cometadata/datacite-titles-descriptions-related-identifiers huggingface dataset:
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7390754
title: Nominal possession in Apurinã (Arawak): some considerations

description: Abstract Nouns in the Apurinã language (Arawak), which is spoken in southeastern Amazonas, Brazil, have been studied by multiple authors, and different classifications have been proposed (Facundes, 1995, 2000; Brandão, 2006; Facundes; Freitas, 2013). In this paper, we will revisit the different classifications for nouns in Apurinã, and present a new proposal by Freitas (2017), which classifies the nouns in the language as: (i) alienable, (ii) inalienable, and (iii) non-possessible nouns. Inalienability is defined not only in terms of morphological marking patterns, but also considering the ‘frequency of occurrence’ in possessive constructions and ‘economic motivation,’ as defined by Haspelmath (2008), following a typological approach. Inalienable nouns thus more frequently appear as possessed, being unmarked in possessive constructions, and therefore more economical, while alienable nouns more frequently occur as unpossessed, marked in possessive constructions by a set of suffixes, and therefore less economical.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.7390754.v1
title: Nominal possession in Apurinã (Arawak): some considerations

description: Abstract Nouns in the Apurinã language (Arawak), which is spoken in southeastern Amazonas, Brazil, have been studied by multiple authors, and different classifications have been proposed (Facundes, 1995, 2000; Brandão, 2006; Facundes; Freitas, 2013). In this paper, we will revisit the different classifications for nouns in Apurinã, and present a new proposal by Freitas (2017), which classifies the nouns in the language as: (i) alienable, (ii) inalienable, and (iii) non-possessible nouns. Inalienability is defined not only in terms of morphological marking patterns, but also considering the ‘frequency of occurrence’ in possessive constructions and ‘economic motivation,’ as defined by Haspelmath (2008), following a typological approach. Inalienable nouns thus more frequently appear as possessed, being unmarked in possessive constructions, and therefore more economical, while alienable nouns more frequently occur as unpossessed, marked in possessive constructions by a set of suffixes, and therefore less economical.
DOI: 10.34740/kaggle/dsv/3689702
title: ReCo:Residential Community Layout Planning Dataset
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032973
title: Kinship terms: initial reconstructions in Proto-Arara-Ikpeng

description: Abstract On the genetic classification of the Cariban language family, Meira and Franchetto (2005) propose a branch they term ‘Pekodian’, which includes Bakairi, Arara, and Ikpeng. The latter two languages are on the border of the language-dialect distinction; speakers of both varieties claim to be close relatives and report a reasonable level of mutual intelligibility, and while they can successfully converse, there are occasional comprehension difficulties. Meira and Franchetto used lexical data from only the Bakairi and Ikpeng languages, implicitly assuming that Arara and Ikpeng are co-dialects. The present work compares Arara and Ikpeng kinship terms. In order to obtain a holistic understanding of the differences between these languages we undertake analyses which are both linguistic (comparing the forms of kinship terms) and anthropological (comparing the systems described in existing ethnographies). The language data come from fieldwork conducted in Arara communities by Ana Carolina Ferreira Alves from 2014 to 2017 and in Ikpeng communities by Angela Fabíola Alves Chagas in 2012.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032973.v1
title: Kinship terms: initial reconstructions in Proto-Arara-Ikpeng

description: Abstract On the genetic classification of the Cariban language family, Meira and Franchetto (2005) propose a branch they term ‘Pekodian’, which includes Bakairi, Arara, and Ikpeng. The latter two languages are on the border of the language-dialect distinction; speakers of both varieties claim to be close relatives and report a reasonable level of mutual intelligibility, and while they can successfully converse, there are occasional comprehension difficulties. Meira and Franchetto used lexical data from only the Bakairi and Ikpeng languages, implicitly assuming that Arara and Ikpeng are co-dialects. The present work compares Arara and Ikpeng kinship terms. In order to obtain a holistic understanding of the differences between these languages we undertake analyses which are both linguistic (comparing the forms of kinship terms) and anthropological (comparing the systems described in existing ethnographies). The language data come from fieldwork conducted in Arara communities by Ana Carolina Ferreira Alves from 2014 to 2017 and in Ikpeng communities by Angela Fabíola Alves Chagas in 2012.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11314526
title: The place of particles among words, morphemes, and phrases in Kubeo

description: Abstract This article describes the definition of words, morphemes, and phrases in Kubeo, with a critical assessment of particle status. After initially pointing out the methodological difficulties of defining boundaries between words and phrases in this language (as well as the different criteria for differentiating word and morpheme types from structural, functional, and phonological points of view), we approach particles as a class of words which mainly act as pragmatic markers. This understanding is not assumed a priori, but rather is the result of a methodological trajectory which questions the necessity of this descriptive category, carefully demarcating it and differentiating it from other classes of morphemes.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032974
title: The particle ‘ke’ as a differential object and subject marker in Ka’apor

description: Abstract The main purpose of this article is to show that the Ka’apor language exhibits both direct object marking (DOM) and differential subject marking (DSM). This research demonstrates that the particle ke is responsible for triggering these systems, since it is used when agent subjects are semantically affected by the event described by the verb and when objects are high on the animacy scale. In this sense, the DOM mechanism in Ka’apor is regulated by both the animacy and definiteness scales. With regard to DSM, I hypothesize that it emerges as an example of a markedness reversal, since affectedness is not a typical property of subjects, but only of objects. As a result, DSM in Ka’apor is characterized by the fact that only subjects which resemble typical patient objects are overtly case-marked by the particle ke.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032974.v1
title: The particle ‘ke’ as a differential object and subject marker in Ka’apor

description: Abstract The main purpose of this article is to show that the Ka’apor language exhibits both direct object marking (DOM) and differential subject marking (DSM). This research demonstrates that the particle ke is responsible for triggering these systems, since it is used when agent subjects are semantically affected by the event described by the verb and when objects are high on the animacy scale. In this sense, the DOM mechanism in Ka’apor is regulated by both the animacy and definiteness scales. With regard to DSM, I hypothesize that it emerges as an example of a markedness reversal, since affectedness is not a typical property of subjects, but only of objects. As a result, DSM in Ka’apor is characterized by the fact that only subjects which resemble typical patient objects are overtly case-marked by the particle ke.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11313596
title: Sentence-Final Particles (SFPs): a cartographic analysis by phases on the Tenetehára language system

description: Abstract The goal of this article is to analyze the distribution of sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Tenetehára. These particles comprise a set of functional items that occur in a rigid syntactic position at the end of the sentence. The order of SFPs in this language can be formally captured if one starts from a unique base structure from which their relative order can be derived. More specifically, we suggest that the linearization of the particles to the right is the result of raising the lowest particle, i.e. raising a projection with an agreement particle to the specifier of a dominating projection. This theory blends two hypotheses related to the Principles and Parameters Theory: Cinque’s Hierarchy (1999), and the Derivation by Phase Approach (Chomsky, 2001).
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.11313596.v1
title: Sentence-Final Particles (SFPs): a cartographic analysis by phases on the Tenetehára language system

description: Abstract The goal of this article is to analyze the distribution of sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Tenetehára. These particles comprise a set of functional items that occur in a rigid syntactic position at the end of the sentence. The order of SFPs in this language can be formally captured if one starts from a unique base structure from which their relative order can be derived. More specifically, we suggest that the linearization of the particles to the right is the result of raising the lowest particle, i.e. raising a projection with an agreement particle to the specifier of a dominating projection. This theory blends two hypotheses related to the Principles and Parameters Theory: Cinque’s Hierarchy (1999), and the Derivation by Phase Approach (Chomsky, 2001).
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032977.v1
title: Interrogative particle and phrasal pitch-accent in polar questions in Fa d’Ambô

description: Abstract Here we present linguistic strategies for asking polar questions in Fa d’Ambô (FA). We discuss the use of the final interrogative particle a, as well as the association between phrasal pitch-accent and the last mora of the final prosodic word of the sentence, with a possible change in word accent and rising intonation. The interrogative permits use of the particle a for polar questions, but it cannot be used in WH-questions. Previous studies have not addressed this question (Barrena, 1957; Post, 1995; Zamora, 2010), or have stated that polar interrogatives are constructed as declarative sentences (Post, 1995). We also maintain that in FA, stressed words at the end of a polar question differ from those in other positions, and that the pitch-accent is attracted to the right edge of the sentence, which has not yet been documented in a top-down language (Gordon, 2014). Additionally, we offer further evidence of the presence of this phenomenon in the Proto-Creole of the Gulf of Guinea (PGG), as well as influence from Niger-Congo substrate languages (especially from the Sudanic belt) in the Gulf, since this is an area-related feature of this group.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032977
title: Interrogative particle and phrasal pitch-accent in polar questions in Fa d’Ambô

description: Abstract Here we present linguistic strategies for asking polar questions in Fa d’Ambô (FA). We discuss the use of the final interrogative particle a, as well as the association between phrasal pitch-accent and the last mora of the final prosodic word of the sentence, with a possible change in word accent and rising intonation. The interrogative permits use of the particle a for polar questions, but it cannot be used in WH-questions. Previous studies have not addressed this question (Barrena, 1957; Post, 1995; Zamora, 2010), or have stated that polar interrogatives are constructed as declarative sentences (Post, 1995). We also maintain that in FA, stressed words at the end of a polar question differ from those in other positions, and that the pitch-accent is attracted to the right edge of the sentence, which has not yet been documented in a top-down language (Gordon, 2014). Additionally, we offer further evidence of the presence of this phenomenon in the Proto-Creole of the Gulf of Guinea (PGG), as well as influence from Niger-Congo substrate languages (especially from the Sudanic belt) in the Gulf, since this is an area-related feature of this group.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032979
title: The grammaticalization of verbs in particles in the Guajá language and its relation to omnipredicativity

description: Abstract In this article, I intend to show that, despite the great inconsistency in formal terms and heterogeneity in functional terms that characterizes description of particle class by different authors, in Guajá particles can be differentiated from other classes of words in this language, and that the origin of some of these particles can be attributed to different processes of grammaticalization from lexical verbs. Here we focus on the directional and positional particles and the projective aspectual particle in the Guajá language, explaining its origin and relating the analyzed phenomena to the loss/maintenance of the omnipredicative typology of the language.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032979.v1
title: The grammaticalization of verbs in particles in the Guajá language and its relation to omnipredicativity

description: Abstract In this article, I intend to show that, despite the great inconsistency in formal terms and heterogeneity in functional terms that characterizes description of particle class by different authors, in Guajá particles can be differentiated from other classes of words in this language, and that the origin of some of these particles can be attributed to different processes of grammaticalization from lexical verbs. Here we focus on the directional and positional particles and the projective aspectual particle in the Guajá language, explaining its origin and relating the analyzed phenomena to the loss/maintenance of the omnipredicative typology of the language.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032980
title: Object relations in Canela

description: Abstract Canela is spoken by about 3,000 individuals belonging to the Canela Apãniekrá and Canela Ramkokamekrá peoples, who live in two indigenous lands (Área Indígena Porquinhos e Área Indígena Kanela, respectively) located in the state of Maranhão (Brazil). In this paper, I first distinguish the postpositional phrases that are (semantically) arguments and those that are adjuncts in Canela (Jê family, Macro-Jê stock). Next, I identify the arguments defined as the Patient (P), the Theme (T) and the Recipient (R) and display their respective grammatical properties (coding, behavior and control). The conclusion is that P and T are the direct object, while R (of verbs like ‘give’, ‘tell’ and ‘show’), when lexically specified, is the only indirect object.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032980.v1
title: Object relations in Canela

description: Abstract Canela is spoken by about 3,000 individuals belonging to the Canela Apãniekrá and Canela Ramkokamekrá peoples, who live in two indigenous lands (Área Indígena Porquinhos e Área Indígena Kanela, respectively) located in the state of Maranhão (Brazil). In this paper, I first distinguish the postpositional phrases that are (semantically) arguments and those that are adjuncts in Canela (Jê family, Macro-Jê stock). Next, I identify the arguments defined as the Patient (P), the Theme (T) and the Recipient (R) and display their respective grammatical properties (coding, behavior and control). The conclusion is that P and T are the direct object, while R (of verbs like ‘give’, ‘tell’ and ‘show’), when lexically specified, is the only indirect object.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032989
title: How to not lose the track: tail-head linkage as a mechanism for maintaining cohesion of spatial information in Dâw narratives

description: Abstract References to landscape and places are central in traditional narratives by speakers of Dâw (Naduhup, Brazilian Amazon). This emphasis on spatial reference is primarily established through locative adverbial clauses that are often repeated throughout the discourse. Their function is to relate an event to a place, establish reference to locative information mentioned earlier in discourse, and provide cohesion when pre-posed to the main clause. In this syntactic position, they act as bridges connecting sentences and paragraphs by referring to antecedent context. Locative adverbial clauses in clause-initial position are interesting in Dâw because they can occur as exact replicas of a locative adverbial clause that was postposed to the main clause of the antecedent sentence. This strategy has been described in the literature as tail-head linkage. Its central function is to maintain coherence among participants and events along subsequent sentences in discourse and to ensure that the interlocutor is able to track the numerous locations mentioned in the narrative. This paper explores the functional and formal properties of tail-head linkage by focusing on locative adverbial clauses in Dâw, and contributes to the understanding of how processes of subordination can be responsible for tracking spatial information in the discourse of Dâw speakers.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032989.v1
title: How to not lose the track: tail-head linkage as a mechanism for maintaining cohesion of spatial information in Dâw narratives

description: Abstract References to landscape and places are central in traditional narratives by speakers of Dâw (Naduhup, Brazilian Amazon). This emphasis on spatial reference is primarily established through locative adverbial clauses that are often repeated throughout the discourse. Their function is to relate an event to a place, establish reference to locative information mentioned earlier in discourse, and provide cohesion when pre-posed to the main clause. In this syntactic position, they act as bridges connecting sentences and paragraphs by referring to antecedent context. Locative adverbial clauses in clause-initial position are interesting in Dâw because they can occur as exact replicas of a locative adverbial clause that was postposed to the main clause of the antecedent sentence. This strategy has been described in the literature as tail-head linkage. Its central function is to maintain coherence among participants and events along subsequent sentences in discourse and to ensure that the interlocutor is able to track the numerous locations mentioned in the narrative. This paper explores the functional and formal properties of tail-head linkage by focusing on locative adverbial clauses in Dâw, and contributes to the understanding of how processes of subordination can be responsible for tracking spatial information in the discourse of Dâw speakers.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032991.v1
title: Anaphora and subordination in Karitiana

description: Abstract This paper describes the behavior of the anaphoric element ta- in Karitiana (Arikém branch, Tupian family) showing that it is a third person anaphor which must be bound (c-commanded and coindexed) by an antecedent in the same sentence. ta- may occur as a possessor clitic attached to a nominal, or as a subject or object clitic attached to a verb. We show with elicited and spontaneous data that the Karitiana anaphor is subject oriented when occurring in embedded environments, being able to refer to the subject of the matrix clause or to the subject of an embedded clause in cases of multiple embedding. We analyze this lexical item as a medium-distance anaphor, following the definition of Reuland and Koster (1991). Logophoric uses of the ta- anaphor are also exemplified and briefly discussed.
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032991
title: Anaphora and subordination in Karitiana

description: Abstract This paper describes the behavior of the anaphoric element ta- in Karitiana (Arikém branch, Tupian family) showing that it is a third person anaphor which must be bound (c-commanded and coindexed) by an antecedent in the same sentence. ta- may occur as a possessor clitic attached to a nominal, or as a subject or object clitic attached to a verb. We show with elicited and spontaneous data that the Karitiana anaphor is subject oriented when occurring in embedded environments, being able to refer to the subject of the matrix clause or to the subject of an embedded clause in cases of multiple embedding. We analyze this lexical item as a medium-distance anaphor, following the definition of Reuland and Koster (1991). Logophoric uses of the ta- anaphor are also exemplified and briefly discussed.
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6596322
title: League of Legends KR High Elo 5v5 Match Data

description: League of Legends KR High Elo 5v5 Match Data Related project link: GitHub The dataset is retrieved using the Riot API. For documentation of the API please visit the website. The dataset contains information about all League of Legends KR server challengers (n=300) as of 2022-05-23. The account information is stored in<strong> accounts.json</strong>, whereas the information about the challenger league is in <strong>kr_challenger_league.json</strong>. Match data was retrieved from the 5 most recent 5v5 ranked solo matches for each challenger account. There are in total ~2400 unique matches, and the information is stored in <strong>matches.json</strong>. The matches are further cleaned only to include games that last more than 16 minutes (n=2378), which are stored in <strong>matches_cleaned.json.</strong>
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032994.v1
title: Table S1.xlsx

description: <strong>Reactome pathway enrichment analysis</strong>
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032913
title: Drones are an effective tool to assess the impact of feral horses in an alpine riparian environment

description: Excel sheets Trip 1 and 2 final represent raw data used for primer statistics, containing information extracted from drone imagery, both percentage data and count data. Data sheets are from the each sampling effort. Summarised % totals data sheet used for estimates of % of region clearly degraded by horses. Univariate statistics data sheet was used to calculate basic information and create Figure 3. <br> All data conducted as part of the paper <em>'Drones are an effective tool to assess the impact of feral horses in an alpine riparian environment'. </em>
DOI: 10.6084/m9.figshare.20032913.v1
title: Drones are an effective tool to assess the impact of feral horses in an alpine riparian environment

description: Excel sheets Trip 1 and 2 final represent raw data used for primer statistics, containing information extracted from drone imagery, both percentage data and count data. Data sheets are from the each sampling effort. Summarised % totals data sheet used for estimates of % of region clearly degraded by horses. Univariate statistics data sheet was used to calculate basic information and create Figure 3. <br> All data conducted as part of the paper <em>'Drones are an effective tool to assess the impact of feral horses in an alpine riparian environment'. </em>
DOI: 10.5517/ccdc.csd.cc27r9q1
title: CCDC 2077983: Experimental Crystal Structure Determination

description: Related Article: Anni Li, Shungang Jiao, Huiming Huang, Panlong Chen, Ruifei Zhang, Guozhu Su, Jixuan Xu, Changxin Liu, Zhongdong Hu, Suyile Chen, Pengfei Tu, Xingyun Chai, Luqi Huang|2022|Bioorg.Chem.|125|105879|doi:10.1016/j.bioorg.2022.105879
description: An entry from the Cambridge Structural Database, the world’s repository for small molecule crystal structures. The entry contains experimental data from a crystal diffraction study. The deposited dataset for this entry is freely available from the CCDC and typically includes 3D coordinates, cell parameters, space group, experimental conditions and quality measures.
DOI: 10.5517/ccdc.csd.cc28hw2r
title: CCDC 2100624: Experimental Crystal Structure Determination

description: Related Article: Anni Li, Shungang Jiao, Huiming Huang, Panlong Chen, Ruifei Zhang, Guozhu Su, Jixuan Xu, Changxin Liu, Zhongdong Hu, Suyile Chen, Pengfei Tu, Xingyun Chai, Luqi Huang|2022|Bioorg.Chem.|125|105879|doi:10.1016/j.bioorg.2022.105879
description: An entry from the Cambridge Structural Database, the world’s repository for small molecule crystal structures. The entry contains experimental data from a crystal diffraction study. The deposited dataset for this entry is freely available from the CCDC and typically includes 3D coordinates, cell parameters, space group, experimental conditions and quality measures.