Family Policy in a Changing Vietnam

Vietnam has a long history of maintaining a double life. For more than 1000 years it resisted foreign domination by China, France, and the United States. This "closed," defensive stance was balanced by a genuine openness to, and admiration for, foreign cultures, including China, India, France, and the United States. It is also a country that was, and is, strongly influenced by great world religions, such as Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Islam, and Christianity (Cao Xuan Pho, 1990; Pelger, 1993). In short, in language, music, art, religion, philosophy, and even political theory, Vietnam's profile is one of a multiple personality with a history of being both reclusive and gregarious. Today, with a population of more than 70 million, half of whom were born after the end of the war with the United States, Vietnam fmds itself not only navigating a path between egalitarian socialism (che do moi was initiated in the late 1940s) and free-market capitalism (doi moi was adopted in 1986), but also attempting to blend the best of both worlds. To what extent the Vietnamese family in particular has been affected by these stresses and strains over the years, and to what degree the government has put forth specific policies directed toward women, children, and families, is the subject of this article. PURPOSE OF THE ARTICLE This presentation is divided into four major sections. Part one is devoted to a discussion of marriage law in Vietnam, with emphasis being placed on legislation passed in 1959 and 1986. Also included in this discussion will be a brief overview of the New Family Culture Campaign of the 1980s. The second section will focus on government-initiated family planning policy, particularly after the adoption of doi moi in 1986. What goals were established and have they been met? The third section will include a discussion of gender equity and to what extent doi moi has had a positive or negative impact on women's progress in Vietnam. And the final section will be devoted to the future of family policy in Vietnam. Specifically, what lessons can be learned from other developing countries that have shifted to a free-market economy and what policy initiatives might Vietnam consider in addressing the future needs of its women, children, and families? METHODOLOGY The information presented in this article was gathered primarily through a two-week study tour of Vietnam in the summer of 1996 that included several personal interviews and an analysis of key government documents. These included the Marriage Law of 1959, the Marriage Reform Act of 1986, the United Nations Human Development Index of 1990, the Vietnam Living Standards Survey of 1992-93, the Vietnam Life History Survey of 1991, Vietnam's Census of 1990, and the 1997 World Development Report of the World Bank. It also included a review of numerous secondary sources, including a variety of books, journal articles, and monographs. The author thanks Trang Van Lee for his time and patience in translating documents and journal articles related to this research project. Marriage Law in Vietnam In both traditional and modern Vietnam, the family is considered to be the foundation of society. To Ho Chi Minh, "It is correct to pay great attention to the family, because many families added together make up a society. The interests and happiness of the family totally depend on the interests and happiness of the society. And the happiness of the society is manifest in the happiness of each member of the society, of each family" (Himmelstrand, 1981, p. 23). Ho's views were clearly implanted in the constitution of the young Vietnamese republic in 1946. Article 64 reads, "The family is the cell of society. The State protects marriage and the family" (Constitution of the Republic of Vietnam, 1946, p. 26). Thirteen years later the first major piece of legislation concerning marriage and families was passed by the National Assembly. The Marriage and Family Law, passed in 1959 and implemented in 1960, contained four major provisions. …