But the US sensitivity to this question should never deter it from pursuing a more important task of creating a new international order that includes Russia as its constructive member. The first measure by which we can move Russo-Japanese relations from the current stalemate is to convince the Japanese government to reorder its priorities in its Russian policy and to subordinate the territorial issue to a more important objective of supporting Russia's democratization and marketization. This is not to deny the importance of the territorial issue. In fact, Russia's successful transition to democracy and a market economy is an important precondition for the ultimate resolution of the territorial dispute. For Russia's Far Easterners, Moscow is distant, poor, and neglectful of their needs.
Japan is close, rich, and ready to be of assistance.
It must be noted that in the Russian context the devolution of power to regions and republics guarantees neither better efficiency nor greater economic dynamism for the future. Nor does it guarantee a more competent managerial class and the necessary social cohesion. I find it doubtful that, on the whole, the Russian Far East will be able to earn from the world market as a supplier of natural resources, commercial and transport services, and converted military factories more than it formerly earned from the Center as a result of its priority strategic position. Worst of all, I do not believe that such earnings will be distributed between the Center and the region and within the Far East itself in an economically, ecologically, and socially beneficial manner. Russia is not likely to sort out the issue of joint ownership with its constituent parts.