Levine stressed how transitions to democracy in Latin America have cut the ground from under much of liberation theology's political agenda. It is easier to stand united against repression and authoritarian rule than to choose among electoral rivals. Old allies on the left have been weakened, and an unfamiliar strategy of negotiation and electoral competition have created problems for many groups. At the same time sharp increases in poverty and a wave of neo-liberal economic policies have undercut the viability of collective organization in general, leaving the poor isolated and more vulnerable than ever. In any case, attacks by conservatives in the Catholic church, combined with effective competition from evangelical Protestants have made it impossible for any one group to speak in the name of religion.
Pluralism is a fact of life in religion as well as politics now.
Berryman underscored how much the reality of Latin America has come to vary from the image many libera- tionists had of it when they set out to change the world. Central America is no longer a microcosm of the region as a whole. The typical Latin American is no longer a peasant, the typical regime is no longer military, and socialism is no longer viewed as a realistic or available option in politics or in economics. He argued that reverses and harsh repression have combined in many cases to rob liberation theology of a whole generation, weakening the ability of current groups to move and change with the times. Liberation theology has been slow to respond to the changes of the 1990s, slower for example than evangelical Protestants, whose use of mass media and promotion of local talent has drawn them close to the rhythms and concerns of popular culture.