentially conflicting commitments. The code of ethics of Sigma Delta Chi, the Society of Professional Journalists (whose officers are usually high-level editors of influential newspapers) states: "Journalists and their employers should conduct their personal lives in a manner which protects them from conflicts of interest, real or apparent. Their responsibilities to the public are paramount." Most journalists espouse these professional norms (Johnstone et al., 1976).