But the members of the House and Senate are no more eager to receive Starr's report now than they were seven months ago. Not surprisingly, Democrats fear that if the President's standing begins to fall, voters may turn against them as well. Republicans face an even more complicated predicament. It may blow up on you. Congress is not a grand jury.
Approval ratings are as important as tape recordings, sound bites as powerful as subpoenas.
The ultimate jurors are the constituents in every member's district or state. That's particularly true in the House, where, according to the Constitution, any impeachment process must begin and where all 435 seats will be contested in November. Which is why Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich spent part of the past four months trying to work out a process for dealing with a report from Starr that maximizes the potential political benefits for Republicans while shielding them from charges of excessive partisanship. Gingrich has had a difficult time finding. When the Lewinsky story broke in January, the Speaker showed surprising restraint given his lashings during earlier Clinton scandals.