Question: How much was stolen from Nigeria's treasury between 1960-1999?
About the article "Nigeria", section "Crime".

Candidate passages:
The classic and often cited case of a corrupt, exploitative dictator is the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled Zaire from 1965 to 1997.
Another classic case is the Philippines under the rule of Ferdinand Marcos.
He is reputed to have stolen some US$5–10 billion.
More than $400 billion were stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999. 
If the highest echelons of the governments also take advantage from corruption or embezzlement from the state's treasury, it is sometimes referred with the neologism "kleptocracy".
Members of the government can take advantage of the natural resources (e.g., diamonds and oil in a few prominent cases) or state-owned productive industries.
A number of corrupt governments have enriched themselves via foreign aid, which is often spent on showy buildings and armaments.
A corrupt dictatorship typically results in many years of general hardship and suffering for the vast majority of citizens as civil society and the rule of law disintegrate.
In addition, corrupt dictators routinely ignore economic and social problems in their quest to amass ever more wealth and power.
The classic case of a corrupt, exploitive dictator often given is the regime of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled the Democratic Republic of the Congo (which he renamed Zaire) from 1965 to 1997.
It is said that usage of the term kleptocracy gained popularity largely in response to a need to accurately describe Mobutu's regime.
Another classic case is Nigeria, especially under the rule of General Sani Abacha who was "de facto" president of Nigeria from 1993 until his death in 1998.
He is reputed to have stolen some US$3–4 billion.
He and his relatives are often mentioned in Nigerian 419 letter scams claiming to offer vast fortunes for "help" in laundering his stolen "fortunes", which in reality turn out not to exist.
More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.
More recently, articles in various financial periodicals, most notably "Forbes" magazine, have pointed to Fidel Castro, General Secretary of the Republic of Cuba since 1959, of likely being the beneficiary of up to $900 million, based on "his control" of state-owned companies.
Opponents of his regime claim that he has used money amassed through weapons sales, narcotics, international loans, and confiscation of private property to enrich himself and his political cronies who hold his dictatorship together, and that the $900 million published by Forbes is merely a portion of his assets, although that needs to be proven. 
Nigeria is home to a substantial network of organised crime, active especially in drug trafficking.
Nigerian criminal groups are heavily involved in drug trafficking, shipping heroin from Asian countries to Europe and America; and cocaine from South America to Europe and South Africa.
The various Nigerian Confraternities or "campus cults" are active in both organised crime and in political violence as well as providing a network of corruption within Nigeria.
As confraternities have extensive connections with political and military figures, they offer excellent alumni networking opportunities.
The Supreme Vikings Confraternity, for example, boasts that twelve members of the Rivers State House of Assembly are cult members.
On lower levels of society, there are the "area boys", organised gangs mostly active in Lagos who specialise in mugging and small-scale drug dealing.
According to official statistics, gang violence in Lagos resulted in 273 civilians and 84 policemen killed in the period of August 2000 to May 2001.
Internationally, Nigeria is infamous for a form of bank fraud dubbed "419", a type of advance fee fraud (named after Section 419 of the Nigerian Penal Code) along with the "Nigerian scam", a form of confidence trick practised by individuals and criminal syndicates.
These scams involve a complicit Nigerian bank (the laws being set up loosely to allow it) and a scammer who claims to have money he needs to obtain from that bank.
The victim is talked into exchanging bank account information on the premise that the money will be transferred to him, and then he'll get to keep a cut.
In reality, money is taken out instead, and/or large fees (which seem small in comparison with the imaginary wealth he awaits) are deducted.
In 2003, the Nigerian Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (or EFCC) was created, ostensibly to combat this and other forms of organised financial crime.
There is also some piracy in Nigeria, with attacks mainly directed at smaller ships shuttling employees and materials belonging to the oil companies with any involvement in oil exploration in the Niger Delta.
From 1 January 2007 to 29 October 2007, twenty-six pirate attacks were recorded.
Nigeria is also pervaded by political corruption.
It is ranked 143 out of 182 countries in Transparency International's 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index.
More than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.
Economic effects.
In the private sector, corruption increases the cost of business through the price of illicit payments themselves, the management cost of negotiating with officials and the risk of breached agreements or detection.
Although some claim corruption reduces costs by cutting bureaucracy, the availability of bribes can also induce officials to contrive new rules and delays.
Openly removing costly and lengthy regulations are better than covertly allowing them to be bypassed by using bribes.
Where corruption inflates the cost of business, it also distorts the playing field, shielding firms with connections from competition and thereby sustaining inefficient firms.
Corruption also generates economic distortions in the public sector by diverting public investment into capital projects where bribes and kickbacks are more plentiful.
Officials may increase the technical complexity of public sector projects to conceal or pave the way for such dealings, thus further distorting investment.
Corruption also lowers compliance with construction, environmental, or other regulations, reduces the quality of government services and infrastructure, and increases budgetary pressures on government.
Economists argue that one of the factors behind the differing economic development in Africa and Asia is that in Africa, corruption has primarily taken the form of rent extraction with the resulting financial capital moved overseas rather than invested at home (hence the stereotypical, but often accurate, image of African dictators having Swiss bank accounts).
In Nigeria, for example, more than $400 billion was stolen from the treasury by Nigeria's leaders between 1960 and 1999.
University of Massachusetts Amherst researchers estimated that from 1970 to 1996, capital flight from 30 sub-Saharan countries totaled $187bn, exceeding those nations' external debts.
(The results, expressed in retarded or suppressed development, have been modeled in theory by economist Mancur Olson.)
In the case of Africa, one of the factors for this behavior was political instability, and the fact that new governments often confiscated previous government's corruptly-obtained assets.
This encouraged officials to stash their wealth abroad, out of reach of any future expropriation.
In contrast, Asian administrations such as Suharto's New Order often took a cut on business transactions or provided conditions for development, through infrastructure investment, law and order, etc. 
A native of Lagos, Sam Okoye was on a test period in 2005 with the Iranian Azadegan League club Sorkhpooshan Delvar Afzar F.C..
He was first choice goal-keeper for Rangers International of Enugu for several years and later Enyimba of Aba before leaving for Iran after trying unsuccessfully to play in Europe.
Sam was a complete goal-keeper noted for his superb reflexes, agility and composure between the sticks.
He can be described as Nigeria's Jose Chilavert though he was not controversial or a set-piece expert.
In spite of his abilities, Sam Okoye was not given a look-in by Nigeria's football coaches at international competitions after the U-20 World Youth Championship in 1999.
However he was part of Nigeria's sqaud to Sydney 2000 Olympic Games where team handler Jo Bonfere picked Greg Etafia, who was much of a left-footer and visibly lacked ambidexterity, ahead of him much to the surprise of millions of Nigerian fans.
Sam jersey number 18 is the only squad member who did not feature in Nigeria's 4 games at the Olympics.
Until his demise, Sam Okoye never made the squad to the African Cup of Nations and the World Cup.