Question: During what time did the boycott on French wine begin?
About the article "2003 invasion of Iraq", section "Military intervention vs diplomatic solution".

Candidate passages:
For a long time, Switzerland lacked detailed national regulations regarding wine classification, which meant that it was to a large extent up to wine producers about what to put on wine labels; neither a German wine-style Prädikat system or a French wine-style appellation system was implemented, and as a non-EU member, Switzerland did not have to implement European Union wine regulations.
Wines were usually labelled by their village of origin, by grape variety, or using a brand name.
From the early 1990s, though, a French-style Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée system has started to be implemented, starting in some of the French-speaking cantons.
These regulations are mainly implemented by the cantons themselves. 
Although Spurrier had invited many reporters to the original 1976 tasting, the only reporter to attend was George M. Taber from "TIME" magazine, who promptly revealed the results to the world.
The horrified and enraged leaders of the French wine industry then banned Spurrier from the nation's prestige wine-tasting tour for a year, apparently as punishment for the damage his tasting had done to its former image of superiority.
The tasting was not covered by the French press, who almost ignored the story.
After nearly three months, "Le Figaro" published an article titled "Did the war of the cru take place?"
describing the results as "laughable," and said they "cannot be taken seriously.
"Six months after the tasting, "Le Monde" wrote a similarly toned article.
The "New York Times" reported that several earlier tastings had occurred in the U.S., with American chardonnays judged ahead of their French rivals.
One such tasting occurred in New York just six months before the Paris Tasting, but "champions of the French wines argued that the tasters were Americans with possible bias toward American wines.
What is more, they said, there was always the possibility that the Burgundies had been mistreated during the long trip from the (French) wineries.
"The Paris Wine Tasting of 1976 had a revolutionary impact on expanding the production and prestige of wine in the New World.
It also "gave the French a valuable incentive to review traditions that were sometimes more accumulations of habit and expediency, and to reexamine convictions that were little more than myths taken on trust."
Union career.UFW.
Medina began working full-time for the UFW in 1966.
He worked in Los Angeles and San Francisco, California, helping to ensure that non-union grapes were not shipped overseas and that wine made from non-union grapes was not sold in stores.
He worked closely with Dolores Huerta, and was jailed.
In the fall of 1967, César Chávez sent him to Chicago, Illinois, to launch the Midwestern segment of the national boycott that formed the second part of the Delano grape strike.
He was so shy that he often could not speak during interviews or press conferences, but he built one of the most successful boycott operations in the country, which ultimately helped force the growers to sign historic contracts in 1970.
While in Chicago, he also raised several thousand dollars for the UFW.
In January 1968, Medina crossed the nation with a school bus of farmworkers to build support in the Northeast for a secondary boycott of products made from Delano grapes.
He concluded that Ross' organizing techniques did not translate well into urban areas and to secondary boycotts, and he began developing his own techniques and ideas about building support among non-farmworkers based on his Chicago experiences.
Medina returned to the Midwest, and began holding sit-ins in supermarket chains to publicize the farmworkers' plight, encourage consumers to stop eating table grapes, and pressure stores to stop carrying the produce.
Many supermarket chains stopped selling grapes.
He won widespread praise for his Midwest campaign.
In 1971, Medina met Dorothy Johnson, a UFW volunteer from Seattle, when she requested an assignment on the Chicago boycott based on Medina's reputation.
She followed Medina to California, Florida, Ohio, and back to California again.
The couple were married at Medina's mother's house in Delano in 1976.
Medina also achieved a critical victory for UFW in Florida.
In 1971, The Coca-Cola Company signed a contract with the union covering its Florida operations, and H.P.
Hood and Sons followed soon after for workers at its Florida Citrus brand operations in the state.
In 1972, a coalition of agricultural owners and right-to-work advocates successfully encouraged state legislators to introduce a bill that would ban union hiring halls.
Since the UFW relied heavily on hiring halls to control who worked in the fields, the ban would have humstrung the union in Florida and made it impossible for it to ensure that only union members received work.
Eliseo Medina had already helped the UFW organize striking sugar cane workers in the state by publicizing the slave-labor conditions they worked under and the horrible sanitary situation in the fields (which included a typhoid outbreak).
However, César Chávez had ordered him to return to California.
The UFW's contracts with grape growers in the Coachella Valley were expiring, but the growers were signing sweetheart contracts with the Teamsters rather than negotiating with the UFW.
A strike against the Coachella Valley growers had erupted, and Medina successfully led the farmworkers in opposing the Teamsters and settling the strike.
Medina returned to Florida to try to stop the hiring hall bill.
Although he had been counseled to merely water it down, Medina sought to stop the bill altogether.
Medina, who had little political lobbying experience, implemented a massive letter-writing campaign and had an orange worker who had been forced to work on a slave gang testify before the state legislature.
The bill was defeated.César Chávez was ready to reignite the grape boycott, however, so he ordered Medina to shutter the UFW's Florida operations and had him move to Cleveland, Ohio to begin boycott operations there.
Meanwhile, the AFL-CIO had given the UFW a charter as an affiliate of the national labor federation.
The charter required the UFW to establish a constitution and hold leadership elections.
Medina almost did not make it onto the board.
He had agreed to run on Chávez's slate, but when a grassroots group of farmworkers formed their own slate to run against Chávez's hand-picked board, Medina naively agreed to be on the challenger slate as well (believing that workers ran their union).
He was dropped from the Chávez slate, but after Manuel Chávez (César's cousin) explained to Medina what his actions meant, Medina rejoined the Chávez slate.
On September 23, 1973, Eliseo Medina was elected for the first time to the UFW Board of Directors.
In early 1978, Medina was appointed the UFW's organizing director.
In his first three months in office, the union won 13 elections and added more than 3,000 new members.
He also changed the way the UFW approached strikes.
In the past, the union would strike but end the walkout once the union had won the organizing election (held under the procedures of the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act).
Employers would then file numerous appeals to the election, and over the many months (and sometimes years) it took for the appeals to be heard the union's support would vanish.
Medina's new strategy was to keep the workers on strike even after the organizing election was won; this pressured employers to waive their legal right to appeal, recognize the union, and enter collective bargaining neogtiations immediately.
If negotiations stalled, Medina's back-up strategy was ask union members to perform their jobs sloppily and then leave work.
The employer would institute a lockout, a strike would begin, and the employer would return to the bargaining table to get the harvest in.
Eliseo Medina was considered by many to be a successor to César Chávez.
In 1977, Medina was elected Second Vice President of the UFW (replacing Philip Vera Cruz), which added credence to these assumptions.
He was also probably the only member of the UFW who could have successfully challenged Chávez for the presidency of the union.
UFW co-founded Dolores Huerta said, "He would have been president if he'd stayed."
But Medina did not stay.
For the past several years, Medina had been having serious disagreements with Chávez about the low level of worker input into the union's direction.
Additionally, Medina felt Chávez was trying to turn the union into a poor people's social movement, a policy change Medina also disagreed with.
"We were so close, and then it began to fall apart... At the time we were having our greatest success, Cesar got sidetracked.
Cesar was more interested in leading a social movement than a union per se," he later said.
Medina was also frustrated by Chávez's insistence that all UFW staff be unpaid volunteers, a policy not conducive to building a professional, long-lasting union.
At a UFW executive board meeting shortly before he resigned, Chávez publicly criticized Medina for proposing that the union hire full-time organizers.
Medina later said: At a time when we should have been focused on consolidating and building the union, we got involved in a lot of things that drew attention from what I felt was our priority mission.
... My interest was building a farmworkers union.
The goal was not building a farmworkers movement per se.
It created a lot of tension.
Medina resigned his union position in August 1978.
The final straw appears to have been Chávez's dismantling of the union legal department.
Medina wasn't alone in leaving, however.
Between 1978 and 1981, many of the UFW's top leaders and staff left the union or were forced out, including Secretary-Treasurer and UFW co-founder Gilbert Padilla, UFW chief organizer Marshall Ganz, legal department director Jerry Cohen and most of his staff, and union health services program director Jessica Govea. 
As expected, the history of wine on the island closely relates to its political and administrative history.
During Lusignan rule, the island had close ties with the Crusader nations and especially the nobility of France.
During this period, Commandaria wine won the Battle of the Wines, the first recorded wine tasting competition, which was staged by the French king Philip Augustus in the 13th century.
The event was recorded in a poem by Henry d'Andeli in 1224.
During the Ottoman occupation of the island, wine production went into decline.
This was attributed to two factors: Islamic tradition and heavy taxation.
Indicative are reports written mainly by French and British travelers of the time; Cyrus Redding writes in 1851:"the vine grower of Cyprus hides from his neighbour the amount of his vintage, and always buries part of his produce for concealment; the exactions of the government are so great, that his profit upon what he allows to be seen is too little to remunerate him for his loss in time and labour. "
The quality of the wine produced also lagged behind times with Samuel Baker referring to Cypriot wines in 1879 ""It should be understood that no quality of Cyprus wines is suitable to the English palate"". 
During the first protracted boycott of Gallo wines in the 1970s (based on their intransigence in dealing with the newly organized United Farm Workers) artist Carlos Almaraz painted a mural on the southern wall entitled "No Compre Vino Gallo" (Don't Buy Gallo Wine).
The mural was painted over after some years.