copenlu/druid huggingface dataset:
Claim: Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea (Korean Peninsula, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2022-02-08): Following World War II, in 1948, the Korea Peninsula was divided between a Soviet-backed government in the north and an American-backed government in the south. War broke out along the 38th parallel on June 25, 1950. On that day, North Korean troops coordinated an attack at several strategic points along the parallel and headed south toward Seoul. [...] (f) In those cases where places of burial are a matter of record and graves are actually found to exist, permit graves registration personnel of the other side to enter, within a definite time limit after this armistice agreement becomes effective, the territory of Korea under their military control, for the purpose of proceeding to such graves to recover and evacuate the bodies of the deceased military personnel of that side, including deceased prisoners of war. The specific procedures and the time limit for the performance of the above task shall be determined by the Military Armistice Commission. The Commanders of the opposing sides shall furnish to the other side all available information pertaining to the places of burial of the deceased military personnel of the other side. [...] Territory under the military control of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers
Claim: Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea (Korean Peninsula, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-04-01): During the Cold War, South and North Korea engaged in a constant and fierce competition for legitimacy and dominance to become the leading state to unify the Korean Peninsula. As each side denied the other’s right to exist as an independent state and pursued unification on its own terms, the Korean Peninsula continuously suffered from conflicts and military clashes. [...] A two-state system would establish a legal and political framework that can help mitigate unification competition, facilitate peaceful coexistence and reduce security risks on the peninsula. Though experts have explored the two-state system in the past, public debates have been sensitive due to criticisms of the two-state system as anti-nationalist, anti-unification and anti-constitution, given the South Korean constitutional provision that claims the whole Korean Peninsula as its territory. However, in today’s environment where the risk of conflict, especially nuclear, is greater and the chances of unification are very slim, the two-state system is worth exploring seriously.
Claim: Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea (Korean Peninsula, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-04-18): The Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) is a strip of land running across the Korean Peninsula that serves as a buffer zone between North Korea and South Korea. The DMZ is a de facto border barrier and divides the Korean Peninsula approximately in half. It roughly follows latitude 38°N (the 38th parallel), the original demarcation line between North Korea and South Korea at the end of World War II. The Demilitarized Zone incorporates territory on both sides of the cease-fire line as it existed at the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), and was created by pulling back the respective forces 1.2 miles along each side of the line. [...] The border between North and South Korea is one of the most heavily guarded stretches of land in the world. The DMZ, littered with scores of mines and barbed-wire fences, is nightmarishly difficult to cross, except the Joint Security Area (JSA). JSA is a special buffer zone inside what is known as the "truce village" of Panmunjom, about 35 miles north of Seoul. Every year, hundreds of thousands of people usually visit the JSA for a chance to see North Korean soldiers standing at attention just dozens of feet away and to officially step into North Korean territory inside a United Nations administered conference room that literally straddles the military border.
Claim: Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea (Korean Peninsula, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-01-16): He also said that if a war breaks out on the Korean peninsula, the country's constitution should reflect the issue of "occupying", "recapturing" and "incorporating" the South into its territory. [...] The North has also launched missiles in recent weeks, as well as live-fire exercises close to South Korean territory. In a report published last week for 38 North, a US-based organisation with a focus on North Korea, former State Department official Robert Carlin and nuclear scientist Siegfried S Hecker said they saw the situation on the Korean Peninsula as "more dangerous than it has ever been" since the start of the Korean War in 1950.
Claim: Korean Peninsula is a territory of North Korea (Korean Peninsula, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2022-05-11): The Korean peninsula remains divided today. North vs. South Korea "If the best minds in the world had set out to find us the worst possible location in the world to fight this damnable war," U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson (1893-1971) once said, "the unanimous choice would have been Korea." The peninsula had landed in America’s lap almost by accident. Since the beginning of the 20th century, Korea had been a part of the Japanese empire, and after World War II it fell to the Americans and the Soviets to decide what should be done with their enemy’s imperial possessions. In August 1945, two young aides at the State Department divided the Korean peninsula in half along the 38th parallel. The Russians occupied the area north of the line and the United States occupied the area to its south. [...] Initially, this new strategy was a success. The Inch’on Landing, an amphibious assault at Inch’on, pushed the North Koreans out of Seoul and back to their side of the 38th parallel. But as American troops crossed the boundary and headed north toward the Yalu River, the border between North Korea and Communist China, the Chinese started to worry about protecting themselves from what they called "armed aggression against Chinese territory." Chinese leader Mao Zedong (1893-1976) sent troops to North Korea and warned the United States to keep away from the Yalu boundary unless it wanted full-scale war.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-08-13): The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] are a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco in Africa, or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] Apart from these, there are two other islands usually considered within the plazas de soberanía.[citation needed] The disputed Perejil Island (Isla Perejil), a small uninhabited islet close to Ceuta, is considered by Spain to be a part of Ceuta and not a territory in its own right.[12] Alboran Island (Isla de Alborán), another small island in the western Mediterranean, about 50 kilometres (31.05 miles) from the African coast and 90 kilometres (55.92 miles) from Europe, is administered as part of the municipality of Almería on the Iberian Peninsula. Political geography [edit]The plazas de soberanía are small islands and a peninsula off the coast of Morocco (the only peninsula, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, was an island until a 1934 storm formed a sand bridge with the mainland). They are guarded by military garrisons and administered directly by the Spanish central government.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2012-09-24): The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθaz ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], literally "places of sovereignty") are the Spanish sovereign territories in North Africa. These are separate pieces of land scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco. The name refers to the fact that these territories have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern Spanish State (1492–1556), and are distinguished from African territories obtained by Spain during the 19th and 20th century. [...] There are historically three plazas de soberanía: [...] The plazas de soberanía are small islands and peninsulas off the coast of Morocco (the only peninsula, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, was an island until a 1934 storm formed a sand bridge with the mainland). They are guarded by military garrisons and administered directly by the Spanish central government.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-09-03): By a Franco-Spanish treaty of 27 November 1912, Spain was granted a protectorate over Morocco's Mediterranean littoral, referred to as Spanish Morocco.[6] Ceuta, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera and Melilla thereafter were absorbed into this entity. When Morocco gained independence from France in 1956, Spanish Morocco was handed to the new kingdom.[1] However, Spain maintained control of the plazas de soberanía, asserting that they were Spanish territory long before the creation of the protectorate in 1912 and should therefore remain part of Spain, a position contested by Morocco.[1][7][8] [...] Since Moroccan independence the dispute over the plazas de soberanía has flared up from time-to-time, most notably in 1975 when it was feared Morocco would attempt an invasion of the territories similar to the Green March invasion of Western Sahara conducted that same year.[1] At present Spain remains in control of the plazas and refuses to discuss the issue of their sovereignty with Morocco.[1]
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2014-10-12): Tags ceuta melilla morocco plazas de sobierna southern spain [...] 1. Why did Spain feel (and still feel) the need to keep las Plazas de Sobierna? I could understand Ceuta, as sort of a Spanish Hong Kong, and a way to keep tabs on Morocco but Melilla truly irks Morocco, as it is considered as occupied territory there. [...] las Plazas de Soberanía* johnincornwall said:
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2022-04-11): The Chafarinas Islands are one of the Spanish territories in North Africa off the Moroccan coast known as plazas de soberanía. [...] Isla del Rey (11.6 ha) is one of the islands that are part of the archipelago of Chafarinas, along with the Isla del Congreso and the Isla de Isabel II. It is one of the Plazas de soberanía, located in the Mediterranean Sea, to the north of Africa. Currently, they are administered by the Ministry of Defence of Spain.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2012-09-17): At every one of these tiny "plazas de soberanía" or sovereign strongholds held by Spain along the northern coast of Morocco, there were postal employees, border patrolmen, schoolteachers and lighthouse-keepers among a population that was over 400 in Alhucemas and Vélez (including the prisoners). Over at Isabel II, one of the Chafarinas islands - the largest of the minuscule Spanish archipelagos in the area - the population was more than 700 at one point, and there was a casino and a small military hospital on site. [...] In other words, Spanish sovereignty was not explicit anywhere. But everything changed in 2002. The Spanish-Moroccan conflict over the islet of Perejil (known as Leila in Arabic) put an end to the casual relationship. The nurse no longer came down to the village, and the soldiers placed barbed wire fences along the perimeter of Isla de Tierra to prevent holidaymakers from reaching it. Yet Perejil, a craggy protuberance with a surface area of 0.15 square kilometers that Morocco took control of on July 11, 2002, only to be evicted by Spanish forces six days later, is technically not a plaza de soberanía. It is a strange no man's land, according to the agreement reached 10 years ago.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2021-05-07): The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] is a term describing a series of unincorporated Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco. That term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries. [...] The plazas de soberanía are small islands and a peninsula off the coast of Morocco (the only peninsula, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, was an island until a 1934 storm formed a sand bridge with the mainland). They are guarded by military garrisons and administered directly by the Spanish central government. [...] Morocco claims sovereignty over the plazas de soberanía, as well as over Ceuta and Melilla.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-09-13): The Chafarinas Islands are one of the Spanish territories in North Africa off the Moroccan coast known as plazas de soberanía. [...] See also [edit]- Plazas de soberanía - List of islands of Spain - List of Spanish Colonial Wars in Morocco - Spanish Protectorate of Morocco
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-01-09): The plazas de soberanía ([ˈplaθaz ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], literally "places of sovereignty") are the Spanish sovereign territories in North Africa. These are separate pieces of land scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco. The name refers to the fact that these territories have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern Spanish State (1492–1556), and are distinguished from African territories obtained by Spain during the 19th and 20th century. Contents - Plazas de soberan a espa olas en el norte de africa igeo tv - History - Physical geography - Other islands - Political geography - Claimants - References [...] The plazas de soberanía are small islands and peninsulas off the coast of Morocco (the only peninsula, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, was an island until a 1934 storm formed a sand bridge with the mainland). They are guarded by military garrisons and administered directly by the Spanish central government.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2024-01-01): Plazas de soberanía #146 among destinations in Morocco [...] The plazas de soberanía is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country, as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. () [...] Plazas de soberaníaAirportsPlazas de soberaníaBus stations
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2022-04-04): The plazas de soberanía (Strongholds of sovereignty) is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] Morocco claims sovereignty over the plazas de soberanía, including Ceuta and Melilla. [...] Apart from these, there are two other islands usually considered within the plazas de soberanía.[citation needed] The disputed Perejil Island (Isla Perejil), a small uninhabited islet close to Ceuta, is considered by Spain to be a part of Ceuta and not a territory in its own right. Alboran Island (Isla de Alborán), another small island in the western Mediterranean, about 50 kilometres (31.05 miles) from the African coast and 90 kilometres (55.92 miles) from Europe, is administered as part of the municipality of Almería on the Iberian Peninsula.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2020-03-25): The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] are a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco in Africa, or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] Apart from these, there are two other islands usually considered within the plazas de soberanía.[citation needed] The disputed Perejil Island (Isla Perejil), a small uninhabited islet close to Ceuta, is considered by Spain to be a part of Ceuta and not a territory in its own right.[12] Alboran Island (Isla de Alborán), another small island in the western Mediterranean, about 50 kilometres (31.05 miles) from the African coast and 90 kilometres (55.92 miles) from Europe, is administered as part of the municipality of Almería on the Iberian Peninsula. The plazas de soberanía are small islands and a peninsula off the coast of Morocco (the only peninsula, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, was an island until a 1934 storm formed a sand bridge with the mainland). They are guarded by military garrisons and administered directly by the Spanish central government.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2020-03-25): The plazas de soberanía (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈplaθas ðe soβeɾaˈni.a], lit. "strongholds of sovereignty")[3] is a term describing a series of Spanish overseas minor territories scattered along the Mediterranean coast bordering Morocco or that are closer to Africa than Europe. This term is used for those territories that have been a part of Spain since the formation of the modern country (1492–1556), as opposed to African territories acquired by Spain during the 19th and early 20th centuries in the Scramble for Africa. [...] - Mariñas Otero, Eugenio (1998). "Las Plazas Menores de soberanía española en África". MILITARIA. Revista de Cultura Militar. (in Spanish). No. 12. Madrid: UCM. Retrieved 25 March 2020.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2022-04-11): Vélez de la Gomera, along with La Isleta, is a premodern overseas possession known as a plaza de soberanía. It is administered by the Spanish central government and has a population consisting only of a small number of Spanish military personnel.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2019-08-16): Furthermore, Spain is ill-advised even to open the issue of the status of treaties. If Spain pushes too hard Morocco may wish to re-open a debate about Spain’s two so-called "Plazas de Soberania" (Places of Sovereignty) or enclaves embedded in Moroccan territory – Ceuta and Melilla. Ceuta was ceded to Spain by Portugal through (coincidentally) the 1668 Treaty of Lisbon whereby Melilla was conquered by Spain in 1497. Both cities have populations of around 75,000 people determined to remain both Spanish and EU citizens. Gibraltar is a Plaza de Soberania that just happens to be British populated by people just as determined to remain British. Sorry, but if Spain wants Gibraltar Madrid must first hand back Ceuta and Melilla. Do that and Spain might just have a moral leg upon which to stand, even if no legal leg.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2021-03-20): Conquered by Spain in the 15th Century, Ceuta and Melilla are two small territories on the North Coast of Morocco and somewhat of a historical anomaly. The North of Morocco was occupied by Spain for a long time and, as I noticed in Tangier, Tetouan and Chefchaouen, Spanish is still widely spoken. Spain recognised Morocco’s independence in 1956 but the two enclaves remained Spanish, known as Plazas de Soberania. They retained their culture and their Spanish population, however, they are claimed by Morocco, and are a bit of a sore point between the two nations. Today, those territories are somewhat vulnerable to large groups of illegal migrants trying to find their way to Europe. If you are exploring the North of Morocco, I recommend hopping into Spain for a day or two and enjoy something different. [...] Spain recognised the independence of Morocco in 1956, however, Ceuta and other Plazas de Soberenia remained under Spanish rule. Since then, these territories are disputed by Morocco. Until 1995, Ceuta was part of the Province of Malaga. Since then, Ceuta has an autonomous status.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2009-05-11): Oeno Atoll - Plazas de Soberania [...] Spanish Territories in Northern Morocco - Spanish Sahara
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2020-12-03): Las plazas de soberanía española en el Mediterráneo [...] However, apart from the typical cities of Ceuta and Melilla, what other enclaves in the Mediterranean are under Spanish control? These enclaves, known as ''plazas de soberanía'' or "sovereign strongholds", are the islands and rocks off the coast of North Africa, which continue to be maintained due to their enormous geostrategic importance. These are: The Chafarinas Islands, the Alborán Island, the Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, the Alhucemas Islands and the Perejil Island. But since when, how and why do they belong to the Spanish state? The Constitution makes no reference to these territories, except for the so called "major places of sovereignty" - Ceuta and Melilla -, the rest are not mentioned in the Statutes of Autonomy. Except for the Alborán Island, which belongs to the municipality of Almeria, the other territories are in a "legal limbo". On his side, Morocco relentlessly claims the sovereignty over these enclaves, included the two autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2021-05-04): The EU-Morocco is further defined by the interests of several member-states, most notably Spain, the territory’s former coloniser. Spain possesses Europe’s largest fishing fleet, which has traditionally harvested the rich fish stocks off the North African coast; the country also holds two urban enclaves on the Moroccan coast, Melilla and Ceuta, thus requiring good relations with Rabat in order to avoid international crisis. Such a dispute is not unlikely; in 2002 the uninhabited Spanish-held Perejil Island was subject to invasion by Moroccan forces, which withdrew only after military pressure from Spain. A deterioration in relations with Rabat would spell diplomatic disaster for Spain (and by extension the EU), impacting not only the contentious issue of sovereignty over the Spanish Plazas de soberanía along the North African coast, but also Europe’s relationship with a key neighbourhood partner.
Claim: plazas de soberanía is a territory of Morocco (plazas de soberanía, 2024-10-09)
Evidence (2021-05-20): They are the only two inhabited of the nine territories North African territories that remain Spanish as part of the plazas de soberanía when Spain ceded independence to Spanish Morocco in 1956. The remaining territories are uninhabited islands off the Moroccan coast – one of which, the Isla de Perejil briefly became a flashpoint for armed conflict when it was occupied by a small group of Moroccan soldiers before surrendering to Spanish commandos in 2002. Morocco claims sovereignty over all the plazas de soberanía territories.