cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.60600/yu/odl44f
title: Correction to Gerber and Green (2000), Replication of Disputed Findings, and Reply to Imai (2005)

description: This essay corrects the results reported in Gerber and Green 2000 and replies to Imai (2005). When data-processing errors are repaired, the original substantive findings from the New Haven experiment remain unchanged. As previously reported, brief phone calls do not increase voter turnout. The “correction” that Imai (2005) offers, which purports to show that these phone calls produce large, significant, and robust increases in voter turnout, is shown to contain statistical, computational, and reporting errors that invalidate its conclusions about the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of phone calls and mail. A replication of the New Haven experiment reproduces both the findings reported in Gerber and Green 2000 and the biases of Imai’s statistical analysis.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/vmtxyk
title: The Impact of Electoral Debate on Public Opinions: An Experimental Investigation of the 2005 New York City Mayoral Election

description: Political debates have long been a part of the American polity. The early practice was aimed primarily at promoting parliamentary and elite deliberation, as well as informing the broader public about issues and candidates (Jamieson and Birdsell 1988: 37). Televised debates have altered this dynamic, structuring debate as a practice to educate the electorate. Yet the impact of televised debates on the quality of democracy has been somewhat controversial, with proponents casting debates as opportunities “to provide sustained analysis of issues and close comparison of candidates” (ibid.: 5), and others expressing the concern that the televised debates would increase the emphasis on image rather than substance (Druckman 2003). Whether debates influence opinions by showcasing candidate viewpoints or by simply presenting shallow cues of candidate image, conventional wisdom assumes that televised debates will somehow influence viewers' opinions regarding the candidates. Information in the electoral process is presumed to help voters make decisions more in line with their preferences (Lupia and McCubbins 1998). In light of the emphasis on the informative potential of debates, it is natural to pose the question of whether debates truly provide citizens with information that influences their opinions or choices. To this end, there is a large literature examining the impact of debates on citizens' political opinions and voting behavior. This research has concluded that debates are able to alter viewers' opinions of candidates, but only in a small way.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/bkqjfa
title: Observational Learning: Evidence from a Randomized Natural Field Experiment

description: We report results from a randomized natural field experiment conducted in a restaurant dining setting to distinguish the observational learning effect from the saliency effect. We find that, when customers are given ranking information of the five most popular dishes, the demand for those dishes increases by 13 to 20 percent. We do not find a significant saliency effect. We also find modest evidence that the observational learning effects are stronger among infrequent customers, and that dining satisfaction is increased when customers are presented with the information of the top five dishes, but not when presented with only names of some sample dishes.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/fzyr0r
title: Monitoring Bureaucratic Compliance: Using Field Experiments to Improve Governance

description: How do legislators get bureaucrats to implement the laws they pass? McCubbins and Schwartz (1984) suggest that 'fire alarms' (i.e. where the legislators rely on citizens and organized interest groups to let them know about instances of bureaucratic non-compliance), provide a cost-effective way to achieve this compliance. This paper reports on the results of a field experiment done in Kentucky that tests whether interest groups can improve bureaucratic compliance by informing the bureaucrats that they plan to audit them and make the results public.
DOI: 10.15156/bio/sh0196549.10fu
title: SH0196549.10FU

description: UNITE provides a unified way for delimiting, identifying, communicating, and working with DNA-based Species Hypotheses (SH). All fungal ITS sequences in the international nucleotide sequence databases are clustered to approximately the species level by applying a set of dynamic distance values (<0.5 - 3.0%). All species hypotheses are given a unique, stable name in the form of a DOI, and their taxonomic and ecological annotations are verified through distributed, web-based third-party annotation efforts. SHs are connected to a taxon name and its classification as far as possible (phylum, class, order, etc.) by taking into account identifications for all sequences in the SH. An automatically or manually designated sequence is chosen to represent each such SH. These sequences are released (https://unite.ut.ee/repository.php) for use by the scientific community in, for example, local sequence similarity searches and next-generation sequencing analysis pipelines. The system and the data are updated automatically as the number of public fungal ITS sequences grows.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/egvrs6
title: Party Affiliation, Partisanship, and Political Beliefs: A Field Experiment

description: Partisanship is strongly correlated with attitudes and behavior, but it is unclear from this pattern whether partisan identity has a causal effect on political behavior and attitudes. We report the results of a field experiment that investigates the causal effect of party identification. Prior to the February 2008 Connecticut presidential primary, researchers sent a mailing to a random sample of unaffiliated registered voters who, in a pretreatment survey, leaned toward a political party. The mailing informed the subjects that only voters registered with a party were able to participate in the upcoming presidential primary. Subjects were surveyed again in June 2008. Comparing posttreatment survey responses to subjects’ baseline survey responses, we find that those reminded of the need to register with a party were more likely to identify with a party and showed stronger partisanship. Further, we find that the treatment group also demonstrated greater concordance than the control group between their pretreatment latent partisanship and their posttreatment reported voting behavior and intentions and evaluations of partisan figures. Thus, our treatment, which appears to have caused a strengthening of partisan identity, also appears to have caused a shift in subjects’ candidate preferences and evaluations of salient political figures. This finding is consistent with the claim that partisanship is an active force changing how citizens behave in and perceive the political world.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/h9rnci
title: Is Transparency an Effective Anti-Corruption Strategy? Evidence from a Field Experiment in India

description: Can freedom of information laws be harnessed by underprivileged members of society and used to obtain greater access to basic public goods that are otherwise attainable only through bribery? Drawing on a field experiment on access to ration cards among New Delhi’s slum dwellers, we demonstrate that India’s recently adopted freedom of information law is almost as effective as bribery in helping the poor to secure access to a basic public service. We find support for the theoretical proposition that greater transparency and voice lowers corruption even in highly hierarchical and unequal societies.
DOI: 10.15156/bio/sh0196550.10fu
title: SH0196550.10FU

description: UNITE provides a unified way for delimiting, identifying, communicating, and working with DNA-based Species Hypotheses (SH). All fungal ITS sequences in the international nucleotide sequence databases are clustered to approximately the species level by applying a set of dynamic distance values (<0.5 - 3.0%). All species hypotheses are given a unique, stable name in the form of a DOI, and their taxonomic and ecological annotations are verified through distributed, web-based third-party annotation efforts. SHs are connected to a taxon name and its classification as far as possible (phylum, class, order, etc.) by taking into account identifications for all sequences in the SH. An automatically or manually designated sequence is chosen to represent each such SH. These sequences are released (https://unite.ut.ee/repository.php) for use by the scientific community in, for example, local sequence similarity searches and next-generation sequencing analysis pipelines. The system and the data are updated automatically as the number of public fungal ITS sequences grows.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/9aaeur
title: The Conscription of Wealth: Mass Warfare and the Demand for Progressive Taxation

description: The dominant narrative of the politics of redistribution in political science and economics highlights the signature role of the rise of electoral democracy and the development of political parties that mobilize working-class groups. We argue in this article that this narrative ignores the critical role played by mass warfare in the development of redistributive public policies. Focusing attention on the determinants of progressive taxation, we argue that mobilization for mass warfare led to demands for increased taxation of the wealthy to more fairly distribute the burden for the war effort. We then show empirically that during the past century, mass mobilization for war has been associated with a notable increase in tax progressivity. In the absence of war, neither the establishment of universal suffrage, nor the arrival of political control by parties of the left is systematically associated with large increases in tax progressivity. In making these arguments, we devote particular attention to a “difference-in-differences” comparison of participants and nonparticipants in World War I.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/uuzdxg
title: The Causal Effect of Media-Driven Political Interest on Political Attitudes and Behavior

description: This article considers the hypothesis that media-driven political interest shapes party identification, the timing of vote decisions, and electoral participation. To estimate the effect of media-driven political interest, we make a key distinction between political interest as a lifetime political orientation and political interest that rises and falls with the occurrence of noteworthy political events. We then exploit the shared media markets in Switzerland and its neighboring countries to overcome the otherwise crippling endogeneity problem and identify exogenous increases in Swiss citizens' self-reported political interest caused by the coverage of national elections in France, Germany, and Italy. We find that media-driven political interest increases the length of time individuals use to make their vote decisions, decreases partisanship, and increases self-reported and actual turnout.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/yxt7jy
title: Personality Traits and the Consumption of Political Information

description: In this article, we examine the relationship between dispositional personality traits (the Big Five) and the consumption of political information. We present detailed hypotheses about the characteristics of the political environment that are likely to affect the appeal of politics and political information in general for individuals with different personalities as well as hypotheses about how personality affects the attractiveness of particular sources of political information. We find that the Big Five traits are significant predictors of political interest and knowledge as well as consumption of different types of political media. Openness (the degree to which a person needs intellectual stimulation and variety) and Emotional Stability (characterized by low levels of anxiety) are associated with a broad range of engagement with political information and political knowledge. The other three Big Five traits, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness, and Extraversion, are associated only with consumption of specific types of political information.
DOI: 10.15156/bio/sh0196551.10fu
title: SH0196551.10FU

description: UNITE provides a unified way for delimiting, identifying, communicating, and working with DNA-based Species Hypotheses (SH). All fungal ITS sequences in the international nucleotide sequence databases are clustered to approximately the species level by applying a set of dynamic distance values (<0.5 - 3.0%). All species hypotheses are given a unique, stable name in the form of a DOI, and their taxonomic and ecological annotations are verified through distributed, web-based third-party annotation efforts. SHs are connected to a taxon name and its classification as far as possible (phylum, class, order, etc.) by taking into account identifications for all sequences in the SH. An automatically or manually designated sequence is chosen to represent each such SH. These sequences are released (https://unite.ut.ee/repository.php) for use by the scientific community in, for example, local sequence similarity searches and next-generation sequencing analysis pipelines. The system and the data are updated automatically as the number of public fungal ITS sequences grows.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/girrhn
title: Experimental Justice: Random Judicial Assignment and the Partisan Process of Supreme Court Review

description: This study utilizes the random assignment of judges to panels in the U.S. courts of appeals to measure how the partisanship of these judges affects whether or not the Supreme Court agrees to hear a case and subsequently overturns the decision of the lower panel. Results from the study provide evidence of partisan behavior in the Supreme Court review process in several politically salient issue areas between 1995 and 2004. Although most lower court decisions are never reviewed at all, in the cases examined, assigning three Democrats to a court of appeals panel, compared to three Republicans, more than quintupled the chances that the Supreme Court would overturn a decision from that panel. Despite the large magnitude of these effects, the estimates of partisan effects would have been even larger without the utilization of random assignment.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/npo1lo
title: Enhancing Academic Performance and Social and Emotional Competence With the RULER Feeling Words Curriculum

description: A pre- and post-test quasi-experimental design was used to test the impact of a 30-week, theoretically-based social and emotional learning (SEL) curriculum, The RULER Feeling Words Curriculum (“RULER”), on the academic performance and social and emotional competence of 5th and 6th grade students (N = 273) in fifteen classrooms in three schools. Academic performance was assessed by report card grades. Social and emotional competence was assessed with teacher reports of student behavior. Students in classrooms integrating RULER had higher year-end grades and higher teacher ratings of social and emotional competence (e.g., leadership, social skills, and study skills) compared to students in the comparison group. This study provides preliminary empirical evidence that SEL programs like RULER improve important student outcomes.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/wvowdz
title: Does Publicizing a Tax Credit for Political Contributions Increase Its Use?: Results From a Randomized Field Experiment

description: We present the results of an experiment using nonpartisan, informational direct mail—of the sort that a public relations–conscious government agency might use—to encourage Ohio voters to contribute money to political candidates. Ohio provides full tax credits of up to $50 to citizens who make contributions to state candidates. We found that the mailing produced a modest and marginally significant increase in the number of citizens who filed for the tax credit. This is consistent with earlier survey research findings by two of the authors suggesting that increased knowledge of the tax credit would be likely to increase its use. The experiment suggests that direct mail campaigns might not be the most cost-effective means for encouraging increased contributions. However, even a modest increase in participation could have important effects, given the small size of the current donor pool.
DOI: 10.15156/bio/sh0196552.10fu
title: SH0196552.10FU

description: UNITE provides a unified way for delimiting, identifying, communicating, and working with DNA-based Species Hypotheses (SH). All fungal ITS sequences in the international nucleotide sequence databases are clustered to approximately the species level by applying a set of dynamic distance values (<0.5 - 3.0%). All species hypotheses are given a unique, stable name in the form of a DOI, and their taxonomic and ecological annotations are verified through distributed, web-based third-party annotation efforts. SHs are connected to a taxon name and its classification as far as possible (phylum, class, order, etc.) by taking into account identifications for all sequences in the SH. An automatically or manually designated sequence is chosen to represent each such SH. These sequences are released (https://unite.ut.ee/repository.php) for use by the scientific community in, for example, local sequence similarity searches and next-generation sequencing analysis pipelines. The system and the data are updated automatically as the number of public fungal ITS sequences grows.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/tgf5vl
title: Elite Influence on Public Opinion in an Informed Electorate

description: An enduring concern about democracies is that citizens conform too readily to the policy views of elites in their own parties, even to the point of ignoring other information about the policies in question. This article presents two experiments that undermine this concern, at least under one important condition. People rarely possess even a modicum of information about policies; but when they do, their attitudes seem to be affected at least as much by that information as by cues from party elites. The experiments also measure the extent to which people think about policy. Contrary to many accounts, they suggest that party cues do not inhibit such thinking. This is not cause for unbridled optimism about citizens' ability to make good decisions, but it is reason to be more sanguine about their ability to use information about policy when they have it.
DOI: 10.15156/bio/sh0196553.10fu
title: SH0196553.10FU

description: UNITE provides a unified way for delimiting, identifying, communicating, and working with DNA-based Species Hypotheses (SH). All fungal ITS sequences in the international nucleotide sequence databases are clustered to approximately the species level by applying a set of dynamic distance values (<0.5 - 3.0%). All species hypotheses are given a unique, stable name in the form of a DOI, and their taxonomic and ecological annotations are verified through distributed, web-based third-party annotation efforts. SHs are connected to a taxon name and its classification as far as possible (phylum, class, order, etc.) by taking into account identifications for all sequences in the SH. An automatically or manually designated sequence is chosen to represent each such SH. These sequences are released (https://unite.ut.ee/repository.php) for use by the scientific community in, for example, local sequence similarity searches and next-generation sequencing analysis pipelines. The system and the data are updated automatically as the number of public fungal ITS sequences grows.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/9cnggq
title: A Field Experiment on Legislators' Home Styles: Service versus Policy

description: We conducted a field experiment involving roughly 1,000 letters sent by actual individuals to nearly 500 different legislative offices in order to test whether legislative offices prioritize service over policy in their home style. We find strong evidence that both state and federal legislative offices are more responsive to service requests than they are to policy requests. This pattern is consistent with the desire of legislators to gain leeway with their constituents in order to pursue their own policy goals. We also find that at the federal level Democrats prioritize service over policy more than Republicans and at the state level legislators who won by larger margins are more likely to prioritize service over policy. Finally, our results suggest that the decision to prioritize service occurs in how the office is structured. Among other things this suggests that legislators may be microtargeting less than is often supposed.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/qhcsc2
title: Citizens’ Policy Confidence and Electoral Punishment: A Neglected Dimension of Electoral Accountability

description: If voters punish elected officials who adopt incongruent policy positions, then representatives should take popular positions to avoid electoral sanction. Yet, scholars have noted gaps between citizen preferences and the behavior of elected officials. We argue that one important source of this gap is that individual citizens believe they are sometimes not well qualified to evaluate policy. Our analysis of a series of experiments shows that citizens’ stated confidence in their own ability to evaluate a policy proposal substantially affects their willingness to reward or punish a representative for their votes on that policy. Our results hold both across individuals (within policy areas) and within individuals (across policy areas) and suggest that, rather than a failure of representation, gaps between citizen preferences and policy may reflect citizen deference to “expert” legislators. We also show that understanding differences in policy confidence has important implications for understanding the contours of public opinion.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/qvcg0c
title: Can Learning Constituency Opinion Affect How Legislators Vote? Results from a Field Experiment

description: When legislators are uninformed about public opinion, does learning constituents' opinion affect how legislators vote? We conducted a fully randomized field experiment to answer this question. We surveyed 10,690 New Mexicans about the Governor's spending proposals for a special summer session held in the summer of 2008. District-specific survey results were then shared with a randomly selected half of the legislature. The legislators receiving their district-specific survey results were much more likely to vote in line with constituent opinion than those who did not. Our results suggest that legislators want to be more responsive to public opinion than they are in their natural state and can be if given solid information about constituent beliefs.
DOI: 10.60600/yu/vy0zuj
title: Taking Sides in Other People's Elections: The Polarizing Effect of Foreign Intervention

description: What do voters think when outside powers become de facto participants in a country’s election? We conceptualize two types of foreign intervention: a partisan stance, where the outsider roots for a particular candidate slate, and a process stance, where outsiders support the democratic process. We theorize that a partisan outside message will polarize partisan actors domestically on the issue of appropriate relations with the outsiders: partisans who are supported will want closer relations with the outside power, and partisans who are opposed will favor more distant relations. A process message, in contrast, will have a moderating effect on voters’ attitudes. We present evidence of partisan polarization along those lines from a survey experiment we conducted in Lebanon in the wake of the 2009 parliamentary elections. We discuss the implications of our findings for future studies of how outsiders can encourage moderate electoral outcomes in democratizing states.