That ended up as a smashing defeat for the prime minister and a blow for Yeltsin. The deputies knew, though, that their voters would never excuse them for compromising with the hated regime. The money that has been spent on supporting Yeltsin could have been used to create jobs in Europe and America, to help the poorest countries and to solve environmental problems. But international bankers don't give money for these purposes. Even neoliberal economists in Russia now accept that after the virtual bankruptcy of the Russian bourgeoisie, massive nationalisations are inevitable and that there is no way out of the financial mess without printing money.
Communists are in strategic economic ministries.
Yeltsin's alliance between the oligarchs and international capital is ending. Primakov's appointment means that for the first time there is a possibility that economic policy will be concerned with the welfare of the Russian people and stimulating the domestic economy. But radical ideas are needed to form a new model of the public sector dynamic, decentralised and democratic. Claims which might be presented to the IMF following the devaluation of the ruble are nothing compared to the accounts which Russia's own population will set before the authorities and the oligarchic elite. The people at the top are demoralised, and those at the bottom are embittered.