Question: When was the promise made by Boutefika to further constitutional and political reform?
About the article "Algeria", section "Civil War and aftermath".

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The Junior Constitutional Club was a political London gentlemen's club founded in 1887, and located at 101 Piccadilly.
It was aligned to the Conservative party, with members having to pledge support.
Heavy over-subscription for the Constitutional Club which had opened in 1883 led to the creation of a further mass-membership Conservative club.
By 1890, it was reported by "Whittakers Almanack" to have 10,000 members, making it one of the largest clubs ever, but this level of membership proved to be short-lived; by 1890 its membership had halved to around the 5,500 level, and by 1900 it was still slightly further down, at 5,000.
It had closed by 1904, when its building was taken over by the pro-Tariff Reform United Empire Club. 
Key proposals remained unchanged when Chief Secretary Henry Tang unveiled the package to be put before LegCo.
He said the government tried to find the "maximum latitude to enhance the democratic elements of the two elections in 2012."
He urged legislators to accept this 'golden opportunity' because there was no room for further concessions.
Qiao Xiaoyang, head of the NPC's Hong Kong Basic Law committee, said that the passage of the reform package would "create excellent conditions for universal suffrage in the future."
Constitutional Affairs minister Stephen Lam insisted the 2012 electoral reform proposal is "more democratic than the 2005 package" rejected by LegCo, and more likely to advance the city's political system if approved.
He said that the timetable of universal suffrage in 2017 and 2020 was not ideal, but was "a practical one that is accepted by over 60% of residents.
"The 18 remaining pro-democracy legislators intimated their preparedness to vote down the package if no further progress is made on democracy.
Civic Party lawmaker Audrey Eu said any reform package that increased the number of functional constituency seats was "regressive and unacceptable"; the Democratic Party counter-proposed that the five additional Legco seats for the district council functional constituency be directly elected by proportional representation instead of block voting.
'Moderate' pan-democrats formed an umbrella group, the Alliance for Universal Suffrage, counting 15 legislators as its members, asked for guarantees of the abolition of functional constituencies before they would accept an increase in the government's proposed district council functional constituencies.
Chief Secretary Henry Tang said the government would consider scrapping appointed district councillors if sufficient opposition lawmakers promise to support the 2012 political reform package.
In May, pro-democracy groups were reported to have been in contact with mainland officials for several months to discuss ideas for reform; they quoted officials as saying that a statement on electoral reform beyond 2012 will be made, conditional upon LegCo's approval of the current package.
There were highly publicised historical meetings between Beijing representatives and Democratic Party and the Alliance.
Four days before the 23 June Legco vote on the reform package, the official stance against the Democratic Party's compromise proposal softened considerably.
Following a letter that Donald Tsang had written a letter the previous week to Xi Jinping, the "South China Morning Post" reported that President Hu Jintao had personally approved the revision, fearing further strengthening of the 'radical' pan-democrats in the event of a stalement.
With the Democratic Party support, the revised packages passed through Legco after securing 46 votes on 24 and 25 June.
The Civic Party, the League of Social Democrats, and one resigned Democrat opposed the resolutions. 
The Constitutional Reform Association of Hong Kong was a political group formed by expatriate British community striving for constitutional reform in Hong Kong in the late 1910s. 
The 1970 General Election was won by the Conservative Party, and Heath became Prime Minister.
However, the electoral weakness of the Nationalists removed the political pressure for devolution, which caused it to slip from the agenda.
The two general elections of 1974 saw the return of a minority Labour Government and advances by the Nationalists (they won 7 seats in the February election and 11 in the October election).
Labour was thus dependent on Nationalist support in Parliament, and hence, despite some opposition from within its own party, passed the Scotland Act 1978.
This act provided for devolution, subject to approval by a referendum which took place in 1979.
In 1975, Edward Heath was replaced as Conservative leader by Margaret Thatcher.
Under her leadership, the Conservatives gradually returned to a policy of opposing Scottish devolution.
However, former leader Alec Douglas-Home was still able to urge Scots to vote 'no' to Labour's proposal in 1979, with the promise that a Conservative government would offer a "better" bill.
When the referendum of 1979 failed to deliver the required mandate for devolution, the Nationalists withdrew their support for the Labour Government, resulting in a general election in 1979, which was won by the Conservatives.
Despite being the only major party now opposing constitutional reform and despite their reduced popularity and strength in Scotland, Conservative electoral victories in 1983, 1987 and 1992 ensured that no further legislative progress was made until the election of Labour under Tony Blair in 1997 led to a second devolution referendum.
Again the Conservatives opposed devolution in the 1997 debate (although Heath personally supported Labour's proposals), but this time their opposition was unsuccessful, and the Scottish Parliament was created by the Scotland Act 1998.
Subsequent to its creation, the Conservative Party has indicated its acceptance of Scottish devolution as an irreversible political fact. 
Ludwig Scotty remained a member of the Parliament of Nauru, following the no confidence defeat in Parliament of his Administration in 2007.
Coming as it did only a few months after the landslide victory of his supporters at the polls in August 2007, his relinquishing of office so soon afterwards can be seen in terms of an element of promise and expectations unfilled.
It remained to be seen whether Scotty, who turned 60 in 2008, and whose Administration was replaced by a ministerial team several of whom were many years his junior, would in the future seek a further term of office as President.
His second Administration of 2004 - 2007, however, is increasingly regarded by some observers as one which was characterized by relative stability for the Republic of Nauru in contrast with the political upheavals and crises which occurred before and after this Administration.
It also arguably represented a period when the Nauru electorate and their representatives were appearing to come to terms with being educated into the perceived need for economic austerity measures and the disciplines which coincided with them, and into a broader reflection on improvements in political culture.
In the earlier part of 2008, somewhat of an oblique compliment was being paid to constitutional review process identified with Scotty when both Government and Opposition were claiming it as part of their legacy.
In April 2008 Scotty stood again for the Parliament of Nauru and was reelected to serve as a Member.
In March 2010 former President Scotty intervened the constitutional reform debate.
Mr Scotty doubted whether changes proposed by the current Government of Nauru commanded popular support.