title: Understanding how individuals respond to climate change information using a terror management framework
Creators: name: Naidu, Priyanka A
Publisher: name: Griffith University
Year: 2021
Subjects: subject: Climate change
subject: Climate change salience
subject: Communitarian worldview
subject: Death-word fragment task
subject: Distal defences
subject: Greenhouse gas
subject: Individualistic worldview
subject: Attentional bias
subject: Cultural cognition theory

description: Global climate change will bring devastating consequences and potentially irreversible damage to natural (e.g., environmental, mass species extinction) and human systems (e.g., global security, mass population relocations, economical security). Whilst a widespread public perception is that climate change is the current greatest threat to human life, individual-level mitigation attempts remain low. This thesis applies a terror management theoretical framework to understand and predict individual responses to climate change information. Research described in the thesis investigates whether exposure to climate change information elicits unconscious concerns about death, which in turn, is a psychological factor explaining differences in climate change attitudes and perceptions of climate change threat. To my knowledge only two empirical studies have used a terror management theoretical framework to frame research questions concerning responses to climate change. However, both studies failed to test the mechanism by which terror management responses are thought to be produced (i.e., death-related thoughts). The current research further examined whether exposure to climate change information would predict two main terror management responses: increased worldview defence, and self-esteem striving reactions. Depending on one’s worldview affiliation, terror management responses ay motivate beneficial (e.g., increase climate mitigation intent) or detrimental (e.g., increased climate denial, low perceptions of climate threat) responses to climate change. The thesis describes four empirical research investigations that were carried out. A Pilot Study examined whether exposing individuals to information about climate change impacts (e.g., increased natural disasters, biodiversity loss, mass species extinction) would increase accessibility of death-related thoughts, when compared with a no-threat control condition (information about the ineffectiveness of multi-tasking). Also examined was whether different levels of death-thought-accessibility and trait death anxiety were associated with climate change attitudinal responses – climate change acceptance or denial, and perception of climate change risk as low or high. The main findings were that, compared with the control condition, after climate change information exposure, higher death-word completions in a word-fragment task was related to: 1) climate change acceptance, and 2) higher perceptions of climate change risk, even amongst climate change deniers. Appraisal of climate change risk may depend on trait death anxiety. When trait death anxiety was low, participants exposed to climate change information reported higher climate change risk perceptions, compared with control participants. Thus, participants with low-trait death anxiety may be less likely to activate cognitive distancing strategies observed after mortality-related information. Overall, participants were more likely to demonstrate a liberal shift in attitudes when exposed to climate change information. The Pilot Study demonstrated that exposure to climate change threat-related information can lead to greater perceptions of climate change risk. Climate change information in the Pilot Study was not found to elicit greater deathrelated thoughts when compared with the control condition. Two methodological limitations of the Pilot Study were deemed likely to have impacted these null results. First was that the most commonly used measure of death-though accessibility in the terror management literature, the death-word-fragment task, had low sensitivity due to word completion rates being skewed on important word dimensions (e.g., word frequency, arousal, valence) that impact word recall. Further, internal reliabilities for the DTA measure in both conditions were unacceptably low (climate change salience, α=.21, control α=.50). As a result of the interference from word dimensions on word recall, it was not possible to determine whether the climate change information failed to elicit mortality salience (MS), (i.e., the conscious awareness of one’s own death), or whether null differences resulted from the low sensitivity of the death-word-fragment task. Second, was the lack of evidence for the mediational model (i.e., that when reminded about death, death-related thoughts mediate terror management responses), observed in the Pilot Study and the terror management literature. The subsequent study was aimed at investigating these limitations. The first main study (Study 1) was designed to investigate two methodological limitations observed in the Pilot: 1) Is the death-word-fragment task a sensitive measure of death anxiety? and 2) Is there evidence of the terror management mediation model (that deathrelated thoughts are the mechanism by which MS leads to worldview defence)? Study 1 used a common way of eliciting MS, which asks participants to reflect and write about their own death. In Study 1a the death-word-fragment task did not differentiate between MS and control conditions. Further, the study found supporting evidence, as did the Pilot Study, that word completion rates on the word-fragment task were associated with word dimensions (e.g., valence, arousal) that predicted word completion rates over and above the mortality manipulation. Study 1b further examined three alternate implicit measures of capturing death anxiety: lexical decision task (measuring construct accessibility), dot probe task (measuring attentional bias), and an ambiguous p ctures interpretation task (measuring interpretation bias). The picture task included Rorschach inkblots, followed by images that could be interpreted either in a death-related or non-death-related manner. These latter images had a picture of a skull superimposed on a neutral image. All measures successfully differentiated between MS and control conditions. None of the four measures mediated the terror management response – that is, via worldview defence. Only the Rorschach inkblots, which excluded the more explicit deathrelated images in the ambiguous picture task, revealed a moderation effect. Thus, the full ambiguous picture, lexical decision, and dot probe tasks did not show moderation effects for worldview defence. For the Rorschach inkblots only, participants exposed to a MS, compared to a control condition, who demonstrated greater worldview defence, were those demonstrating higher cognitive avoidance as observed by the low number of death-related interpretations on the inkblots. This may reflect participants’ attempts to suppress death-related thoughts after being reminded about death. The study did not determine whether this overall lack of mediating or moderating effects occurred because, in testing implicit death anxiety, subsequent responding may be impacted, negating differences between conditions. Interference effects have been observed in TMT research when using measures of implicit death anxiety – for example, a word puzzle using death-related words and the death-word-fragment task. Consistent with this idea, TM outcomes (e.g., climate change author preferences) were shown to differ depending on the measure administered, possibly due to the measure itself eliciting differential intensities (and awareness) of death-related thoughts. None of the four measures mediated the terror management response – that is, via worldview defence. Only the Rorschach inkblots, which excluded the more explicit deathrelated images in the ambiguous picture task, revealed a moderation effect. Thus, the full ambiguous picture, lexical decision, and dot probe tasks did not show moderation effects for worldview defence. For the Rorschach inkblots only, participants exposed to a MS, compared to a control condition, who demonstrated greater worldview defence, were those demonstrating higher cognitive avoidance as observed by the low number of death-related interpretations on the inkblots. This may reflect participants’ attempts to suppress death-related thoughts after being reminded about death. The study did not determine whether this overall lack of mediating or moderating effects occurred because, in testing implicit death anxiety, subsequent responding may be impacted, negating differences between conditions. Interference effects have been observed in TMT research when using measures of implicit death anxiety – for example, a word puzzle using death-related words and the death-word-fragment task. Consistent with this idea, TM outcomes (e.g., climate change author preferences) were shown to differ depending on the measure administered, possibly due to the measure itself eliciting differential intensities (and awareness) of death-related thoughts. Study 2 design was informed by methodological concerns addressed in the Pilot Study and Study 1: 1) compared to the death-word-fragment task, the dot probe task is a more sensitive measure of unconscious concerns about death, and, 2) measuring the proposed intervening process (i.e., death-related thoughts), may impact subsequent responding. For this reason, it was first examined whether climate change information elicited attentional bias towards deathrelated stimuli (manipulation check), followed by whether climate change information elicited terror management responses, such as increased material strivings and greediness tendencies in a resource dilemma task, both of which have been found under MS conditions. Increased material strivings (e.g., desire for expensive houses, cars) is posited as a way of managing terror because material possessions can signify a successful existence. This is likely to be an important terror management outcome to study as the continual production and consumption of consumer purchases is antithetical to curbing greenhouse gas emitting behaviour. Study 2 differentiated between two climate change information frames as not all climate change communications may elicit mortality concerns, or at least, not to the same extent. One emphasised the losses of unmitigated climate change (loss-frame), and the other emphasised the gains of mitigated climate change (gain-frame). It was posited that the loss-frame would be more likely to elicit concerns about death and subsequent terror management responses. Lossframed climate change information was posited to be more likely than a gain-frame to elicit MS because of the emphasis on threatening and mortality-related consequences of climate change. Also included was a third no climate change threat (control) information condition. Results revealed that climate change loss-framed information resulted in greater death avoidance (manipulation check) and increased desire for future wealth, when compared with both information frames. Gain-frame climate change communication revealed no differences in death-thought accessibility or desire for future wealth when compared with the control information. Although there was evidence of material desires post threatening climate change information, there was no framing differences on greediness tendencies on a resource dilemma task. It may be that whilst climate change threat bolsters the desire to acquire status seeking symbols, it may not induce desires of wanting more (greed) when “more” does not fulfil motives of wealth and status display. Exploratory analyses in Study 2 revealed two unexpected findings. It was observed that participants exposed to the loss-frame (compared with other frames) and who responded with the highest greed and fear responses in the resource dilemma task, were also those who showed the highest climate change concern and mitigation intent, respectively. Although preliminary, these findings point towards the exposure to loss-framed climate change information motivating individuals to reduce feelings of psychological threat in ways that are both threat-focused (e.g., higher climate change concern), and symbolic (e.g., pursuit of status showing symbols, greed). Interestingly, there were no differences between information frame exposure and climate Exploratory analyses in Study 2 revealed two unexpected findings. It was observed that participants exposed to the loss-frame (compared with other frames) and who responded with the highest greed and fear responses in the resource dilemma task, were also those who showed the highest climate change concern and mitigation intent, respectively. Although preliminary, these findings point towards the exposure to loss-framed climate change information motivating individuals to reduce feelings of psychological threat in ways that are both threat-focused (e.g., higher climate change concern), and symbolic (e.g., pursuit of status showing symbols, greed). Interestingly, there were no differences between information frame exposure and climate change attitudes and mitigation intent. Overall, Study 2 findings suggested that societal risk announcements, such as those referring to climate change, may elicit mortality concerns and impact various life domains (e.g., managing impressions of success) as a result of managing psychological threat. One reason that climate change information is posited to elicit terror management responses is because evidence of climate change and its impacts serve to remind individuals that death, decay, and destruction are inevitable, and that we have little control over our own death. By emphasising its worst consequences, loss-framed climate change information may invite feelings of climate change helplessness – the belief that climate change impacts are beyond personal control as the threat is so enormous. It was reasoned that manipulating climate change response efficacy in ways that individuals are led to believe that their individual actions (e.g., turning up the thermostat in summer) will have an impact on climate change, may increase feelings of control over the outcomes of the perceived threat and thereby reduce feelings of helplessness and concerns about death. Communicating high climate change response efficacy (vs. low climate change response efficacy) may therefore prevent the activation of terror management reduction responses – such as worldview defence and material strivings. In conjunction with TMT, the extended parallel processing model (EPPM) was adopted to understand Study 3 findings. The EPPM provides an explanation to why, after exposure to fear appeals, threat-reduction vs. threat-avoidance responses are observed. It is posited that fear appeals, combined with a high response-efficacy message, elicits threat control responses (e.g., mitigation) whereas fear appeals, combined with a low response-efficacy message, elicit fear control responses (e.g., minimising risks, avoidance, denial). Study 3 examined high and low threat by manipulating the outcome frame (loss as high threat vs. gain as low threat) followed by a response efficacy (high vs. low) message. The same loss- and gain-frame information from Study 2 was used for this study. Outcomes measured post-information (Time 1; T1) were mitigation intent worldview defence and material strivings. Also examined was whether differences in reported behavioural engagement remained at either 3 to 5 days (Time 2; T2), or 5 to 7 days post information (Time 3; T3). It was posited that high-response efficacy would buffer concerns about death for individuals exposed to the loss-framed climate change information, thereby negating possible terror management responses. Results at T1 showed that high-response efficacy frames (vs. low-response efficacy frames) had moderate to large increases in mitigation intent. However, outcome frames (loss vs. gain) made no difference to mitigation intent. At T2 and T3, there were no differences between information frame and reported behavioural engagement, suggesting that either intentions did not translate into behaviour, or that increased mitigation intent does not endure. Terror management responses, worldview defence, and material strivings, were not observed in this study. It was posited that all climate change communication frames may have elicited similar levels of existential threat. Without a control condition it was not possible to detect between condition differences in terror management strategies. This thesis offers novel original and innovative contributions to the climate change risk communication and terror management literature. This work empirically investigated responses towards exposure to climate change information using a terror management theoretical and methodological framework. Study findings provided evidence that a terror management framework is useful in understanding and predicting societal responses to climate change. Responses to climate change has been under-researched within the terror management literature. This study was the first to examine whether climate change information elicited concerns about death. Second, the research described in this thesis aimed to report a number of responses to climate change information as a result of death anxiety, such as climate change attitudes, perceptions of climate change risk, climate change mitigation intentions, and consumer behaviour. Measuring responses to climate change information in domains other than attitudes towards climate change is also largely absent from the climate change literature. As the risks of climate change increase and the need for widespread behavioural engagement accelerates, it is necessary to understand how best to communicate climate change information taking account of individual differences. Together, the studies demonstrate potential positive trajectories (e.g., greater perception of climate change threat), as well as possible backfire consequences (e.g., increased wealth enhancement) that exposure to climate change threat-related information can have in motivating sustainable attitudes. Results from the studies described in the thesis may be useful for environmental advocates, risk communication researchers, media, and policymakers seeking to communicate the need for effective and urgent climate action. For instance, although more negatively focused climate change information may elicit threat-dismissal/minimisation/denial as a death-attenuating response, communicating high individual climate change response-efficacy can elicit increased behavioural intentions to take climate mitigating actions. Furthermore, it may be important that climate change appeals that elicit psychological threat are directly followed by opportunities that attenuate the perceived threat in ways that help rather than hinder environmental sustainability efforts. Future research could take into account a terror management perspective when seeking to further understand climate change attitudes and measure the function of death anxiety. More research is needed to fully understand the role that death anxiety plays. Additionally, terror management research could investigate boundary conditions to better predict when exposure to climate change information will elicit terror management responses. It will be valuable to identify which framing and individual factors increase the likelihood of climate change communication eliciting positive terror management responses – attitudes and intentions that Future research could take into account a terror management perspective when seeking to further understand climate change attitudes and measure the function of death anxiety. More research is needed to fully understand the role that death anxiety plays. Additionally, terror management research could investigate boundary conditions to better predict when exposure to climate change information will elicit terror management responses. It will be valuable to identify which framing and individual factors increase the likelihood of climate change communication eliciting positive terror management responses – attitudes and intentions that