That is the most politically feasible way to create the conditions necessary to allow the departure of U.S. troops at the earliest possible date. For that you need term limits. The fact that incumbents tend to get reelected at very high rates even though large majorities of voters favor term limits is perfectly logical, he notes. A district that ousts its senior incumbent suffers a loss of relative clout in the legislature. To avoid that loss of power, it behooves individual districts to vote to retain their incumbents.
Term limits are effectively just such an agreement.
One-third of all terrorist attacks worldwide in 1997 were perpetrated against U.S. targets. That is a very high percentage considering that the United States unlike nations such as Algeria, Turkey, and the United Kingdom has no internal civil war or quarrels with its neighbors that spawn terrorism, writes Ivan Eland, Cato s director of defense policy studies. The major difference between the United States and other wealthy democratic nations is that it is an interventionist superpower. The U.S. Senate should reject the proposed Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and fund the resumption of limited testing, writes defense analyst Kathleen C. Bailey in a new Cato paper. Signed by President Clinton in September 1996 and to be considered by the Senate this year, the CTBT has limited political benefits and is not worth the high cost to U.S. national security.