copenlu/druid huggingface dataset:
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2023-07-27): The first peace line of the Troubles came on August 15 1969, when soldiers from the British Army’s Third Battalion of the Light Infantry formed a human chain across an interface between the Falls and Shankill Roads to separate Catholic and Protestant rioters. [...] On September 10 1969, British Army engineers began to construct the first peace line at Cupar Street with two lines of 5ft high barbed wire being erected at the interface between the Falls and Shankill. The barbed wire would later be replaced with 10ft high corrugated iron fencing. [...] However, even after 50 years’ experience of peace walls the tenuous nature of interface tensions was witnessed once again in April 2021 when rioting broke out at a barrier at Lanark Way between the Shankill and Falls Roads following loyalist protests against the British government and EU Protocol agreement over Brexit.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2021-04-21): Constructed from brick and iron or steel, some of the walls stand up to 20ft high and extend for miles through residential areas. Perhaps the most prominent peace wall is that which has divided the nationalist Falls Road and unionist Shankill Road in West Belfast for some 50 years.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-06-06): The imposing steel barrier which divides a side street between the mainly Catholic/nationalist Falls Road from the mainly Protestant/unionist Shankill Road has been in place since August 1969. [...] She said there has been "considerable community engagement work" ahead of the changes to the interface structure through the Falls Shankill Community Forum.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-06-06): The barrier between the Falls Road and Shankill Road had been in place since 1969 but is now being replaced. [...] The imposing steel barrier which divides a side street between the mainly Catholic/nationalist Falls Road from the mainly Protestant/unionist Shankill Road has been in place since August 1969. [...] She said there has been "considerable community engagement work" ahead of the changes to the interface structure through the Falls Shankill Community Forum.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2018-07-24): The day after the Londonderry riots, every side street or alley connecting the Shankill and Falls Roads became a no-man’s land where neighbors hurled bricks at one another. Houses were stripped of refrigerators and furniture, and men and boys built protective barricades to separate Protestant and Catholic homes and streets. [...] After The Troubles began, the British government erected a series of fences between the Shankill and Falls Roads, to deter random murders and bombings. Originally this fence was built to last about six months, but our "peace wall" became a permanent 20-foot-tall palisade made of brick and steel and several miles long. Gates are still locked tight at night. [...] Arthur Blessitt’s dangerous "cross walk" on the Shankill and Falls Roads breached a wall of bitterness that had been passed from generation to generation. The sudden appearance of the empty cross reminded people that Jesus had faced terror and defeated death. Because of Christ’s resurrection, every individual in Northern Ireland could know true and eternal peace, no matter what personal tragedy he or she encountered on earth.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2024-06-24): Peace wall that separates the Falls and Shankill roads in West Belfast. This picture is from the Shankill Road side. (Photo by author, 2010.) [...] In contrast to the largely monolithic nature of the CNR Falls Road running parallel to the PUL Shankill Road in West Belfast, North Belfast can be best described as a mosaic of enclaves that coexist through a complex range of material and psychic interfaces. It is a part of the city where monumental peace walls were less prominent—although they still exist—and communities tended to live side by side with locally acknowledged "hidden barriers and divisive architecture" (Coyles et al. 2018). In the vicinity of what was McGurk's Bar, the use of main roads as interfaces, the placement of shopping and industrial centers (perceived as "non-places" by residents [Huck et al. 2019], although the use of entrances often indicated from which community pedestrians came), the design of road interchanges, and the landscaping of green spaces between communities, all came together to create an environment in which only local people knew all the nuances of separation (Coyles et al. 2018:4–9). The more subtle but structural nature of segregation in this part of the city required more intimate knowledge of how to safely traverse from one part to another.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2018-08-15): To see examples of the loyalist point of view, I walk through a steel gate, open during the day but closed at night and on weekends, and pass into a section of Protestant Belfast off Shankill Road. The British first started building the gates and peace lines in the 1970s to keep the two sides apart. Both sides of the divided street look the same; brick rowhouses, small shops, churches, warehouses, people out and about. But the Union Jack flags and murals provide a ready reminder of this side’s sentiment, with one featuring a black-and-white photograph of the aftermath of a bombing and questions about justice.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2023-09-11): Murdered journalist Lyra McKee famously wrote that more ‘peace walls’ have gone up since the GFA than have come down. This is despite a strategy from the The Executive Office containing the target to remove them all by 2023. Yet there are today over 20 miles of those walls, with the majority in Belfast. The most well known of these separate the Falls Road and the Shankill Road, while televised riots over the Northern Ireland Protocol broke out at the barricades at Springfield Road.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-06-26): Opening and closing times at interface gates in part of Belfast could be harmonised under plans being considered by the Department of Justice. [...] It is understood the gates being considered for a harmonisation process are in the Shankill and Falls area. It is unclear at this stage if the process will be extended to other parts of Belfast. [...] They added: "The Falls Shankill Community Forum focuses on the lower Shankill and Falls areas, encompassing Townsend Street, Northumberland Street, and North Howard Street; which are all gated roads.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2024-06-16): The most prominent peace lines in the past few years separate the nationalist Falls Road and unionist Shankill Road areas of West Belfast; the nationalist Short Strand from the unionist Cluan Place areas of East Belfast, the unionist Corcrain Road and the nationalist Obins Drive in Portadown and the unionist Fountain Estate and nationalist Bishop Street area of Derry. [...] In 2017, the Belfast Interface Project published a study entitled "Interface Barriers, Peacelines & Defensive Architecture" that identified 97 separate walls, barriers and interfaces in Belfast.[16] A history of the development of these structures can be found at the Peacewall Archive.[17] [...] - ^ "Interface Barriers, Peacelines and Defensive Architecture". Belfast Interface Project. Retrieved 18 June 2021.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2023-01-15): In recent years, walls such as the Shankill and Falls interface have become popular tourist locations. You will often see numerous black taxi tours stopping here allowing guests to sign the wall. [...] While most people think of the Shankill and Falls Road peace wall, there are numerous ones around the city. What initially was a temporary plan to limit violence between fighting communities, these walls became a permanent fixture to allow residents to feel safer in their homes amidst violence. There are more than 20 miles of peace walls in Northern Ireland combined, the most famous one being on the Shankill Road and Falls Road interface stretches over 800 metres long, or just under 1km.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-12-18): Imagine, if you can, a 40ft-high wall running though a London neighbourhood, cutting off one part of Shepherd's Bush from another, or a towering steel fence stretching the entire length of Camden Road in north London. Imagine remote-controlled gates installed at each end of that wall, which close at 6pm and open again at dawn, so traffic cannot flow freely along it after dark, as is the case on the giant interface that runs along Cupar Way. It is hard to picture any other British city being divided in such a brutal manner. [...] Later still, we walked up the inaptly named Alliance Avenue, where a high wall cuts though the back gardens of a long row of terraced houses. At the top of the road, a left turn takes you into the working-class nationalist Ardoyne, while a right takes you into the staunchly loyalist Glenbryn estate, where the lamp posts are painted red, white and blue. The interface here has long been a flashpoint and, as long ago as 1971, the British army erected a barrier to keep the two sides apart. It was here that the Holy Cross school dispute occurred in 2001, with scenes of scared Catholic schoolgirls running a gauntlet of sectarian abuse from adult loyalists flashed around the world on prime-time news bulletins. Things are quieter now, though tensions inevitably rise during the height of the Orange marching season in July, when whole areas of Belfast effectively shut down.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-09-27): This project was instigated after the removal and replacement of the Workman’s Gate Entrance at the Falls/Shankill Interface on Belfast's Lower Springfield Road in April 2015. This particular event confirmed the growing fact that the Interfaces/Peacewalls in Belfast are slowly changing, and will do so with growing frequency as we approach the Northern Ireland Executive’s target of complete removal of all interface barriers by 2023. Locally, the existence of this archive will serve as further evidence that the physical interfaces are going through a process of removal, changing in state from physical artefacts to digital archive. On a global level, the website will serve as a record, and perhaps a warning to other contested zones about the long-term implications of separation and segregation on urban, architectural and local community levels.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2019-06-05): During the height of the Troubles, the Northern Ireland Department of Justice took over land to create physical obstacles in an effort to quell the violence, Department of Justice official John Chittick told us. What was presented as a quick, temporary solution soon became part of the fabric of Belfast. To this day, the segregation between Catholic and Protestant is manifested in concrete, brick, corrugated metal, and chain-link fencing. The walls, euphemistically known as "peace lines," contribute to the harshness of the city. The opening and closing of heavy gates keep the rhythm of the day, and the interface areas, neighborhoods cut through by these walls, are where much of the violence occurred.
Claim: Gates at interface barriers on Shankill and Falls roads are shut every evening at 6 pm. (A Black Taxi Tour driver, 2016-12-01)
Evidence (2024-06-19): Little Amal at Colin Glen.…at the Shankill/Falls peace line interface.…at the International Wall.…at Custom House Square.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2021-09-09): to avoid a hard [land] border on the island of Ireland; to maintain necessary conditions for North-South cooperation; and to protect the 1998 Belfast ‘Good Friday’ Agreement in all its parts.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2024-08-01): The Protocol came into force from 1 January 2021, following the end of the transition period - agreed as part of the Withdrawal Agreement - on 31 December 2020. In February 2023 the EU and the UK reached agreement on Windsor Framework, a new way forward on the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland. The Windsor Framework sets out joint solutions on customs, agri-food, medicines, VAT and excise, as well as arrangements to give stakeholders in Northern Ireland have a greater say on EU issues that impact them. [...] The Windsor Framework provides that Northern Ireland is legally part of the UK customs territory, but subject to certain provisions of EU law. These EU law provisions include the Union Customs Code and EU legislation across a range of areas necessary to protect the integrity and operation of the Single Market in goods. [...] This includes a commitment to no diminution in rights in the area of non-discrimination. Annex 1 of the Windsor Framework lists the EU Directives that have been adopted by the European Union in this area. These Directives continue to be applied and will be updated as necessary in Northern Ireland.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2023-02-27): With regard to governance, the voices of Northern Ireland people and stakeholders will be better heard through regular engagement at each level of the Withdrawal Agreement structures. There will be enhanced engagement with Northern Ireland stakeholders on Protocol-related matters. New thematic subgroups within the Joint Consultative Working Group will be set up. A new emergency mechanism, the Stormont Brake, will allow the UK government, at the request of 30 Members of the Legislative Assembly in Northern Ireland, to stop the application in Northern Ireland of amended or replacing provisions of Protocol-related EU law that may have a significant and lasting impact specific to the everyday lives of communities there. This mechanism would be triggered under the most exceptional circumstances and as a matter of last resort, in a very well-defined process set out in a Unilateral Declaration by the UK. [...] The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, as an integral part of the Withdrawal Agreement, was agreed jointly and ratified by both the EU and the UK. It has been in force since 1 February 2020 and has legal effects under international law. The aim of the Protocol is to protect the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement in all its dimensions, maintaining peace and stability in Northern Ireland, avoiding a hard border on the island of Ireland, while preserving the integrity of the EU Single Market.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2020-05-29): Northern Ireland occupies a unique position in the relationship between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU). The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland provides that aspects of EU law continue to apply in Northern Ireland despite it having left the EU with the rest of the UK on 31 January 2020. [...] Moreover, the Protocol requires that amendments or replacements to these acts apply in Northern Ireland. Such dynamic regulatory alignment is necessary to maintain the free movement of goods on the island of Ireland. However, this has proved politically controversial, not least because it involves EU acts applying in Northern Ireland in which, after Brexit, neither the UK nor Northern Ireland has had a direct role in adopting. In June 2022, the UK government proposed domestic legislation – the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill (NIPB) – that would, if enacted, disapply those provisions of the Protocol in UK law that currently provide for the continued application of EU law in Northern Ireland. As the NIPB is still going through the parliamentary process the arrangements for Northern Ireland agreed to by the UK and the EU in the text of the Protocol still apply. This would change if the NIPB is adopted.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2021-10-13): These proposals aim to improve the exchange of information with stakeholders and authorities in Northern Ireland with regard to the implementation of the Protocol and relevant EU measures. This would make the application of the Protocol more transparent, while at the same time respecting the UK's constitutional order. This solution consists of establishing structured dialogues between Northern Ireland stakeholders (authorities, civic society and businesses) and the Commission. This would involve the creation of structured groups with the participation of experts to discuss relevant EU measures that are important for the implementation of the Protocol. Northern Irish stakeholders would also be invited to attend some meetings of the Specialised Committees. It will also create a stronger link between the Northern Ireland Assembly and the EU-UK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly. A website will also be set up to show in a clear and comprehensive way the EU legislation applicable in Northern Ireland. [...] The Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, as an integral part of the Withdrawal Agreement, was agreed jointly and ratified by both the EU and the UK. It has been in force since 1 February 2020 and has legal effects under international law. The aim of the Protocol is to protect the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement in all its dimensions, maintaining peace and stability in Northern Ireland, avoiding a hard border on the island of Ireland, while preserving the integrity of the EU Single Market. In order for these objectives to be achieved – and to pave the way for further opportunities – the Protocol must be implemented in full.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2024-10-04): The EU Charter of Fundamental Rights in Northern Ireland under the Windsor Framework Brexit, Windsor Framework, Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, human rights, fundamental rights, article 2 of the Northern Ireland Protocol, EU–UK Withdrawal Agreement, diminution of rights This article analyses the ways in and extent to which the European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR) continues to operate in Northern Ireland after Brexit. It shows that, primarily through article 2 of the Windsor Framework and article 4 of the Withdrawal Agreement, the CFR retains considerable force in Northern Ireland, even though it has been removed from the statute books in the rest of the United Kingdom (UK). This retention is legally significant as the CFR gives rise to stronger individual remedies and protects a broader range of fundamental rights than any other instrument in UK law, including the Human Rights Act 1998. The article contributes to litigation and human rights policy in Northern Ireland a) by explaining the added value of the CFR for individuals and b) by setting out the legal tests that must be met for the CFR’s application, under both EU law and Brexit legislation.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2024-10-04): This article analyses the ways in and extent to which the European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR) continues to operate in Northern Ireland after Brexit. It shows that, primarily through article 2 of the Windsor Framework and article 4 of the Withdrawal Agreement, the CFR retains considerable force in Northern Ireland, even though it has been removed from the statute books in the rest of the United Kingdom (UK). This retention is legally significant as the CFR gives rise to stronger individual remedies and protects a broader range of fundamental rights than any other instrument in UK law, including the Human Rights Act 1998. The article contributes to litigation and human rights policy in Northern Ireland a) by explaining the added value of the CFR for individuals and b) by setting out the legal tests that must be met for the CFR’s application, under both EU law and Brexit legislation. [...] Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union human rights fundamental rights article 2 of the Northern Ireland Protocol [...] The EU Charter of Fundamental Rights in Northern Ireland under the Windsor Framework. / Deb, Anurag; Frantziou, Eleni; Lock, Tobias. In: Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, Vol. 75, No. 3, 04.10.2024, p. 488-521.
Claim: The Northern Ireland Protocol requires certain aspects of EU law to apply in Northern Ireland but this can only happen if they are incorporated into Northern Ireland law. (Jeffrey Donaldson, 2021-09-09)
Evidence (2023-10-11): The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland is an integral part of the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU, an international treaty agreed between the UK and the EU setting out how the UK’s exit from the EU would work. Its main provisions came into effect on 1 January 2021. [...] The Protocol provides that Northern Ireland is legally part of the UK customs territory, but is subject to certain specific provisions of EU law agreed with the British Government. [...] The provisions of EU law made applicable in Northern Ireland by the Protocol are contained in a series of annexes to the Protocol itself. Where these provisions of EU law are amended or replaced, those changes will also apply to Northern Ireland.