cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11350760.v1
title: Here Today, Gone Tomorrow - Political Ambition, Coalitions, and Accountability as Determinants of Ministerial Turnover in the Brazilian Multiparty Presidential System

description: The article aims at understanding the determinants of ministerial turnover in presidential systems. There are essentially three key factors that govern the propensity for ministerial turnover in a presidential system: 01. political ambition - reflected in the individual or collective strategies and tactics employed by the party-affiliated actors represented in the cabinet; 02. the presence or absence of a governing coalition - which has bearing on the degree of ideological distance between the president and such political parties as form part of any governing coalition, with consequences for ministerial scrutiny; and 03. accountability - a determinant in responding to such external pressures as may be brought to bear by public opinion. In order to investigate the impacts of these factors, this inquiry seeks to analyze the new and dynamic democracy of Brazil. Brazil's presidential system presents interesting features that make it an excellent laboratory in which to test hypotheses concerning every aspect of ministerial turnover. To this end, this paper employs a multivariate methodology, as well as descriptive and survival analyses, based on a comprehensive and original database of cabinet ministers that draws on three presidencies over five democratically elected governments from 1995 to 2014. Among other results, our most original finding was that there is an inverse correlation between the degree of ministerial politicization (political ambition) and ideological distance from the president during political scandals (interaction between the governing coalition and accountability) on the one hand, and the length of ministerial tenure on the other.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11350760
title: Here Today, Gone Tomorrow - Political Ambition, Coalitions, and Accountability as Determinants of Ministerial Turnover in the Brazilian Multiparty Presidential System

description: The article aims at understanding the determinants of ministerial turnover in presidential systems. There are essentially three key factors that govern the propensity for ministerial turnover in a presidential system: 01. political ambition - reflected in the individual or collective strategies and tactics employed by the party-affiliated actors represented in the cabinet; 02. the presence or absence of a governing coalition - which has bearing on the degree of ideological distance between the president and such political parties as form part of any governing coalition, with consequences for ministerial scrutiny; and 03. accountability - a determinant in responding to such external pressures as may be brought to bear by public opinion. In order to investigate the impacts of these factors, this inquiry seeks to analyze the new and dynamic democracy of Brazil. Brazil's presidential system presents interesting features that make it an excellent laboratory in which to test hypotheses concerning every aspect of ministerial turnover. To this end, this paper employs a multivariate methodology, as well as descriptive and survival analyses, based on a comprehensive and original database of cabinet ministers that draws on three presidencies over five democratically elected governments from 1995 to 2014. Among other results, our most original finding was that there is an inverse correlation between the degree of ministerial politicization (political ambition) and ideological distance from the president during political scandals (interaction between the governing coalition and accountability) on the one hand, and the length of ministerial tenure on the other.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11452314.v1
title: The World Cup and Presidential Popularity in Brazil

description: From the political point of view, major sporting events are seen as a way of strengthening a country's institutional image and, as a result, the popularity of its leaders. Events in Brazil in response to the 2014 World Cup, however, point towards other conclusions. The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between public opinion and the World Cup in Brazil with reference to data from quantitative and qualitative opinion polls conducted by the Office of the Secretary of Communication of the Presidency of the Republic. These analyses suggest that an increasingly critical view on the part of citizens as well as frustration with expectations vis-à-vis essential public services such as health and education had a direct impact on Brazilians' views of the event and their (dis)approval of the Federal Government. Amid a series of demonstrations in 2013 and 2014, the World Cup was transformed from a classic case of bread and circuses into a catalyst for popular dissatisfaction. Instead of a popularity boost and a smooth path to re-election in 2014, Brazilian political leaders found themselves scrambling to deal with the legacy of a World Cup own goal.
DOI: 10.17632/fd7rgfkmcm.1
title: Survey dataset on the effect and mitigation measures: Construction delays in Hargeisa

description: Dataset explores the associated effect of construction project delays and the possible mitigating measures that can proffer solutions to delays in the completion of road and building construction projects in Hargeisa.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11452314
title: The World Cup and Presidential Popularity in Brazil

description: From the political point of view, major sporting events are seen as a way of strengthening a country's institutional image and, as a result, the popularity of its leaders. Events in Brazil in response to the 2014 World Cup, however, point towards other conclusions. The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between public opinion and the World Cup in Brazil with reference to data from quantitative and qualitative opinion polls conducted by the Office of the Secretary of Communication of the Presidency of the Republic. These analyses suggest that an increasingly critical view on the part of citizens as well as frustration with expectations vis-à-vis essential public services such as health and education had a direct impact on Brazilians' views of the event and their (dis)approval of the Federal Government. Amid a series of demonstrations in 2013 and 2014, the World Cup was transformed from a classic case of bread and circuses into a catalyst for popular dissatisfaction. Instead of a popularity boost and a smooth path to re-election in 2014, Brazilian political leaders found themselves scrambling to deal with the legacy of a World Cup own goal.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11804445
title: Parliamentary Supervision of Brazilian Foreign Policy: An analysis of Approval of Authorities

description: This article seeks to address the question of how the Federal Senate acts in approving the appointment of authorities to lead diplomatic missions and to determine if the decision-making process on foreign policy is similar to the handling of other matters. It therefore aims to contribute to the debate about the action of lawmakers in the foreign policy decision-making process in Brazil and in the understanding of the elements that influence the approval process of authorities by the Federal Senate. To do so, it gathers statistics on the elements that influence the results of voting on authorities, measured in terms of the time taken for approval and the rate of favorable votes, and specifically the appointment of chiefs of permanent diplomatic missions. The article’s results point to a similar pattern of legislative supervision for foreign policy and other public policies. These corroborate the article’s filiation with legislative trends, according to which party rivalries set the tone for the relationships between Executive and Legislative Powers in Brazilian presidentialism. Although approval of diplomatic authorities displays specific characteristics, such as the presence of lengthy approval cases, they remained aligned with the pattern observed in other cases of senatorial deliberation.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11804445.v1
title: Parliamentary Supervision of Brazilian Foreign Policy: An analysis of Approval of Authorities

description: This article seeks to address the question of how the Federal Senate acts in approving the appointment of authorities to lead diplomatic missions and to determine if the decision-making process on foreign policy is similar to the handling of other matters. It therefore aims to contribute to the debate about the action of lawmakers in the foreign policy decision-making process in Brazil and in the understanding of the elements that influence the approval process of authorities by the Federal Senate. To do so, it gathers statistics on the elements that influence the results of voting on authorities, measured in terms of the time taken for approval and the rate of favorable votes, and specifically the appointment of chiefs of permanent diplomatic missions. The article’s results point to a similar pattern of legislative supervision for foreign policy and other public policies. These corroborate the article’s filiation with legislative trends, according to which party rivalries set the tone for the relationships between Executive and Legislative Powers in Brazilian presidentialism. Although approval of diplomatic authorities displays specific characteristics, such as the presence of lengthy approval cases, they remained aligned with the pattern observed in other cases of senatorial deliberation.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11609337.v1
title: Clientelism and Local Politics: Interactions Between Municipal Councilors and Voters in the State of Minas Gerais

description: This article addresses the subject of clientelism with reference to an unprecedented set of data resulting from a survey of 422 municipal councilors in 44 Brazilian municipalities. Our aim was to verify whether a propensity for clientelist behavior was uniformly distributed among the councilors surveyed and, in the event that it was not, to identify factors that could explain any variations. Our analysis revealed that clientelism – understood as the degree of exposure on the part of councilors to voter demands for individual benefits, and the councilors' willingness to attend to such demands by means of informal strategies – varies among councilors. Through a multivariate analysis of data, we concluded that these variations are related, as we expected, to such characteristics of the municipalities as population, poverty levels and political competition, and to such individual attributes of councilors as ideology and position in relation to the executive branch. We also conclude that there is an interaction between poverty and competition: competition seems to be more relevant than poverty to explain the observed variations, and its effect is intensified; the explanatory power of poverty is higher in the context of low political competition.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11609337
title: Clientelism and Local Politics: Interactions Between Municipal Councilors and Voters in the State of Minas Gerais

description: This article addresses the subject of clientelism with reference to an unprecedented set of data resulting from a survey of 422 municipal councilors in 44 Brazilian municipalities. Our aim was to verify whether a propensity for clientelist behavior was uniformly distributed among the councilors surveyed and, in the event that it was not, to identify factors that could explain any variations. Our analysis revealed that clientelism – understood as the degree of exposure on the part of councilors to voter demands for individual benefits, and the councilors' willingness to attend to such demands by means of informal strategies – varies among councilors. Through a multivariate analysis of data, we concluded that these variations are related, as we expected, to such characteristics of the municipalities as population, poverty levels and political competition, and to such individual attributes of councilors as ideology and position in relation to the executive branch. We also conclude that there is an interaction between poverty and competition: competition seems to be more relevant than poverty to explain the observed variations, and its effect is intensified; the explanatory power of poverty is higher in the context of low political competition.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.12127263
title: What do State Institutions Say? Twitter as a Public Communication Tool During the Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff

description: The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of political crisis. We aim to establish whether and to what extent there was partisan instrumentalization of the digital social media channels administered by State institutions during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. We analyzed all posts published between 2015 and 2016 on the official Twitter profiles of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate, Presidential Palace and Federal Supreme Court. We considered all posts with the words ‘impeachment’, ‘impedimento’, (‘impeachment’) ‘afastamento’, (‘impeachment’) and ‘golpe’ (‘coup’) (n=795). Our methodology comprised a combination of quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (content analysis) strategies. We found that the Federal Senate’s twitter profile most frequently posted the word ‘impeachment’, while the term ‘golpe’ was most frequently posted by the Presidential Palace profile. Over half of the publications fit into the category of ‘dissemination of news’. The Presidential Palace’s Twitter profile exhibited a distinct pattern of behavior, predominantly posting tweets associated with the ‘promotion of ideas and expression of positions’. Therefore, the Presidential Palace favored a communications strategy with a partisan bias. This research is relevant as it uses empirical data to discuss phenomena tied to studies on public and political communication.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.12127263.v1
title: What do State Institutions Say? Twitter as a Public Communication Tool During the Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff

description: The objective of this article is to analyze the content of public communications in situations of political crisis. We aim to establish whether and to what extent there was partisan instrumentalization of the digital social media channels administered by State institutions during the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. We analyzed all posts published between 2015 and 2016 on the official Twitter profiles of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, Federal Senate, Presidential Palace and Federal Supreme Court. We considered all posts with the words ‘impeachment’, ‘impedimento’, (‘impeachment’) ‘afastamento’, (‘impeachment’) and ‘golpe’ (‘coup’) (n=795). Our methodology comprised a combination of quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (content analysis) strategies. We found that the Federal Senate’s twitter profile most frequently posted the word ‘impeachment’, while the term ‘golpe’ was most frequently posted by the Presidential Palace profile. Over half of the publications fit into the category of ‘dissemination of news’. The Presidential Palace’s Twitter profile exhibited a distinct pattern of behavior, predominantly posting tweets associated with the ‘promotion of ideas and expression of positions’. Therefore, the Presidential Palace favored a communications strategy with a partisan bias. This research is relevant as it uses empirical data to discuss phenomena tied to studies on public and political communication.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11930256
title: Race and Competitiveness in Brazilian Elections: Evaluating the Chances of Black and Brown Candidates through Quantile Regression Analysis of Brazil's 2014 Congressional Elections

description: Although the proportion of black, brown and indigenous electoral candidates in Brazil is close to the proportion of blacks, browns and indigenous in the general population, the proportion elected to the country’s Federal Congress is significantly lower. Statistical techniques such as linear or logistic regression are typically used to estimate the effect of a particular variable such as color/race or gender on a candidate’s electoral performance. However, in Brazilian elections, characterized by substantive, asymmetrical differences such as extreme variations in campaign finance distribution, the efficacy of these types of regression models is limited. Such being the case in Brazil's open list proportional representation system, we propose quantile regression as the most suitable means for estimating the relationship between voting and other variables such as race/color, because it enables us to estimate relationships between the variables of interest across several distribution quantiles. Quantile regression models show that black and brown candidates get as many as 40% fewer votes than white candidates in higher vote distribution quantiles. Furthermore, analysis of access to campaign financing finds that black and brown candidates on average garner only 75% of the funds available to white candidates at quantile 80 of campaign finance distribution. This drops to 65% at quantile 90.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11930256.v1
title: Race and Competitiveness in Brazilian Elections: Evaluating the Chances of Black and Brown Candidates through Quantile Regression Analysis of Brazil's 2014 Congressional Elections

description: Although the proportion of black, brown and indigenous electoral candidates in Brazil is close to the proportion of blacks, browns and indigenous in the general population, the proportion elected to the country’s Federal Congress is significantly lower. Statistical techniques such as linear or logistic regression are typically used to estimate the effect of a particular variable such as color/race or gender on a candidate’s electoral performance. However, in Brazilian elections, characterized by substantive, asymmetrical differences such as extreme variations in campaign finance distribution, the efficacy of these types of regression models is limited. Such being the case in Brazil's open list proportional representation system, we propose quantile regression as the most suitable means for estimating the relationship between voting and other variables such as race/color, because it enables us to estimate relationships between the variables of interest across several distribution quantiles. Quantile regression models show that black and brown candidates get as many as 40% fewer votes than white candidates in higher vote distribution quantiles. Furthermore, analysis of access to campaign financing finds that black and brown candidates on average garner only 75% of the funds available to white candidates at quantile 80 of campaign finance distribution. This drops to 65% at quantile 90.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14327245.v1
title: Influence of temperature, concentration and shear rate on the rheological behavior of malay apple (Syzygium malaccense) juice

description: Summary The aim of this study was to evaluate the rheological behavior of malay apple, a traditional Amazonian fruit with high bioactive properties, at different temperatures and soluble solids concentrations. The experiments were carried out in a Brookfield R/S Plus rheometer with concentric cylinders geometry. Power Law, Herschel-Bulkley, Mizrahi-Berk, and Sisko rheological models were fitted to the experimental data. The malay apple juice (pulp and skin) showed a pseudoplastic behavior for all temperatures and concentrations with flow behavior indexes lower than 1. The temperature effect on the samples’ apparent viscosity was analyzed by the Arrhenius equation. The activation energy increased with a decrease in the soluble solids concentration, showing that the lower the concentration, the greater the temperature influence on the apparent viscosity. The soluble solids effect was described by the exponential equation. The exponential factor increased with the temperature increasing, showing that the higher the temperature, the greater the effect of the soluble solids concentration on samples’ apparent viscosity. Finally, a triparametric mathematical model combining temperature, concentration, and shear rate was proposed aiming to evaluate its effects on the samples’ apparent viscosity and has accurately adjusted to the data with high correlation index R2.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14327245
title: Influence of temperature, concentration and shear rate on the rheological behavior of malay apple (Syzygium malaccense) juice

description: Summary The aim of this study was to evaluate the rheological behavior of malay apple, a traditional Amazonian fruit with high bioactive properties, at different temperatures and soluble solids concentrations. The experiments were carried out in a Brookfield R/S Plus rheometer with concentric cylinders geometry. Power Law, Herschel-Bulkley, Mizrahi-Berk, and Sisko rheological models were fitted to the experimental data. The malay apple juice (pulp and skin) showed a pseudoplastic behavior for all temperatures and concentrations with flow behavior indexes lower than 1. The temperature effect on the samples’ apparent viscosity was analyzed by the Arrhenius equation. The activation energy increased with a decrease in the soluble solids concentration, showing that the lower the concentration, the greater the temperature influence on the apparent viscosity. The soluble solids effect was described by the exponential equation. The exponential factor increased with the temperature increasing, showing that the higher the temperature, the greater the effect of the soluble solids concentration on samples’ apparent viscosity. Finally, a triparametric mathematical model combining temperature, concentration, and shear rate was proposed aiming to evaluate its effects on the samples’ apparent viscosity and has accurately adjusted to the data with high correlation index R2.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.14327248.v1
title: Potential antioxidant retention and quality maintenance in raspberries and strawberries treated with calcium chloride and stored under refrigeration

description: Abstract Raspberry and strawberry fruits were stored at 0 °C and relative humidity (RH) of 95% for eight days. The fruits were treated with calcium chloride and their quality parameters and weight loss monitored and compared with those of untreated ones. A higher weight loss was observed for the untreated raspberries (16%) than for the fruits treated with 2% calcium chloride (5.3%). Similarly, untreated strawberry fruits lost more weight (8.5%) than those treated with 2% calcium chloride – only 4.1%. The application of calcium chloride did not significantly influence the total acid content of the fruits. After 8 days storage the total soluble solids (TSS) had decreased to 10.22 ± 0.06, 9.60 ± 0.05 and 9.65 ± 0.12 in the raspberry fruits treated with 0%, 1% and 2% calcium chloride, respectively, and to 7.00 ± 0.17, 6.57 ± 0.08 and 6.35 ± 0.04 in the strawberry fruits treated with 0%, 1% and 2% calcium chloride, respectively. After storage, the ascorbic acid contents were significantly (p ≤ 0.05) higher in samples of raspberry and strawberry fruits subjected to 2% calcium chloride dips. The CaCl2 treatments had a significant effect on retaining the ascorbic acid contents in these fruits. The treatment of raspberry and strawberry fruits with calcium chloride had a positive effect (p&lt; 0.05) on the retention of the total phenolic contents (TPC) during the storage period. 66% and 74% of the antioxidant potentials were retained in the untreated samples of raspberries and strawberries, as against 78% and 89% in the 2% calcium chloride treated samples of these fruits.