The effects of negative body talk in an ethnically diverse sample of college students.

In the United States, the ideal appearance for both men and women is simply defined as young, fit, and thin (Becker, Diedrichs, Jankowski, & Werchan, 2013). Focus on the value of the idealized body is associated with habitual concern over one's appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). One manifestation of such concern is "negative body talk," a general term encompassing discussion about one's physical appearance (Engeln, Sladek, & Waldron, 2013). Body talk which focuses on weight ("fat talk") is common, especially among White women, and may have both positive and negative consequences (Britton, Martz, Bazzini, Curtin, & LeaShomb, 2006). Although it has been less commonly studied, negative body talk has been identified in men (Engeln, et al, 2013) and may vary by ethnicity (Nichter, 2000). Our study experimentally examines the effects of negative body talk, specifically fat talk, on college men and women at a Historically Black University. Both men and women frequently engage in negative body talk (Engeln, et al, 2013). Women tend to display fat talk as a type of negative body talk (Nichter, 2000). Fat talk typically follows a rigid script in which one woman makes a self-depreciating comment about her weight (e.g, "I look so fat in these jeans"). A second woman then denies that comment's truth, usually followed by making her own self-depreciating comment ("No, your butt's not big. Check out my muffin-top"). Among men, negative body talk also occurs, but tends to be less ritualized, less fat-focused, and more muscle-focused. Men also tend to make more positive comments about their bodies than women (Engeln, et al, 2013). Negative body talk is a common topic of conversation, especially among women (Martz, Petroff, Curtin, & Bazzini, 2009; Salk & Engeln-Maddox, 2011). In an age-diverse sample of women, 81% reported at least occasional fat talk, with 33% reporting frequent engagement in fat talk. Negative body talk is so socially normal that it can be considered unacceptable not to engage in it (Britton et al., 2006; Nichter, 2000). Nichter (2000) suggested that fat talk has the positive function of enhancing social cohesion, especially among White women and girls. Abiding by the social norms of engaging in fat talk helps women and girls to fit in, and provides inter-connectedness between them. Britton et al. (2006) showed that women responding to vignettes rated other women who self-deprecate as more likable than those who did not, showing that self-deprecation may be expressed as a way to appear humble and likeable. Nichter (2000) hypothesized that involvement in fat talk can be compelling since it is considered rude or conceited to fail to respond to fat talk. Researchers have emphasized the need to examine ethnic comparisons in body talk research (Clarke, Murnen, & Smolak, 2010; Engeln, et al, 2013). Nichter (2000) explored the role of ethnicity in frequency of fat talk in a series of interviews with middle and high school girls. African American girls reported less concern over weight and lower frequency of fat talk. Nichter (2000) reported that the African American concept of beauty encompassed more than simple physical appearance, and included exhibiting a positive attitude and confidence. However, Engeln-Maddox, Salk, and Miller (2012) found no ethnic differences in frequency of fat talk or body concerns among White, African American, Asian, and Latina college women. Given the inconsistent findings in the literature, more research with ethnically diverse samples is warranted. Although consequences of negative body talk may sometimes be positive in promoting social cohesion, research has suggested harmful effects with respect to body attitudes and eating pathology. Correlational studies have shown that fat talk is reliably associated with eating pathology in college (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2012; Clarke et al., 2010) and non-college (Becker et al., 2013) populations. …