bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Sexual Difference in Social and Political Life
Authors: Deslauriers Marguerite 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter Three, “Sexual Difference in Social and Political Life,” examines Aristotle’s justification of different roles for men and women in the household and the city-state. It focuses on Aristotle’s claim in the Politics that there are differences in the rational faculties of men and women, and in particular in their capacity for deliberative reason. This chapter analyzes the notion of natural rule and argues that the defect in reason that Aristotle believes makes women natural subjects does not make them incapable of virtue. It offers an interpretation of Aristotle’s claim that women’s deliberative reason is “without authority” and argues that it refers to a limited defect that allows women to participate in deliberation but makes them unsuited to decision-making and hence to political rule. The chapter concludes with an argument that Aristotle believed there were benefits for the household and the city in sexual difference and the inclusion of women.
Insurgent Terrorism
Authors: Asal Victor , Phillips Brian J. , Rethemeyer R. Karl 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Why do insurgent organizations sometimes kill civilians? Some do all the time, some do so occasionally, and some seem to never do so. Why? Recent research seeks to explain civilian victimization by insurgent groups, also called terrorism, focusing on factors such as insurgent weakness or country regime type. This book presents a different explanation, building on what is referred to as insurgent embeddedness—the extent to which an insurgent group is enmeshed in relationships with the state, other insurgents, and the public. With this framework, the book presents a set of propositions for why such a group might attack civilians. The book introduces new data on insurgent groups and their attributes (the Big, Allied, and Dangerous II Insurgency data) and empirically tests the arguments presented. Some factors robustly related to insurgent terrorism include government coercion, interorganizational alliances, interorganizational rivalry, and involvement in crime. In addition to discussing civilian targeting in general, we also examine how insurgent embeddedness might affect three important types of civilian victimization: terrorist attacks on schools, violence against the news media, and a proclivity for attacking the general public (not government officials or other symbolic types of targets). Finally, because the focus of this book is on relationships, an in-depth explanation of insurgent alliances and rivalries is presented, examining their changes and determinants over time. In total, the book provides a comprehensive look at how insurgent groups interact with other actors—and the implications for several types of bloodshed against civilians.
Describing the Big, Allied, and Dangerous II Insurgency Data and Other Data Sources
Authors: Asal Victor , Phillips Brian J. , Rethemeyer R. Karl 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter presents the data used to test hypotheses on civilian targeting by insurgent organizations. The chapter uses the Big, Allied, and Dangerous Version II data set, which is a yearly data set of insurgent organizations with data on their structure, behavior, and relations focusing on the years 1998–2012. The data set includes variables such as ideology, structure, leadership, social service provision, network connections to other insurgents, and levels and types of violence in each year. There are 140 organizations in the data set, drawn from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program list. All these organizations have surpassed the 25 battle deaths threshold in at least 1 year and thus have crossed the line into what many scholars view as a defining characteristic of insurgents. The data show a great deal of variation among insurgent groups regarding their use of civilian targeting.
Introduction
Authors: Bullock Charles S. , MacManus Susan A. , Mayer Jeremy D. , Rozell Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter reviews the changing demographics in the South and growing willingness of a share of the White electorate to support Black candidates and that has encouraged a growing number of African Americans to wage campaigns for the top offices in the southern states. While the success rate for these efforts remains low, it is not out of line with that of White Democrats. These African Americans are competitive even if not elected, when seeking support in overwhelmingly non-Black constituencies. This chapter introduces the books topic, an examination of the campaigns of Black statewide candidates in competitive races in the South in the most recent election cycles. Competitive races occurred in states defined here as Growth States, whereas in the Stagnant States competitive races with Black nominees for statewide offices were rare. This chapter introduces and examines various trends and factors that explain the ability of Black statewide candidates to succeed in the modern South. While Andrew Gillum in Florida and Stacey Abrams in Georgia in 2018 lost, by less than two percentage points, they demonstrated that at least in the region’s Growth States a Black candidate running on a mainstream, progressive Democratic platform could come close. There were weaker showings by Black candidates in Alabama and Mississippi, two of the South’s Stagnant states where populations are much less diverse and larger shares of the White electorate are committed to the GOP. But in 2020/2021 in two highly competitive races, Raphael Warnock in Georgia made the historic breakthrough.
Virginia
Authors: Bullock Charles S. , MacManus Susan A. , Mayer Jeremy D. , Rozell Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter examines two Black candidates’ very different paths to winning Virginia statewide elections, separated by three decades: L. Douglas Wilder for lieutenant governor (1985) and governor (1989) and Justin Fairfax for lieutenant governor (2017), showing how differences in their campaigns reflect the vast demographic, social, and political changes in Virginia, and in the South generally, over that period of time. It describes how Wilder ran as a centrist who extolled his military background, fiscal conservatism, and tough-on-crime positions, as well as his deference to many of Virginia’s historic traditions, while Fairfax ran as a strong progressive on social and economic issues, as well as on criminal reform, marijuana legalization, and outright opposition to many of Virginia’s past customs and monuments. Finally, it shows how Wilder the pragmatist took the path that was politically necessary in 1980s Virginia to get elected, while Fairfax rode a wave of recent progressive growth.
Conclusion
Authors: Bullock Charles S. , MacManus Susan A. , Mayer Jeremy D. , Rozell Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter brings together the findings of the previous chapters and identifies the key trends affecting the competitiveness of Black statewide candidates in the South: changing demographics, partisan competition, politics of race, and politics of religion. The chapter additionally examines various factors influencing Black candidate competitiveness in the region including Democratic factionalism, fundraising, whether the candidate ran as a moderate or progressive, past governing experience, Black voter mobilization, and Republican factionalism. The results indicate that Black statewide candidates run best in the Growth States of the South and need a fully mobilized and cohesive Black electorate coupled with the conversion of moderate White voters. Although the South has long been associated with racial resentment, anti-feminism, and religious fundamentalism, these forces are quickly eroding in the Growth States of the region and making African American statewide candidates increasingly competitive.
Dorothy’s First Family and Early Education
Authors: Kloppenberg Lisa 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Dorothy loved to This chapter describes Dorothy Wright Nelson’s roots and early foundation, focusing on her birth family, childhood and early education. It describes her deep intelligence, curiosity, and sense of adventure. The chapter also canvasses her parents, sisters and early female role models. The chapter includes examples of instances when young Dorothy needed to persevere in academic and social settings as she developed skills. It covers lessons she learned about looking out for those less fortunate, about diversity, socioeconomic difference and conflict resolution. Finally, it includes several examples of her early leadership experiences, including being a teacher for a day and eventually high school valedictorian as well as her athletic success and leadership of the Girls Athletic Club.
Finding Her Way in the Law
Authors: Kloppenberg Lisa 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter covers Dorothy Wright Nelson’s time in law school, where she struggled at first before finding her mentor, Roscoe Pound, dean emeritus of Harvard Law and her UCLA professor. It links Dorothy’s passion for improving the justice system and providing better access to justice with her exposure to some of the inequities she saw when working with youth as a camp counselor. The chapter shows the paucity of opportunities for women entering the legal profession in the 1950s and describes her research project on the L.A. court system at USC Law Center. It canvasses her early work as a faculty member, teaching and writing about judicial administration and alternative dispute resolution. Finally, the chapter recounts the start of Jim and Dorothy’s family life, including some hardships and great joys as their two children, Frank and Lorna, grew. It also includes their growing leadership roles for the Bahá’í Faith.
Childhood and Youth
Authors: Chan Alfred L. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
As the son of Xi Zhongxun, a staunch revolutionary and a founder of the People’s Republic, Xi Jinping enjoyed a privileged childhood until Xi senior was disgraced and persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and his family broken up. Young Jinping was himself attacked as a counterrevolutionary and sent to a delinquent’s school for hard labor. Reduced to poverty, he volunteered to be “sent down” to a poor village called Liangjiahe to be re-educated as an ordinary peasant and to scratch out his existence at the subsistence level. Xi nonetheless persevered, eventually rising to become a village party chief and then gaining a place at prestigious Tsinghua University. Xi belonged to a “lost generation” of Chinese youth who were socialized with Maoist values of struggle, altruism, and egalitarianism but whose further education was disrupted by the Cultural Revolution when they were sent to labor in factories or the countryside.
The Trials of the Heir Apparent and Crisis Management, 2007–2012 (Age Fifty-Four to Fifty-Nine)
Authors: Chan Alfred L. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Xi Jinping was groomed as an heir apparent during trying political and economic times. Much of the period was troubled by the global financial crisis and recession, social unrest, and the Jasmine revolutions of 2010–2012. Additionally, Xi’s career position was not unchallenged, and he still needed to show his mettle. Xi assisted Chairman Hu Jintao with the management of party affairs, directing the campaign to study Hu’s “scientific development” concept. Simultaneously, he was embroiled in various crisis management events such as the mounting of the 2008 Beijing Olympics, bloody riots in Xinjiang, and protests in Tibet. Xi’s profile was enhanced by foreign visits to Mexico, Europe, Japan, and Hong Kong. He hosted US vice president Biden’s visit to China and subsequently visited the United States. Preparations for the Eighteenth Party Congress were thrown into disarray when leadership aspirant Bo Xilai, a high-flier and party chief of Chongqing, was purged for corruption.
Economic Revival, Social Development, and the Search for a New Development Model
Authors: Chan Alfred L. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This chapter examines policymaking by the Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang team regarding the interrelated socioeconomic issues that address the problem of a “middle-income trap.” Economically, the team searched for a new developmental model that could ensure employment and high-quality and sustainable growth. It experimented with the application of market forces to enhance efficiency and competitiveness, state-owner enterprise reform, the reduction of administrative control, and the support of the private sector. Socially, the team grappled with issues such as poverty, inequality, urbanization, the hukou system, land reform, and the aging population crisis that exacerbated social tensions. All this led to controversy over a supply-side structural reform that aimed to trim overcapacity and improve the supply of goods and services. New drivers for economic growth included the government’s Made in China 2025 Plan and Pilot Free Trade Zones, along with the private sector’s technological development, new digital economy, e-commerce, and e-banking.
The Thirteenth National People’s Congress, March 2018, and Administrative Reform (Age Sixty-Five)
Authors: Chan Alfred L. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
The Thirteenth National People’s Congress (China’s fused legislature and executive body) operationalized and implemented the principles laid down by the Nineteenth Party Congress. To improve coordination, efficiency, law-based governance, market regulation, and the quality of public services, the People’s Congress effected a sweeping revamping of the party and government structure, the most far-reaching since the 1982 constitution. Constitutional amendments abolished term limits for the president and vice president, although the two-term limit was retained for premiers and vice premiers. A nuanced discussion on the context for this change is included to modify headline allegations of a simple power grab by Xi. Weak institutionalization is a historic characteristic of the Chinese system, and this is partly reflected by the many ways the office of the vice president has been defined. The attempt to modernize and rationalize the responsibilities of the party state represents an attempt at institution building and institutionalization.
Introduction
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
The Introduction begins by recounting the popular view that stock-market-driven short-termism severely damages the US economy. Firms forgo the R&D they need, cut capital spending, and starve themselves of cash by excessively buying back stock to satisfy Wall Street. Stock market pressure means directors and managers cannot manage for the long-term when their shareholders furiously trade their companies’ stocks, they cannot invest enough when stockholders demand rising quarterly profits, they must slash R&D when investors demand that precious cash be used to buy back stock, and they cannot even strategize about the long-term when shareholder activists demand immediate results. If that weren’t bad enough, the stock market’s short-termism is also blamed for environmental degradation, for contributing to global warming, and for employee mistreatment. Due to short-termism, corporations are less socially responsible, in a widely-held view. The Introduction exemplifies these perceptions with statements from national political leaders. However, the Introduction then states, the case for deeply pernicious results from stock market short-termism is weaker on the evidence and on the logic of how markets work than the view popular among pundits and lawmakers. Those lawmakers and pundits who aim at stock-market-driven short-termism can readily miss more likely targets for attacking the ills often attributed to stock market short-termism. For example, stock market short-termism is said to severely damage corporate R&D spending and thereby hold the economy back. But a look at the numbers points to other causes and more propitious targets for improving American R&D. And the environmental, climate, and social responsibility failures emanate from selfishness—externalities in the technical vocabulary—more than from truncated time horizons. The Introduction closes with suggestions that the prominent perception of pernicious short-termism is explained largely by political and social currents: first, targeted interests benefit when stock markets are blamed and, second, a wide but diffuse public dissatisfaction with economic arrangements overall, including discomfort with increasing uncertainty and instability in the workplace, and a generalized disorientation from the rapidity of technological change, which often looks like short-termism but is not.
The Short-Term Problem Perceived
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 1 presents the wide public, political, and media attack on stock market short-termism. It outlines the channels through which stock market short-termism is seen as seriously damaging the economy and hurting the average worker: slashed investment, cash-burning buybacks, R&D cutbacks, environmental degradation, global warming, and sidelined employees. It describes the views of senators, presidential candidates, and presidents on the issue.
Social Costs from Stock-Market-Driven Corporate Short-Termism?
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 3 precisely states and defines the short-term problem: a preference for immediate returns over even greater long-term value. In recent years, corporate social responsibility, corporate purpose, and corporate respect for ESG issues have been seen as emanating in important part from corporate short-termism. But the associated negative corporate activities—such as environmental degradation and climate degradation—are mistakenly attributed to stock market short-termism when they instead primarily result from corporate selfishness. Separating the two is essential for good policymaking. The chapter illustrates how time horizons and environmental degradation are largely separate issues with DuPont’s long-term pollution.
Evaluating the Firm-Level Short-Termism Evidence
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 7 examines the best evidence for and against stock- market-driven corporate short-termism and finds that the evidence for it being severe is weak. While all of the studies have gaps and limits, the limits for the studies indicating short-termism is not a severe economy-wide problem are smaller than those for the studies indicating it is a problem. Moreover, and importantly, the chapter also examines a largely undiscussed conceptual limit to scaling findings on firm-level short-termism up, to the kind of economy-level evidence that we want for policy action. These conceptual limits are not part of the current discussion of stock-market-driven short-termism, but are, in the author’s view, essential. Even if some firms, or even some sectors, are too short-term, as long as much of the shortfall is picked up elsewhere in the economy, by other firms, by competitors or by private firms, then the overall economic problem is not severe.
Cures and Their Limits
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 8 examines the most prominent proposed cure in corporate policymaking circles: to give boards and executives more autonomy from stock markets. Such a cure has problems. Because boards and executives seem to be themselves sources of short-term thinking, it’s unclear, even for those who perceive a corporate short-termism problem with a stock market cause, whether more executive and board autonomy would improve the situation. More autonomy would simultaneously create other problems, including bolstering one of our business elites.
Short-Termism as Popular Narrative
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 11 considers why the short-term narrative is popular. It is simple, powerful, and clear. The short-term has negative connotations—with overtones of disloyalty and unreliability—implying it should be disfavored no matter what. Yet close synonyms to the short-term are positive: short-term could mean that the players are flexible and adaptive. Long-term players could be stubborn and pig-headed in continuing a failed business policy.
Political Support from Outside the Corporation
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 13 depicts a second political channel that bolsters the stock-market short-termism story. Some political leaders dislike the market’s results when the market disfavors workers and employees. Those leaders, and their supporters, might want to reject the basics of US capitalism, but cannot do so and be politically viable. Stock-market short-termism allows them to reject the results, without rejecting US markets and capitalism: “I support American capitalism,” the senator or presidential candidate might say. “But I support true capitalism, not one of markets gone awry with furious trading distorting all that is good in the economy. Slow down trading and give the American worker a more stable job. That’s all I want.”
Conclusion
Authors: Roe Mark J. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
This conclusion recapitulates how and why the evidence does not support the popular and political understanding that stock market short-termism is severely damaging the economy. Some of the public impetus against stock market short-termism derives from unease over current economic arrangements. Some of it derives from a mistaken belief that short-termism is a major impetus degrading corporate purpose, corporate social responsibility, and corporate effort to head off climate catastrophe. And corporate interests can at times benefit from this popular understanding.
The “Mark of Cain”
Authors: Burris Christopher T. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 3 focuses on the lengths to which people go to avoid seeing themselves, or being seen by others, as evil. This is rooted in people’s hard-wired need to belong: Just as murderous Cain was “marked” and banished by God in the ancient Hebrew story, being labeled an “evildoer” is the ultimate signifier of social exclusion. Thus, denial of one’s role (e.g., motivated forgetting), minimization of harm or intentionality (e.g., automatism, dissociation), and offering “good” (e.g., a moral mandate) or “good enough” (e.g., revenge) justifications for one’s behavior can all be used to deflect the label. Alternatively, people may try to neutralize the label by pointing to their moral credentials prior to the incident in question (moral licensing), insisting that they are no worse than those who judge them (a form of normalization), or declaring that they are immune to others’ judgments (asserting interpersonal power).
Becoming Evil
Authors: Burris Christopher T. 
Published: March 2022

Abstract
Chapter 4 explores why people pursue a course of action despite harmful consequences for others. Central is the “Mind over Matter” principle (MioMa: “I don’t mind, and you don’t matter”), wherein “evil” behavior is most likely when the expected net rewards for self or ingroup outweigh the expected costs to others. Emotion is core to this cost–benefit analysis: People pursue good feelings and try to escape bad feelings. Tunnel vision contributes to a perpetrator’s minimization of personal risk and dismissal of others’ well-being, often accompanied by attempts to deflect negative consequences away from self or to justify one’s behavior (e.g., negative externality). The reward-seeking aspect of MioMa is applied to phenomena such as contract killing, road rage, greed, and the “Dark Triad” of personality (psychopathy, narcissism, Machiavellianism). On the cost-avoiding side, fear, disgust, and shame are highlighted as contributors to harmful outcomes.