copenlu/druid huggingface dataset:
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2018-08-21): Even using the modified measure of national income (GNI ), the differential remains significant. Expressed per head, GNI is more than 10% higher than GDP per head in the UK and roughly 45% higher than GDP per head in NI. [...] Looking again at the public sector, is government spending in this area indeed a key differential? Certainly the public sector is a bigger proportion of the economy in NI than in the Republic. Some 24% of Irish employment is in public administration, health and education and in NI the figure is almost 30%. A differential, but perhaps less pronounced than many expect. Spending comparisons are rather tricky due to a range of definitional issues. For example, Ireland incurs spending on national debt and central services (like the Treasury) which NI does not. But taking a subset of public services, namely education, health, justice, social protection (including benefits and pensions) agriculture and transport; spending is actually very similar on a per head basis at current exchange rates.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-01-23): 2022/23 Northern Ireland Budget 23 January 2023 - by Matthew JacksonThe Northern Ireland Budget Bill will be fast-tracked through Parliament today. [...] Importantly, the Bill also provides for a vote on account to allow those departments and public bodies to continue to deliver public services into the early months of the 2023/24 financial year, approximately 45% of the amount authorised for the previous financial year. [...] Starting with the Block Grant, Northern Ireland receives its allocation of money from Treasury based on a calculation known as the Barnett Consequential in the Chancellor’s Autumn Budget.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2022-09-27): Historic public spending - Since 2002/3, on average, per capita health spending in Northern Ireland has been around 7% higher than England and around 4% lower than Scotland – though with wide fluctuations from year to year. - As in the rest of the UK, health spending in Northern Ireland has grown significantly over time: total spending has increased by nearly 67% in real terms since 2002/3. That’s the second-largest increase among the UK nations after England. Per capita spending has increased by 63%, the highest across the four UK nations. [...] - Since 2016/17, public spending on social care across all age groups in Northern Ireland has been rising faster than the rest of the UK and per capita spending is now around a fifth higher than in Wales and Scotland, and 43% higher than in England.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2022-03-02): This claim is inaccurate. UK government expenditure on cultural services (measured by Eurostat) is just over half of the EU average. Within the UK, public expenditure in Northern Ireland is less than half than in Scotland, Wales, and England. However, Arts Matter Northern Ireland uses European statistics that reach beyond the arts, and make an invalid comparison between EU figures and public expenditure arts spend within the UK. [...] Public funding for arts and culture in the UK comes from national and local government sources, through Grant-in-Aid and the National Lottery Distribution Fund, administered by geographically based arms-length bodies. The spend per head of population in Northern Ireland in 2017 was £6.06, compared to £12.39 in Scotland, £12.97 in England, and £13.29 in Wales. Northern Ireland public expenditure is between 45.6% and 48.9% of other UK regions. [...] However, the data shows that public expenditure per head in Northern Ireland would need to increase by 105% (from £6.06 to £12.39) to match Scotland, the next highest spend per head in the UK. Furthermore, total government expenditure on cultural services (Eurostat) per head in the UK would need to increase by 45% to match the EU average.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-03-28): Stormont departments are facing large cuts in the new financial year, Northern's Ireland budget watchdog has confirmed. The NI Fiscal Council says departmental spending is set to fall by 6.4% in real terms in 2023/24. [...] Normally, Stormont departments can spend up to 45% of their previous year's budget without a new legal authorisation but in the new financial year that has been increased to 65%.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2018-03-26): - Bill 1: Provisions included within Northern Ireland Budget (Anticipation and Adjustments) Bill 2017-19 that seek to ensure funding is available to the NI Civil Service for the remainder of 2017-18 and for the start of 2018-19 (45% of allocated funding), and thereby continue public service delivery in NI. But as the House of Commons Library Briefing Paper about the Bill states, the Bill ‘…does not constitute the setting of a budget for the Northern Ireland Assembly’. [...] Health Spending accounted for 48.2% of NI’s day-to-day spending in the 2017-18 baseline. The NI DoH Allocation of £5,306.2 million for 2018-19 represents 49.2% of the total NI Allocations – an increase of one percentage point. All other things being equal, it appears from the current proposals and the prior trend that Health will consume more than half of NI’s day-to-day spending from 2019 onwards. Education Spending accounted for 17.8% of NI’s day-to-day spending in the 2017-18 baseline. The NI DE Allocation of £1,859.4 million for 2018-19 represents 18.0% of the total proposed NI Allocations – an increase of one fifth of a percentage point compared to the baseline. In other words, there is only a very marginal increase in the relative priority afforded to DE as a proportion of the total funding allocated by the Secretary of State in her proposals.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2022-11-10): In Northern Ireland, respondents ranked social care improvements as the third most important government priority (46%), after tackling the cost-of-living crisis (83%) and NHS waiting lists (76%). Addressing climate change (40%) is the sixth most important priority, behind affordable housing (46%) and care provision for mental health (45%). When asked about the balance of tax and public spending, a third believe the UK should aim for lower taxes and/or borrowing (36% in NI), even if that means lower public spending, while 29% believe the UK should tax and/or borrow more to increase spending (29% in NI). Younger people aged 16-34 years old are more likely to favour tax cuts and/or lower borrowing than higher spending. [...] Marie Doyle added: "Northern Ireland’s public sector leaders do still have compelling visions for the future. Many in central government want to see a more connected, innovative, agile, responsive and representative civil service that is able to deliver quality public services. Several said they would like to see more collaboration between government, private and community and voluntary sectors to deliver on key priorities."
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2024-03-06): - Northern Ireland Executive to receive around £100 million additional funding through the Barnett formula, on top of the significant £3.3 billion spending settlement within the comprehensive financial package confirmed last month. [...] "I welcome the additional Barnett funding of £100 million for 2024-25, which is on top of the significant £3.3 billion spending settlement. This will provide a further boost to the Executive’s spending power to invest in its own priorities. [...] As a result of decisions at Spring Budget, the Northern Ireland Executive is receiving around £100 million in additional funding in 2024-25 through the Barnett formula. This comes on top of its record £15 billion per year settlement at Spending Review 2021 and the significant, fair and generous £3.3 billion spending settlement confirmed last month. This allows the Northern Ireland Executive to stabilise public services, better manage public finances, increase opportunities for improved infrastructure and investment, pave the way for transformation of public services and enable the delivery of a pay award (2023-24) to public sector workers.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2016-05-05): In terms of savings, there is a relatively high degree of wealth inequality in Northern Ireland, driven by the number of households with none whatsoever. Including property ownership equalises wealth inequality somewhat. A high proportion of households in Northern Ireland have no savings (45%). A minority of households account for the vast majority of household savings and inequality appears to be quite high. [...] Northern Ireland has a higher proportion of households with no savings than Great Britain (45% compared to 33%); but many of them are owner-occupiers so likely to have some equity. The proportion of households with no savings in rented housing in Northern Ireland is close to the level in Britain (22% compared to 20%). Property makes up a much greater share of household wealth in Northern Ireland than financial savings and assets. The total savings wealth held by households in Northern Ireland amounts to £11bn: the total property wealth is four times that at £44bn. [...] Public policy should be concerned with economic inequality, though it is not clear that it should be the top priority. In the case of Northern Ireland, low employment and persistent deprivation might be higher social priorities. Recent proposals to reduce inequality from Piketty, Atkinson and Stiglitz are largely beyond the powers of the Northern Ireland Executive, which should temper expectations about the prospects of a large fall. However, there are still relevant proposals, such as codes of conduct for pay and bolstering institutions which reduce inequality.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-03-15): The chancellor has said his Budget will mean an additional £130m for public spending in Northern Ireland over the next two years. [...] Stormont's Department of Finance said the extra £130m consisted of an extra £121m for day-to-day spending. [...] The Treasury tables show the amount for Stormont departments will actually fall from £13.8bn this financial year to £13.5bn next year and £13.7bn in 2024-45.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-12-18): - According to Treasury figures, NI’s departmental spending will go up by 3.6% per year to 2025, compared with 6% per year in the UK as a whole. [...] "Because spending per head starts higher in NI than in England, increasing spending per head by the same cash amount means a smaller percentage increase in NI and gradual convergence over time in NI relative to UK Government spending in the rest of the UK." [...] Departmental spending is mainly funded from money sent to Northern Ireland from the UK Treasury. The only major additional source of public spending in NI is rates, which raises around £700m (compared to £15bn of "regionally identifiable expenditure" alone). "Treasury contributions" therefore equate more or less directly with public spending, when comparing trends.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2021-11-23): The public finances in Northern Ireland: a comprehensive guide is intended as a reference work rather than to push any particular conclusions or recommendations, however the Council has highlighted ‘10 takeaways’: 1. Relative to its counterparts in Wales and Scotland (and to the UK Government in England), the Executive is responsible for a very large share of public spending in NI – almost £9 in every £10. But it raises a relatively small proportion of tax and other revenue – less than £1 in every £20. This reflects the Executive’s limited tax raising powers and the fact that it has responsibilities that fall to local councils or the UK Government elsewhere. [...] 3. Taking the UK Government, the devolved administrations and local councils together, public spending is higher per head in NI than in the other regions (on both public services and pensions and benefits), while revenues are lower per head than in Scotland and England (reflecting lower wages and employment) but higher than in Wales. Consequently, NI runs the largest notional budget deficit of any UK region and has done for at least 20 years.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2024-07-29): Northern Ireland has a fiscal deficit (also known as a subvention[1] or subsidy[2]) since the public expenditure in the country exceeds the tax revenue. The deficit typically runs at a rate of £10 billion per annum which is more than one third of Northern Ireland's annual fiscal budget. The size of the deficit has been seen by some commentators as a possible impediment to the potential reunification of Ireland. [...] In 2017, public spending on services was higher in Northern Ireland than any other country of the United Kingdom.[7] In the 2020s, Northern Ireland's government will receive additional funding from the UK exchequer as part of the New Decade, New Approach agreement.[4] [...] - ^ "Reality Check: Does NI get more public cash than rest of UK?". BBC News. 12 June 2017. Retrieved 22 April 2020.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-12-12): Northern Ireland overspent its budget by £300m last year and is on course for a bigger overspend this year. [...] In the recent past, funding per head in Northern Ireland has been much higher than this, largely as a result of one-off spending packages related to political deals. [...] As Northern Ireland is a low-income part of the UK, its taxable capacity is relatively low so that adjustment would increase the needs-based spending to £127 per head, relative to England.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2021-05-26): NORTHERN Ireland's cost to the British Exchequer rose to £10.3 billion last year - and is likely to increase even further. [...] The Office for National Statistics (ONS), in its country and regional public sector finances report for the financial year to April last year, shows that total public expenditure relating to Northern Ireland was about £30 billion, while the total value of tax revenue relating to the region was around £20 billion. [...] "This position is an outcome of a combination of relatively high levels of public spending in Northern Ireland alongside relatively low levels of tax revenues generated.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2024-03-13): The agreement’s commitment to a consociational model of governance–wherein ethnic or sectarian differences are not eliminated but rather enshrined within a legal framework which seeks to adjudicate a sharing of power and preserve civil liberties–was an innovative and admirable solution to a seemingly intractable problem. But in practice, power sharing has not gone smoothly. The Northern Irish Executive created by the GFA can only exist so long as political parties on both sides of the sectarian divide nominate their own members to serve as ministers within it. Since 2017, the Executive has been active for no more than a total period of three years. Sinn Fein (pronounced "shin fayn"), the primary Nationalist party, and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the primary Loyalist party, have consistently withdrawn their members from the Executive over various political wedge issues, only allowing for Northern Ireland’s devolved government to return to power after a series of protracted crisis talks. What this means is that the territory has been governed by the British Parliament in London more than it has been governed by its own representatives. This has severely handicapped government spending, resulting in the deterioration of public services such as healthcare and education.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2019-03-08): To improve Northern Ireland's economic recovery and strengthen its long-term performance, Northern Ireland leaders are seeking to promote export-led growth, decrease Northern Ireland's economic dependency on the public sector by growing the private sector, and attract more foreign direct investment. Reducing Northern Ireland's economic dependency on the public sector (which accounts for about 70% of the region's GDP and employs roughly 30% of its workforce) and devolving power over corporation tax from London to Belfast to help increase foreign investment were key issues addressed in the cross-party negotiations in both 2014 and 2015.54 In 2015, the UK passed legislation to permit the devolution of corporation tax-setting power to the Northern Ireland Assembly (subject to certain financial conditions). The Fresh Start Agreement set April 2018 as the target date for introducing a devolved corporate tax rate of 12.5% in Northern Ireland (the same rate as in the Republic of Ireland). In the absence of devolved government, however, reducing Northern Ireland's corporate tax rate is on hold.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-10-26): In parallel, participants from the Republic were often poorly informed on the impact of public spending cuts on health and welfare in Northern Ireland. They had limited knowledge of the gendered impacts of the severe cuts to welfare and health spending by Conservative governments at Westminster between 2010 and 2022 that reinforced the Thatcher-era cuts in welfare provision. There was no awareness of the crisis in the NHS, or of the low level of social welfare payments, or that Northern Ireland is now one of the poorest areas in the UK, with the worst health service provision. Comments on assumed welfare provision and its gendered impact in Northern Ireland were often based on a very dated view of the British welfare state, and an assumption that it still provided Northern Ireland with higher standards of health and welfare than the Republic.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2023-03-27): Image .csv .xlsThe time period for which data are available varies in each of the four countries. Because of timeliness in reporting, not all the latest fuel poverty estimates report on the recent period of rising costs. In Wales, additional modelling work was conducted to show the potential impact of the energy price cap increase in April 2022, and assuming all households are on the price cap, up to 45% of households were estimated to be in fuel poverty. In Northern Ireland, figures that include 2022 fuel prices are expected to be published later this year.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2024-07-18): Both the Conservatives and Labour are banking on economic growth as the solution. The parties hope that stronger growth will allow for public spending increases funded by additional tax revenue.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2021-04-30): The research, which is the latest major study to directly compare schools policy in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, shows that Scotland is spending significantly more per pupil than the rest of the UK, and has also increased school spending the most over the course of the last decade. [...] - Northern Ireland’s larger spending cuts are partially due to significant delays in agreeing teacher salaries. - Headteachers are responsible for more of their school’s budget in England (90%) than in Wales (84%) and a much larger share than in Scotland (66%) and Northern Ireland (60%). National and local government have much more influence over spending in Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Claim: Public spending in Northern Ireland is 45% higher than it is in Ireland. (University of Liverpool, 2021-03-31)
Evidence (2024-08-05): 5. Health spending per person has been consistently higher in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland than in England since the start of devolution, though the gap in spending has narrowed over time. In 1999–2000, Scotland spent 22% more per person than England, Wales spent 12% more and Northern Ireland spent 15% more. But in 2019–20, on the eve of the pandemic, Scotland spent just 3% more, while Wales and Northern Ireland each spent 7% more.Within England, NHS spending this year is planned to be 32% higher per person in the area with highest funding (Cheshire and Merseyside) than in the area with lowest funding (Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire and Berkshire West). [...] For Scotland and Northern Ireland, health spending per person remains higher than England throughout this period even after adjusting for differences in age. For Northern Ireland, age-adjusted health spending is more generous relative to England than non-age-adjusted health spending, as was the case for Scotland up to 2007–08. This means that the age structure was more favourable – in terms of requiring less health spending – than in England. Or, put more simply, Northern Ireland spends more per person despite having a younger population.
Claim: Face coverings/masks became “mandatory” in shops in Northern Ireland as of 1 August 2020. (Kellie Armstrong, 2021-07-31)
Evidence (2021-07-31): The wearing of face coverings/masks is currently being “encouraged” in a number of indoor settings. The NI Executive is due to review this approach on 20 August 2020 and may then implement the power to make it mandatory.
Claim: Face coverings/masks became “mandatory” in shops in Northern Ireland as of 1 August 2020. (Kellie Armstrong, 2021-07-31)
Evidence (2020-08-10): Coronavirus: Face coverings now compulsory for NI shoppers It is now compulsory to wear a mask in shops and other enclosed public spaces in Northern Ireland. [...] Face coverings also became mandatory in shops and other indoor settings in the Republic of Ireland from Monday.
Claim: Face coverings/masks became “mandatory” in shops in Northern Ireland as of 1 August 2020. (Kellie Armstrong, 2021-07-31)
Evidence (2020-07-13): Coronavirus: Mandatory face masks in Northern Ireland shops may still be on cards The Executive has not ruled out making face coverings compulsory to enter shops, the Belfast Telegraph can reveal. [...] Last Friday, face masks became compulsory to wear in Northern Ireland on public transport such as buses, trains and ferry services - as well in premises such as stations.
Claim: Face coverings/masks became “mandatory” in shops in Northern Ireland as of 1 August 2020. (Kellie Armstrong, 2021-07-31)
Evidence (2022-02-03): The Health Protection (Coronavirus, Wearing of Face Coverings) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2020 The Health Protection (Coronavirus, Wearing of Face Coverings) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2020 - Consolidated Regulations - 26 January 2022 [...] The Health Protection (Coronavirus, Wearing of Face Coverings) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2020