In his 1997 annual report, US Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist sternly warned against the high number of judicial vacancies, though the Senate cut the vacancies in half in the last Congress, says Jeanne Lopatto, Senate Judiciary Committee spokeswoman. The senator was furious that Clinton had taken advantage of a congressional recess to appoint gay philanthropist James Hormel as ambassador to Luxemburg - an appointee the president has sought since 1997. It's still possible, however, for one individual to hold up the confirmation. But it's more than partisan politics or the lame-duck syndrome that accounts for the slow down. Today, there are more political-appointment positions than ever, and appointees are serving for shorter amounts of time.
Electronic databases make it possible to delve deeper into the records of individuals.
Plus, the Clinton personnel office, scorched by nominee scandal early on, has a vigorous, time-consuming vetting process. In 1996, a bipartisan task force recommended several changes, including reducing the number of appointed positions, shielding confirmation debates from delay tactics, and streamlining financial disclosure forms for appointees. But Congress is not in the mood for reform these days, says Mr. Light at the Brookings Institution in Washington. That's why he and other political scientists are taking matters into their own hands - albeit on a small scale. This, he believes, would relieve at least some of the burdens facing nominees, and perhaps even jump-start lawmakers for reform.