Empathic accuracy in inter-ethnic encounters: An experimental study with young refugees and native peers in Germany
Creators: name: Prof. Dr. Nicole Harth
name: Glaesser, Dorothea
name: Jugert, Philipp
Publisher: name: Open Science Framework
Year: 2023
Subjects: subject: Social Psychology
subject: Quantitative Psychology
subject: Social and Behavioral Sciences
subject: Psychology
subject: FOS: Psychology
subject: contact hypothesis
subject: inter-ethnic contact
subject: empathic accuracy
subject: intergroup contact
subject: intergroup contact theory
subject: inter-ethnic friendship
subject: impression management goals
subject: refugees

description: Inter-ethnic friendships serve both as a resource within young immigrants’ adaptation process (Jugert &amp; Titzmann, 2020; Karataş et al., 2021) and in the reduction of intergroup prejudice (Pettigrew, 1998; Pettigrew &amp; Tropp, 2006). Particularly to young refugees, social support is a central source of resilience, for instance in the form of positive experiences of inter-ethnic contact (Beelmann et al., 2019; Maaitah et al., 2018; Spatrisano et al., 2020). Yet inter-ethnic friendships are found to be less likely as well as less stable than same-ethnic friendships (Aboud et al., 2003; Jugert et al., 2013; Neray et al., 2023). Young immigrants – as well as their native peers – predominantly seek friendship within their own ethnic community (Hellpap, 2019; Titzmann et al., 2010; Titzmann &amp; Silbereisen, 2009; Titzmann et al., 2007). It is therefore of interest what factors enable young persons to transcend inter-ethnic boundaries regarding friendship bonds. According to the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954), contact improves intergroup attitudes. The conditions under which this attitude change takes place have been further investigated by Pettigrew and Tropp (2006, 2008). In their meta-analysis, they found that empathy strengthens the relation between contact and prejudice reduction (Pettigrew &amp; Tropp, 2008). Empathy is generally conceptualised as having cognitive as well as affective components (Hodges et al., 2015); and empathic accuracy can be understood as a cognitive form of empathic understanding (Ickes, 1993, p. 593). That is, accurately perceiving the other’s thoughts and emotions (Ickes, 1997). In general, young persons benefit from empathic accuracy in peer relations (Gleason et al., 2009). Research on initial encounters between majority and minority group members could show that intergroup contact is perceived positively when partners accurately perceive how their counterpart feels understood (Holoien et al., 2015). Additionally, empathy in inter-ethnic friendship seems to pay off in the long run: a longitudinal study on inter-ethnic friendship bonds found that similar levels of empathy positively predicted friendship stability (Jugert et al., 2013). While recent studies have examined links between empathic competencies and prejudice reduction from the ethnic majority’s perspective (e.g., Bobba &amp; Crocetti, 2022), we aim to investigate underlying mutual processes in a dyadic approach. Our primary research question is therefore: how is empathic accuracy related to positive partner impressions within first-hand contact between young immigrants and native peers? By extending a study by Holoien et al. (2015) (“Study 2” in the original article), we investigate whether findings from a US student sample extend to other minority groups in different contexts, particularly young refugees in Germany. By doing so, we collect and analyse dyadic data from initial encounters between young adult refugees and native peers. Gauging other persons’ feelings and cognitions can be biased in systematic ways (West &amp; Kenny, 2011), especially within intergroup contexts (Dovidio et al., 2017). During initial contact between ethnic minorities and majorities, both sides differ in their amount of bias (Shelton &amp; Richeson, 2006; Toosi et al., 2012). This might occur to different reasons: for instance, minority members might be more “experienced” in intergroup contact given that they are more frequently confronted with members from the ethnic majority (Shelton &amp; Richeson, 2006; Toosi et al., 2012). Also, minority members might have differing needs than their interaction partner (Bergsieker et al., 2010; Dovidio et al., 2017; Kraus et al., 2010). For instance, due to a lack of resources and control, lower class members orient more strongly towards others when handling their social environment (Kraus et al., 2010). When adapting to a new cultural environment, young immigrants equally depend on accurately perceiving others’ thoughts, intentions, and feelings (Beelmann et al., 2019). Consequently, we expect that refugees might be more accurate in judging their partner’s felt understanding (Hypothesis 1.1) and emotions (Hypothesis 1.2) than their native partners. According to Pettigrew and Tropp (2008), empathy reduces intergroup prejudice and is connected to more positive perceptions of the other. However, sympathy for outgroup members is a powerful determinant of social support beyond intergroup boundaries (Harth et al., 2008). For instance, people may feel sympathy for the other when they feel understood and when the other accurately perceives their thoughts and emotions during first-hand contact. Consequently, feeling as well as being understood by the other might result in more positive partner impressions. Given the evidence for positive relations between empathy and interethnic friendship (e.g., Jugert et al., 2013; Swart et al., 2023), we assume to find a positive connection between one’s accurate perception of the other’s thoughts (Hypothesis 2.1) as well as emotions (Hypothesis 2.2) and receiving positive ratings from their partner. As outlined above, empathic accuracy can decrease when the perception of the other is biased (Shelton &amp; Richeson, 2006; West &amp; Kenny, 2011). As experiences of inter-ethnic contact are found to be influenced by several cognitive, affective and motivational factors (Dovidio et al., 2017; Toosi et al., 2012), we exemplarily address two potentially moderating factors on the relation between empathic accuracy and positive partner impression in the present sample. Thus, we draw on theory related to intergroup contact, namely the stereotype content model (Bergsieker et al., 2010; Fiske et al., 2002) as well as the common ingroup model (Dovidio et al., 2007; Dovidio et al., 2017; Gaertner et al., 2000). When engaging in intergroup contact, majority and minority members have differing needs and goals (Dovidio et al., 2017). Whereas members of the (white) majority aim at being liked by members of the minority group, minority-group members have a stronger need for respect and empowerment (Bergsieker et al., 2010). According to the stereotype content model, people often evaluate others along two (ostensibly arbitrary) primary dimensions: warmth and competence (Fiske et al., 2002). At the same time, they are aware of stereotypes related to their ingroup (Fiske et al., 2007). The desire to refute potentially negative stereotypes (such as “white people are unkind”) is reflected in impression management goals. When impression management goals (such as wishing to be seen as moral) diverged in inter-ethnic interaction, this was related to negative emotions (Bergsieker et al., 2010). Consequently, we test whether diverging impression management goals weaken the positive connection between empathic accuracy and positive partner impression in the present sample (Hypothesis 3). According to the common ingroup model, intergroup contact can be positively influenced by reducing the salience of group membership (decategorisation) or by creating a new, common identity (recategorisation) (Dovidio et al., 2017). Several studies have shown the detrimental influence of group salience on relational outcomes, for instance through having participants discuss race-related topics (e.g., Holoien et al., 2015; Richeson &amp; Shelton, 2003). Conversely, discussing topics that relate to a common ingroup (e.g., being “one generation”) might reduce the salience of group membership in conversations between young refugees and native peers, and consequently strengthen the connection between empathic accuracy and positive partner impressions. Hence, we expect that discussing a topic with group salience (talking about integration) vs. with a common ingroup identity (talking about one’s generation) moderates the relationship between empathic accuracy and partner impression (Hypothesis 4). We investigate our hypotheses in a cross-sectional, dyadic design with two independent factors with two levels each: refugee background (yes/no) varies within the dyad, and discussion topic (racism/peer conflict) is manipulated between dyads. The difference between impression management goals is treated as an interval predictor variable which varies within the dyad. For Hypotheses 1.1 and 1.2, we draw on the truth and bias model (T&amp;B model) by West and Kenny (2011). For Hypothesis 1, perceived understanding (H1.1) and perception of partner’s emotions (H1.2) are the outcome variables and partner’s report of felt understanding (H1.1) and reports of emotions during the interaction (H1.2) are treated as truth criteria. In both cases, refugee background is included as a moderator variable. For Hypotheses 2 to 4, person A’s empathic accuracy regarding felt understanding and felt emotions are included as predictor variables, and person’s B positive impression of A is treated as the outcome. In all models, refugee background is included as a moderator. For Hypothesis 3, we add the difference scores for impression management goals (warmth/competence) as moderators. For Hypothesis 4, discussion topic is included as a moderator.