A critical Discourse analysis of the UfM and NSC activities vis a cis the EU &amp; ENP policies
Creators: name: GALANIS, Elias D.
Publisher: name: Zenodo
Year: 2018
Subjects: Comparative Corpora Analysis, Quantitative Critical Discourse, Public Agenda mega blocks

description: This dissertation is examining the active contribution and political engagement of two regional international organizations, namely a.- the based in Barcelona Union for the Mediterranean [UfM] and b.- the based in Lisbon North – South Center of the Council of Europe [NSC], regarding their interaction with the European Union’s Neighborhood Policy and the Maghreb countries of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia during the recent sociopolitical developments, more specifically before, during and after the Arab Spring[1], through Critical Discourse Analysis – CDA methodology. During the last decade, the Union for the Mediterranean and the North South Center of the Council of Europe’s political discourse have been engaged in different projects, in cooperation with the three aforementioned Maghreb countries. Within this perspective, the two regional international organizations Union for the Mediterranean &amp; North South Center of the Council of Europe are contributing to Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia’s capabilities, towards their overall engagement in the political, social and civic society stakeholders’ aspirations, in concordance with the political discourse of the European Union’s European Neighboring Policy for the Mediterranean and the Council of Europe strategic framework guidelines. According to relevant public opinions (MALKA, 2012) (De Battista, 2013), press announcements (INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION for MIGRATION, 2012), specialized studies (HULIARAS, 2013) (TSATSANIS, 2012) and focused analyses (GHILES, 2007) (EUROPEAN COMMISSION, 2018) (TETI, 2012), this medium–long term coaching development process, which followed by both Union for the Mediterranean and the North South Center, added on impetus to democratization procedures and better governance, enhanced economic sustainability and further littoral cooperation, without significant spill offs in the regional security or backfires due to differentiated cultural dimensions (HOFSTEDE, 2010). The first research question of this dissertation -analyzed in the methodology segment hereafter- is to examine the focus of the three “D” keywords group axles -“Democracy / DZ”, “Development / DM” &amp; “Dialogue / DLC”- concepts and active engagements, expressed thoroughly through political Discourse in the texts of selected strategic documentation of the European Union and the European Neighborhood Policy as well as in the Annual Activities Reports of the Union for the Mediterranean and the North – South Center of the Council of Europe along with the Maghreb countries. Furthermore, using Critical Discourse Analysis, the dissertation has to prove whether the existence of the focus on the three “D’s” axles, occurs from the EU &amp; ENP -the policy demand side, as does the relevant support from the two regional organizations part, vis a vis the supply or “policy delivery” side, characterized by an omnipresent transversal “acquis” nurture cradle for economic and social progress. Consequently, by combining the results from both questions, the dissertation will show the nature of those two regional intergovernmental organizations’ contribution to the overall enhancement of the Maghreb area to the European Union and the European Neighboring Policy and Southern Neighborhood policy mainlines. The discursive power effectiveness study of the North South Center of the Council of Europe and of the Union for the Mediterranean, regarding democratization processes, embedded rule of Law, economic empowerment and social cohesion indexes is going to be carried out by <em>salient frequency analysis<strong>[2]</strong> </em>of the three “D” axles pertaining specifically selected keywords and relevant metadata cross-tabulation from the Annual Reports on joint projects of the aforementioned organizations. [1] Arab commentators differ on whether the ‘Arab Spring’ is a suitable description for the series of events started from Tunisia in late 2010 and erupted in one form or another in most other Arab countries in early to mid-2011. Some see the term as a western invention derived from earlier uprisings in Central and Eastern Europe, notable Prague, Warsaw and Kiev and reject it because it does not capture the Arab state of affairs. However, there seems to be no consensus on whether to call the phenomenon an ‘awakening’, the ‘Second Arab Awakening’, the ‘Arab revolutions’ or the ‘Arab intifadas. Therefore, hereby the term ‘Arab Spring’ has been adopted, precisely because it is the term most commonly used in Europe. (Hollis, 2012) https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/224396/evidence-rosemary-hollis-europe-and-the-arab-spring.pdf [2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salience_%28language%29#Policy_making