Question: What person testified in court that Booth got supplies delivered to Mudd's residence?
About the article "Assassination of Abraham Lincoln", section "Mudd's culpability".

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The degree of Mudd's culpability has remained a controversy ever since.
Some, including Mudd's grandson Richard Mudd, claimed that Mudd was innocent of any wrongdoing and that he had been imprisoned merely for treating a man who came to his house late at night with a fractured leg.
Over a century after the assassination, Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan both wrote letters to Richard Mudd agreeing that his grandfather committed no crime.
However, others, including authors Edward Steers, Jr. and James Swanson, assert that Samuel Mudd visited Booth three times in the months before the failed kidnapping attempt.
The first time was November 1864 when Booth, looking for help in his kidnapping plot, was directed to Mudd by agents of the Confederate Secret Service.
In December, Booth met with Mudd again and stayed the night at his farm.
Later that December, Mudd went to Washington and introduced Booth to a Confederate agent he knew — John Surratt.
Additionally, George Atzerodt testified that Booth sent supplies to Mudd's house in preparation for the kidnap plan.
Mudd lied to the authorities who came to his house after the assassination, claiming that he did not recognize the man who showed up on his doorstep in need of treatment and giving false information about where Booth and Herold went.
He also hid the monogrammed boot that he had cut off Booth's injured leg behind a panel in his attic, but the thorough search of Mudd's house soon revealed this further evidence against him.
One hypothesis is that Dr. Mudd was active in the kidnapping plot, likely as the person the conspirators would turn to for medical treatment in case Lincoln were injured, and that Booth thus remembered the doctor and went to his house to get help in the early hours of April 15.
The trial for the alleged conspirators began on May 9.
A military tribunal, rather than a civilian court, was chosen as the venue because its more lenient rules of evidence, government officials thought, would enable the court to get to the bottom of what was then perceived by the public as a vast conspiracy.
All eight alleged conspirators were tried simultaneously.
Historian Laurie Verge has commented that "Only in the case of Dr. Samuel Alexander Mudd is there as much controversy as to the guilt or innocence of one of the defendants."
Lincoln assassination scholar Thomas Reed Turner says that, of the eight people accused of plotting to kill Lincoln, the case against Surratt remains "the most controversial...at that time and since".
A room on the northeast corner of the third floor of the Arsenal was made over into a courtroom, and the prisoners brought into the room through a side door, which prevented them from passing by or being harassed by spectators.
Surratt was given special considerations during the trial due to her illness and gender.
In the courtroom, she sat apart from the other prisoners.
Sources differ as to whether an armed guard sat on either side of Mrs. Surratt, as they did the other prisoners during the trial.
While the others wore wrist and ankle manacles in the courtroom, she did not.
She was also permitted a bonnet, fan, and veil in order to hide her face from spectators.
As her illness worsened during the trial, she was moved to a larger and more comfortable prison cell.
Surratt was charged with abetting, aiding, concealing, counseling, and harboring her co-defendants.
The federal government initially attempted to find legal counsel for Mary Surratt and the others, but almost no attorneys were willing to take the job for fear they would be accused of disloyalty to the Union.
Surratt retained Reverdy Johnson as her legal counsel.
A member of the military commission trying the conspirators challenged Johnson's right to defend Surratt, as Johnson had objected to requiring loyalty oaths from voters in the 1864 presidential election.
After much discussion, this objection was withdrawn, but damage was done to Johnson's influence and he did not attend most of the court sessions.
Most of Surratt's legal defense was presented by two other lawyers, Frederick Aiken and John Clampitt.
The prosecution's strategy was to tie Surratt to the conspiracy.
Powell's arrival at her boarding house three days after the president's murder was critical evidence against her, the government argued.
The prosecution presented nine witnesses, but most of their case rested on the testimony of just two men—John Lloyd and Louis Weichmann.
Lloyd testified on May 13 and 15, 1865, regarding the hiding of the carbines and other supplies at the tavern in March, and the two conversations he had with Mrs. Surratt in which she told him to get the "shooting irons" ready.
Weichmann's testimony was important, for it established an intimate relationship between Mary Surratt and the other conspirators.
Weichmann testified May 16 to 19, and said that he had resided at the boarding house since November 1864.
He had seen or overheard John, Jr. meeting and talking with Atzerodt, Booth, and Powell many times over the past four and a half months.
Weichmann had driven Mrs. Surratt to the Surrattsville tavern on April 11 and April 14, confirmed that she and Lloyd had spent much time in private conversation, testified that he saw Booth give her the package of binoculars, and attested that she'd turned the package over to Lloyd.
Weichmann also testified at length about the Surratt family's ties to the Confederate spy and courier rings operating in the area, and their relationships with Atzerodt and Powell.
He also testified about the December 23 meeting with Booth and John Jr. (which he also attended) and their subsequent meeting with Booth at Booth's room at the National Hotel.
Finally, he told the military tribunal about the general excitement in the boarding house in March 1865 after the failed attempt to kidnap Lincoln.
Other prosecution witnesses reinforced Weichmann's testimony.
Lodger Honora Fitzpatrick confirmed visits by Atzerodt, Booth, and Powell to the boarding house.
Emma Offut, Lloyd's sister-in-law, testified that she saw (but did not hear) Mary Surratt speaking for long periods of time with Lloyd on April 11 and 14.
Government agents testified about their arrest of Mrs. Surratt, Powell's arrival, and her denial that she knew Powell.
The fact that Powell sought refuge in the boarding house after Lincoln's murder left a bad impression on the court as to Mrs. Surratt's innocence.
Surratt's refusal (or failure) to recognize him weighed against her.
The agents also testified about their search of the house, and the evidence (the photographs, the weapons, etc.)
discovered there.
Lloyd's testimony had been the most important for the prosecution's case, for it indicated Mary Surratt played an active role in the conspiracy in the days just before Lincoln's death.
The prosecution rested its case on May 22.
The defense strategy was to impeach the testimony of the key prosecution witnesses, Lloyd and Weichmann.
But the defense also wished to show that Mary Surratt was loyal to the Union, that her trips to Surrattsville were of an innocent nature, and that she had not been aware of Booth's plans.
Thirty-one witnesses testified for the defense.
George H. Calvert testified that he had pressed Surratt to pay a debt, Bennett Gwynn said Surratt had sought payment from John Nothey in order to satisfy the Calvert debt, and Nothey agreed that he'd received a letter from Surratt requesting that he appear at the tavern on April 11 to pay what was owed.
Several witnesses impugned Lloyd's character by testifying about his alcoholism.
Several eyewitnesses said he appeared completely intoxicated on the day of Lincoln's death (April 14), implying that he could not have remembered with clarity what happened that day.
(However, Lloyd had testified that he repaired a broken spring on Surratt's wagon, which rebutted these claims.)
Augustus Howell, a Confederate agent, testified that Surratt's eyesight was poor, and that Louis Weichmann was an untrustworthy witness as he had sought to become a Confederate spy himself.
(The prosecution attempted to show that Howell himself was a Confederate spy and should not be trusted.)
Anna Surratt testified that it was Weichmann who had brought Atzerodt into the boarding house, that the photograph of Booth was hers (given to her by her father in 1862), and that she also owned photographs of Union political and military leaders.
Anna denied ever overhearing any discussions of disloyal activities or ideas in the boarding house, and said that while Booth visited the house many times his stays were always short.
Anna explained her mother's failure to recognize Powell by asserting she could not see well.
Honora Fitzpatrick was called back to the stand, and testified to Mary's poor sight as well.
A former servant and a former slave both said Mrs. Surratt's eyesight was failing, and that she'd given Union soldiers food.
Numerous witnesses were called at the end of the defense's case to testify to Mary Surratt's loyalty to the Union, her deep Christian faith, and her kindness.
A number of Catholic priests were called to the stand to testify about Surratt's faith, good character, and incorruptibility.
Portraying Surratt as a good Christian woman incapable of committing the crimes for which she was accused formed a large part of the defense strategy.
During the prosecution's rebuttal, government lawyers called four witnesses (P.T.
Ransford, John Ryan, Frank Stith, and James Young) to the stand, who testified as to Weichmann's unimpeachable character.
Johnson and Aiken presented the closing arguments for the defense.
Johnson attacked the jurisdiction of a military tribunal over civilians (as had Dr. Mudd's attorney).
Aiken challenged the court's jurisdiction as well.
But he also reiterated that Lloyd and Weichmann were unreliable witnesses, and that the evidence against Mary Surratt was entirely circumstantial.
The only evidence linking Surratt to the conspiracy to kill Lincoln, he said, came from Lloyd and Weichmann, and neither man was telling the truth (he said).
(Dorothy Kunhardt has written that there is evidence the latter's testimony was suborned by Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton.
)Judge Advocate John Bingham presented the closing argument for the prosecution.
The military tribunal had jurisdiction, he said, not only because the court itself had ruled at the beginning of the trials that it did but because these were crimes committed in a military zone, during a time of war, and against high government officials in carrying out treasonous activities.
Bingham pointed out that the Surratt boarding house was where the conspiracy was planned, and that Atzerodt, Booth, and Powell had all met with Mary Surratt.
Booth had paid for the rental of the carriage that took Surratt to Surrattsville each time, and Bingham said this was evidence that Surratt's trips were critical to the conspiracy.
Bingham also said that Lloyd's testimony had been corroborated by others, and that his unwillingness to reveal the cache of weapons in the tavern was prompted by his subservient tenant relationship to Mrs. Surratt.
Bingham concluded by reiterating the government's key point: Powell had returned to the Surratt house seeking Mrs. Surratt, and this alone was proof of her guilt.
Bingham also pointed out for the tribunal that the charge a person was indicted for was irrelevant: Under the law of conspiracy, if one person carries out a crime, all conspirators are guilty of the same crime.
The trial ended on June 28, 1865.
Surratt was so ill the last four days of the trial that she was permitted to stay in her cell.
Both legal teams appeared to have flaws in their cases, and except for Reverdy Johnson neither team employed highly skilled attorneys.
The government's case was hindered by its failure to call as a witness the man who shared Lloyd's carriage when he talked with Mrs. Surratt (an individual who could have verified Lloyd's version of the "shooting irons" story), or Metropolitan Police Chief A.C. Richards (whose investigation had had the most success in the early days of the investigation).
The government did not fully investigate Booth's meetings with Mrs. Surratt at noon or the evening of the murder, and its questioning and cross-examination of witnessess was poorly prepared and weak.
What is most important is that the government had botched the attempt to apprehend John Surratt, Jr.
The defense's case, too, had a problem.
The defense never followed up on inconsistencies in Weichmann's chronology of Mary Surratt's last visit to the tavern, which could have undermined Weichmann's entire reliability.
The military tribunal considered guilt and sentencing on June 29 and 30.
Surratt's guilt was the second-to-last considered, because her case presented problems of evidence and witness reliability.
Sentence was handed down June 30.
The military tribunal found Mary Surratt guilty on all charges but two.
A death sentence required six of the nine votes of the judges.
Surratt was sentenced to death, and the sentence announced publicly on July 5.
When Powell learned of his sentence, he declared that Mary Surratt was completely innocent of all charges.
The night before the execution, Surratt's priests and Anna Surratt both visited Powell, and elicited from him a strong statement declaring Mrs. Surratt innocent.
Although this was delivered to Captain Christian Rath, who was overseeing the execution, Powell's statement had no effect on anyone with authority to prevent Surratt's death.
But George Atzerodt bitterly condemned her, implicating her even further in the conspiracy.
Powell's was the only statement by any conspirator exonerating Surratt.
Anna Surratt pleaded repeatedly for her mother's life with Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, but he refused to consider clemency.
She also attempted to see President Andrew Johnson several times to beg for mercy, but was not granted permission to see him.
Five of the nine judges signed a letter asking President Andrew Johnson to give Surratt clemency and commute her sentence to life in prison, given her age and sex.
Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt did not deliver the recommendation to President Johnson until July 5, two days before Surratt and the others were to hang.
Johnson signed the order for execution, but did not sign the order for clemency.
Johnson later said he never saw the clemency request; Holt said he showed it to Johnson, who refused to sign it.
Johnson, according to Holt, said in signing the death warrant that she had "kept the nest that hatched the egg". 
Many historians agree that President Abraham Lincoln's future assassin, John Wilkes Booth, visited Bryantown, Maryland, in November and December 1864, claiming to look for real estate investments.
Bryantown is about from Washington, D.C., and about from Mudd’s farm.
The real estate story was merely a cover; Booth’s true purpose was to plan an escape route as part of a plan to kidnap Lincoln.
Booth believed the federal government would ransom Lincoln by releasing a large number of Confederate prisoners of war.
Historians agree that Booth met Mudd at St. Mary's Catholic Church in Bryantown during one of those visits, probably the November visit.
Booth visited Mudd at his farm the next day, and stayed there overnight.
The following day, Booth purchased a horse from Mudd's neighbor and returned to Washington.
Some historians believe that Booth used his visit to Bryantown to recruit Mudd to his kidnapping plot, although others believe that Mudd would have had no interest in such a scheme.
A short time later, on December 23, 1864, Mudd went to Washington where he met Booth again.
Some historians believe the meeting had been arranged, but others disagree.
The two men, as well as John Surratt, Jr. and Louis J. Weichmann, had a conversation and drinks together, first at Booth’s hotel, and later at Mudd’s.
According to a statement made by associated conspirator George Atzerodt, found long after his death and taken down while he was in federal custody on May 1, 1865, Mudd knew in advance about Booth's plans; Atzerodt was sure the doctor knew, he said, because Booth had "sent (as he told me) liquors & provisions [...] about two weeks before the murder to Dr. Mudd's".
After Booth shot President Lincoln on April 14, 1865, he broke his left leg while fleeing Ford's Theater.
Booth met up with David Herold and together they made for Virginia via Southern Maryland.
They stopped at Mudd's house around four o'clock in the morning on April 15.
Mudd set, splinted and bandaged Booth's broken leg, and arranged for a carpenter, John Best, to make a pair of crutches for Booth.
"I had no proper paste-board for making splints...
so..I...
took a piece of bandbox and split it in half, doubled it at right angles, and took some paste and pasted it into a splint".
Booth and Herold spent between twelve and fifteen hours at Mudd's house.
They slept in the front bedroom on the second floor.
It is unclear whether Mudd had been informed that Booth had murdered President Lincoln at that point.
Mudd went to Bryantown during the day on April 15 to run errands; if he did not already know the news of the assassination from Booth, he certainly learned of it on this trip.
He returned home that evening, and accounts differ as to whether Booth and Herold had already left, whether Mudd met them as they were leaving, or whether they left at Mudd's urging and with his assistance.
Whichever is true, Mudd did not immediately contact the authorities.
When questioned, he stated that he had not wanted to leave his family alone in the house lest the assassins return and find him absent and his family unprotected.
He waited until Mass the following day, Easter Sunday, when he asked his second cousin, Dr. George Mudd — a resident of Bryantown — to notify the 13th New York Cavalry in Bryantown under the command of Lieutenant David Dana.
This delay in contacting the authorities drew suspicion and was a significant factor in tying Mudd to the conspiracy.
During his initial investigative interview on April 18, Mudd stated that he had never seen either of the parties before.
In his sworn statement of April 22, he told about Booth's visit to Bryantown in November 1864, but then said "I have never seen Booth since that time to my knowledge until last Saturday morning."
He deliberately hid the fact of his meeting with Booth in Washington in December 1864.
In prison, Mudd belatedly admitted the Washington meeting, saying he ran into Booth by chance during a Christmas shopping trip.
Mudd’s failure to mention the meeting in his interview with detectives was a big mistake.
When Louis J. Weichmann later told the authorities of this meeting, they realized Mudd had misled them, and immediately began to treat him as a suspect rather than a witness.
During the conspiracy trial, Lieutenant Alexander Lovett testified that "On Friday, the 21st of April, I went to Mudd's again, for the purpose of arresting him.
When he found we were going to search the house, he said something to his wife, and she went up stairs and brought down a boot.
Mudd said he had cut it off the man's leg.
I turned down the top of the boot, and saw the name 'J.
Wilkes' written in it."
Silas Henry Hodges was born in Clarendon, Vermont and was educated at Brandon Academy.
He graduated from Middlebury College in 1821, studied law in Rutland, Vermont attained admission to the bar, and practiced in Rutland until 1832.
Hodges began study at Auburn Theological Seminary in 1833 and received his ordination as a minister in the Congregational church in 1835.
He was pastor of several churches in southern Vermont until 1841, after which he resumed practicing law in Rutland.
From 1840 to 1860 Hodges served on the Middlebury College Board of Trustees.
In 1845 Hodges was elected State Auditor, serving until 1850.
From 1852 to 1853 Hodges served as United States Commissioner of Patents.
In 1861 Hodges was named Chief Examiner at the U.S. Patent Office, a position he held until his death.
In 1865 Hodges testified during the trial of the Lincoln Assassination conspirators, giving evidence supporting Marcus P. Norton's reputation for veracity.
Norton had testified that in March, 1865 a man he later recognized as Samuel Mudd had burst into his room at the National Hotel.
Norton claimed the man apologized, saying that he thought the room belonged to a man named Booth.
John Wilkes Booth had actually rented the room directly above Norton's.
A pre-assassination connection, if proved, would undercut Mudd's claim not to have known who Booth was when he set Booth's broken leg after Booth shot Lincoln.
Hodges died in Washington, D.C., and he was buried in Rutland's Evergreen Cemetery. 
In April 1860 Booth was indicted on a morals charge.
Fourteen-year-old babysitter Caroline Cook claimed that during an overnight stay caring for his children that Booth had "seduced" her, getting into her bed naked and fondling her, and later carrying her to his own bed and raping her.
During the subsequent trial Booth did not testify but his lawyers described Cook as a "little gipsy" and "strumpet."
Cook's father testified that Booth had admitted he had done a "great injury" to him and that he wished to settle out of court, but was refused.
Although Booth was acquitted by the requisite all-male jury, his wife did not believe him, left him, and his reputation as a moral authority was diminished.