Question: Why do younger members of the Pemuda Pancasila argue that they should boast about the massacres?
About the article "The Act of Killing", section "Synopsis".

Candidate passages:
The film focuses on the Indonesian killings of 1965–1966, an anti-communist purge in which more than 500,000 people were killed.
When Suharto overthrew Sukarno, the President of Indonesia, following the failed coup of the 30 September Movement in 1965, the gangsters Anwar Congo and Adi Zulkadry in Medan (North Sumatra) were promoted from selling black market movie theatre tickets to leading the most notorious death squad in North Sumatra.
They also extorted ethnic Chinese locals, killing those who refused to pay.
Anwar personally killed approximately 1,000 people, usually by strangling with wire.
Today, Anwar is revered as a founding father of the right-wing paramilitary organization Pemuda Pancasila that grew out of the death squads.
The organization is so powerful that its leaders include government ministers, and they are happy to boast about everything from corruption and election rigging to clearing out peasants for land developers and genocide.
A regime was founded on crimes against humanity, yet has never been held accountable.
Invited by Oppenheimer, Anwar and his friends eagerly re-enact the killings for the cameras, and make dramatic scenes depicting their memories and feelings about the killings.
The scenes are produced in the style of their favorite film genres: gangster, western, and musical.
Various aspects of Anwar and his friends' filmmaking process are shown, but as they begin to dramatize Anwar's own nightmares, the fiction scenes begin to take over the film's form, leading the film to become increasingly surreal and nightmarish.
Oppenheimer has called the result "a documentary of the imagination".
While some of Anwar's friends realize that the killings were wrong, others worry about the consequences of the story on their public image.
Younger members of Pemuda Pancasila argue that they should boast about the horror of the massacres, because their terrifying and threatening force is the basis of their power today.
After Anwar plays a victim, he cannot continue.
He says that he feels what his victims have felt.
Oppenheimer, from behind the camera, points out that it was much worse for the victims, because they knew they were going to be killed, whereas Anwar was only acting.
Anwar then expresses doubts over whether he has sinned or not, tearfully saying he does not want the memories of what he did to come back to him.
He revisits the rooftop where he claims many of his killings took place, and gags repeatedly.
The dancers from the film's theatrical poster are seen before the credits begin to roll.
It was mid-September before news of the declaration of independence spread to the outer islands, and many Indonesians far from the capital Jakarta did not believe it.
As the news spread, most Indonesians came to regard themselves as pro-Republican, and a mood of revolution swept across the country.
External power had shifted; it would be weeks before Allied Forces entered Indonesia, and the Dutch were too weakened by World War II.
The Japanese, on the other hand, were required by the terms of the surrender to both lay down their arms and maintain order; a contradiction that some resolved by handing weapons to Japanese-trained Indonesians.
At the time of the surrender, there were 70,000 Japanese troops in Java and Sukarno and Hatta were concerned that celebratory independence rallies would result in the guns of Japanese troops being turned on Indonesian crowds.
While the older leadership set about constructing a government on paper, they could do little to kerb younger mobs who attacked sultans and other members of the Indonesian elite, retaliated violently against those village heads who had assisted Japanese oppression of Indonesian peasants, attacked other alleged "traitors", and fought for turf and weapons.
The resulting power vacuums in the weeks following the Japanese surrender, created an atmosphere of uncertainty, but also one of opportunity for the Republicans.
Many "pemuda" joined pro-Republic struggle groups ("badan perjuangan").
The most disciplined were soldiers from the Japanese-formed but disbanded Giyugun (PETA) and Heiho groups.
Many groups were undisciplined, due to both the circumstances of their formation and what they perceived as revolutionary spirit.
In the first weeks, Japanese troops often withdrew from urban areas to avoid confrontations.
However, as Republican youths fought to secure the cities and take arms, attacks on the Japanese did occur usually following Allied orders for the Japanese to disarm Indonesian troops.
Many of the Indonesian militia and some Japanese troops had no intention of allowing Indonesian disarmament, and in places like Bandung open conflict broke out.
By September 1945, control of major infrastructure installations, including railway stations and trams in Java's largest cities, had been taken over by Republican "pemuda".
To spread the revolutionary message, "pemuda" set up their own radio stations and newspapers, and graffiti proclaimed the nationalist sentiment.
On most islands, struggle committees and militia were set up.
Republican newspapers and journals were common in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Surakarta, which fostered a generation of writers known as "angkatan 45" ('generation of 45') many of whom believed their work could be part of the revolution.
In southern Kalimantan, Australian Communist soldiers spread the word of Indonesian independence declaration.
Republican leaders struggled to come to terms with popular sentiment; some wanted passionate armed struggle; others a more reasoned approach.
Some leaders, such as the leftist Tan Malaka, spread the idea that this was a revolutionary struggle to be led and won by the Indonesian "pemuda".
Sukarno and Hatta, in contrast, were more interested in planning out a government and institutions to achieve independence through diplomacy.
Pro-revolution demonstrations took place in large cities, including one led by Tan Malaka in Jakarta with over 200,000 people, which Sukarno and Hatta, fearing violence, successfully quelled.
By September 1945, many of the self-proclaimed "pemuda", who were ready to die for '100% freedom', were getting impatient.
It was common for ethnic 'out-groups' – Dutch internees, Eurasians, Ambonese and Chinese – and anyone considered to be a spy, to be subjected to intimidation, kidnap, robbery, and sometimes murder, even organised massacres.
Such attacks would continue to some extent for the course of the revolution.
As the level of violence increased across the country, the Sukarno- and Hatta-led Republican government in Jakarta urged calm.
However, "pemuda" in favour of armed struggle saw the older leadership as dithering and betraying the revolution, which often led to conflict amongst Indonesians. 
Yapto Soerjosoemarno, full name KRT.
Yapto Soelistyo Soerjosoemarno, S.H, is an Indonesian politician who is known as the leader of Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth), an organization of quasi-official political gangsters that supported the New Order military dictatorship of Soeharto, while also engaging in other lucrative but non-official criminal acts.
Pemuda Pancasila played an important role in supporting Soeharto's military coup in 1965: they ran death squads for the Indonesian army, murdering thousands of alleged communists across the province of North Sumatra.
He was born 16 December 1949, in Surakarta, Central Java.
His father, Ir.
KPN.
Soetarjo Soerjosoemarno, is a member of the Mangkunegaran Javanese nobility.
Soerjosoemarno is also an expert in topography and geodesy who finished his education in the Netherlands.
His mother, Dolly Zegerius, who is of Dutch origin is a competitive contract bridge player, and a naturalised Indonesian citizen.
Yapto Soerjosoemarno is known as the leader of Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth), an organization of semi-official political gangsters that supported the New Order military dictatorship of Soeharto.
Indeed, Pemuda Pancasila played an important role in supporting Soeharto's military coup in 1965: they ran death squads for the Indonesian army, murdering thousands of alleged communists and Chinese Indonesians across the province of North Sumatra.
The leaders of these death squads, Effendy Nasution, Jan Pahrum Lubis, Roshiman and others selected Yapto to lead Pancasila Youth in 1980.
In addition to leading Pancasila Youth, Yapto today leads a political party formally affiliated with Pancasila Youth called the Patriot Party.
He is also a lawyer and owns a law firm in South Jakarta, Indonesia.
The Patriot Party is known for its loyalty to the family of former Indonesian President, the late General Suharto.
Yapto also heads other 'youth gangs'.
Yapto featured in the award-winning 2012 documentary "The Act of Killing", in which he is shown as a wealthy and misogynistic he-man.
He has threatened to sue the film's director or producers.
Yapto married Retno Suciati and has three children: Golda Nayawitri B.D.K, Sahid Abishalom B.N.N.S, and Jedidiah Shenazar K.S.
The Soerjosoemarno family includes several performers: Yapto's elder sister Marini is an actress, and his niece Shelomita (Marini's daughter) is a singer.
Both he and his family have had frequent brushes with the law and have been detained.
On 12 March 2011, Yapto received a bomb disguised as a book named "Apakah Masih Ada Pancasila" (Does the Pancasila still exist?
). 
Under Habibie, as defense of the state was correlated with defense of Islam, the groups acted as a state-sponsored bulwark against the demands of the student-based reform movement.
The local preman organizations became institutionalized as part of the democratic process whereby they started to form their own political parties.
However, there was also a split in the new breed of preman organizations.
While organizations such as the Patriot Party (Pemuda Pancasila) continue to portray themselves as defenders of national unity, the new breed organized themselves along post-Pancasila ethnic and religious lines.
This new breed includes the Betawi Brotherhood Forum and Front Pembela Islam.
Local preman groups preferred to be affiliated to bigger group such as the above that have already established a name for themselves.
This allowed for them to "ride on the tails of other jagos' success".
Being associated to larger groups also means better political affiliation as well as power. 
The content of the philosophy has been changeably interpreted by different philosophers.
Pancasila has been an object of philosophical discourse since 1945 onwards.
The Pancasila philosophers continually reinterpreted the content, so that its meaning varied from time to time.
The following are chronological analyses of the content of philosophies of Pancasila.