Question: Are most workers in Finland part of a Union if one is accessible for their role?
About the article "Finland", section "Public policy".

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Labor unions are legally recognized as representatives of workers in many industries in the United States.
Their activity today centers on collective bargaining over wages, benefits, and working conditions for their membership, and on representing their members in disputes with management over violations of contract provisions.
Larger unions also typically engage in lobbying activities and electioneering at the state and federal level.
Organized labor usually supports Democratic Party candidates in elections.
Most unions in the United States are aligned with one of two larger umbrella organizations: the AFL-CIO created in 1955, and the Change to Win Federation which split from the AFL-CIO in 2005.
Both advocate policies and legislation on behalf of workers in the United States and Canada, and take an active role in politics.
The AFL-CIO is especially concerned with global trade issues.
In 2013 there were 14.5 million members in the U.S., compared with 17.7 million in 1983.
In 2013, the percentage of workers belonging to a union in the United States (called total labor union "density") was 11.3%, compared to 20.1% in 1983.
In global perspective, the density in 2010 was 11.4% in the U.S., 18.4% in Germany, 27.5% in Canada, and 70% in Finland.
Union membership in the private sector has fallen under 7% — levels not seen since 1932.
In the 21st century the most prominent unions are among public sector employees such as city employees, government workers, teachers and police.
Members of unions are disproportionately older, male and residents of the Northeast, the Midwest, and California.
Union workers average 10-30% higher pay than non-union in the United States after controlling for individual, job, and labor market characteristics.
Although much smaller compared to their peak membership in the 1950s, American unions remain a political factor, both through mobilization of their own memberships and through coalitions with like-minded activist organizations around issues such as immigrant rights, trade policy, health care, and living wage campaigns.
Of special concern are efforts by cities and states to reduce the pension obligations owed to unionized workers who retire in the future.
Republicans elected with Tea Party support in 2010 have launched major efforts against public sector unions due in part to state government pension obligations along with the allegation that the unions are too powerful.
Economist Joseph Stiglitz has asserted that, "Strong unions have helped to reduce inequality, whereas weaker unions have made it easier for CEOs, sometimes working with market forces that they have helped shape, to increase it."
The decline in unionization since World War II in the United States has been associated with a pronounced rise in income and wealth inequality.
Economist Milton Friedman believed that unionization frequently produces higher wages at the expense of fewer jobs, and that, if some industries are unionized while others are not, wages will decline in non-unionized industries. 
Based on the data from the OECD website, Finland has been industrializing according to industrial employment and industrial production statistics.
Finland has been considered very resilient based on its remarkable economic comeback after their recession in 1990 due to the fall of the Soviet Union.
During this time production of total industry and civilian employment in industry declined rapidly.
Finland has been ranked number one three times in the World Economic Forum competitiveness studies as one of the most developed IT economies since 2000.
Since the 1990 recession, which was one of the largest in European history, Finland has managed to soar back to the top of the economic ladder.
Finland has done so by focusing strongly on education.
After their recession, Finland invested its money on boosting R&D, education, and retraining workers that had lost their job due to the recession.
With its investment in education, Finland has succeeded in increasing some of its industries.
For example, the forest industry now specializes in high-quality papers.
As a result of investment in education and technology, Finland is now one of the world’s largest producers of paper-making machinery.
According to the statistics on the OECD website, Finland is not deindustrializing. 
Labor unions are legally recognized as representatives of workers in many industries in the United States.
Their activity today centers on collective bargaining over wages, benefits, and working conditions for their membership, and on representing their members in disputes with management over violations of contract provisions.
Larger unions also typically engage in lobbying activities and electioneering at the state and federal level.
Most unions in America are aligned with one of two larger umbrella organizations: the AFL-CIO created in 1955, and the Change to Win Federation which split from the AFL-CIO in 2005.
Both advocate policies and legislation on behalf of workers in the United States and Canada, and take an active role in politics.
The AFL-CIO is especially concerned with global trade issues.
In 2010, the percentage of workers belonging to a union in the United States (or total labor union "density") was 11.4%, compared to 18.4% in Japan, 27.5% in Canada, and 70% in Finland.
Union membership in the private sector has fallen under 7% – levels not seen since 1932.
Unions allege that employer-incited opposition has contributed to this decline in membership.
The most prominent unions are among public sector employees such as teachers and police.
Members of unions are disproportionately older, male and residents of the Northeast, the Midwest, and California.
Union workers average 10-30% higher pay than non-union in America after controlling for individual, job, and labor market characteristics.
The economist Joseph Stiglitz has asserted that, "Strong unions have helped to reduce inequality, whereas weaker unions have made it easier for CEOs, sometimes working with market forces that they have helped shape, to increase it."
The decline in unionization since WWII in the United States has been associated with a pronounced rise in income and wealth inequality and, since 1967, with loss of middle class income. 
Solow (1981) argued that wage rigidity may be at least partly due to social conventions and principles of appropriate behaviour, which are not entirely individualistic in origin.
Akerlof (1982) provided the first explicitly sociological model leading to the efficiency wage hypothesis.
Using a variety of evidence from sociological studies, Akerlof argues that worker effort depends on the work norms of the relevant reference group.
In Akerlof’s partial gift exchange model, the firm can raise group work norms and average effort by paying workers a gift of wages in excess of the minimum required, in return for effort above the minimum required.
The sociological model can explain phenomena inexplicable on neoclassical terms, such as why firms do not fire workers who turn out to be less productive; why piece rates are so little used even where quite feasible; and why firms set work standards exceeded by most workers.
A possible criticism is that workers do not necessarily view high wages as gifts, but as merely fair (particularly since typically 80% or more of workers consider themselves to be in the top quarter of productivity), in which case they will not reciprocate with high effort.
Akerlof and Yellen (1990), responding to these criticisms and building on work from psychology, sociology, and personnel management, introduce “the fair wage-effort hypothesis”, which states that workers form a notion of the fair wage, and if the actual wage is lower, withdraw effort in proportion, so that, depending on the wage-effort elasticity and the costs to the firm of shirking, the fair wage may form a key part of the wage bargain.
This provides an explanation of persistent evidence of consistent wage differentials across industries (e.g.
Slichter 1950; Dickens and Katz 1986; Krueger and Summers 1988): if firms must pay high wages to some groups of workers – perhaps because they are in short supply or for other efficiency-wage reasons such as shirking – then demands for fairness will lead to a compression of the pay scale, and wages for other groups within the firm will be higher than in other industries or firms.
The union threat model is one of several explanations for industry wage differentials.
This Keynesian economics model looks at the role of unions in wage determination.
The degree in which union wages exceed non-union member wages is known as union wage premium and some firms seek to prevent unionization in the first instances.
Varying costs of union avoidance across sectors will lead some firms to offer supracompetitive wages as pay premiums to workers in exchange for their avoiding unionization.
Under the union threat model (Dickens 1986), the ease with which an industry can defeat a union drive has a negative relationship with its wage differential.
In other words, inter-industry wage variability should be low where the threat of unionization is low. 
Shop stewards are union representatives, "the infantry of the trade union."
They play a very important role in industrial relations, being in the best position to represent the union in the workplace and to relay information about the workplace to the union.
They look after the day-to-day operation of the union and the protection and assistance of workers with their work-related problems.
Their statutory role is to ensure compliance with the law and with collective agreements.
Section 14 of the LRA provides that members of a registered trade union, provided that the union represents the majority of employees in the workplace, are entitled to elect trade-union representatives if the union has at least ten members in the workplace.
The nomination, election, terms of office and removal from office of representatives are governed by the union’s constitution.
The number of representatives is determined according to the number of union members in the specific workplace.
For example, if there are only between ten and fifty union members, there will be two representatives.
The amount increases on a sliding scale.
The maximum number of representatives is twenty.
The functions of union representatives are set out in section 14(4) of the LRA:  to assist and represent the employee at his request in grievance and disciplinary proceedings;  to monitor the employer’s compliance with the LRA and all other applicable laws;  to report alleged contraventions of LRA or collective agreements to the employer, the representative trade union and the responsible authority or agency; and  to perform any other function agreed between representative trade union and the employer.
Shop stewards are employed by the employer, not by the union.
Grogan describes "the difficult position in which shop stewards find themselves," keeping two sets of books, or attempting "to serve two masters," their employer and their trade union—masters whose interests are often diametrically opposed.
"This situation is particularly difficult," writes Grogan, "when shop stewards also occupy supervisory or managerial positions."
The courts have held, however, that employers may not for this reason forbid managerial employees from being elected as shop stewards; the most they can do is to discipline them if their union role actually prevents them from performing their managerial duties properly.
The distinction between union officials and union representatives (like shop stewards) is an important one.
Trade-union officials are employees of the trade union; they perform various duties for the trade union in this capacity.
Trade-union representatives, on the other hand, remain employees of the particular employer at the workplace, although they also represent the union in various ways within the workplace where they are employed.