cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290606.v1
title: Individual Conditioning Factors of Political Protest in Latin America: Effects of Values, Grievance and Resources

description: Theories about political protest point to three sets of variables responsible for promoting engagement in such actions: resources, grievance and values. There is consensus on the importance of resources, but the influence of grievance and values remain inconclusive. Discontent alone is not enough to motivate protest, but in societies at intermediate levels of development, grievance could be an explanatory variable. By contrast, values would have a limited effect, given that value change in developing countries could only be incipient. In view of the new cycle of protest in the region and wishing to contribute to the debate on the subject, we aim to discover what the relationship is between these three sets of variables as regards Latin Americans’ predisposition to protest. Given that these countries find themselves at an intermediate level of economic and social development, it would seem that the primary motivation for protest is discontent, as under such circumstances the relative scarcity of resources presents little obstacle to mobilization. On the other hand, as the societies in question are not advanced industrial societies, the associated low dispersion of emancipatory values would exercise limited effect. To test these hypotheses, we looked at data from the sixth wave of the World Values Survey with reference to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay. The results suggested that grievance was irrelevant as an explanatory factor. Participation in protests in the region is determined by the mobilization of resources and values.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290603
title: Ministerial Typology and Political Appointments: Where and How Do Presidents Politicize the Bureaucracy?

description: Does ministry type influence profiles in upper-level bureaucracy? To govern, presidents need to 01. maintain control over the content of public policies, 02. make political concessions that earn them enough parliamentary support to see those policies approved, and 03. build or keep in place the bureaucratic competencies necessary to implement them. We argue that the president makes key appointments according to the nature of the policies of each ministry and their centrality in the executive branch’s decision-making process. Employing cluster analysis, we propose an objective classification of ministries into four types: ‘coordination’, ‘redistribution’ (social policy and income), ‘regulation’, and ‘distribution’. We also identify their relationship with the profiles of those who have occupied positions in the middle and upper echelons of Brazil’s federal bureaucracy – what are referred to in Brazilian nomenclature as ‘DAS roles’ (in which ‘DAS’ stands for Direção e Assessoramento Superior) – in the period from 1999 to 2016. Our findings indicate that presidents choose to professionalize the bureaucracy of the ‘coordination’ and ‘redistribution’ ministries, to appoint partisans to the bureaucracy of the ‘distribution’ and ‘regulation’ ministries, and to allocate partisans of the coalition partners to the ministries controlled by those parties.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290608
title: The Effects of Conditionality Monitoring on Educational Outcomes: Evidence from Brazil’s Bolsa Família Programme

description: Conditional cash transfer programmes have been adopted by several developing countries. Despite their acceptance, the independent role of the conditionalities on education and health remain under scrutiny. We have used an ecological design to study the association between conditionality monitoring and educational outcomes in Brazil’s Bolsa Família programme. As programme coverage (taken as a proxy of cash transfers) and monitoring and enforcement of the educational conditionalities (proxy of conditionalities) are not correlated at the municipal level, this study fits a number of different ordinary least square (OLS) and growth-curve models to explain variation in dropout rates and school progression in basic education in public schools across municipalities. After controlling for a number of covariates, we did not find a significant association between Bolsa Família coverage and dropout and progression rates. On the other hand, monitoring of school attendance was negatively associated with dropout rates and positively associated with school progression (in the OLS models and in the initial status of the growth-curve models). The association between attendance monitoring and the rate of change of educational indicators in growth curve models was not the same, however, suggesting that its possible positive effect on educational indicators are not strong enough to affect a general tendency for these indicators to converge in the recent Brazilian context.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290610.v1
title: Changes in the Foreign Policy of Bolivia and Ecuador: Domestic and International Conditions

description: The aim of this paper is to assess the changes in the foreign policy of Bolivia and Ecuador during the administrations of Evo Morales (2006-2019) and Rafael Correa (2007-2017), taking into account the interaction between domestic and international factors in both countries. Our working hypothesis argues that the reorientation of the foreign policy of these countries was possible due to a connection between alterations observed in the domestic and international spheres starting in the middle of the 2000s. In the internal sphere, the greater political stability resulting from the restructuring of the party system; in the foreign policy environment, an international system more open to the progressive field, allowing a change in the orientation of Bolivian and Ecuadorian foreign policy, based on that moment on the diversification of partnerships with an anti-United States bias.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290608.v1
title: The Effects of Conditionality Monitoring on Educational Outcomes: Evidence from Brazil’s Bolsa Família Programme

description: Conditional cash transfer programmes have been adopted by several developing countries. Despite their acceptance, the independent role of the conditionalities on education and health remain under scrutiny. We have used an ecological design to study the association between conditionality monitoring and educational outcomes in Brazil’s Bolsa Família programme. As programme coverage (taken as a proxy of cash transfers) and monitoring and enforcement of the educational conditionalities (proxy of conditionalities) are not correlated at the municipal level, this study fits a number of different ordinary least square (OLS) and growth-curve models to explain variation in dropout rates and school progression in basic education in public schools across municipalities. After controlling for a number of covariates, we did not find a significant association between Bolsa Família coverage and dropout and progression rates. On the other hand, monitoring of school attendance was negatively associated with dropout rates and positively associated with school progression (in the OLS models and in the initial status of the growth-curve models). The association between attendance monitoring and the rate of change of educational indicators in growth curve models was not the same, however, suggesting that its possible positive effect on educational indicators are not strong enough to affect a general tendency for these indicators to converge in the recent Brazilian context.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290615
title: Political Training in Four Generations of Activists in Argentina and Brazil

description: This paper, which is part of wider research on the transformation of political linkages in Argentina and Brazil, analyzes a specific dimension: political activist training. It seeks to understand how transformations such as weaker partisanship and intense political fluctuation manifest in the way activists have defined and experienced political training. I examine narratives in interviews held between 2007 and 2015 with four generational groups of activists, classified according to the historical period in which they engaged in youth activism. All of them were members of government-supporting organizations during the Kirchner (2003-2015) and Workers’ Party administrations (2003-2016). The issue of activist training is relevant if we consider the paradoxical survival of political and partisan activism in a context of electoral volatility and leaders circumventing parties to establish a direct political bond with citizens. Also, while early political socialization has been given considerable attention in the literature, the issue of internal political training – once people have become members of an organization – has not. The findings show a reconfiguration of what activist training used to convey in the past, as well as impacts and challenges over training brought about by these organizations’ access to government.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290610
title: Changes in the Foreign Policy of Bolivia and Ecuador: Domestic and International Conditions

description: The aim of this paper is to assess the changes in the foreign policy of Bolivia and Ecuador during the administrations of Evo Morales (2006-2019) and Rafael Correa (2007-2017), taking into account the interaction between domestic and international factors in both countries. Our working hypothesis argues that the reorientation of the foreign policy of these countries was possible due to a connection between alterations observed in the domestic and international spheres starting in the middle of the 2000s. In the internal sphere, the greater political stability resulting from the restructuring of the party system; in the foreign policy environment, an international system more open to the progressive field, allowing a change in the orientation of Bolivian and Ecuadorian foreign policy, based on that moment on the diversification of partnerships with an anti-United States bias.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290615.v1
title: Political Training in Four Generations of Activists in Argentina and Brazil

description: This paper, which is part of wider research on the transformation of political linkages in Argentina and Brazil, analyzes a specific dimension: political activist training. It seeks to understand how transformations such as weaker partisanship and intense political fluctuation manifest in the way activists have defined and experienced political training. I examine narratives in interviews held between 2007 and 2015 with four generational groups of activists, classified according to the historical period in which they engaged in youth activism. All of them were members of government-supporting organizations during the Kirchner (2003-2015) and Workers’ Party administrations (2003-2016). The issue of activist training is relevant if we consider the paradoxical survival of political and partisan activism in a context of electoral volatility and leaders circumventing parties to establish a direct political bond with citizens. Also, while early political socialization has been given considerable attention in the literature, the issue of internal political training – once people have become members of an organization – has not. The findings show a reconfiguration of what activist training used to convey in the past, as well as impacts and challenges over training brought about by these organizations’ access to government.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290619
title: Children's writing and their imaginary circulation by the representations of discursive genres

description: This work aims at discussing children's imaginary circulation through representations of discursive genres. More specifically, this research investigates how the circulation of such representations is shown in the children's projections for one or more of the addressees of their enunciations. The concept of discourse genre proposed by Bakhtin (2000) is adopted. The analysis of these selected children's written enunciations favored a specific and constitutive trait in order to define genre: the fact that the relatively stable types of enunciations have always an address and a direction (BAKHTIN, 2000). Starting from the concepts of addressing and of "other"- the latter one based on Authier-Revuz (1982, 1990) - it is suggested that, in spoken enunciations, individuals need to negociate with others elements (other wordings, other registers, other meanings and also other addressees) which constitute them and whichdetermine the emergence of their produced enunciation. The analysis of the children's enunciations showed that two important and interlinked facts should be observed: the non-univocity and the fluctuation about the addressing of the enunciations.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290619.v1
title: Children's writing and their imaginary circulation by the representations of discursive genres

description: This work aims at discussing children's imaginary circulation through representations of discursive genres. More specifically, this research investigates how the circulation of such representations is shown in the children's projections for one or more of the addressees of their enunciations. The concept of discourse genre proposed by Bakhtin (2000) is adopted. The analysis of these selected children's written enunciations favored a specific and constitutive trait in order to define genre: the fact that the relatively stable types of enunciations have always an address and a direction (BAKHTIN, 2000). Starting from the concepts of addressing and of "other"- the latter one based on Authier-Revuz (1982, 1990) - it is suggested that, in spoken enunciations, individuals need to negociate with others elements (other wordings, other registers, other meanings and also other addressees) which constitute them and whichdetermine the emergence of their produced enunciation. The analysis of the children's enunciations showed that two important and interlinked facts should be observed: the non-univocity and the fluctuation about the addressing of the enunciations.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290622.v1
title: Media Exposure of Portfolios as a Measure of Relevance ,

description: The distribution of ministerial portfolios in the formation of government coalitions in Brazilian presidentialism is a crucial factor in determining the governability of the political system. Objective measurement of the relevance of ministries to political parties offers a means of shedding light on the relations between the executive and legislative branches of Brazil’s government. This research note aims to improve the empirical measurement of the relevance of Federal ministries in negotiations between presidents and political parties by including a fundamental theoretical aspect to political behavior: the media exposure of the various ministries. Given the importance of the media in shaping the political agenda and public opinion, we have expanded the theoretical conceptualization of the means to effect such measurements by adding a construct of ministerial relevance that is exogenous to the government apparatus. We have made empirical use of concepts such as the relative prestige of the various ministries and the degree of public exposure to them by quantifying the frequency of their appearances on the front pages of the three Brazilian newspapers with the largest readerships. Our results demonstrate the empirical utility and theoretical complementarity of the insertion of a variable relating to media exposure into Batista’s ministerial relevance (2017).
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290618
title: Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

description: The similarity of Jair Bolsonaro’s and Donald Trump’s divisive views on a variety of controversial issues has led many critics to argue that Brazilians elected a ‘Tropical Trump’ in 2018. Research on Trump’s election shows that authoritarian, racist, and sexist voters were essential to his narrow victory; however, it is an open question whether Trump’s pathway to power is the norm or the exception among right-wing nationalists. Even though candidates espousing controversial ideas about democracy and prejudice are gaining much electoral support, we know little about the extent to which their voters hold similar views. This study confirms that many Brazilians share Bolsonaro’s ambivalence about democracy as well as his attitudes denigrating women and sexual minorities; however, the degree of congruence between his supporters’ and his own views on these topics played a minor role at most in shaping voter choice. As in previous elections, ideology and partisanship – specifically, attitudes about Brazil’s Workers’ Party – largely explain whether a voter supported him. This finding largely holds across gender and racial boundaries, although white Brazilians appear to have been modestly more inclined than Afro-Brazilians to vote for Bolsonaro if they shared his divisive views.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290622
title: Media Exposure of Portfolios as a Measure of Relevance ,

description: The distribution of ministerial portfolios in the formation of government coalitions in Brazilian presidentialism is a crucial factor in determining the governability of the political system. Objective measurement of the relevance of ministries to political parties offers a means of shedding light on the relations between the executive and legislative branches of Brazil’s government. This research note aims to improve the empirical measurement of the relevance of Federal ministries in negotiations between presidents and political parties by including a fundamental theoretical aspect to political behavior: the media exposure of the various ministries. Given the importance of the media in shaping the political agenda and public opinion, we have expanded the theoretical conceptualization of the means to effect such measurements by adding a construct of ministerial relevance that is exogenous to the government apparatus. We have made empirical use of concepts such as the relative prestige of the various ministries and the degree of public exposure to them by quantifying the frequency of their appearances on the front pages of the three Brazilian newspapers with the largest readerships. Our results demonstrate the empirical utility and theoretical complementarity of the insertion of a variable relating to media exposure into Batista’s ministerial relevance (2017).
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290623
title: SUBJECTIVITY AND INTERSUBJECTIVITY IN CONDITIONALS: TEMPORAL BACKSHIFTING STRATEGIES IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE

description: This work takes a Cognitive Linguistics perspective on Brazilian Portuguese conditional constructions. Based on mental spaces theory (FAUCONNIER, 1994, 1997; FAUCONNIER; SWEETSER, 1996) and on mental spaces work on conditionals (SWEETSER, 1990; DANCYGIER, 1998, DANCYGIER; SWEETSER, 2005; GOMES, 2008), the research relied on recent contributions on subjectivity and intersubjectivity (LANGACKER, 1990; TRAUGOTT; DASHER, 2005; VERHAGEN 2005), and its developments based on the notion of Base Communicative Space Network (BCSN) ( SANDERS; SANDERS; SWEETSER, 2009; FERRARI; SWEETSER, 2012). Drawing on written corpus data, which includes journalistic and literary texts, we focus on conditionals which may alternate between the future of the subjunctive and the present of the indicative, in the protasis, and between the present and the future of the indicative, in the apodosis. Four groups of conditionals were identified that displayed distinct relations between mood/tense selection and cognitive motivations. The main contribution of the paper is that it provides a unified framework for relating tense/mood alternations in conditionals to the speaker´s subjective and/or intersubjective perspective.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290625
title: The transitive construction in Brazilian Portuguese: towards an association of Construction Grammar to Lexical Decomposition

description: This paper aims to show how Construction Grammar Theory (GOLDBERG, 1995, 2006) may be associated with a lexical-semantic approach in order to observe verb classes, namely, the predicate decomposition of verbs. In other words, we assume that predicate decomposition can be a useful tool to describe the meaning of argument structure constructions. Therefore, we make an analysis of the transitive construction in Portuguese with the objective of illustrating our main proposal. Six major classes of verbs in BP are investigated, and their semantic representations are presented; then, they are checked with the transitive construction. The main goal is to reach the meaning of the construction, which, as shown before, may not be described in general terms, i.e,. it cannot be given in terms of a schematic single meaning, but it actually can be considered in terms of a network of related meanings. Those meanings are understood as metaphorical extensions based on a prototypical meaning. At the end, we also provide a representation for the transitive construction in Portuguese taking into account its prototypical meaning.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290618.v1
title: Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

description: The similarity of Jair Bolsonaro’s and Donald Trump’s divisive views on a variety of controversial issues has led many critics to argue that Brazilians elected a ‘Tropical Trump’ in 2018. Research on Trump’s election shows that authoritarian, racist, and sexist voters were essential to his narrow victory; however, it is an open question whether Trump’s pathway to power is the norm or the exception among right-wing nationalists. Even though candidates espousing controversial ideas about democracy and prejudice are gaining much electoral support, we know little about the extent to which their voters hold similar views. This study confirms that many Brazilians share Bolsonaro’s ambivalence about democracy as well as his attitudes denigrating women and sexual minorities; however, the degree of congruence between his supporters’ and his own views on these topics played a minor role at most in shaping voter choice. As in previous elections, ideology and partisanship – specifically, attitudes about Brazil’s Workers’ Party – largely explain whether a voter supported him. This finding largely holds across gender and racial boundaries, although white Brazilians appear to have been modestly more inclined than Afro-Brazilians to vote for Bolsonaro if they shared his divisive views.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14290625.v1
title: The transitive construction in Brazilian Portuguese: towards an association of Construction Grammar to Lexical Decomposition

description: This paper aims to show how Construction Grammar Theory (GOLDBERG, 1995, 2006) may be associated with a lexical-semantic approach in order to observe verb classes, namely, the predicate decomposition of verbs. In other words, we assume that predicate decomposition can be a useful tool to describe the meaning of argument structure constructions. Therefore, we make an analysis of the transitive construction in Portuguese with the objective of illustrating our main proposal. Six major classes of verbs in BP are investigated, and their semantic representations are presented; then, they are checked with the transitive construction. The main goal is to reach the meaning of the construction, which, as shown before, may not be described in general terms, i.e,. it cannot be given in terms of a schematic single meaning, but it actually can be considered in terms of a network of related meanings. Those meanings are understood as metaphorical extensions based on a prototypical meaning. At the end, we also provide a representation for the transitive construction in Portuguese taking into account its prototypical meaning.