cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.7274/26156710
title: Capital and Conflict: The Effects of Power Politics on International Finance

description: Great powers frequently intervene in their economies to influence investment flows. These interventions, which I call capital management strategies, seek to either limit or promote investment coming into or going out of a state’s economy. My dissertation asks what explains the capital management strategies great powers adopt. I argue that security concerns, particularly about the balance of power and dependence, drive great powers to adopt different capital management strategies vis-à-vis other great powers in the international system. The specific strategies great powers adopt are determined by two different causal variables: threat level and investment position. Threat level, determined by another state’s proximity and relative power, provides the motivation to either limit or promote investment relations. Investment position, the net balance of inflows, outflows, assets, and liabilities, determines whether a capital management strategy will target investment inflows or outflows. Great powers tend to limit investment relations with those they view as greater threats and seek to encourage investment relations with those they view as less threatening or as important to their own security provision, such as allies. I test my theory in a least-likely case: the US, from 1870 to 1995. Despite principled hostility to government intervention in economic affairs, I find strong evidence in favor of my theory. On many occasions throughout its history, the US has changed capital management strategies in response to changes in its investment position and/or changes to the level of threat other great powers posed to it. My theory’s ability to explain and predict outcomes in this least-likely case gives me a large degree of confidence that it holds for most other great power cases. These findings have implications for established explanations of great power investment policies which discount the role security concerns play in driving outcomes.
DOI: 10.7274/26156710.v1
title: Capital and Conflict: The Effects of Power Politics on International Finance

description: Great powers frequently intervene in their economies to influence investment flows. These interventions, which I call capital management strategies, seek to either limit or promote investment coming into or going out of a state’s economy. My dissertation asks what explains the capital management strategies great powers adopt. I argue that security concerns, particularly about the balance of power and dependence, drive great powers to adopt different capital management strategies vis-à-vis other great powers in the international system. The specific strategies great powers adopt are determined by two different causal variables: threat level and investment position. Threat level, determined by another state’s proximity and relative power, provides the motivation to either limit or promote investment relations. Investment position, the net balance of inflows, outflows, assets, and liabilities, determines whether a capital management strategy will target investment inflows or outflows. Great powers tend to limit investment relations with those they view as greater threats and seek to encourage investment relations with those they view as less threatening or as important to their own security provision, such as allies. I test my theory in a least-likely case: the US, from 1870 to 1995. Despite principled hostility to government intervention in economic affairs, I find strong evidence in favor of my theory. On many occasions throughout its history, the US has changed capital management strategies in response to changes in its investment position and/or changes to the level of threat other great powers posed to it. My theory’s ability to explain and predict outcomes in this least-likely case gives me a large degree of confidence that it holds for most other great power cases. These findings have implications for established explanations of great power investment policies which discount the role security concerns play in driving outcomes.
DOI: 10.7274/26299252
title: The Politics of Identity Transmission in and after Communism

description: This study examines the enduring effects of identity repression on ethnic identity transmission within the Greek minority in communist Albania (1945-1990) and post-communist Albania (1991-2004), using an ancestral name bank from the pre-communist era. The analysis employs a novel approach by exploring how a communist-era policy that recognized only a subset of an ethnic group influenced family-level decisions about their ethnic identity. The findings highlight the critical role of timing in determining whether repressed ethnic groups assimilate or revive their ancestral identities. Initially, repression led to assimilation; however, a resurgence of ethnic identity followed the collapse of the regime. The study broadens the scope of post-Soviet literature on Stalin’s ethnic policies---which has typically amplified the role of ethnic elites or pre-communist schooling---by revealing the significant impact of Stalinist-era policies on repressed populations in facilitating post-communist ethnic revival. It further amplifies the role of gender during repression and non-agricultural occupations prior to repression as predictors of using ancestral names. 

A notable discovery is that the revival of ethnic identity among the repressed group began in the generation before the fall of Albania's communist regime, with a marked increase in females being given ancestral names during its period of intense repression---a departure from the male-dominated tradition as well as all other minority groups in the study. This shift and the mechanisms of identity transmission are further elucidated through ethnographic research and interviews with both recognized and repressed Greeks in Albania, detailing their experiences during and after communism. The research contributes to our understanding of how historical repression influences contemporary nationalist movements in post-communist settings and offers insights into the complex dynamics of identity transmission.
DOI: 10.7274/26299252.v1
title: The Politics of Identity Transmission in and after Communism

description: This study examines the enduring effects of identity repression on ethnic identity transmission within the Greek minority in communist Albania (1945-1990) and post-communist Albania (1991-2004), using an ancestral name bank from the pre-communist era. The analysis employs a novel approach by exploring how a communist-era policy that recognized only a subset of an ethnic group influenced family-level decisions about their ethnic identity. The findings highlight the critical role of timing in determining whether repressed ethnic groups assimilate or revive their ancestral identities. Initially, repression led to assimilation; however, a resurgence of ethnic identity followed the collapse of the regime. The study broadens the scope of post-Soviet literature on Stalin’s ethnic policies---which has typically amplified the role of ethnic elites or pre-communist schooling---by revealing the significant impact of Stalinist-era policies on repressed populations in facilitating post-communist ethnic revival. It further amplifies the role of gender during repression and non-agricultural occupations prior to repression as predictors of using ancestral names. 

A notable discovery is that the revival of ethnic identity among the repressed group began in the generation before the fall of Albania's communist regime, with a marked increase in females being given ancestral names during its period of intense repression---a departure from the male-dominated tradition as well as all other minority groups in the study. This shift and the mechanisms of identity transmission are further elucidated through ethnographic research and interviews with both recognized and repressed Greeks in Albania, detailing their experiences during and after communism. The research contributes to our understanding of how historical repression influences contemporary nationalist movements in post-communist settings and offers insights into the complex dynamics of identity transmission.
DOI: 10.7274/26299261
title: Hermann Heller and the Problem of Political Unity

description: During the instability that characterized the Weimar Republic, the problem of political unity became a question of utmost concern. Unlike its English language equivalent, the German term politische Einheit signifies both the concrete unity and the bearer of that unity, the state. The three most important theorist of political unity in the Weimar Republic were Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, and Hermann Heller. Whereas Schmitt’s and Kelsen’s theses have been the subject of extensive scholarly debate in the anglophone world, Heller’s approach to the problem of political unity has received relatively less scholarly treatment. Given this relative neglect of Hermann Heller in the history of political thought, this dissertation seeks to recover the core concept of Heller’s work on the problem of political unity, namely, the state.

As a result, the central question of the dissertation is: What is Hermann Heller’s concept of the state? Against recent interpreters who see Heller’s conception of the state as Hobbesian or Weberian, this dissertation argues for a left Hegelian reading of Heller’s theory. For Heller, the state is a unitarily effective but essentially pluralistic organization that can be distinguished from other kinds of organization by its sovereignty and territoriality. It exists only insofar as it successfully unites the dialectical moments of power, law, and ethics. Because of its dialectical constitution, Heller concludes that statehood is not a binary but a continuum. This enables him to bridge the gap between descriptive and normative political theory to defend parliamentary democracy and reformist socialism as the best practicable solution to the problem of political unity in the early twentieth century. Whereas some scholars identify a fundamental break in Heller’s thought, the interpretation defended here identifies fundamental continuities between Heller’s early work on Hegel and his later work in legal theory and political science.
DOI: 10.7274/26299261.v1
title: Hermann Heller and the Problem of Political Unity

description: During the instability that characterized the Weimar Republic, the problem of political unity became a question of utmost concern. Unlike its English language equivalent, the German term politische Einheit signifies both the concrete unity and the bearer of that unity, the state. The three most important theorist of political unity in the Weimar Republic were Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, and Hermann Heller. Whereas Schmitt’s and Kelsen’s theses have been the subject of extensive scholarly debate in the anglophone world, Heller’s approach to the problem of political unity has received relatively less scholarly treatment. Given this relative neglect of Hermann Heller in the history of political thought, this dissertation seeks to recover the core concept of Heller’s work on the problem of political unity, namely, the state.

As a result, the central question of the dissertation is: What is Hermann Heller’s concept of the state? Against recent interpreters who see Heller’s conception of the state as Hobbesian or Weberian, this dissertation argues for a left Hegelian reading of Heller’s theory. For Heller, the state is a unitarily effective but essentially pluralistic organization that can be distinguished from other kinds of organization by its sovereignty and territoriality. It exists only insofar as it successfully unites the dialectical moments of power, law, and ethics. Because of its dialectical constitution, Heller concludes that statehood is not a binary but a continuum. This enables him to bridge the gap between descriptive and normative political theory to defend parliamentary democracy and reformist socialism as the best practicable solution to the problem of political unity in the early twentieth century. Whereas some scholars identify a fundamental break in Heller’s thought, the interpretation defended here identifies fundamental continuities between Heller’s early work on Hegel and his later work in legal theory and political science.
DOI: 10.7274/26308765
title: From Binary to Multidimensional: Reframing Latino Acculturation in Political Science

description: This dissertation challenges prevailing binary acculturation models in Latino political science research, which fail to capture the complexity of Latino acculturation. It introduces the Multidimensional Latino Acculturation Model (MLAM), a framework acknowledging diverse acculturation pathways. The MLAM considers four acculturation orientations, emphasizing hybrid identities such as Bicultural and newly identified Demicultural orientations, validated using data from the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) with 4,785 participants.

Through innovative non-parametric methodologies and comparative cluster analysis, including Gaussian Mixture Models (GMM) and K-Means clustering, the MLAM captures the nuance and fluidity of Latino identities. The analysis demonstrates robust empirical support for well-defined clusters, confirmed through metrics such as the Silhouette Score, Dunn Index, and Calinski-Harabasz Index. The empirical results reveal critical flaws in traditional binary models, showing that three-quarters of Latinos are not represented by binary acculturation frameworks. Robustness checks further validate the stability of these acculturation orientations.

1 The study connects acculturation orientations to political identities and issuefocused cross-pressures, offering a nuanced understanding of Latino political behavior. Bicultural individuals exhibit strong identification with both Latino and American identities and show robust support for immigrants and lenient immigration policies. In contrast, Demicultural individuals display moderate identification with both cultures, less support for immigrants and lenient immigration policies, and more varied political behaviors.

This research advances a decolonial and empirically robust framework that enhances understanding of Latino acculturation and its political implications. The MLAM's utility in examining political behaviors demonstrates its potential to transform future research in Latino acculturation studies and broader social science research. These findings have significant implications for research, suggesting a need for more nuanced approaches to understanding and addressing Latino political behavior and acculturation.
DOI: 10.7274/26308765.v1
title: From Binary to Multidimensional: Reframing Latino Acculturation in Political Science

description: This dissertation challenges prevailing binary acculturation models in Latino political science research, which fail to capture the complexity of Latino acculturation. It introduces the Multidimensional Latino Acculturation Model (MLAM), a framework acknowledging diverse acculturation pathways. The MLAM considers four acculturation orientations, emphasizing hybrid identities such as Bicultural and newly identified Demicultural orientations, validated using data from the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) with 4,785 participants.

Through innovative non-parametric methodologies and comparative cluster analysis, including Gaussian Mixture Models (GMM) and K-Means clustering, the MLAM captures the nuance and fluidity of Latino identities. The analysis demonstrates robust empirical support for well-defined clusters, confirmed through metrics such as the Silhouette Score, Dunn Index, and Calinski-Harabasz Index. The empirical results reveal critical flaws in traditional binary models, showing that three-quarters of Latinos are not represented by binary acculturation frameworks. Robustness checks further validate the stability of these acculturation orientations.

1 The study connects acculturation orientations to political identities and issuefocused cross-pressures, offering a nuanced understanding of Latino political behavior. Bicultural individuals exhibit strong identification with both Latino and American identities and show robust support for immigrants and lenient immigration policies. In contrast, Demicultural individuals display moderate identification with both cultures, less support for immigrants and lenient immigration policies, and more varied political behaviors.

This research advances a decolonial and empirically robust framework that enhances understanding of Latino acculturation and its political implications. The MLAM's utility in examining political behaviors demonstrates its potential to transform future research in Latino acculturation studies and broader social science research. These findings have significant implications for research, suggesting a need for more nuanced approaches to understanding and addressing Latino political behavior and acculturation.
DOI: 10.7274/26308789
title: Competition, Collusion, and Inclusion: Racial Equality in Elite International Clubs

description: What causes members of elite international clubs to accommodate outsiders? I take up this question in the context of the great power club and the nuclear club. I argue that accommodation is facilitated by insider competition and hindered by insider collusion. Competition enables outsider inclusion through two casual pathways. First, certain insiders are incentivized to embrace club expansion when they believe that the outsider’s rise will advance their position within the club. Insiders directly aid the outsider and work against other insiders from denying the outsider entry into the club. Second, insider competition draws resources away from the protection of the club boundaries and creates a collective action problem. No insider may desire the outsider’s entry but no club member may be individually willing to bear the costs of excluding them. The outsider gains inclusion because of the lack of organized insider resistance. In contrast, insider collusion guards the club from outsiders and raises the material and symbolic costs for membership. Using process-tracing, the argument is tested in two cases: the inclusion of Imperial Japan into the great power club and China’s inclusion into the nuclear club. The argument performs well and has implications for how we think about racism, power transitions, status, and nuclear proliferation.
DOI: 10.7274/26308789.v1
title: Competition, Collusion, and Inclusion: Racial Equality in Elite International Clubs

description: What causes members of elite international clubs to accommodate outsiders? I take up this question in the context of the great power club and the nuclear club. I argue that accommodation is facilitated by insider competition and hindered by insider collusion. Competition enables outsider inclusion through two casual pathways. First, certain insiders are incentivized to embrace club expansion when they believe that the outsider’s rise will advance their position within the club. Insiders directly aid the outsider and work against other insiders from denying the outsider entry into the club. Second, insider competition draws resources away from the protection of the club boundaries and creates a collective action problem. No insider may desire the outsider’s entry but no club member may be individually willing to bear the costs of excluding them. The outsider gains inclusion because of the lack of organized insider resistance. In contrast, insider collusion guards the club from outsiders and raises the material and symbolic costs for membership. Using process-tracing, the argument is tested in two cases: the inclusion of Imperial Japan into the great power club and China’s inclusion into the nuclear club. The argument performs well and has implications for how we think about racism, power transitions, status, and nuclear proliferation.
DOI: 10.7274/26308795
title: Plato's Tragic Politics: Reading the <em>Republic</em> as Tragedy

description: This dissertation is about the history of the concept of tragedy. I seek to broaden the meaning of the concept of tragedy for political scientists and theorists by returning to the texts and contexts of ancient Greek tragedy. To this end, this dissertation explores theories of the tragic in the work of Jean-Pierre Vernant and Walter Burkert. Vernant and Burkert help uncover tragedy’s preoccupation with animal sacrifice, which is taken to be central to the meaning of tragedy. In animal sacrifice, with which the work of Burkert is concerned, the sacrificed animal is anthropomorphized, signaling the humanity of the animal and the remorse of “man the killer.” Sacrifice, like ancient tragedy, captures the ambiguities of action, while also positing an intimacy between the community and its victims. The second part of this dissertation consists of a long argument about Plato’s Republic, to the effect that Socrates’ disavowal of tragedy and tragic poetry as inimical to political life must be understood within the context of ancient tragedy and its predecessor, Homer. This second part offers the view that the Republic itself contains tragic elements, above all in the ambiguous figure of Socrates, who, like the officiating priests at the sacrifice who suggest that they resemble their animal victim, bears resemblance to the object of his criticism: the poets. This argument is an extension of important past work by Jacques Derrida. This tension in the character of Socrates is reproduced at the level of the city in speech which Socrates founds in the dialogue: the great threat to Kallipolis is tragic poetry and imitation, but its founders and statesmen are frequently referred to as poets, doctors, and painters, all of which professions are described with derision or viewed with suspicion at some point in the Republic. Finally, this dissertation concludes by considering the Cave allegory of Republic VII, arguing that like Antigone the image draws upon its religious background, particularly the Eleusinian mysteries, but does so skeptically and critically. This final part of the dissertation draws on work done by Andrea Wilson Nightingale and S. Sara Monoson.