well acquainted with the facts he has stated, in his interesting letter to the Times, that when the Resident informed Sir Salar Jung of the fall of Delhi he was told that the news had been already known three days previously, and if Sir Salar Jung had ever thought of seizing an opportunity to desert the English Government, he had ample means of using his earlier information to that purpose. But he never wavered. He had made up his mind that the cause of England was the cause of good government. He knew that the success of the rebellion would only make universal waste of things from which he had been for four years endeavouring to rescue the territories of his master. Those who surrounded him took a very different view, and could not brook the blow at a golden accession coming, triumphant for their religion, and letting plunder and oppression run riot. He was exposed to constant menaces and much danger, but he showed himself thoroughly equal to the task he had undertaken. When the Residency was attacked, he saved the lives of those who were threatened. He stationed Arabs on whom he could depend at the gates of Hyderabad, and bade them shoot any one who met the people to revolt against the English. He had such control over the Hyderabad Contingent that the English Government found it safe to employ it, and derived valuable aid from its services. In a word, our rule was saved by the man who, when Delhi had fallen and our power was for the moment tottering in the balance, saved Southern India for England.

Even if Southern India had revolted, it is possible that by a profuse expenditure of men and money we might have conquered it back again and all the rest of India as well. But Sir Salar Jung spared us the expenditure of countless lives and countless millions; and if ever there was a clear occasion for acknowledging in a fitting manner an inestimable service, such an occasion is presented by the arrival in England of the Prime Minister of the Nizam.

Sir Salar Jung has rendered less striking, but still very considerable service to England by his administration of the dominions of the Nizam in recent years. He has made good order everywhere prevail. Roads, tanks, wells, irrigation works, a good police, schools, a strong though beneficent hand over corruption, and gradually he has achieved the most difficult success of all, and has made his fellow-natives see that he has been throughout in the right, and that in the future the policy which he started lies in their best hopes for the future. Naturally, like every one who tries to do good in a semi-barbarous country, he has provoked bitter personal hostility; and in 1868 an attempt was made to assassinate him. But the attempt only brought into relief the estimation in which he was generally held, and his escape was welcomed with delight by people of all classes. Nor is it only that he has made the Deccan one of the most flourishing parts of India. He has helped us to solve the difficult problem of how we are to treat the independent principalities of which we have lately heard so much. Mr. Hunter records, in his Life of Lord Mayo, the anxiety which this problem caused to the new Governor-General. He determined that from the outset of his rule he would deal with the independent princes on fixed and definite principles. After long consideration Lord Mayo came to the conclusion that there were three principles on which the Government ought consistently and resolutely to act. The first of these was non-annexation, the misuse of a native chief not being used as a weapon for aggrandizing the power of England. The second was that the Government should have acknowledged its responsibility for any serious misuse in a Native State, and should be ready to interfere by displacing the offending chief, and administering the territory through British officers, or a native regency, in the interest of the law and the people. The third principle was that all who ruled well should build up in every way honoured and encouraged. Lord Mayo had the strongest possible sense of the personal side of government, and laid down as one of the duties of a Viceroy that he should be the friend and not merely the patron of good men. The English were to do their best to govern well in their own dominions, not indirectly for the sake of those they governed but indirectly for the sake of those governed by native chiefs. When it has been an honest endeavour was being made in a Native State to copy the patterns set by England, the highest honours were to be offered and the most cordial friendship was to be shown to those who had been paying England the most welcome of tributes—the tribute of imitation. The one road to favour was to lie through good works. What Lord Mayo wished to see done for the improvement of all Native States has been done in the amplest manner by Sir Salar Jung for the territories of the Nizam. He has abundantly earned the respect, the friendship, and the honour which Lord Mayo proposed should be the reward of those administering the Native States; and Englishmen, who give Sir Salar Jung the reception he has merited, will have the satisfaction of at once welcoming a benefactor and of knowing that they are helping to carry out a leading principle of Imperial policy.

Sir Salar Jung had an interview with the Queen at Windsor, on Thursday, and joined the Royal dinner party in the evening.