They worry about government's corrosive effect on religion. Dangers always arise when church and state collaborate. But it is hard to recall when political leadership was more inclined to rewrite the tired script of sacred-secular dogfights. It is the third component, extending the protections of the 1996 Charitable Choice law, which has stirred a hornet's nest. The law allows religious organizations to compete alongside secular providers for federal antipoverty funds, without having to dilute their spiritual mission.
Liberals seem to understand what is at stake better than some conservatives do.
It isn't money. The president's plan would make federal dollars available for faith-based fatherhood programs, maternity group homes, and mentoring for the children of prisoners. That would help inner-city ministries previously shunned by government or overlooked by private donors. Indeed, the bias against religiously informed values, so deeply entrenched in social services, cannot be uprooted without political muscle. A study last year by the Center for Public Justice, for example, revealed that most states are ignoring the Charitable Choice law.