More important, the United States should declare that it is prepared to allow Iraq to resume unlimited oil exports if it complies fully with the U.N. requirement that it not possess nor produce chemical, biological or nuclear weapons or long-range missiles and if it accepts that any money earned from exports be funneled into a mechanism controlled by the United Nations. Proceeds also would be used to purchase food, medicine and consumer goods for the Iraqi people, to compensate Kuwaitis and others for war losses, and to pay Iraq's debts. This latter provision should encourage France and Russia to support the introduction of such a provision. But even a change in declaratory policy would have the immediate benefit of strengthening our position in the Arab world where current U.S. policy, that Saddam comply with every aspect of every resolution before he receives any sanctions relief, is seen as unreasonable and unfair. We also need a more energetic policy toward an Arab-Israeli Middle East peace.
Linkage here is a fact of life.
The willingness and ability of Arab governments to work with us against Saddam requires that we do something to reduce this perceived double standard. Rebuilding the coalition more broadly will require, too, that we make Iraq a diplomatic priority. Shoring up the anti-Iraq coalition may also mean eschewing secondary sanctions that penalize France and others in Europe when they do not join U.S. boycotts of Cuba or Iran. A more nuanced U.S. approach toward Iran, one that embraced a reciprocal road map for improving relations, would help in other ways, as it would threaten Saddam with further isolation or even encirclement. The good news is that all these policy adjustments make sense on their merits.