Question: What is the name of the treaty that called for an immediate evacuation of German troops from Belgium, France, and Luxembourg within fifteen days and established that Allied forces would occupy the Rhineland?
About the article "Treaty of Versailles", section "Occupation".

Candidate passages:
The terms of the armistice called for an immediate evacuation of German troops from Belgium, France, and Luxembourg within fifteen days.
In addition, it established that Allied forces would occupy the Rhineland.
In late 1918, Allied troops entered Germany and began the occupation.
The Occupation of the Rhineland took place following the armistice that brought the fighting of World War I to a close on 11 November 1918.
The occupying armies consisted of American, Belgian, British and French forces.
The terms of the armistice provided for the immediate evacuation of German troops from Belgium, France, and Luxembourg as well as Alsace-Lorraine within 15 days. 
When Clemenceau returned to the council of ten on 1 March he found that little had changed.
One issue that had not changed was a dispute over the long running Eastern Frontier and control of the German province Rhineland.
Clemenceau believed that Germany's possession of the territory left France without a natural frontier in the East and so simplified invasion into France for an attacking army.
The British ambassador reported in December 1918 on Clemenceau's views on the future of the Rhineland: "He said that the Rhine was a natural boundary of Gaul and Germany and that it ought to be made the German boundary now, the territory between the Rhine and the French frontier being made into an Independent State whose neutrality should be guaranteed by the great powers".
The issue was finally resolved when Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson guaranteed immediate military assistance if Germany attacked without provocation.
It was also decided that the Allies would occupy the territory for fifteen years, and that Germany could never rearm the area.
Lloyd George insisted on a clause allowing for the early withdrawal of Allied troops if the Germans fulfilled the treaty; Clemenceau inserted Article 429 into the treaty that permitted the Allied occupation beyond the fifteen years if adequate guarantees for Allied security against unprovoked aggression were not met.
This was in case the U.S. Senate refused to ratify the treaty of guarantee, thereby making null and void the British guarantee as well as that was dependent on the Americans being part of it.
This is, in fact, what did occur.
Article 429 ensured that a refusal of the U.S. Senate to ratify the treaties of guarantee would not weaken them.
President Poincaré and Marshal Ferdinand Foch both repeatedly pressed for an autonomous Rhineland state.
At a Cabinet meeting on 25 April Foch spoke against the deal Clemenceau had brokered and pushed for a separate Rhineland.
On 28 April Poincaré sent Clemenceau a long letter detailing why he thought Allied occupation should continue until Germany had paid all her reparations.
Clemenceau replied that the alliance with America and Britain was of more value than an isolated France which held onto the Rhineland: "In fifteen years I will be dead, but if you do me the honour of visiting my tomb, you will be able to say that the Germans have not fulfilled all the clauses of the treaty, and that we are still on the Rhine".
Clemenceau said to Lloyd George in June: "We need a barrier behind which, in the years to come, our people can work in security to rebuild its ruins.
The barrier is the Rhine.
I must take national feelings into account.
That does not mean that I am afraid of losing office.
I am quite indifferent on that point.
But I will not, by giving up the occupation, do something which will break the willpower of our people".
He said later to Jean Martel: "The policy of Foch and Poincaré was bad in principle.
It was a policy no Frenchman, no republican Frenchman could accept for a moment, except in the hope of obtaining other guarantees, other advantages.
We leave that sort of thing to Bismarck".
There was increasing discontent among Clemenceau, Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson about slow progress and information leaks surrounding the Council of Ten.
They began to meet in a smaller group, called the Council of Four, Vittorio Orlando of Italy being the fourth, though less weighty, member.
This offered greater privacy and security and increased the efficiency of the decision making process.
Another major issue which the Council of Four discussed was the future of the German Saar province.
Clemenceau believed that France was entitled to the province and its coal mines after Germany deliberately damaged the coal mines in Northern France.
Wilson, however, resisted the French claim so firmly that Clemenceau accused him of being ‘pro German’.
Lloyd George came to a compromise and the coal mines were given to France and the territory placed under French administration for 15 years, after which a vote would determine whether the province would rejoin Germany.
Although Clemenceau had little knowledge of the Austrian-Hungarian empire, he supported the causes of its smaller ethnic groups and his adamant lead to the stringent terms in the Treaty of Trianon which dismantled Hungary.
Rather than recognizing territories of the Austrian-Hungarian empire solely within the principles of self-determination, Clemenceau sought to weaken Hungary just as Germany and remove the threat of such a large power within Central Europe.
The entire Czechoslovakian state was seen a potential buffer from Communism and this encompassed majority Hungarian territories. 
Poincaré won election as President of the Republic in 1913, in succession to Armand Fallières.
He attempted to make that office into a site of power for the first time since MacMahon in the 1870s.
He generally managed to continue to dominate foreign policy, in particular.
He went to Russia, for the second time (but for the first time as president) to reinforce the Franco-Russian Alliance.
He became increasingly sidelined after the accession to power of Georges Clemenceau as Prime Minister in 1917.
He believed the Armistice happened too soon and that the French Army should have penetrated Germany far more.
At the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, negotiating the Treaty of Versailles, he wanted France to wrest the Rhineland from Germany to put it under Allied military control.
Poincaré wrote a memorandum for the conference, saying that after the Franco-Prussian War Germany occupied various French provinces and did not leave until it received all of the indemnity, whereas France wanted reparations for damage caused.
He further claimed that if the Allies did not occupy the Rhineland and at a later date found that they would need to do so again, Germany would label them the aggressors:And, further, shall we be sure of finding the left bank free from German troops?
Germany is supposedly going to undertake to have neither troops nor fortresses on the left bank and within a zone extending 50 k.m.
east of the Rhine.
But the Treaty does not provide for any permanent supervision of troops and armaments on the left bank any more than elsewhere in Germany.
In the absence of this permanent supervision, the clause stipulating that the League of Nations may order enquiries to be undertaken is in danger of being purely illusory.
We can thus have no guarantee that after the expiry of the fifteen years and the evacuation of the left bank, the Germans will not filter troops by degrees into this district.
Even supposing they have not previously done so, how can we prevent them doing it at the moment when we intend to re-occupy on account of their default?
It will be simple for them to leap to the Rhine in a night and to seize this natural military frontier well ahead of us.
The option to renew the occupation should not therefore from any point of view be substituted for occupation.
Ferdinand Foch urged Poincaré to invoke his powers as laid down in the Constitution and take over the negotiations of the treaty due to worries that Clemenceau was not achieving France's aims.
He did not, and when the French Cabinet approved of the terms which Clemenceau obtained, Poincaré considered resigning, although again he refrained. 
Following the Armistice of 1918, Allied forces occupied the Rhineland as far east as the river with some small bridgeheads on the east bank at places like Cologne.
Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 the occupation was continued and the Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission was set up to supervise affairs.
The treaty specified three occupation Zones, which were due to be evacuated by Allied troops five, ten and finally 15 years after the formal ratification of the treaty, which took place in 1920, thus the occupation was intended to last until 1935.
In fact, the last Allied troops left Germany five years prior to that date in 1930 in a good-will reaction to the Weimar Republic's policy of reconciliation in the era of Gustav Stresemann and the Locarno Pact.
Sections of the Rhineland, that had once belonged to the Habsburg Netherlands' Duchy of Limburg, were annexed by Belgium in the Treaty of Versailles.
The cantons of Eupen, Malmedy and Sankt Vith though, with the exception of Malmedy, German in culture and language became the East Cantons of Belgium against the will of the population.
Today German is the third official language, along with French and Dutch.
During the occupation (1919–1930) the French encouraged the establishment of an independent Rhenish Republic, banking on traditional anti-Prussian resentments (see: history of Palatinate).
In the end, the separatists failed to gain any decisive support among the population.
The Treaty of Versailles also specified the de-militarization of the entire area to provide a buffer between Germany on one side and France, Belgium and Luxembourg (and to a lesser extent, the Netherlands) on the other side, which meant that no German forces were allowed there after the Allied forces had withdrawn.
Furthermore (and quite unbearably from the German perspective) the treaty entitled the Allies to reoccupy the Rhineland at their will, if the Allies unilaterally found the German side responsible for any violation of the treaty.
In violation of the Treaty of Versailles and the spirit of the Locarno Pact, Nazi Germany remilitarized the Rhineland on Saturday, March 7, 1936.
The occupation was done with very little military force, the troops entering on tractors, and no effort was made to stop it (see Appeasement of Hitler), even though the French had an overwhelming force nearby.
France could not act due to political instability at the time, and, since the remilitarization occurred at a weekend, the British government could not find out or discuss actions to be taken until the following Monday.
As a result of that, the governments were inclined to see the remilitarization as a "fait accompli".
Adolf Hitler took a risk when he sent his troops to the Rhineland.
He told them to "turn back and not to resist" if they were stopped by the French Army.
The French, however, did not try to stop them because they were currently holding elections (French legislative election) and the president did not want to start a war with Germany.
The British government did not oppose the act in principle, feeling with Lord Lothian that "the Germans are after all only going into their own back garden" but rejected the Nazi manner of accomplishing the act.
Winston Churchill, however, advocated military action through cooperation by the British and French.
The remilitarization of the Rhineland was favoured by some of the local population, because of a resurgence of German nationalism and harboured bitterness over the Allied occupation of the Rhineland until 1930 (Saarland until 1935).
A side-effect of the French occupations was the offspring of French soldiers and German woman.
These children, who were seen as the continuing French pollution of German culture, were shunned by the broader German society and were known as "Rhineland Bastards".
Children fathered by French colonial troops of African ancestry were especially despised and became targets of the Nazi sterilisation programmes in the 1930s.
The American poet Charles Bukowski was born in 1920 in Andernach as the son of a German mother and a Polish-American U.S. soldier, serving among the occupation troops and soldiers.