In addition, they need to project the class into the political sphere where the complex of interests it represents can be pursued independently. Unless the working class ceases to fold its interests into programs designed to promote capitalism it will remain fragmented. Thus entering the political sphere is a key element in the pursuit of unity. Working to develop independent political parties is not something various working-class organizations can ignore. One objection to this rejection of Moody's strategic centrality will be that it is only in a sector like the industrial working class that consciousness is high enough to lead the struggle against neoliberalism and ultimately capitalism itself.
Consciousness migrates from one site to another.
It is sometimes higher, for example, among African Americans as an ethnic group than it is among any sector of workers. So the claim about higher consciousness being the privilege of one sector usually reduces to a claim about the potential for higher consciousness. I doubt if anyone has shown that being able to stop surplus production at its source can create a more accurate knowledge of the class nature of capitalism than can, say, the gender division of labor under capitalism. Another objection will be that working-class issues have been too broadly defined here. If the working class is a class that earns its living by wage work, then only the issues of wage work are working-class issues.