cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.5718682
title: THE GAME BETWEEN ELITES AND INSTITUIONS: the political strategies of ACM Neto and his carlista tradition

description: This article aims to analyze the strategies of a political actor in the state of Bahia and in the national scenario, ACM Neto (current mayor of Salvador, Brazil) and his relation with carlista tradition. Carlismo is a term that refers to a group formed in the State of Bahia around the strong leadership of ACM Neto’s grandfather, who for some decades was the most important politician in the state and one of the most influential in Brazil. Based on the theoretical background of the relationship between elites and political institutions in contemporary democracies, this article seeks to identify the political strategies of this political actor between 2002 and 2016, discussing how ACM Neto was related to the carlista group and its tradition. This article analyses the parliamentary performance and the political alliances built during ACM Neto’s mandate as a federal deputy (2002-2012) and the symbolic repertoire mobilized in the campaigns for the proportional elections for federal deputy (2002, 2006, 2010) and for the majoritarian elections for Mayor of Salvador, capital of the State of Bahia (2008, 2012, 2016).
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.5718682.v1
title: THE GAME BETWEEN ELITES AND INSTITUIONS: the political strategies of ACM Neto and his carlista tradition

description: This article aims to analyze the strategies of a political actor in the state of Bahia and in the national scenario, ACM Neto (current mayor of Salvador, Brazil) and his relation with carlista tradition. Carlismo is a term that refers to a group formed in the State of Bahia around the strong leadership of ACM Neto’s grandfather, who for some decades was the most important politician in the state and one of the most influential in Brazil. Based on the theoretical background of the relationship between elites and political institutions in contemporary democracies, this article seeks to identify the political strategies of this political actor between 2002 and 2016, discussing how ACM Neto was related to the carlista group and its tradition. This article analyses the parliamentary performance and the political alliances built during ACM Neto’s mandate as a federal deputy (2002-2012) and the symbolic repertoire mobilized in the campaigns for the proportional elections for federal deputy (2002, 2006, 2010) and for the majoritarian elections for Mayor of Salvador, capital of the State of Bahia (2008, 2012, 2016).
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ma9hqc
title: 2019-10-08.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/bmv4ry
title: 2019-10-09.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/9qwjrp
title: 2019-10-10.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qpnk25
title: 2019-10-11.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/finaqh
title: 2019-10-12.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/d3qcpi
title: 2019-10-13.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/81ugp0
title: 2019-10-14.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/vkzrs0
title: 2019-10-15.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/sqljxt
title: 2019-10-16.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/xrv5eq
title: 2019-10-17.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/uhy1ov
title: 2019-10-18.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/618gaa
title: 2019-10-19.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/nr9hlr
title: 2019-10-20.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/1vhcpe
title: 2019-10-21.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wfenu7
title: 2019-10-22.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/94kzdm
title: 2019-10-23.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/c4rptd
title: 2019-10-24.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/0tfssd
title: 2019-10-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ek6ohs
title: 2019-10-30.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qm1ou9
title: 2020-04-30.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/s05wlt
title: 2020-05-01.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/vuezn7
title: 2020-05-02.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/oaamgf
title: 2020-05-03.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/tlxxgq
title: 2020-05-04.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/jflfjs
title: 2020-05-05.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ardnl0
title: 2020-05-06.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/k7wj5u
title: 2020-05-07.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/aepulx
title: 2020-05-08.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/r3vhlm
title: 2020-05-09.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/z0jliw
title: 2020-05-10.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/uopsqx
title: 2020-05-11.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/p92rgz
title: 2020-05-12.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qovngd
title: 2020-05-19.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/9pcy7t
title: 2020-05-20.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qzzqse
title: 2020-05-21.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/a4i3uo
title: 2020-05-22.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wwimdp
title: 2020-05-23.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/zoj2ig
title: 2020-05-24.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/exhzjg
title: 2020-05-25.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/cbyagg
title: 2020-05-26.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/j1b7tz
title: 2020-05-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/9ersja
title: 2020-05-28.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/mvfwuh
title: 2020-05-29.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/nhe7lk
title: 2020-05-30.tif
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.5718433
title: SYNDICALISM ADJUSTED TO THE NEOLIBERALISM: the steel workers of the southern region of Rio de Janeiro state

description: This study investigated the path of the Metallurgical Trade Union of the Southern region of Rio de Janeiro State in a period of accomplishments, which allowed us to verify the adoption of neoliberal patterns of behavior even in the absence of precariousness processes. This article presents a trade union scenario marked by combativeness and by being active in the public scene of the region, but also corrupted by skepticism about any interregional and inter trade union action. It is a powerful union in terms of direct representation of its affiliates, but it naturalizes its competitive bias against other regions and unions. A central hypothesis in this study was that trade union action had been strongly reconfigured by two factors: the environment of capital mobility and the process of neoliberal normalization of the ways of governing the territory. Empirical evidence was collected from interviews with trade union leaders, academic productions about the region, union bulletins and journalistic material.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.5718433.v1
title: SYNDICALISM ADJUSTED TO THE NEOLIBERALISM: the steel workers of the southern region of Rio de Janeiro state

description: This study investigated the path of the Metallurgical Trade Union of the Southern region of Rio de Janeiro State in a period of accomplishments, which allowed us to verify the adoption of neoliberal patterns of behavior even in the absence of precariousness processes. This article presents a trade union scenario marked by combativeness and by being active in the public scene of the region, but also corrupted by skepticism about any interregional and inter trade union action. It is a powerful union in terms of direct representation of its affiliates, but it naturalizes its competitive bias against other regions and unions. A central hypothesis in this study was that trade union action had been strongly reconfigured by two factors: the environment of capital mobility and the process of neoliberal normalization of the ways of governing the territory. Empirical evidence was collected from interviews with trade union leaders, academic productions about the region, union bulletins and journalistic material.
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/nvnnse
title: 2020-05-31.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/kxmng1
title: 2020-06-01.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/o2sb1l
title: 2020-06-02.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ydgkxu
title: 2020-06-03.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/aimuou
title: 2020-06-04.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/jk1jqt
title: 2020-06-05.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/w8g2z2
title: 2020-06-06.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/zvgbxv
title: 2020-06-07.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ztr5sc
title: 2020-06-08.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/mggxgl
title: 2020-06-09.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/tpvj64
title: 2020-06-10.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wqevz8
title: 2020-06-11.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/h4zbzo
title: 2020-06-12.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/aipjqt
title: 2020-06-21.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qm4hvj
title: 2020-06-22.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/0cmnrf
title: 2020-06-23.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/fdgium
title: 2020-06-24.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/l5euex
title: 2020-06-25.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/u8gmdw
title: 2020-06-26.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/srlze7
title: 2020-06-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/bielru
title: 2020-06-28.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/l0zzde
title: 2020-06-29.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/bdolpg
title: 2020-06-30.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/tztrci
title: 2020-07-01.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/mbcpxz
title: 2020-07-03.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/7m0jzk
title: 2020-07-04.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/aetuf4
title: 2020-07-06.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/fg5egc
title: 2020-07-07.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/7fdxps
title: 2020-07-08.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/a00f8i
title: 2020-07-09.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/mv0o7l
title: 2020-07-10.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ndcefi
title: 2020-07-11.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/xlt7ou
title: 2020-07-12.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/e8d8yb
title: 2020-07-13.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/yshygo
title: 2020-07-14.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/gbtski
title: 2020-07-15.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/a45y25
title: 2020-07-16.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/3mxytg
title: 2020-07-17.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/9ermbo
title: 2020-07-18.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/balzp5
title: 2020-07-19.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/yr5gvs
title: 2020-07-20.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/i3kggi
title: 2020-07-21.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/oxom6t
title: 2020-07-22.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/0w04qx
title: 2020-07-23.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/gsex8w
title: 2020-07-24.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/dgbpfn
title: 2020-07-25.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/c4nw9m
title: 2020-07-26.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wolquf
title: 2020-07-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/yc9nic
title: 2020-07-28.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ft8smb
title: 2020-07-29.tif
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7102514
title: STRUCTURE AND WORK CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN BRAZIL

description: Originally published in French at the Cahier Internatinaux de Sociologie in 1970, the translation of this article, made especially for this dossier, aims to present to the new generations the reflections and research in the field of work sociology of a young student at USP who later became one of the most important authors of the Brazilian social sciences. In this sense, the text has an unparalleled historical value, without losing the current relevance of its problematic. The objective of the article is to elucidate some problems related to the structure of class consciousness of a group of workers present at a 1959 trade union congress. The theoretical reference for this work is Marxism, a perspective that at the time of the research was unaware of the academic milieu.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7102514.v1
title: STRUCTURE AND WORK CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN BRAZIL

description: Originally published in French at the Cahier Internatinaux de Sociologie in 1970, the translation of this article, made especially for this dossier, aims to present to the new generations the reflections and research in the field of work sociology of a young student at USP who later became one of the most important authors of the Brazilian social sciences. In this sense, the text has an unparalleled historical value, without losing the current relevance of its problematic. The objective of the article is to elucidate some problems related to the structure of class consciousness of a group of workers present at a 1959 trade union congress. The theoretical reference for this work is Marxism, a perspective that at the time of the research was unaware of the academic milieu.
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/3ckkf9
title: 2020-07-30.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/zpbbhe
title: 2020-07-31.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/vhyyty
title: 2020-08-01.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/tbshvr
title: 2020-08-02.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ghnemq
title: 2020-08-03.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ixetal
title: 2020-08-04.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/2dlrbz
title: 2020-08-05.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/97eqzc
title: 2020-08-06.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/fxczmo
title: 2020-08-07.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/89cxjg
title: 2020-08-08.tif
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7101356
title: ROMANTISM, PROGRESS CRITICISM AND ECOSOCIALISM

description: The purpose of this article is to show that the ecosocialist proposal is part of a set of concerns related to revolutionary romanticism and the critique of progress. It is, to use a notion so dear to Löwy, to find the elective affinities that exist between revolutionary romanticism, criticism of progress and ecosocialism. Therefore, in this exhibition, we always emphasize the ecological implications of the reflections of M. Löwy or that derive from the authors and problems that he has studied.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7101356.v1
title: ROMANTISM, PROGRESS CRITICISM AND ECOSOCIALISM

description: The purpose of this article is to show that the ecosocialist proposal is part of a set of concerns related to revolutionary romanticism and the critique of progress. It is, to use a notion so dear to Löwy, to find the elective affinities that exist between revolutionary romanticism, criticism of progress and ecosocialism. Therefore, in this exhibition, we always emphasize the ecological implications of the reflections of M. Löwy or that derive from the authors and problems that he has studied.
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/l9xuae
title: 2020-08-09.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wellvq
title: 2020-08-10.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/rswhsr
title: 2020-08-11.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/vzfwfw
title: 2020-08-12.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/atkwyc
title: 2020-08-13.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/graio3
title: 2020-08-14.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/4vgrbp
title: 2020-08-15.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/baw8dm
title: 2020-08-16.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/znwvjz
title: 2020-08-17.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/i7ojsg
title: 2020-08-18.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/cbbpnd
title: 2020-08-19.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/d58czt
title: 2020-08-20.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/womemn
title: 2020-08-21.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ujqmty
title: 2020-08-22.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qtmw6o
title: 2020-08-23.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/hylcsw
title: 2020-08-24.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/oansj7
title: 2020-08-25.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wbwtms
title: 2020-08-26.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/iogmkr
title: 2020-08-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/xjkadn
title: 2020-08-28.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/4gobq0
title: 2020-08-29.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qdtziy
title: 2021-04-26.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/yfqhsj
title: 2021-04-27.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/nsudp1
title: 2021-04-28.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/zrswdv
title: 2021-04-29.tif
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7102985
title: FROM THE LOSS OF LEGITIMACY TO POLARIZATION: the parties and party systems of Argentina and Venezuela

description: The paper updates the classifications of Coppedge (1997) for the parties of Argentina and Venezuela, adding to the original dimensions of left-right and Christian or secular three others, programmatic or clientelistic, materialistic or post-materialistic and ethnic electoral appeal. To do so, it is based on the literature and on an expert survey. One conclusion is that there was little variation in relation to Coppedge’s assessments, with the main parties located around the center, except for the PSUV in Venezuela, which was classified as secular left. Regarding the party systems, the two countries have transited from the legitimacy loss of its traditional parties until the early 2000s to scenarios characterized at the time of this classification by polarization around the adhesion or opposition to kirchnerismo or chavismo. Unlike the Venezuelan case, the polarization in Argentina was more between supporting or opposing the government of each moment than in ideological terms.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7102985.v1
title: FROM THE LOSS OF LEGITIMACY TO POLARIZATION: the parties and party systems of Argentina and Venezuela

description: The paper updates the classifications of Coppedge (1997) for the parties of Argentina and Venezuela, adding to the original dimensions of left-right and Christian or secular three others, programmatic or clientelistic, materialistic or post-materialistic and ethnic electoral appeal. To do so, it is based on the literature and on an expert survey. One conclusion is that there was little variation in relation to Coppedge’s assessments, with the main parties located around the center, except for the PSUV in Venezuela, which was classified as secular left. Regarding the party systems, the two countries have transited from the legitimacy loss of its traditional parties until the early 2000s to scenarios characterized at the time of this classification by polarization around the adhesion or opposition to kirchnerismo or chavismo. Unlike the Venezuelan case, the polarization in Argentina was more between supporting or opposing the government of each moment than in ideological terms.
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/eod7yd
title: 2021-04-30.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/wnh1sl
title: 2021-05-01.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/qs4fuc
title: 2021-05-02.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/gbozrp
title: 2021-05-03.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/gtp5u9
title: 2021-05-04.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/ohpx9m
title: 2021-05-05.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/cwhqk1
title: 2021-05-06.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5/v0sqxf
title: 2021-05-07.tif
DOI: 10.22008/fk2/a5rxj5
title: Gapless semi-empirical daily snow and ice albedo from Sentinel-3 OLCI

description: Snow and ice broadband albedo from Sentinel-3 OLCI measurements after Kokhanovsky et al 2020 (snow areas) and empirical regression (ice areas) (doi:10.22008/FK2/SNX8L6) where two post-processing steps have been applied: - downward outlier detection and removal based on a relation as a function of elevation - cumulative data filling (gapless product)
DOI: 10.34740/kaggle/dsv/3740263
title: 2021 World Population (updated daily)
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8226956
title: COMPARING SOCIAL POLICIES IN LEFT GOVERNMENTS

description: This paper compares the leftist governments of Uruguay, Chile, and Argentina, both among themselves and with the administrations before left’s entry into national executives. The analysis encompasses education, health, and conditional cash transfer programs. These areas were selected because they have distinct legacies among themselves, but similar in all three countries. The methodology used is cross-case and within-case comparative analysis. The results show that the Uruguay and Argentina left’s administrations differ from previous administrations. In Chile, however, it does not differ from previous governments to the same extent as its neighbors in health and education, although it also institutionalizes cash transfer as a way of coping with poverty. That is, leftist governments, in general, present distinct efforts from their predecessors, but differ in the degree to which this occurs reflecting the profile of each leftist country in their respective parliaments and of each actor involved.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8226956.v1
title: COMPARING SOCIAL POLICIES IN LEFT GOVERNMENTS

description: This paper compares the leftist governments of Uruguay, Chile, and Argentina, both among themselves and with the administrations before left’s entry into national executives. The analysis encompasses education, health, and conditional cash transfer programs. These areas were selected because they have distinct legacies among themselves, but similar in all three countries. The methodology used is cross-case and within-case comparative analysis. The results show that the Uruguay and Argentina left’s administrations differ from previous administrations. In Chile, however, it does not differ from previous governments to the same extent as its neighbors in health and education, although it also institutionalizes cash transfer as a way of coping with poverty. That is, leftist governments, in general, present distinct efforts from their predecessors, but differ in the degree to which this occurs reflecting the profile of each leftist country in their respective parliaments and of each actor involved.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9986081
title: LABOR REFORM: precarious work and the challenges for unions

description: The paper proposes to identify the initial impacts of the labor reform on trade unionism, in a context that is unfavorable to workers and to collective action, resulting from the transformations in the reconfiguration of the working classes, with the growth of precariousness and crisis of the labor market. The analysis focuses on the impacts of this reconfiguration of the working classes and the fragmentation of trade unions, as well as the impacts of the labor reform on union strategies and actions and on collective negotiation. The methodology combined quantitative labor market research with documents (collectives work contracts, commercial and trade union press materials) and participant observation. The results show that the trade unions are searching to adapt to the new context with some substantive innovations in action and organization. The latest negotiations have been, at the same time, spaces of resistance and legitimization of the content of the reform.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9986081.v1
title: LABOR REFORM: precarious work and the challenges for unions

description: The paper proposes to identify the initial impacts of the labor reform on trade unionism, in a context that is unfavorable to workers and to collective action, resulting from the transformations in the reconfiguration of the working classes, with the growth of precariousness and crisis of the labor market. The analysis focuses on the impacts of this reconfiguration of the working classes and the fragmentation of trade unions, as well as the impacts of the labor reform on union strategies and actions and on collective negotiation. The methodology combined quantitative labor market research with documents (collectives work contracts, commercial and trade union press materials) and participant observation. The results show that the trade unions are searching to adapt to the new context with some substantive innovations in action and organization. The latest negotiations have been, at the same time, spaces of resistance and legitimization of the content of the reform.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9986342.v1
title: DIGITAL WORK AND EMPLOYMENT: the labor reform and the deepening of precariousness

description: This article aims to analyze the changes in Labor in terms of it’s flexibility of relations, technology and emerging occupations from new Technologies of Information and Communication (TICs). Among the analyzed activities are the Software developers, hardware assemblers in computing factories, outsourced call center attendants and digital platform workers. One of the issues analyzed, although preliminarily, is in wich measure the change in Labor Law, ocurred in 2017 in Brazil, favored the “Uberization”of Work. By analizing these activities and it’s kinds of contract, we concluded that precariousness is an element of the aforementioned occupations, which were originated in a context of flexibility and technological innovations, made possible by the Internet, mixing time and space, shuffling issues that are part of the own value of labor, material and imaterial and in the own concept of Enterprise. One of the most contradictory facets of the so called flexible capitalisme consists in the transfer of risk of economic activity to the workers.