copenlu/druid huggingface dataset:
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2017-04-27): If, on the other hand, logistics make a sea border the more workable option, can it be put into effect without alienating the relatively working class and less-educated Protestants/unionists who voted for the UK to leave the EU but undoubtedly did not imagine they were voting for Northern Ireland to become distinct from the rest of the UK?
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2021-04-20): The poll was carried out over the Easter period when clashes were taking place in a number of areas across Northern Ireland, sparked by loyalist anger over the Northern Ireland trade protocol and the Police Service of Northern Ireland's handling of a republican funeral during the pandemic. [...] A total of 48% of those surveyed in Northern Ireland told the pollsters they want the controversial trade protocol introduced as part of the UK's EU Withdrawal Agreement scrapped, in line with demands from the DUP and other unionist parties, while 46% wanted the protocol to be retained. Unionists have claimed the protocol, which requires checks on goods moving across the Irish Sea from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, threatens the constitutional integrity of the UK.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2024-02-18): Our poll found that while more than eight in 10 nationalists want a border poll within the next decade, less than one in 10 unionists do. [...] Some 83% of nationalists want a border poll within 10 years but just 8% of unionists agree — with 63% of unionists saying one should never be called.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2020-02-03): In the present context of hard Brexit, this can only lead in one of two directions. The EU can back off and indeed agree to kick the can down the road. It can pretend to time-limit the Irish backstop and see what happens. If that might reactivate Theresa May’s withdrawal agreement, permit Brexit in October and let tempers cool for a negotiation of a new trade deal in the transition, it might be worth it. But in reality it would just postpone the agony, and the EU clearly has no intention of doing that, however much Johnson puffs and blusters. Or Johnson could defy the DUP and agree to a separate, soft-Brexit status for Northern Ireland in relation to the south. This would accept some border arrangement down the Irish Sea, with a de facto border at sea ports. It would eliminate any need for the backstop. Brexit could proceed as Johnson promised on 31 October. [...] This must be the moment for Johnson to call the DUP’s bluff. If Britain really is to crash out of the EU in two months, there will have to be border controls somewhere round the shores of the Irish Sea. The EU cannot let Ireland become open country for smuggling. Nor can Britain accept a flood of incoming EU food when its own exports are subject to EU tariffs.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2023-12-18): However, the Ulster Unionist Peer, Lord Empey argued the DUP’s endorsement of these plans helped create a regulatory border down the Irish sea. When Boris Johnson published his original proposals on the Protocol on 2nd October 2019, the UUP voiced their opposition with then party leader, Robin Swann saying; [...] "The Irish Sea Border is not just a threat to the economic integrity of the United Kingdom; it is a threat to the living standards of the people of Northern Ireland and the constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom. In the weeks ahead our goal is to remove the Irish Sea border and to preserve and protect the internal UK market." [...] However, attitudes may be changing with time and political developments. With the caveat that it is an individual poll by the Irish News and University of Liverpool’s Institute for Irish Studies on the Windsor Framework – the recent poll found that 46% of unionists support the Framework; with 39% neither supporting/opposing; and 16% opposing.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2021-06-13): Unionist parties are strongly opposed to the Northern Ireland Protocol - the post-Brexit trading arrangement which in effect has created a trade border with the rest of the UK.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2021-04-15): Official figures showing trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain are only published on an annual basis, so it may be 2022 before there is solid data on how Brexit and the Irish Sea border has had an impact on those relationships.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2020-12-09): The DUP has welcomed some elements of the agreement in principle struck between the British government and the European Union on how the new Irish Sea border will operate.
Claim: 40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. (Simon Jenkins, 2019-08-22)
Evidence (2022-03-02): In an opinion article published in The Guardian under the headline, "Boris Johnson should call the DUP’s bluff and create a border in the Irish Sea", Simon Jenkins claimed: "Even within the Unionist community, 40% are happy about a border down the Irish Sea." Jenkins cited polls by the Northern Ireland-based company, LucidTalk. [...] Yet however the cause, the claim that 40% of unionists support a Northern Ireland specific backstop, and are therefore "happy about a border down the Irish sea", is inaccurate. Simon Jenkins wrote an article in the Guardian claiming that 40% of unionists supported a border in the Irish sea.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-09-04): PSNI chief constables have averaged 5.2 years in post. Looking only at chief constables who finished their tenure this century, and at the 15 largest forces across the UK, we found that chief constables average 5.7 years in their role. The average tenure for such forces in England and Wales specifically is 5.8 years. For extra context, in the same period Garda Commissioners have averaged 4.1 years in position.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-12-30): But he inherited big problems when he became the sixth head of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) in November.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-10-09): Two separate incidents 22 https://news.sky.com/story/simon-byrne-head-of-police-service-of-northern-ireland-has-resigned-12954981 seem to lie behind the resignation of the chief constable of the PSNI, Simon Byrne, on 4 September. [...] These led to the DUP sending a motion expressing no confidence in Byrne to the Policing Board, which then appointed his deputy, Mark Hamilton, to step up as acting chief constable. However he was also implicated in the unlawful disciplinary proceedings and his appointment led the Police Federation, representing serving police officers, to pass a motion of no confidence in him, 23 https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/police-federation-hamilton-psni-northern-ireland-belfast-b2407514.html along with fellow senior PSNI leaders. [...] The PSNI has launched a recruitment exercise for a new chief constable which it hopes to conclude in November. The Policing Board is reported to have chosen a preferred candidate for the position of interim chief constable, 24 https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-67006063 which will have to be confirmed by the secretary of state.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-11-07): Jon Boutcher becomes the sixth chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) after decades of experience in policing across Great Britain and heading an investigation into one of the murkiest aspects of the Troubles. [...] [ Jon Boutcher appointed next chief constable of PSNIOpens in new window ] [...] He also lost out on the job of PSNI chief constable to Simon Byrne in 2019.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2021-02-13): Mr Byrne was hired in mid-2019 on a modernisation agenda and part of the task was making the PSNI more "normal", more like any other UK police service. [...] The chief constable is 18 months into a five year contract.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2024-10-07): Organisation [edit]The senior officer in charge of the PSNI is its chief constable. The chief constable is appointed by the Northern Ireland Policing Board, subject to the approval of the Minister of Justice for Northern Ireland. The Chief Constable of Northern Ireland is the third-highest paid police officer in the UK (after the Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police).[21] The current chief constable is Jon Boutcher, who was appointed on an interim basis after the resignation of Simon Bryne in September 2023 and successful in being officially confirmed as chief constable on 7 November 2023.[22] [...] Jurisdiction [edit]PSNI officers have full powers of a constable throughout Northern Ireland and the adjacent United Kingdom waters. Other than in mutual aid circumstances they have more limited powers of a constable in the other two legal jurisdictions of the United Kingdom—England and Wales, and Scotland. Police staff, although non-warranted members of the service, contribute to both back-office, operational support and front-line services, sometimes operating alongside warranted colleagues. [...] - ^ "PSNI: Jon Boutcher picked as interim chief constable". BBC News. 4 October 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2023.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2020-01-01): This page provides information about the rank structure of UK police forces, covering England, Wales, Scotland and PSNI. This includes a role summary, typical salary and links to further information. These are the general ranks for each force, noting that some forces use bespoke insignia (e.g. PSNI) or have additional bespoke ranks at the 'Chief Officer' level (e.g. 'Commissioners' in the Metropolitan Police'). You'll also find the phonetic alphabet on this page.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-11-06): Those are just some of the issues the next Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) chief constable will face. [...] Jon Boutcher has over 35 years of policing experience under his belt and is the current interim chief constable of the PSNI. [...] He was previously one of four candidates shortlisted for the PSNI chief constable job in 2019 but missed out to Mr Byrne.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-09-04): Police Service of Northern Ireland Chief Constable Simon Byrne resigns - Published Simon Byrne has resigned as chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) with immediate effect. [...] Following the Policing Board meeting on Monday, Ms Toner confirmed that PSNI Deputy Chief Constable Mark Hamilton "will exercise all the functions of the chief constable" until Mr Byrne's successor is appointed.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-09-04): A summer of discontent proved to be the downfall of Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) Chief Constable Simon Byrne. [...] It was on 1 June that the Northern Ireland Policing Board, which oversees the PSNI, announced it had unanimously agreed to extend Mr Byrne's contract by three years. [...] In the summer of 2019, he became the PSNI's fifth chief constable. It was third time an English officer had landed the post.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2021-11-06): In the 20 years since the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) replaced the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), this has been the greatest change; that the militarised, security-focused and overwhelmingly Protestant police force of the past has been replaced by a modernised service reinforced by robust accountability structures – the Police Ombudsman and the Policing Board – and which is, if not fully representative of the communities it serves, is at least more so. [...] Twenty years on, he is now deputy chief constable, the second most senior officer in the PSNI. The makeup of the force has changed, with a minority – 17 per cent – of officers also former members of the RUC; so too has the types of crime and the increased demand around, for example, domestic violence, where the PSNI receive a call approximately every 20 minutes.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2023-09-04): It was the board's fourth meeting in as many weeks, after the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and its Chief Constable, Simon Byrne, were embroiled in a series of controversies. Now Byrne has stepped down, but the PSNI is facing plenty of questions as it begins its search for a new chief.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2024-09-18): Our research found that chief constables in those 15 forces remain in post for a mean average of 5.7 years. For forces in England and Wales specifically, the average tenure was 5.8 year. PSNI chief constables have stayed in their role for 5.2 years, on average. Based on those comparisons – with a gap in average tenure of under half a year – it’s fair enough to say that "the average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales". [...] The average tenure of a chief constable of the PSNI is 5.2 years: Hugh Orde (7.0 years), Matt Baggott (4.8), George Hamilton (5.0), Simon Byrne (4.2).
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2024-01-01): Salary - The starting salary for police constables in England, Wales and Northern Ireland is £28,551, rising to £46,044 at the top of the scale - achievable after seven years. The two major London-based forces, the City of London Police and the Metropolitan Police, also offer a London allowance of up to £8,224 a year on top of the base salary.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2022-08-30): Salary scales in the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) have yet to be announced for 2022. However, in recent years they have tended to follow the England and Wales pay points, given the scope of the Police Remuneration Review Body (PRRB) includes both. Therefore, it’s reasonable to assume for now the same 2022 position as England and Wales officers. [...] Officers in PSNI are yet to learn what their updated pay bandings will be for 2022 to 2023. The latest information available, as at September 2021, is shown above. These salaries are very similar to those set for England and Wales forces that year, so expect the coming year to also be similar. Information will be updated on my site when available. [...] At the Constable level therefore, joining the police still represents an attractive career choice for young people where salary is concerned, particularly when looking to the longer-term prospects. For example, the £23.6k England and Wales starting salary rising to the £43.0k in 7 years represents an 83% increase, ending up 11k more than the national average salary while remaining at the ‘bottom rung’ of the promotion ladder. It can go far beyond this in ‘real’ salaries entering an individual’s bank account, for example with market supplements in some forces (e.g. Met, PSNI), specialist role enhancements, overtime, and of course, promotion.
Claim: [The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales (Prof John Tonge, 2023-09-04)
Evidence (2021-08-24): These anxieties were partly based on awareness of colleagues leaving policing prematurely. The average term for a CC has fallen by 1.2 years since the mid-1980s (NPCC, 2018, p. 34). HMICFRS (2019a, p. 60) described the trend, which was accelerated by the PRSRA, as ‘marked and worrying’. [...] National Police Chiefs’ Council. ( 2018 ). Chief Constable Preparation, Selection, Tenure and Retirement in the ‘New Policing Landscape’. https://www.npcc.police.uk/2018%20FOI/Workforce/127%2018%20Lanscaping%20in%20Policing%20Report%20to%20publish%2027092018.pdf (accessed 06 August 2020). [...] The Chief Constables of England and Wales: The Socio-Legal History of a Criminal Justice Elite.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2023-04-03): The evidence indicates that, compared with other parts of the UK, Northern Ireland’s rate of child poverty is quite low. Poverty has no standard definition or agreed measurement, comparisons of poverty should bear this in mind. However, official UK statistics along with analyses by major campaign groups indicate that child poverty in Northern Ireland is relatively low. By one common definition, NI has the lowest child poverty rates of any UK region.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2024-03-12): Around one in five children in Northern Ireland are living in relative poverty (before housing costs), with little sustained reduction in levels over the last eight years. This is a key finding of a report published by Comptroller and Auditor General Dorinnia Carville today (Tuesday 12 March 2024).
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2022-02-27): How many children in Northern Ireland live in poverty? Dr Julie-Ann Maney, a paediatrician who works at the Royal Belfast Hospital for Sick Children, wrote an article on this topic, claiming that one third of children in Northern Ireland live in poverty. Her claim was based on projections in a report by the Institute of Fiscal Studies, published in 2013. [...] The Department for Communities (DfC) publishes regular bulletins of poverty statistics in Northern Ireland. The most recent Northern Ireland Poverty Bulletin, covering 2018/19, says that 24% of children were living in households in relative poverty, an estimated 107,000 children. For the same time period, 21% of children were living in households in absolute poverty, an estimated 92,000 children. The SMC measurement indicated that 29% of children were living in households in poverty in 2018/19. [...] The Northern Ireland Government’s Child Poverty Strategy was published in March 2016 and runs until May 2022. The strategy incorporates aspects from the UK Child Poverty Act (2010), the Northern Ireland Executive’s Child Poverty Strategy (2011-14), and a public consultation, Delivering Social Change for Children and Young People (2014).
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2023-10-25): 68,000 NI children are living in absolute poverty, report finds Nearly one in six children in Northern Ireland are living in absolute poverty, a report reveals. [...] "The figures in relation to poverty in Northern Ireland are gravely concerning and for me this is an area that overrides everything," he said. "At the minute, one in four children are living in poverty which is a frightening statistic.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2022-03-31): In FYE 2021, there were 83,000 children aged under 16 in low income families in Northern Ireland in Relative low income and 62,000 in Absolute. Newry, Mourne and Down was the local authority in Northern Ireland with the highest proportion of children aged under 16 in low income families for both Relative and Absolute measures at 24% and 19% respectively. [...] Across Northern Ireland, the proportion of children aged under 16 in low income families varies from 15% to 24% for Relative low income families and from 11% to 19% for Absolute in FYE 2021.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2024-10-09): Childcare costs in NI among highest in Europe - research [...] At 24%, child poverty is on the rise in Northern Ireland, although it’s lower than the UK as a whole. Meanwhile, more than one in five children in the Republic are living in households where they can’t afford basic items like shoes.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2024-03-27): Cost of living: Child poverty on the rise in Northern Ireland - Published [...] The long term trend shows that children are at a higher risk of living in poverty than the overall Northern Ireland population in both relative and absolute measures. [...] The rate of absolute child poverty in the UK was 25% while in Northern Ireland it was 19%.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2024-03-27): Northern Ireland Poverty and Income Inequality Report 2022/23 Information on Household Income and poverty rates in Northern Ireland. [...] The Northern Ireland Poverty and Income Inequality Report presents annual estimates of the proportion of people, children, working-age adults and pensioners in Northern Ireland living in poverty, and other statistics on household income and income inequality.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2022-03-18): Cost of living: One-in-four children in NI 'living in poverty', says charity - Published About one-in-four children in Northern Ireland are living in poverty, an analysis by a charity suggests. [...] The JRF said child poverty rates were highest in the Belfast City Council area, followed by Newry, Mourne and Down, and Derry City and Strabane.
Claim: Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. (Emma de Souza, 2023-04-03)
Evidence (2024-03-27): With the exception of pensioners, poverty estimates have increased in NI in 2022/23 from some historic lows in the previous year. While most of the changes are not statistically significant, the increases in children in relative poverty (before housing costs) and working age adults in absolute poverty (after housing costs) are. In general, poverty rates in NI seem to be returning to pre-pandemic levels. [...] - In 2022/23, 30% of children in the UK were in relative poverty (AHC) (compared to 25% in NI), and 25% were in absolute poverty (AHC) (compared to 20% in NI). - This publication presents annual estimates of the percentage and number of people, children, working age adults and pensioners living in poverty in Northern Ireland (NI). The data published in this report are for the financial year April 2022 to March 2023.