One is the issue of overlapping oppression. The other is that women in all these three areas of feminist organizing, black, lesbian, and disability politics, have had to confront and work around the domination of women's movement politics by economically privileged white women. The media often portrays feminists and lesbians as completely overlapping universes, driving the homophobic out of feminist work altogether. Chapter eight focuses on political participation, representation and resistance, highlighting the traditionally liberal conception of women's participation in parties and electoral politics, without specifically identifying it as such. For example, Corrin states that the regions of the world having the highest representation of women in national legislatures, the Scandinavian countries, do not use the list-system of proportional representation in their electoral system.
Arab states have the fewest proportion of women participating in their systems.
This chapter could use some more in-depth discussion on this point. In chapter nine, on transnational and international feminisms, Corrin does a very good job of emphasizing the themes in this arena that have been present throughout the book. Nevertheless, as Corrin and many others who write on international feminism point out, it is necessary to do this work, as this reflects the current and future reality of our lives. Chapter nine also specifically highlights successful examples of feminist solidarity across international boundaries, as well as those that can be problematic, given the distortion of feminist efforts by the dominant political coalition. On the other hand, Corrin shows how feminists working together across borders may become part of an official state propaganda machine, as in a case drawn from her personal experience where women from the Greenham Common anti-nuclear protests went to Moscow to work with feminist organizations there.