Class Polarization and Leisure Activity Preferences of African Americans: Intragroup Comparisons

Introduction A number of studies have been conducted over the last ten years regarding the relationship between gender and leisure behavior (e.g. Firestone & Shelton, 1994; Henderson, 1990, 1994; Henderson, Stalnaker & Taylor, 1988; Searle & Jackson, 1985; Shaw, 1985, 1994). The thrust of this research has examined differences between gender groups and has been grounded in a theoretical understanding of gender relations within a patriarchal society. Although some research has been conducted regarding leisure behavior differences within gender groups (e.g., Dattilo, Dattilo, Samdahl, & Kleiber, 1994; Harrington & Dawson, 1995; Riddick & Stewart, 1994), this issue has not received the same amount of attention. A similar pattern of research is evident with regard to race and leisure behavior. Much of the work that has been done in this area focuses on differences between racial groups (e.g., Edwards, 1981; Hutchison, 1987, 1994; Philipp, 1995; Washburne, 1978; West, 1989), while the research which addresses differences within racial groups is more sparse (e.g., Floyd, Shinew, McGuire, & Noe, 1994; Shinew, Floyd, McGuire, & Noe, 1995; Stamps & Stamps, 1985; Woodard, 1988). The purpose of the present study is to extend these lines of research to gain a greater understanding of similarities and differences within the Black population. More specifically, we compared the leisure activity preferences of Black subgroups defined by gender and two objective indicators of socioeconomic status: income and education. Given that gender and racial groups are often treated as homogeneous entities, variations among Black men and women of different social classes are frequently not addressed. The class polarization perspective provides the theoretical rationale for the study (Wilson, 1987). Theoretical Framework Understanding the nature of the interrelationship of race and social class is one of the most important tasks facing the study of race relations today. Wilson's class polarization perspective (Wilson, 1978, 1980, 1987) has been used to explain "a growing cleavage between lower class blacks who, because of past discrimination, are oppressed because they are poor-and a growing number of middle class blacks who are able to take advantage of the recently developed opportunities" (Thomas, 1993, p. 328). For example, Gilder (1981) stated that "although intact Black families are doing better than ever and discrimination has vastly diminished, the condition of poor blacks has radically worsened" (p. 12). Thomas (1993) concluded that economic growth, government intervention, and the implementation of affirmative action policies has created a large Black middle class which experiences the same labor force opportunities as Whites with little or no "residual race effect." He maintained that this Black middle class grew primarily through the creation of job opportunities and the elimination of racial barriers in education and employment. Conversely, underclass blacks, particularly males who have been displaced from blue collar jobs by deindustrialization, have been left behind. Farley and Bianchi (1985) concluded that not only is the Black community "bifurcating along class lines," but that this division corresponds with a geographic separation as well. Underclass blacks are trapped in urban ghettoes while middle class Black families escape to better neighborhoods in the suburbs. Moreover, as middle class Blacks have moved into suburban neighborhoods and professional lifestyles, their behavior and attitudes have become more similar to their middle class White counterparts (Barr, Farrell, Barnes, & Welte, 1993). The forces creating class polarization may be affecting Black women somewhat less than Black men due to educational attainment and expansion of employment opportunities available to women (Barr et al., 1993). Black women have been more than twice as likely to find positions in the expanding sectors of the economy (e. …