cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.17632/6nbbbpcjzm.1
title: Expert judgment scale responses for IPDLR-S instrument and students pilot group responses.

description: The first set of data corresponds to the answers given by 31 expert judges in relation to the IPDLR-S instrument that aims to measure the perception of students in the use of digital learning resources for a statistics subject. The data were used to perform a content validation through the Aiken's V. The second set of data corresponds to the answers given by students when answering the IPDLR-S instrument in a pilot study with 50 participants, which were used to perform a reliability analysis.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7511558.v1
title: Flying in Clear Skies: Technical Arguments Influencing ANAC Regulations

description: Regulatory agencies possess the particularity of being controlled by non-elected politicians whose power is derived from delegations made by incumbent powers. There exists, however, a concern with the creation of institutional mechanisms that permit public participation, thus guaranteeing greater democratization and social control of the regulatory process. One of these participatory mechanisms is the public hearing, which was not given much attention by Brazilian literature on lobbying and interest groups. This article seeks to contribute to fill this gap, focusing on the impact of interest groups acting upon the National Civil Aviation Agency, ANAC. Analyzing comments sent to the public hearings, we identified the commentators and the intensity of their participation, the impact of their efforts as measured by the rate of comment incorporation, and we explained why some comments are incorporated and others are not. We organized an original data base of the comments made at all ANAC public hearings between 2007 and May 2012. We analyzed 518 comments concerning 48 regulations. To test participant influence, we classified the comments by degree of technicality, economic or legal argument, authorship, and request for regulation. To understand the incorporation process, we used regression models through which we presented evidence that a comment's incorporation is directly related to its degree of technicality. Technical comments, which effectively subsidize the resolution, have a higher chance of being incorporated. Even more than corporate power or its force of participation, the technical quality proved to be the main factor for comment incorporation.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7511558
title: Flying in Clear Skies: Technical Arguments Influencing ANAC Regulations

description: Regulatory agencies possess the particularity of being controlled by non-elected politicians whose power is derived from delegations made by incumbent powers. There exists, however, a concern with the creation of institutional mechanisms that permit public participation, thus guaranteeing greater democratization and social control of the regulatory process. One of these participatory mechanisms is the public hearing, which was not given much attention by Brazilian literature on lobbying and interest groups. This article seeks to contribute to fill this gap, focusing on the impact of interest groups acting upon the National Civil Aviation Agency, ANAC. Analyzing comments sent to the public hearings, we identified the commentators and the intensity of their participation, the impact of their efforts as measured by the rate of comment incorporation, and we explained why some comments are incorporated and others are not. We organized an original data base of the comments made at all ANAC public hearings between 2007 and May 2012. We analyzed 518 comments concerning 48 regulations. To test participant influence, we classified the comments by degree of technicality, economic or legal argument, authorship, and request for regulation. To understand the incorporation process, we used regression models through which we presented evidence that a comment's incorporation is directly related to its degree of technicality. Technical comments, which effectively subsidize the resolution, have a higher chance of being incorporated. Even more than corporate power or its force of participation, the technical quality proved to be the main factor for comment incorporation.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7517615
title: Institutionalisation, Reform and Independence of the Public Defender’s Office in Brazil

description: The aim of this article is to investigate the institutionalisation of the state Public Defender's Offices before and after the reform that granted independence and new functions to the Public Defender's Offices in Brazil. We attempt to understand these processes based on theories of judicial empowerment (ideational and governance perspectives), analyse them in the Brazilian states by means of an analysis of two indicators in three different time periods (before, during and after the reform) and verify to what extent the formal (de jure) advances were involved in the exercise of autonomy in the states. The analysis reveals that in spite of the formal achievement of independence, the majority of state Public Defender's Offices are not actually independent and there is a great gap between what the laws stipulate and what actually happens in the public provision of access to justice in Brazil.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7517615.v1
title: Institutionalisation, Reform and Independence of the Public Defender’s Office in Brazil

description: The aim of this article is to investigate the institutionalisation of the state Public Defender's Offices before and after the reform that granted independence and new functions to the Public Defender's Offices in Brazil. We attempt to understand these processes based on theories of judicial empowerment (ideational and governance perspectives), analyse them in the Brazilian states by means of an analysis of two indicators in three different time periods (before, during and after the reform) and verify to what extent the formal (de jure) advances were involved in the exercise of autonomy in the states. The analysis reveals that in spite of the formal achievement of independence, the majority of state Public Defender's Offices are not actually independent and there is a great gap between what the laws stipulate and what actually happens in the public provision of access to justice in Brazil.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14327240
title: Eddy_Flux.tar.xz

description: We downloaded the data at six temperate forest sites from the European Flux network for our model-data fusion. The in-situ observed vapor pressure, air temperature, incoming radiation, wind speed, and air pressure were used to drive iTEM. The daily time-step net ecosystem exchange (NEE) measurement using the eddy covariance method were from the Level 4 dataset. The NEE data were previously friction-velocity-filtered, gap-filled and partitioned into the component fluxes of gross primary productivity (GPP) and ecosystem respiration (Reco). The foliar 13C compositions at the six sites were obtained from the Work Package 5 (WP5, entitled "Isotopic Studies") of CARBOEUROFLUX project (http://www.weizmann.ac.il 160 /EPS/wp5/results.html).The foliar samples were generally taken from the dominant species at the sites with 2-3 fully expanded and sunlight leaves at the top canopy (https://www.weizmann.ac.il/EPS/wp5/sample.html). Compared with the continuous measurement of carbon fluxes (NEE) at these sites, the measurements were conducted every one or two months 13C during growing season.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14327240.v1
title: Eddy_Flux.tar.xz

description: We downloaded the data at six temperate forest sites from the European Flux network for our model-data fusion. The in-situ observed vapor pressure, air temperature, incoming radiation, wind speed, and air pressure were used to drive iTEM. The daily time-step net ecosystem exchange (NEE) measurement using the eddy covariance method were from the Level 4 dataset. The NEE data were previously friction-velocity-filtered, gap-filled and partitioned into the component fluxes of gross primary productivity (GPP) and ecosystem respiration (Reco). The foliar 13C compositions at the six sites were obtained from the Work Package 5 (WP5, entitled "Isotopic Studies") of CARBOEUROFLUX project (http://www.weizmann.ac.il 160 /EPS/wp5/results.html).The foliar samples were generally taken from the dominant species at the sites with 2-3 fully expanded and sunlight leaves at the top canopy (https://www.weizmann.ac.il/EPS/wp5/sample.html). Compared with the continuous measurement of carbon fluxes (NEE) at these sites, the measurements were conducted every one or two months 13C during growing season.
DOI: 10.13011/m3-rkg0-zh65
title: Screening of generalized stacking fault energies, surface energies and intrinsic ductile potency of refractory multicomponent alloys
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7506980
title: State Transfers, Taxes and Income Inequality in Brazil

description: Using a factor decomposition of the Gini coefficient, we measure the contribution to inequality of direct monetary income flows to and from the Brazilian State. The income flows from the State include public sector workers' earnings, Social Security pensions, unemployment benefits, and Social Assistance transfers. The income flows to the State comprise direct taxes and employees' social security contributions. Data come from the Brazilian POF 2008–09. We do not measure indirect contributions to inequality of subsidies granted to and taxation of companies, nor the in-kind provision of goods and services. The results indicate that the State contributes to a large share of family per capita income inequality. Incomes associated with work in the public sector—wages and pensions—are concentrated and regressive. Components related to the private sector are also concentrated, but progressive. Contrary to what has been found in European countries, public spending associated with work and social policies is concentrated in an elite group of workers and, taken as a whole, tends to increase income inequality. Redistributive mechanisms that could reverse this inequality, such as taxes and social assistance, are very progressive but proportionally small. Consequently, their effect is completely offset by the regressive income flows from the State.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7506980.v1
title: State Transfers, Taxes and Income Inequality in Brazil

description: Using a factor decomposition of the Gini coefficient, we measure the contribution to inequality of direct monetary income flows to and from the Brazilian State. The income flows from the State include public sector workers' earnings, Social Security pensions, unemployment benefits, and Social Assistance transfers. The income flows to the State comprise direct taxes and employees' social security contributions. Data come from the Brazilian POF 2008–09. We do not measure indirect contributions to inequality of subsidies granted to and taxation of companies, nor the in-kind provision of goods and services. The results indicate that the State contributes to a large share of family per capita income inequality. Incomes associated with work in the public sector—wages and pensions—are concentrated and regressive. Components related to the private sector are also concentrated, but progressive. Contrary to what has been found in European countries, public spending associated with work and social policies is concentrated in an elite group of workers and, taken as a whole, tends to increase income inequality. Redistributive mechanisms that could reverse this inequality, such as taxes and social assistance, are very progressive but proportionally small. Consequently, their effect is completely offset by the regressive income flows from the State.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7510571
title: Cash Transfers and Mayoral Elections: The Case of Sao Paulo's Renda Mínima

description: Several recently published studies analyze the effects of national conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família and the Mexican Oportunidades, on presidential elections. Most of them show that these programs boost incumbents' electoral support among the poor. This research note is the first scholarly attempt to investigate this phenomenon at a lower-level unit of a federal state, by assessing the impact of a municipal cash transfer program on a mayoral election. Specifically, it investigates whether Renda Mínima, the cash transfer program of the city of Sao Paulo, affected beneficiaries' electoral behavior in favor of the incumbent candidate in the 2004 mayoral election. This note analyzes survey data from CEBRAP/IBOPE and shows that cash transfers did, indeed, affect beneficiaries' behavior in the predicted direction, but only in cases where they did not benefit from any other CCT program, such as the federal Bolsa Família or the São Paulo state Renda Cidadã. These results suggest that the pro-incumbent effect of CCT programs may be diluted by similar programs launched by governments at other tiers of a federation, even if they are led by the same party.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7510571.v1
title: Cash Transfers and Mayoral Elections: The Case of Sao Paulo's Renda Mínima

description: Several recently published studies analyze the effects of national conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família and the Mexican Oportunidades, on presidential elections. Most of them show that these programs boost incumbents' electoral support among the poor. This research note is the first scholarly attempt to investigate this phenomenon at a lower-level unit of a federal state, by assessing the impact of a municipal cash transfer program on a mayoral election. Specifically, it investigates whether Renda Mínima, the cash transfer program of the city of Sao Paulo, affected beneficiaries' electoral behavior in favor of the incumbent candidate in the 2004 mayoral election. This note analyzes survey data from CEBRAP/IBOPE and shows that cash transfers did, indeed, affect beneficiaries' behavior in the predicted direction, but only in cases where they did not benefit from any other CCT program, such as the federal Bolsa Família or the São Paulo state Renda Cidadã. These results suggest that the pro-incumbent effect of CCT programs may be diluted by similar programs launched by governments at other tiers of a federation, even if they are led by the same party.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7511126
title: The Capital Mistake: Local Information and National Electoral Reforms

description: Electoral reforms are often portrayed as strategic decisions by rational actors. However, expectations about the electoral consequences of reforms are not always realized ex post. I argue that these strategic mistakes occur because of information failures. Even though electoral reforms are decided at a national level, electoral information is geographically concentrated at a local level, where elections take place. At the time of reforms, members of the National Congress need to gather local level information. When deciding whether to support or oppose reforms, information varies across actors. Well-informed actors make better decisions, while ill-informed actors end up as "strategic fools". A statistical analysis of the Argentine electoral reform in 1912 supports my theoretical expectations.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7511126.v1
title: The Capital Mistake: Local Information and National Electoral Reforms

description: Electoral reforms are often portrayed as strategic decisions by rational actors. However, expectations about the electoral consequences of reforms are not always realized ex post. I argue that these strategic mistakes occur because of information failures. Even though electoral reforms are decided at a national level, electoral information is geographically concentrated at a local level, where elections take place. At the time of reforms, members of the National Congress need to gather local level information. When deciding whether to support or oppose reforms, information varies across actors. Well-informed actors make better decisions, while ill-informed actors end up as "strategic fools". A statistical analysis of the Argentine electoral reform in 1912 supports my theoretical expectations.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7517345.v1
title: Impact of Electronic Voting Machines on Blank Votes and Null Votes in Brazilian Elections in 1998

description: Electronic voting machines were used for the first time in general elections in Brazil in 1998; in that year, some cities used this new voting method, while others continued to vote using paper ballots. Few studies have demonstrated that the rate of invalid votes for federal deputy was significantly lower in cities that used electronic voting machines. This article analyzes the frequency of null votes and blank votes for four posts—federal deputy, state deputy, the president and governor. Based on a comparison of the results from the 1998 elections with the results from previous elections (1994), the article demonstrates that electronic voting machines reduced the percentage of blank votes for federal deputy, state deputies, the president and governor. Meanwhile, null votes reduced the competition for the posts of federal deputy and state deputy; however, it increased the competition for posts with greater visibility in the Brazilian political system: the governor and president.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7517345
title: Impact of Electronic Voting Machines on Blank Votes and Null Votes in Brazilian Elections in 1998

description: Electronic voting machines were used for the first time in general elections in Brazil in 1998; in that year, some cities used this new voting method, while others continued to vote using paper ballots. Few studies have demonstrated that the rate of invalid votes for federal deputy was significantly lower in cities that used electronic voting machines. This article analyzes the frequency of null votes and blank votes for four posts—federal deputy, state deputy, the president and governor. Based on a comparison of the results from the 1998 elections with the results from previous elections (1994), the article demonstrates that electronic voting machines reduced the percentage of blank votes for federal deputy, state deputies, the president and governor. Meanwhile, null votes reduced the competition for the posts of federal deputy and state deputy; however, it increased the competition for posts with greater visibility in the Brazilian political system: the governor and president.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7513331
title: Enlarging the Playing Field: Political Circulation of Brazilian Senators in the First Republic

description: The article analyzes the career patterns of Brazilian senators during the First Republic. It explores whether there is any relationship between the establishment of a structure of political opportunities and the recruitment patterns of this segment of the parliamentary elite. The aim is to assess the circulation among the political positions attained before reaching the position of Senator. The research consists of the systematic observation of the biographies of the 851 holders of senatorial mandates from the 21st legislature (1890/1891) to the 37th senatorial term (1934/1937). Results suggest that the political careers of senators extended in time and have become more diverse in terms of the political instances they encompassed. The new institutional framework, with more positions facing electoral competition and the strengthening of state-level policy, has intensified political circulation among government levels (municipal, state and federal) and the decision-making arenas (executive and legislative). These results show that the legislative recruitment patterns identified in the literature devoted to the second half of the 20th century were already outlined by the senatorial political elite of the First Republic.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7513331.v1
title: Enlarging the Playing Field: Political Circulation of Brazilian Senators in the First Republic

description: The article analyzes the career patterns of Brazilian senators during the First Republic. It explores whether there is any relationship between the establishment of a structure of political opportunities and the recruitment patterns of this segment of the parliamentary elite. The aim is to assess the circulation among the political positions attained before reaching the position of Senator. The research consists of the systematic observation of the biographies of the 851 holders of senatorial mandates from the 21st legislature (1890/1891) to the 37th senatorial term (1934/1937). Results suggest that the political careers of senators extended in time and have become more diverse in terms of the political instances they encompassed. The new institutional framework, with more positions facing electoral competition and the strengthening of state-level policy, has intensified political circulation among government levels (municipal, state and federal) and the decision-making arenas (executive and legislative). These results show that the legislative recruitment patterns identified in the literature devoted to the second half of the 20th century were already outlined by the senatorial political elite of the First Republic.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7510667
title: Modernization Without Change: Decision-Making Process in the Mercosur Parliament

description: This article analyzes the role of Mercosur's Parliament within Mercosur’s institutional design and decision-making process by associating its institutional arrangements to potential outcomes over representativeness. Generally, it discusses how representative Mercosur’s chosen mechanism for ruling seats in its Parliament, the so-called “citizen representation”, is and how that might affect coordination trends and solutions concerning political conflicts. Hence, the article investigates such mechanism in terms of its consequences for representativeness. The method relies on a Game Theoretical perspective through the application of the Banzhaf Index, which seeks to precisely measure the power of each player as their capacity to influence decisions. The article shows that, although the criteria used by the “citizen representation” is more representative than the previously used mechanism (in which all of Mercosur’s member-states had the same number of seats) in terms of the actual population within Mercosur, not all the changes brought by the mechanism are an advance when it comes to democratic participation. Brazil will be the most powerful in influencing the final decision once the mechanism is fully implemented; Argentina, in turn, will have the same amount of power in influencing the final outcome than will have Venezuela even though its population is 30% larger than the latter.