Question: What would Kennedy's speech cause according to his aides?
About the article "Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.", section "Robert F. Kennedy speech".

Candidate passages:
As a young and outgoing urban Democrat, new to Washington, Rostenkowski quickly found mentors and made friends with other Democrats.
His relationship with Massachusetts Reps. Edward Boland and Torbert Macdonald as well as John F. Kennedy aides Lawrence O'Brien and Kenny O'Donnell led to his involvement in JFK's run for the White House.
In 1960 at the request of the Kennedy campaign he gave speeches in southern states for Kennedy.
Chicago voters turned out in large majority for Kennedy.
On September 26, 1960, Rostenkowski witnessed what many consider the turning point in Kennedy's battle with Richard Nixon.
Kennedy invited Rostenkowski to the CBS studios in downtown Chicago to view in person, the first ever televised Presidential debate.
Unaware of the two candidates' stark differences on camera, Rostenkowski later said “I was under the impression that Kennedy lost the debate.” (Cohen, 48)In the aftermath of Kennedy's assassination Rostenkowski was one of a small group who made regular visits to Jacqueline Kennedy's home in Georgetown.
"On a regular basis Kenny O'Donnell would get three or four of us from Capitol Hill, who worked with Jack Kennedy, together at Jackie's house.
We would sit around Jackie's living room with Bobby Kennedy eat sandwiches, have some drinks and tell war stories.
Jackie would laugh so hard her side would hurt sometimes.
(O'Donnell, 339) 
Longet and Andy Williams were close friends of Robert F. "Bobby" Kennedy and his wife, Ethel Kennedy.
During the mid-1960s, they regularly socialized at Longet's and Williams's residences in Bel Air and Palm Springs and at the Kennedy residences at Hickory Hill and New York City.
They also took summer cruises on the Salmon River in central Idaho and on the Colorado River.
On or before 4 June 1968, the day of the 1968 Democratic Party presidential primary in California, Kennedy — a contending Democratic presidential candidate — and his wife made tentative arrangements with Williams and Longet to visit a trendy local disco called The Factory.
According to Williams, Robert Kennedy told them that he would make a hand signal at the conclusion of his televised speech at the Ambassador Hotel to confirm their get-together.
Shortly after midnight on 5 June, Longet and Williams were watching Senator Kennedy's televised primary victory speech in Kennedy's suite in his hotel and saw Kennedy make the "little hand gesture".
When Williams rushed down to the hotel ballroom, he heard loud noises in the hallway and learned that Kennedy had been shot.
Longet and Williams eventually joined Kennedy's family and friends at the Good Samaritan Hospital in Los Angeles, where doctors labored to save the Senator's life.
They stayed at the hospital for about 24 hours.
After Kennedy died during the early morning hours of 6 June, Longet and Williams went into his hospital room and saw Ethel Kennedy asleep near her husband.
Longet and Williams attended Senator Kennedy's funeral Mass at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York City on 8 June.
A television camera captured Williams consoling a sobbing Longet during the Mass.
After Kennedy's brother Edward M. "Ted" Kennedy delivered a brief and emotional eulogy, Williams and a choir sang "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" in what a "Washington Post" reporter described as a "hauntingly slow tempo".
Outside the cathedral on the streets of New York, thousands of people were listening to the Mass over loudspeakers.
When they heard Williams singing, they began singing with him.
After the funeral Mass, Longet and Williams boarded the 21-car funeral train that took Senator Kennedy's body to Washington, D.C. and Arlington National Cemetery for burial.
Longet and Williams were with Senator Kennedy's body, Ethel Kennedy, Ted Kennedy, and other Kennedy family members in the end car of the train.
The front page of the 9 June 1968 edition of the "Washington Post" has a large photograph that depicts Ted Kennedy and Longet standing together on the rear platform of the funeral train as it passed through North Philadelphia.
Longet and Williams named their son Bobby (who was born in August 1969) in remembrance of Robert Kennedy. 
Kennedy was the first to publicly inform the audience of King's assassination, causing members of the audience to scream and wail in disbelief.
Several of Kennedy's aides were worried that the delivery of this information would result in a riot.
Once the audience quieted down, Kennedy spoke of the threat of disillusion and divisiveness at King's death and reminded the audience of King's efforts to "replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand with compassion and love."
Kennedy acknowledged that many in the audience would be filled with anger, especially since the assassin was believed to be a white man.
He empathized with the audience by referring to the assassination of his brother, President John F. Kennedy, by a white man.
The remarks surprised Kennedy aides, who had never heard him speak of his brother's death in public.
Quoting the ancient Greek playwright Aeschylus, whom he had discovered through his brother's widow, Jacqueline Kennedy, Kennedy said, "Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God."
Kennedy then delivered one of his most well-remembered remarks: "What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence or lawlessness, but love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice towards those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black."
To conclude, Kennedy reiterated his belief that the country needed and wanted unity between blacks and whites and encouraged the country to "dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and to make gentle the life of this world."
He finished by asking the audience members to pray for "our country and our people."
Rather than exploding in anger at the tragic news of King's death, the crowd dispersed quietly. 
The Kennedy administration began its dealings with Canada badly, with Kennedy mispronouncing Diefenbaker's name in a press conference announcing the Prime Minister's visit to Washington in February 1961.
A furious Diefenbaker brought up in Cabinet whether to send a note of protest at the gaffe to Washington; his colleagues were inclined to let the matter pass.
When the two met in Washington on February 20, Diefenbaker was impressed by Kennedy, and invited him to visit Ottawa.
President Kennedy, however, told his aides that he never wanted "to see the boring son of a bitch again".
The Ottawa visit also began badly: at the welcome at the airport, Kennedy again mispronounced Diefenbaker's name and stated that after hearing the Prime Minister's (notoriously bad) French, he was uncertain if he should venture into the language (Kennedy's French was equally bad).
After meeting with Diefenbaker, Kennedy accidentally left behind a briefing note suggesting he "push" Diefenbaker on several issues, including the decision to accept nuclear weapons on Canadian soil, which bitterly divided the Cabinet.
Diefenbaker was also annoyed by Kennedy's speech to Parliament, in which he urged Canada to join the OAS (which Diefenbaker had already rejected), and by the President spending most of his time talking to Leader of the Opposition Pearson at the formal dinner.
Both Kennedy and his wife Jackie were bored by Diefenbaker's Churchill anecdotes at lunch, stories that Jackie Kennedy later described as "painful".
Diefenbaker was initially inclined to go along with Kennedy's request that nuclear weapons be stationed on Canadian soil as part of NORAD.
However, when an August 3, 1961, letter from Kennedy which urged this was leaked to the media, Diefenbaker was angered and withdrew his support.
The Prime Minister was also influenced by a massive demonstration against nuclear weapons, which took place on Parliament Hill.
Diefenbaker was handed a petition containing 142,000 names.
By 1962, the American government was becoming increasingly concerned at the lack of a commitment from Canada to take nuclear weapons.
The interceptors and Bomarc missiles with which Canada was being supplied as a NORAD member were either of no use or of greatly diminished utility without nuclear devices.
Canadian and American military officers launched a quiet campaign to make this known to the press, and to advocate for Canadian agreement to acquire the warheads.
Diefenbaker was also upset when Pearson was invited to the White House for a dinner for Nobel Prize winners in April, and met with the President privately for 40 minutes.
When the Prime Minister met with retiring American Ambassador Livingston Merchant, he angrily disclosed the paper Kennedy had left behind, and hinted that he might make use of it in the upcoming election campaign.
Merchant's report caused consternation in Washington, and the ambassador was sent back to see Diefenbaker again.
This time, he found Diefenbaker calm, and the Prime Minister pledged not to use the memo, and to give Merchant advance word if he changed his mind.
Canada appointed a new ambassador to Washington, Charles Ritchie, who on arrival received a cool reception from Kennedy and found that the squabble was affecting progress on a number of issues.
Though Kennedy was careful to avoid overt favouritism during the 1962 Canadian election campaign, he did allow his pollster, Lou Harris, to work clandestinely for the Liberals.
Several times during the campaign, Diefenbaker stated that the Kennedy administration desired his defeat because he refused to "bow down to Washington".
After Diefenbaker was returned with a minority, Washington continued to press for acceptance of nuclear arms, but Diefenbaker, faced with a split between Defence Minister Douglas Harkness and External Affairs Minister Howard Green on the question, continued to stall, hoping that time and events would invite consensus.
When the Cuban Missile Crisis erupted in October 1962, Kennedy chose not to consult with Diefenbaker before making decisions on what actions to take.
The US President sent former Ambassador Merchant to Ottawa to inform the Prime Minister as to the content of the speech that Kennedy was to make on television.
Diefenbaker was upset at both the lack of consultation and the fact that he was given less than two hours advance word.
He was angered again when the US government released a statement stating that it had Canada's full support.
In a statement to the Commons, Diefenbaker proposed sending representatives of neutral nations to Cuba to verify the American allegations, which Washington took to mean that he was questioning Kennedy's word.
When American forces went to a heightened alert, DEFCON 3, Diefenbaker was slow to order Canadian forces to match it.
Harkness and the Chiefs of Staff had Canadian forces clandestinely go to that alert status anyway, and Diefenbaker eventually authorized it.
The crisis ended without war, and polls found that Kennedy's actions were widely supported by Canadians.
Diefenbaker was severely criticized in the media. 
In the course of the 2008 Democratic presidential primary campaign, Clinton vigorously advocated on behalf of his wife, Hillary Clinton, leading some observers and party members to question the appropriateness of his role in view of his status as a former president.
Some felt that Clinton was overshadowing his wife in the campaign, with her presidential rival Barack Obama complaining that he sometimes "did not know which Clinton he was running against."
At a MSNBC debate, Republican primary candidate Mitt Romney said that he "can't imagine Bill Clinton left with nothing to do in the White House", suggesting that Clinton would be a "co-president and try and help manage the economy and help manage the world affairs".
Top Democratic Party officials, including Congressman Rahm Emanuel, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, asked Clinton to tone down his attacks on Obama following the bitterly contested Nevada caucus, suggesting that Clinton could be damaging his own political capital and global stature.
Some commentators even accused the former president of "playing the race card" against Obama, who is half-black, by suggesting he would understand if South Carolina's African Americans naturally would vote for the black candidate, but rejected suggestions that America was not ready for a black President.
Many felt that by alienating black voters who had once overwhelmingly supported the Clintons, Clinton had tarnished his legacy as the so-called "first black president."
In particular, Rep. James Clyburn (D-SC) suggested that Clinton's vocal attacks on Obama could damage the former President's legacy.
Following his wife's disappointing defeat in South Carolina, Clinton again made headlines when he appeared to undermine and racialize Obama's victory by comparing it to Jesse Jackson's failed 1984 bid for the Presidency.
Some observers suggested that the controversial comments fueled Sen. Ted Kennedy's decision to endorse Sen. Obama for the Presidency.
Clinton attracted further controversy with a series of attacks against Obama that many independents and former Clinton supporters felt to be unfair.
While some believed the attacks might eventually pay off, others felt they would damage Hillary Clinton's presidential prospects and alienate Democratic voters in the general election.
Bill Clinton defended his role in the campaign in South Carolina, disputing claims he made race a campaign issue.
According to some reports, the accusations of racism hurt him personally, as blacks had long been Clinton's most loyal supporters.
During the primary campaign, his wife's aides criticized Clinton's freelancing and deemed his office uncooperative– at one point, they complained, his people would not allow one of her people to ride on his plane to campaign stops.
His aides, on the other hand, stewed over what they saw as her people's disregard for the advice of one of this generation's great political minds and bristled at surrendering control of his schedule.
On the night of the Pennsylvania primary, Clinton grew playfully competitive with his wife over who had done more events or had had more impact.
Governor Ed Rendell showed Clinton the county-by-county returns, while she was superstitious and rarely watched election night coverage.
According to Rendell, "The president wanted to know exactly what the returns were in the places he had been and Hillary hadn't been.
He kept showing Hillary, and she would laugh.
"Due to Clinton's prominent role in his wife's presidential run and his criticism of Obama, many perceived an enduring distance between the two.
Clinton was asked later if he thought presidential nominee Barack Obama was qualified to be president.
He replied that the Constitution sets qualifications.
When pressed as to whether Obama was "ready" to be president, Clinton replied, "You could argue that no one is ready to be president."
Such remarks lead to apprehension that the party would be split to the detriment of Obama's election.
Fears were allayed August 27, 2008 when Clinton enthusiastically endorsed Obama at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, saying that all his experience as president assures him that Obama is "ready to lead".