Question: When did life expectancy rise above 35 in France?
About the article "Industrial Revolution", section "Food and nutrition".

Candidate passages:
 vs. life span.
Life expectancy is often confused with life span to the point that they are nearly synonyms; when people hear 'life expectancy was 35 years' they often interpret this as meaning that people of that time or place had short life spans.
Just because the life expectancy is set to a certain number doesn't mean that one can't exceed this set number.
It's more like an average One such example can be seen in the "In Search of..." episode "The Man Who Would Not Die" (About Count of St. Germain), where it is stated "Evidence recently discovered in the British Museum indicates that St. Germain may have well been the long lost third son of Rákóczi born in Transylvania in 1694.
If he died in Germany in 1784, he lived 90 years.
The average life expectancy in the 18th century was 35 years.
Fifty was a ripe old age.
"Ninety"... was forever.
"This ignores the fact that the life expectancy generally quoted is the "at birth" number, which is an "average" that includes all the babies that die before their first year of life as well as people that die from disease and war.
The genetics of humans and rate of aging were no different in pre-industrial societies than today, but people frequently died young because of untreatable diseases, accidents, and malnutrition.
Many women did not survive childbirth, and individuals who reached old age were likely to succumb quickly to health problems.
It can be argued that it is better to compare life expectancies of the period after childhood to get a better handle on life span.
Life expectancy can change dramatically after childhood, as is demonstrated by the Roman Life Expectancy table where "at birth" the life expectancy was 25 but at the age of 5 it jumped to 48.
Studies like Plymouth Plantation; "Dead at Forty" and Life Expectancy by Age, 1850–2004 similarly show a dramatic increase in life expectancy once adulthood was reached. 
It is important to note that life expectancy is an average value.
In many cultures, particularly before modern medicine was widely available, the combination of high infant mortality and deaths in young adulthood from accidents, epidemics, plagues, wars, and childbirth, significantly lowers the overall life expectancy.
But for someone who survived past these early hazards, living into their sixties or seventies would not be uncommon.
For example, a society with a life expectancy of 40 may have very few people dying at age 40: most will die before 30 years of age or after 55.
In countries with high infant mortality rates, life expectancy at birth is highly sensitive to the rate of death in the first few years of life.
Because of this sensitivity to infant mortality, simple life expectancy at age zero can be subjected to gross misinterpretation, leading one to believe that a population with a low overall life expectancy will necessarily have a small proportion of older people.
For example, in a hypothetical stationary population in which half the population dies before the age of five, but everybody else dies at exactly 70 years old, the life expectancy at age zero will be about 37 years, while about 25% of the population will be between the ages of 50 and 70.
Another measure, such as life expectancy at age 5 (e5), can be used to exclude the effect of infant mortality to provide a simple measure of overall mortality rates other than in early childhood—in the hypothetical population above, life expectancy at age 5 would be another 64 years.
Aggregate population measures, such as the proportion of the population in various age classes, should also be used alongside individual-based measures like formal life expectancy when analyzing population structure and dynamics. 
After the socialist revolution, the life expectancy for all age groups went up.
A newborn child in 1926-27 had a life expectancy of 44.4 years, up from 32.3 years thirty years before.
In 1958-59 the life expectancy for newborns went up to 68.6 years.
This improvement was seen in itself by some as immediate proof that the socialist system was superior to the capitalist system.
The trend continued into the 1960s, when the life expectancy in the Soviet Union went beyond the life expectancy in the United States.
The life expectancy in Soviet Union were fairly stable during most years, although in the 1970s went slightly down probably because of alcohol abuse.
The improvement in infant mortality leveled out eventually, and after a while infant mortality began to rise.
After 1974 the government stopped publishing statistics on this.
This trend can be partly explained by the number of pregnancies went drastically up in the Asian part of the country where infant mortality was highest, while the number of pregnancies was markedly down in the more developed European part of the Soviet Union.
For example, the number of births per citizens of Tajikistan went up from 1.92 in 1958-59 to 2.91 in 1979-80, while the number in Latvia was down to 0.91 in 1979-80. 
The twentieth century witnessed a great expansion of the upper bounds of the human life span.
At the beginning of the century, average life expectancy in the United States was 47 years.
By century's end, the average life expectancy had risen to over 70 years, and it was not unusual for Americans to exceed 80 years of age.
However, although longevity in the U.S. population has increased substantially, race disparities in longevity have been persistent.
African American life expectancy at birth is persistently five to seven years lower than European Americans.
The vast majority of studies focus on the black-white contrast, but a rapidly growing literature describes variations in health status among America's increasingly diverse racial populations.
Where people live, combined with race and income, play a huge role in whether they may die young.
A 2001 study found large racial differences exist in healthy life expectancy at lower levels of education.
A study by Jack M. Guralnik, Kenneth C. Land, Dan Blazer, Gerda G. Fillenbaum, and Laurence G. Branch found that education had a substantially stronger relation to total life expectancy and active life expectancy than did race.
Still, sixty-five-year-old black men had a lower total life expectancy (11.4 years) and active life expectancy (10 years) than white men (total life expectancy, 12.6 years; active life expectancy, 11.2 years) The differences were reduced when the data were controlled for education. 
 List of countries by life expectancy ranked 74th longest life expectancy in the world