Reclaiming Culture: Reculturation of Transracial and International Adoptees

The adoption of infants, children, and adolescents across racial and cultural groups has been practiced for over 50 years in the United States and abroad. Approximately 80% to 85% of international adoptions are transracial (U.S. Department of State, Office of Children's Issues, n.d.), and approximately 40% of all adoptions in the United States are transracial ("Data Reportedly Show High Rate," 2011). Despite the prevalence and visibility of transracial and international adoptions, scholars lack a full understanding and awareness of the identity experiences of these adopted individuals, particularly regarding the complex interplay between race, ethnicity, and culture. Although the construct of race is generally seen as biopsychosocially constructed and the construct of ethnicity is increasingly more commonly used in the literature, the construct of race is apt for analyzing transracial adoption given its reference to visible differences and race-based socialization (Richardson, Bethea, Hayling, & Williamson-Taylor, 2010), whereas the construct of ethnicity references a group classification based on social and cultural heritage (practices that are often handed down through generations; Casas, 1984). Throughout this article, we present identity issues related to transracial and international adoption. Transracial adoption refers to the adoption of a child of one race by a parent or parents of a different race than that of the child. The majority of adoptive parents in transracial adoptions are White, whereas the children they adopt are children of color born either within the United States (domestic adoption) or abroad (international adoption). This article refers to people who were adopted transracially as transracial adoptees (TRAs), those adopted internationally as international adoptees, and those both transracially and internationally adopted as transracial and international adoptees (TRIAs). At early ages, children seek to know where and who they come from (McGinnis, Smith, Ryan, & Howard, 2009). Between the ages of 4 and 5, children typically become aware of racial differences, and TRIAs begin to notice that they do not "match" their parents (Lee, Grotevant, Hellerstedt, & Gunnar, 2006). By the time TRIAs reach later childhood, adolescence, and adulthood, many of them associate with being White. Research suggests that approximately two thirds of TRAs do not identify with their own racial status (Andujo, 1988; Feigelman & Silverman, 1984; W J. Kim, 1995). In fact, the complexity of racial/ethnic identity for TRIAs (Lee, 2003; McGinnis et al., 2009; Yoon, 2004) is reflected by findings that suggest that as many as 78% of Korean TRIAs reported thinking they were White or wanting to be White as children but that a majority of those same adoptees were compelled to heighten their racial/ethnic awareness and shift their identification to fit their Asian heritage (McGinnis et al., 2009). The dissonance that TRIAs feel because of differences in their physical appearances and their cultural affiliations builds over time, and they ultimately may seek to resolve it. The dissonance is further exacerbated by the multiple changes in cultural affiliation that adoptees must make after their adoption placement in another country. Although by definition adoptees immigrated to their adoptive countries, they may not perceive themselves as immigrants per se, particularly if their adoptive parents are not also recent immigrants. Cultural adaptations to changes in cultural context typically require attention to constructs such as acculturation, reverse acculturation, and enculturation. However, despite the actual immigration history of TRIAs, TRIAs rarely identify as immigrants and instead tend to cite being adopted as a more salient experience (Lee, Yun, Yoo, & Nelson, 2010). Given both the differences in immigration experiences and the differences in the meaning assigned to their immigration (which we discuss later), a new construct for understanding cultural change for TRIAs is needed to account for the differences in the process and outcomes of cultural change. …