cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8127515
title: Political Institutions and the Legislative Success of Brazilian Presidents: an Analysis of the Cardoso, Lula and Rousseff Governments

description: It is known that Brazilian presidents are able to approve most of their own legislative bills. However, it is still unclear what factors influence and explain the variation in presidents' level of legislative success between different governments and even within an individual term. Seeking to understand this phenomenon, this article analyzes the legislative success of Brazilian presidents, based on the governments of Cardoso, Lula and Rousseff. More precisely, I examine the impact of prerogatives and exclusive policy matters on presidents and political contexts in determining legislative success. The results point to prerogatives and exclusive matters having a positive influence on success rates, such as provisional measures and administrative and budgetary matters. They also indicate that legislative success is enhanced during the honeymoon period, that is, the further away a government is from an electoral period, and there is significant positive variation as the size of the governing coalition increases. However, the results show that skill does not impact significantly on success, and popularity has a negative effect, thus not contributing to Brazilian presidents' legislative success.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8227244
title: Juvenile Sentencing: A Mixed-Methods Approach

description: How do socially relevant attributes influence juvenile criminal sentencing? While judicial decisions should, in principle, be fully based on legally relevant factors such as the seriousness of the offense and the defendant’s criminal record, I ask whether and how extralegal characteristics related to the adolescent’s position in structural relations affect the decision-making process. I propose a mixed-methods design to study mechanisms of criminal sentencing. Using data from a representative sample of the São Paulo juvenile justice system records, I estimate mixed-effects logistic models to assess the probability of being sentenced to confinement given certain extralegal attributes, while controlling for legally relevant variables. Interaction effects show that adolescents registered as full-time students and classified as drug users are more likely to be sentenced to confinement than their counterparts, even when the arraignment is the same. The second step involved weekly visits to the juvenile courthouse in São Paulo over four months to observe judicial hearings. Prosecutors are central to the decision-making process. The standard decision-making mechanism is based on police documents and legally relevant information. When there is a rupture in the definition of the situation (usually when non-minority defendants enter the courtroom), a new mechanism emerges and more lenient decisions are made.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8227244.v1
title: Juvenile Sentencing: A Mixed-Methods Approach

description: How do socially relevant attributes influence juvenile criminal sentencing? While judicial decisions should, in principle, be fully based on legally relevant factors such as the seriousness of the offense and the defendant’s criminal record, I ask whether and how extralegal characteristics related to the adolescent’s position in structural relations affect the decision-making process. I propose a mixed-methods design to study mechanisms of criminal sentencing. Using data from a representative sample of the São Paulo juvenile justice system records, I estimate mixed-effects logistic models to assess the probability of being sentenced to confinement given certain extralegal attributes, while controlling for legally relevant variables. Interaction effects show that adolescents registered as full-time students and classified as drug users are more likely to be sentenced to confinement than their counterparts, even when the arraignment is the same. The second step involved weekly visits to the juvenile courthouse in São Paulo over four months to observe judicial hearings. Prosecutors are central to the decision-making process. The standard decision-making mechanism is based on police documents and legally relevant information. When there is a rupture in the definition of the situation (usually when non-minority defendants enter the courtroom), a new mechanism emerges and more lenient decisions are made.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8127527
title: Capital Mobility, Veto Players, and Redistribution in Latin America During the Left Turn

description: This article offers an explanation for the intensity of redistributive policies from Latin American leftist governments during the so-called 'left turn'. It challenges the idea that the recent radical leftist governments are the product of region-specific characteristics. Based on theoretical models that analyze the implications of inequality in democracies and the moderating effects of different economic and institutional structures, it argues instead that the left's redistributive policies were more intense in countries where capital mobility is low and there was no pro-elite legislative veto player. To evaluate this explanation, we offer original evidence from time-series -cross-section regression models of social spending, based on data from thirteen Latin American countries over the years 2003 to 2015. The results show partial support for the explanation: there is strong evidence that social spending decreased with the ideological distance between the president and the pro-elite veto player, but only weak evidence that capital mobility attenuated this effect.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.8127527.v1
title: Capital Mobility, Veto Players, and Redistribution in Latin America During the Left Turn

description: This article offers an explanation for the intensity of redistributive policies from Latin American leftist governments during the so-called 'left turn'. It challenges the idea that the recent radical leftist governments are the product of region-specific characteristics. Based on theoretical models that analyze the implications of inequality in democracies and the moderating effects of different economic and institutional structures, it argues instead that the left's redistributive policies were more intense in countries where capital mobility is low and there was no pro-elite legislative veto player. To evaluate this explanation, we offer original evidence from time-series -cross-section regression models of social spending, based on data from thirteen Latin American countries over the years 2003 to 2015. The results show partial support for the explanation: there is strong evidence that social spending decreased with the ideological distance between the president and the pro-elite veto player, but only weak evidence that capital mobility attenuated this effect.
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4641292
title: Effects of Perturbation Velocity, Direction, Background muscle activation, and Task Instruction on Long-Latency Responses Measured from Forearm Muscles

description: Dataset associated with the original research article published in "Frontiers in Human Neuroscience", by Weinman et al., doi: 10.3389/fnhum.2021.639773 The data is stored in a MATLAB file named EMG.mat. The workspace file contains the following variables: ECU FCR ECULLR FCRLLR time Variable description: <strong>ECU and FCR:</strong> A 5-dimensional cell array with normalized EMG tracks measured during perturbations. Each combination of condition was repeated 10 times, for each subject, so accessing a specific cell in this variable will provide a 10x2049 array of EMG data, with each row corresponding to one of the 10 repetitions. <strong>ECULLR and FCRLLR: </strong>A 5-dimensional cell array with LLR amplitude (average of the processed EMG signal during the time window corresponding to a long-latency response: 50 to 100 ms), also measured 10 times for each combination of conditions. Accessing a cell in this data will provide a 10x1 array of average EMG values, with each row corresponding to the average LLR for one of the 10 repetitions. Each of the variables listed above has 5 dimensions, each dimension corresponding to one factor. As an example, the dimensions of variable ECU are ECU{sub,v,d,t,inst}, defined as follows: sub = subject number (1 thru 11). Subject 10 has blank cells in the FCR dataset, due to data corruption from noise. v = velocity (1, 2, 3). 1=50 deg/s, 2=125 deg/s, 3=200 deg/s d = direction (1 or 2). 1=shorten, 2=stretch t = torque (1 or 2). 1=0 mNm, 2=200 mNm inst = instruction (1 or 2), 1=“yield”, 2=“do not intervene” As such, the variable EMG.ECU{1,1,1,1,1} is a 10x2049 variable including 10 repetitions of the timeseries of ECU EMG signal measured from subject 1, for perturbations at 50 deg/s, shortening the ECU (extension perturbations), with 0 mNm background torque, when the instruction was “yield”. <strong>time: </strong>A 1x2049 array of time values corresponding to the EMG readings in milliseconds. Values in this array are from 0 ms to 200 ms. The time series have 2049 datapoints (sampling frequency: 1024 Hz) representing up to the 200 ms from the perturbation onset. LLR averages were taken from the indexes representing 50 to 100 ms, or 513:1024.
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4641291
title: Effects of Perturbation Velocity, Direction, Background muscle activation, and Task Instruction on Long-Latency Responses Measured from Forearm Muscles

description: Dataset associated with the original research article published in "Frontiers in Human Neuroscience", by Weinman et al., doi: 10.3389/fnhum.2021.639773 The data is stored in a MATLAB file named EMG.mat. The workspace file contains the following variables: ECU FCR ECULLR FCRLLR time Variable description: <strong>ECU and FCR:</strong> A 5-dimensional cell array with normalized EMG tracks measured during perturbations. Each combination of condition was repeated 10 times, for each subject, so accessing a specific cell in this variable will provide a 10x2049 array of EMG data, with each row corresponding to one of the 10 repetitions. <strong>ECULLR and FCRLLR: </strong>A 5-dimensional cell array with LLR amplitude (average of the processed EMG signal during the time window corresponding to a long-latency response: 50 to 100 ms), also measured 10 times for each combination of conditions. Accessing a cell in this data will provide a 10x1 array of average EMG values, with each row corresponding to the average LLR for one of the 10 repetitions. Each of the variables listed above has 5 dimensions, each dimension corresponding to one factor. As an example, the dimensions of variable ECU are ECU{sub,v,d,t,inst}, defined as follows: sub = subject number (1 thru 11). Subject 10 has blank cells in the FCR dataset, due to data corruption from noise. v = velocity (1, 2, 3). 1=50 deg/s, 2=125 deg/s, 3=200 deg/s d = direction (1 or 2). 1=shorten, 2=stretch t = torque (1 or 2). 1=0 mNm, 2=200 mNm inst = instruction (1 or 2), 1=“yield”, 2=“do not intervene” As such, the variable EMG.ECU{1,1,1,1,1} is a 10x2049 variable including 10 repetitions of the timeseries of ECU EMG signal measured from subject 1, for perturbations at 50 deg/s, shortening the ECU (extension perturbations), with 0 mNm background torque, when the instruction was “yield”. <strong>time: </strong>A 1x2049 array of time values corresponding to the EMG readings in milliseconds. Values in this array are from 0 ms to 200 ms. The time series have 2049 datapoints (sampling frequency: 1024 Hz) representing up to the 200 ms from the perturbation onset. LLR averages were taken from the indexes representing 50 to 100 ms, or 513:1024.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9599057
title: Social Forces and the International Political Economy after the 2008 Financial Crisis: The Case of Business Summit 20 (B20)

description: The 2008 financial crisis stands out for being a crisis that occurred not in developing countries, but in the core capitalist countries, thus assuming greater proportions and with broader ramifications. In this context, the G20 gained new impetus, and, as a result, several studies have sought to understand not only the crisis but the role of the reformed G20 in the process of resolving it. Despite the relevance of this literature, little attention has been paid to the G20 outreach process, in particular to the growing dialogue established between the G20 and B20 (Business Summit 20), a group that represents the business sector in these exchanges. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the engagement of business elites with the actions taken by the G20 to deal with the 2008 financial crisis – that is, the role of social forces in the (re)construction of contemporary international political economy. It seeks, in a concise and exploratory way, to sketch the relationship between the B20 and G20 in the period between 2010 and 2017, in order to better understand processes associated with the transnationalization of the capitalist class. It starts from the hypothesis that during this period it is possible to identify the constitution of a ‘B20 Nucleus’, constituted by the business sectors present at most B20 summits, and to a large extent based in the countries of the North Atlantic. In this sense, the B20 acts as a point of integration for the global corporate elite.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9599057.v1
title: Social Forces and the International Political Economy after the 2008 Financial Crisis: The Case of Business Summit 20 (B20)

description: The 2008 financial crisis stands out for being a crisis that occurred not in developing countries, but in the core capitalist countries, thus assuming greater proportions and with broader ramifications. In this context, the G20 gained new impetus, and, as a result, several studies have sought to understand not only the crisis but the role of the reformed G20 in the process of resolving it. Despite the relevance of this literature, little attention has been paid to the G20 outreach process, in particular to the growing dialogue established between the G20 and B20 (Business Summit 20), a group that represents the business sector in these exchanges. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the engagement of business elites with the actions taken by the G20 to deal with the 2008 financial crisis – that is, the role of social forces in the (re)construction of contemporary international political economy. It seeks, in a concise and exploratory way, to sketch the relationship between the B20 and G20 in the period between 2010 and 2017, in order to better understand processes associated with the transnationalization of the capitalist class. It starts from the hypothesis that during this period it is possible to identify the constitution of a ‘B20 Nucleus’, constituted by the business sectors present at most B20 summits, and to a large extent based in the countries of the North Atlantic. In this sense, the B20 acts as a point of integration for the global corporate elite.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9899930
title: Programs and Parties: Rethinking Electoral Competition Through Analysis of Brazilian 'Grotões'

description: The 'salience theory of party competition' moves on from the 'programmatic paradox' imposed by the classic Downsian proximity model and demonstrates that parties compete with each other by means of the emphases they give to certain issues. They do this by leveraging their government programs to shape voter preferences that form an innate component of the electoral process. This phenomenon has been neglected in a Brazil supposedly dominated by weak parties, personality politics and clientelism. This scenario is most pronounced at a local level, particularly in the country's so-called 'grotões' where the electorate is motivated by a desire to meet its basic needs, which has the effect of strengthening client relationships with political candidates. In these areas, the relevance of government programs reaches its nadir. The aim of this article is to investigate this phenomenon in Brazilian municipalities with the lowest Municipal Human Development Index (MHDI) scores. The study is underpinned by two hypotheses: 01. that government programs form an integral component of electoral competition in Brazil and 02. that they are formulated along partisan lines. In order to test these hypotheses, I have performed an analysis of the government programs registered by mayoral candidates running in 2012 and 2016, using the text analysis method that estimates political positions through word frequency (Wordfish). The results fully confirm the first hypothesis but only partly confirm the second.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9899930.v1
title: Programs and Parties: Rethinking Electoral Competition Through Analysis of Brazilian 'Grotões'

description: The 'salience theory of party competition' moves on from the 'programmatic paradox' imposed by the classic Downsian proximity model and demonstrates that parties compete with each other by means of the emphases they give to certain issues. They do this by leveraging their government programs to shape voter preferences that form an innate component of the electoral process. This phenomenon has been neglected in a Brazil supposedly dominated by weak parties, personality politics and clientelism. This scenario is most pronounced at a local level, particularly in the country's so-called 'grotões' where the electorate is motivated by a desire to meet its basic needs, which has the effect of strengthening client relationships with political candidates. In these areas, the relevance of government programs reaches its nadir. The aim of this article is to investigate this phenomenon in Brazilian municipalities with the lowest Municipal Human Development Index (MHDI) scores. The study is underpinned by two hypotheses: 01. that government programs form an integral component of electoral competition in Brazil and 02. that they are formulated along partisan lines. In order to test these hypotheses, I have performed an analysis of the government programs registered by mayoral candidates running in 2012 and 2016, using the text analysis method that estimates political positions through word frequency (Wordfish). The results fully confirm the first hypothesis but only partly confirm the second.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.10025645.v1
title: Democratization and Intelligence and Internal Security Agencies: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Brazil and Portugal (1974-2014)

description: The development of intelligence and internal security institutions in Portugal and Brazil were directly influenced by the ways in which both countries transitioned to democracy and by the nature of their political regimes prior to the mid-1970s. This article compares these processes, highlighting how Brazilian and Portuguese intelligence and public security institutions and bodies developed over the course of the 20th century, and in particular following democratization of their political regimes. Our analysis examines the main factors explaining the arrangements adopted, and the obstacles and dilemmas encountered in the institutionalization of these services and of the new democratic regimes. The results suggest that the type of transition to democracy is the main factor explaining differences between the two cases. However, more comparative research is needed to deepen empirical and theoretical understandings and to allow for greater generalization about the relationship between changes in political regimes and reforms of coercive and intelligence institutions.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.10025645
title: Democratization and Intelligence and Internal Security Agencies: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Brazil and Portugal (1974-2014)

description: The development of intelligence and internal security institutions in Portugal and Brazil were directly influenced by the ways in which both countries transitioned to democracy and by the nature of their political regimes prior to the mid-1970s. This article compares these processes, highlighting how Brazilian and Portuguese intelligence and public security institutions and bodies developed over the course of the 20th century, and in particular following democratization of their political regimes. Our analysis examines the main factors explaining the arrangements adopted, and the obstacles and dilemmas encountered in the institutionalization of these services and of the new democratic regimes. The results suggest that the type of transition to democracy is the main factor explaining differences between the two cases. However, more comparative research is needed to deepen empirical and theoretical understandings and to allow for greater generalization about the relationship between changes in political regimes and reforms of coercive and intelligence institutions.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9927461
title: Migrant Remittances and Rights to Physical Integrity: A Cross-section Study of Latin America (1981-2014)

description: This article analyzes aspects of two ubiquitous phenomena in contemporary societies: migration and violations of rights to physical integrity. It focuses on violations of rights to physical integrity, such as torture and political assassination, that take place in the countries that migrants leave behind (home countries). This paper explores the association between migration and violent political repression via one observable aspect of migration: transfers of sums of money from migrants to individuals in their home countries. These transfers are called remittances. This article engages with the growing literature on remittances to ask whether remittances influence the protection of rights to physical integrity within migrant-sending countries. An analysis of 21 Latin American countries between 1981 and 2014 shows that remittances are associated with less protection of rights to physical integrity. Our empirical analysis reveals this unintended effect of remittances, which is mediated by political protests and elections. A case study of Haiti illustrates the association between peaks of remittances and repression.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.9927461.v1
title: Migrant Remittances and Rights to Physical Integrity: A Cross-section Study of Latin America (1981-2014)

description: This article analyzes aspects of two ubiquitous phenomena in contemporary societies: migration and violations of rights to physical integrity. It focuses on violations of rights to physical integrity, such as torture and political assassination, that take place in the countries that migrants leave behind (home countries). This paper explores the association between migration and violent political repression via one observable aspect of migration: transfers of sums of money from migrants to individuals in their home countries. These transfers are called remittances. This article engages with the growing literature on remittances to ask whether remittances influence the protection of rights to physical integrity within migrant-sending countries. An analysis of 21 Latin American countries between 1981 and 2014 shows that remittances are associated with less protection of rights to physical integrity. Our empirical analysis reveals this unintended effect of remittances, which is mediated by political protests and elections. A case study of Haiti illustrates the association between peaks of remittances and repression.