bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Advancing Democracy on Difficult Terrain: EU Democracy Promotion in Central Asia
Authors: Bossuyt Fabienne , Kubicek Paul 
Published: April 2022

This article examines the substance of the EU's democracy promotion activities in Central Asia. Although agreeing with the literature that EU self-interest calculations have shaped aspects of the EU's democratization policy in Central Asia, this article argues that the importance of other explanatory factors needs to be highlighted - in particular, the importance of the 'domestic context'. In assuming that the substance of the EU's democracy promotion activities differs between regions and countries, the article asserts that the EU does so in accordance with the varying resonance in the respective target states. It hypothesizes that, ceteris paribus, the greater the targeted country's openness and commitment to political liberalization, the more the EU will aim to support externally embedded, that is, broad, liberal democracy. Conversely, the smaller the targeted country's openness and commitment to political liberalization, the less emphasis the EU will put on the core aspects of democracy and the more it will promote narrow or shallow democracy. Using the embedded democracy framework, the article finds that the relatively varying resonance among the five countries corresponds - in some ways - to the substance promoted by the EU. While not providing a conclusive test of what matters most - that is, either strategic considerations or the advancement of democratic norms - the analysis ascertains that the EU is adjusting the substance of its democracy promotion in Central Asia with some eye to the particular context of each country. As such, the EU does more to promote 'broad' liberal democracy in Kyrgyzstan, the most open and politically liberal country in the region. In Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, the EU puts less emphasis on the core components of democracy but pays similar attention to the context conditions. In Uzbekistan, the EU tends to promote shallow democracy, as it focuses mostly on the context conditions of democracy. In Turkmenistan, the most repressive and authoritarian country in Central Asia, the EU is least assertive in pressing its democratization agenda, promoting, at best, only limited aspects of democracy.
Security-Development Nexus: Perspectives for the EUs Next Financial Framework
Authors: Overhaus Marco 
Published: April 2022

Recent developments in the Sahel region, the Horn of Africa and Sudan/South Sudan have once more demonstrated the ongoing challenge of reconciling security and development policy objectives. More specifically, international aid in conflict states or regions has to meet three general criteria in order to be effective: flexibility, rapidity and reconciliation of short-term security with long-term development priorities. This article assesses the particular problems the European Union faces in bridging the security-development divide and how it has adapted its toolbox - based on the three criteria mentioned above. Reforms undertaken in the course of the ending Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF 2007-2013) and those proposed by the European Commission for the next financial period from 2014 onward are mostly tackling the procedural and bureaucratic hurdles for EU aid in conflict states. They do not address the underlying political problems, however. It is unlikely that these problems will be solved by grand bargains and institutional design. Rather, confidence in the EU's foreign policy system to deal with conflict states - and to bridge short-term crisis management and long-term development cooperation - will have to be created over time through practical cooperation.
Lost in Transformation: Explaining the EUs Non-adaptive Approach to Regional Conflicts
Authors: Faleg Giovanni , Scherwitz Eva 
Published: April 2022

This article accounts for the EU’s failure to implement a strategy of Conflict Transformation (CT) through Regional Integration (RI) in four selected regions: Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As a normative power, the EU has traditionally acted as a promoter of regional integration, with an underlying view of reducing regional conflicts. The academic literature, however, has failed to assess the exact role of the ‘RI-CT nexus’1 in the EU’s foreign policy toolbox, as well as its outcomes. To fill this gap, our study investigates the degree to which the RI-CT strategy is perceived by EU practitioners as a key deliverable and what concrete measures or influence paths have been implemented by the EU. We show that the EU has made use of four main types of influence paths in order to transform regional conflict dynamics. Nevertheless, our findings also demonstrate that RI developments within the different regions and, in particular, negative regional responses, progressively led EU practitioners to adapt and develop a behaviour of self-restraint.
Changing Practices in European Foreign Policy
Authors: Henökl Thomas 
Published: April 2022

Taking the EU’s hybrid foreign policy administration, the European External Action Service (EEAS) as a laboratory for study, this article examines the changing structures and processes of communication and coordination as well as various patterns of cooperation and conflict within the organization. Whereas research frequently focuses on foreign policy making at the national level and actors at the political level, I here want to zoom in on emerging practices and the role understanding of administrators within the EEAS in order to identify the dynamics and the consequences of organizational reform. In short, the article explores the emerging European diplomatic practices.
The argument starts from the assumption that new forms of transnational administrations provide the opportunity to re-combine diverse cultures stemming from different institutional origins, professional backgrounds, traditions, cognitive dispositions and behavioural logics, routines and ‘ways of doing things’. The emphasis is put on how such processes unfold, and why the adaptation of and the emergence of new patterns of behaviour contribute, at the same time, to institutional innovation and ambivalence. This line of investigation may benefit our understanding of increasing fluidity and blurring of boundaries between the fields of international relations and public policy.
Empirically, the study draws on interview and survey data from EU foreign policy makers (Total N=232), and finds that despite institutional resilience and continuity, the confluence of and conflicts between diplomatic and organizational cultures leads to behavioural innovation as a result of the need to deal with ambiguities and to replace practices that have ‘gone out of use’.
EU Foreign policy, EEAS, diplomacy, decision-making, organization, coordination, practices
Switzerland-EU Relations: The Bilateral Way in a Fragilized Position
Authors: Schwok René 
Published: April 2022

Relations between Switzerland and the European Union are in bad shape and the Swiss are tearing each other apart on this issue. There are two major issues at stake. First, the Swiss government is dithering over whether or not to initial a new Institutional agreement with the European Union (EU), although it was finalized by the negotiators in November 2018. In the event of non-acceptance by Switzerland, the European Union has already announced retaliatory measures. Secondly, in September 2020, Swiss citizens will have to vote on a popular initiative to scrap the agreement on the free movement of persons between Switzerland and the EU. A positive vote would sound the death knell for the bilateral treaties between both entities as they are bound together by a guillotine clause. These difficulties between Switzerland and the EU are certainly not new. But two fresh developments have arisen. On the one hand, the support of the socialists and trade unionists for the bilateral way is waning. On the other hand, the European Union has become less flexible than it previously was. The worst should, logically, be avoided because the Swiss have always been a pragmatic people and solutions are relatively easy to find. But an accumulation of blunders, combined with misperceptions of the actual power relations, could prove fatal.
Switzerland, EU external relations, EU external agreements, European Free Trade Association (EFTA), European Economic Area (EEA), Institutional agreement, Free movement of people, immigration, referendum, Brexit
Blueprints and Modalities of Status Arrangements for CSDP Operations and Missions
Authors: Törö Csaba 
Published: April 2022

Status agreements for EU crisis management operations and missions represent a necessary legal aspect of their consensual conduct and completion. The adopted Status of Forces (SOFA) and Status of Mission (SOMA) Model Agreements for military and civilian deployments respectively have been implemented regularly in Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) undertakings for the presence and transit of EU-led multinational contingents and assets on land or at sea. Variations and repetition in the application of the ready standard frameworks dominate the spectrum of evolved practice, but casual and adaptive solutions have also indicated the occasional need for specific modalities of status arrangements for CSDP operations and missions. These include the extension of existing SOFA arrangements of an EU member, a UN peacekeeping mission or North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to an EU-led successive, supplementary or reinforcing multinational engagement in the same theatre of operation. With respect to non-standard arrangements for certain civilian CSDP crisis management deployments, their status came to be defined as activities of diplomatic missions due to the particular nature and context of EU undertakings in Bosnia, in Congo or in Kosovo. The available blueprints and tested modalities of status arrangements offer a comprehensive set of examples for the choice of adequate solutions for any future CSDP operation or mission.
CSDP, crisis management operation, crisis management mission, status of forces, status of mission, Model Agreement, EU forces, EULEX Kosovo
From Membership to Partnership The EU and Its Relations with the UK After Brexit: The Fisheries Dimension
Authors: Appleby Thomas 
Published: April 2022

Fishing in European waters has been a contentious issue since the sixteenth century and was a key factor in the development of the international law of the sea itself. At the time the UK joined the EU and shared its waters with Member State vessels it also lost access to its traditional fishing grounds off Iceland. The Common Fisheries Policy developed a centralized approached based around historic fleet size rather than productivity of Member States’ waters. Controls were centred around technical measures, reduction in capacity and quota. These worked: the collapse of fish stocks was halted and started to recover a little. However many stocks are still potentially illegally allocated beyond scientific levels, and fishing continues unmanaged in the EU’s suite of offshore marine protected areas. The management institutions need greater transparency and stronger adherence to the law. There is scope to build a future relationship between the EU and the UK: the UK and some of its overseas territories need the EU market, many stocks are shared, and the parties will need to agree on scientific approaches. However, It is likely that the UK is due a greater allocation of stocks than the current system. As we approach the endgame of the Brexit negotiations it is important that both sides reflect that fishing represents less that 0.1% of their economies and over-politicization of a small sector will not help either party in the context of the larger negotiations. The Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), which the UK helped to create, has started to rebuild stocks and that upward trajectory needs to continue; it will only do so through collaboration.
Brexit, Fisheries, Competence, Environment
‘They Need Us More than We Need Them’: British Exceptionalism, Brexit, and Justice and Home Affairs
Authors: MacKenzie Alex , Kaunert Christian , Léonard Sarah 
Published: April 2022

This article analyses the EU-UK Future Relationship negotiations on Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) through the lenses of ‘exceptionalism’. This concept refers to a given state’s self-understanding as being not only fundamentally different from other states, but also morally superior. In its exemptionalist variant, exceptionalism also calls attention to the belief that one is entitled to exemptions from ordinary rules. This article argues that, whilst exemptionalist exceptionalism can be said to characterize the UK’s position in relation to European integration in general, it has been particularly pronounced in the JHA policy area. This is shown through an analysis of the various exemptions from ordinary rules and arrangements obtained by the UK over the years. The existence of those also demonstrates a broad acceptance by the rest of the EU of this selfperception of the UK as being an exceptional state. Furthermore, this article shows that, perhaps unsurprisingly, the UK government has retained this stance in the Future Relationship negotiations with the EU. It has set its expectations of negotiating agreements with the EU that would set it apart from all the other partners of the EU. It has attempted to justify such an exceptional treatment on the basis of the remarkable quality of the contribution that it has been able to make to EU internal security as encapsulated in the idea that ‘the EU needs us more than we need them’. However, recent developments suggest that the EU is no longer as favourably disposed to grant exceptional treatment to the UK in the field of JHA now as it was when the UK was a Member State.
United Kingdom, exceptionalism, Justice and Home Affairs, Internal security, Brexit
From Constitutional Adjudication to Trade Arbitration Enforcing Mobility Rights Post-Brexit
Authors: Barnard Catherine , Leinarte Emilija 
Published: April 2022

This article addresses the termination of the CJEU’s jurisdiction post-Brexit and its replacement with a much more restricted dispute resolution provision, more reminiscent of that found in free trade agreements, focusing in particular on the enforcement of mobility rights. It begins by addressing the root causes for Britain’s antagonism towards the Court. It argues that the Court’s expansive interpretation of the Treaties, masked by a legalist approach to European integration, has allowed the Court largely to avoid scrutiny by most Member States. Nevertheless, the Court’s judicial activism was ultimately rejected by the UK leading to the Court’s curia non grata status post-Brexit. It then analyses the key features of the post-Brexit dispute settlement system proposed by the UK and the EU .We argue that while the Court has been criticized for its judicial activism, EU law did provide significant avenues for an individual’s access to courts. This fundamental feature is missing from the dispute resolution mechanism under the proposed UK-EU free trade agreement (FTA), leaving an important gap in the system of justice in the future UK-EU relationship.We argue that under the new dispute settlement regime mobility rights will be adjudicated as trade disputes. This has serious implications for the protection of rights of individuals wishing to exercise any future mobility rights.
Court of Justice, free trade agreement, integration, free movement of person, mobility, dispute resolution
The EEAS as a Navigator of EU Defence Aspects in Cyberspace
Authors: Duic Dunja 
Published: April 2022

What is the principal role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU cybersecurity and how does its influence in this crossover area of EU policies unfold? To answer these questions, the major cybersecurity documents, its actors and the EU competence in the field of cybersecurity will be reviewed. The article will then examine the role of the EEAS in the specific sub-area of EU cyber defence. It argues that the principal role of the EEAS is to bring more coherence and coordination to cybersecurity, especially in the area of cyber defence. Due to wellestablished procedures and strong institutional involvement supported by other bodies, the EEAS has entrenched its role in cybersecurity policies, even if it still remains a solely supportive one.
EU cybersecurity, Cyber defence, Cybersecurity strategy, EU institutional actors, EU competence
The EEAS: Navigating EU Inter-Institutional Relations and Africa
Authors: Sherriff Andrew 
Published: April 2022

The first ten years of the European External Action Service (EEAS) coincided with a time of considerable evolution in the global, European, and African landscape. This article explores the success of the EEAS strategic navigation of the EU’s inter-institutional and Member State relationships with Africa. Issues such as diplomatic relations, peace and security, and the Commission’s exclusive and shared competences in trade and development cooperation respectively are examined from the EEAS point of view. It highlights the strategic and practical constraints facing the EEAS that explain not only past challenges, but those that remain relevant for the future performance of the Service. It looks at issues in EEAS Headquarters (HQ) as well as within the EU Delegations and explores the relationship between the EEAS and EU external financial instruments. It concludes that given its relative youth, the EEAS did not perform badly despite the peculiar circumstances in which it found itself. Looking forward, the long and rather chequered history of EU–Africa relations could do with a better strategic touch, informed by clear insight regarding dynamics on the continent and the position and interests of African actors. This is an argument in favour of a more empowered EEAS at HQ and within Delegations.
Africa, EEAS, DEVCO, Aid, Joint Africa EU Strategy (JAES), African Union, Geopolitical Commission, NDICI, European Commission, HRVP
The Pandemic and the Military: EU and NATO Between Resilience and Total Defence
Authors: Missiroli Antonio , Rühle Michael 
Published: April 2022

The COVID-19 pandemic has once again seen the use of the military in support of civilian authorities. Since pandemics and other non-military challenges are likely to grow in scope and frequency, the use of the military in such contingencies will also become the ‘new normal’. However, to make the employment of the military more effective, a number of additional steps need to be taken. These range from closer cooperation of key international institutions such as the EU and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to specific improvements in national pandemic preparedness. Moreover, these steps must also include the establishment of a broader political framework that centres on resilience as a central paradigm and helps insulating military contributions from political antagonisms and deliberate disinformation.
COVID-19, pandemic, resilience, total defence, European Union, NATO, cyber, disinformation, emerging technologies, hybrid
The Arctic Exception: The Role of the EU in the Kingdom of Denmark’s Arctic Policy
Authors: Larsen Henrik 
Published: April 2022

In most policy areas the EU is either the main forum in which Danish foreign policy is conducted or the most important forum together with bilateral action. However, the Kingdom of Denmark’s Artic policy is an exception in this respect. The article suggests an answer to why the role of the EU is much less prominent in the Kingdom’s policy towards the Arctic than in most other areas of Danish foreign policy: the combination of a very strongly articulated Danish agency with regard to the Arctic and an EU policy which is not intensive but still resourceful. This makes for a Danish foreign policy which includes the EU in certain areas but also aims to limit the EU’s geopolitical influence and control its influence on the daily life of the people of the Arctic. In addition, the fragile character of the Kingdom of Denmark construction reinforces the sensitivity vis-à-vis of involvement of the EU.
Kingdom of Denmark, Arctic, EU, foreign policy, Greenland, Arctic Council, Artic Five, Ilulissat Declaration
‘United Space in Europe’? The European Space Agency and the EU Space Program
Authors: Davis Cross Mai’a K. 
Published: April 2022

This article analyses the origins and development of the relationship between the European Space Agency (ESA) and the EU space program as separate, but related processes of European integration. For over fifty years the ESA has been separate from the EU institutionally despite having nearly all of the same Member States, and its role in uniting European countries in a common outer space endeavour has been significant. The ESA embraces the motto ‘United Space in Europe’. The EU’s interest in space has only emerged in the last twenty years, but has grown rapidly. As such, space has become a case of informal (i.e., outside of EU structures) differentiated integration. While it may be easy to assume that the ESA is outside of EU structures because Member States have wanted to keep space policy intergovernmental, the author argues that fundamentally different ideas about the role and use of space between the EU and the ESA have been the main, underlying driver. A long-standing spaceflight idea – mainly, the peaceful use of space for all of humankind – is embedded in the ESA’s DNA, while this is not the case for the EU (This article is an output of the EUFLEX project, which has been funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131)).
European Space Agency, EU Space Program, differentiated integration, NASA, spaceflight, ESRO, ELDO
Disruptions in the ENP Cycle: EU Gender Policies in Tunisia from a ‘Decentring Perspective’
Authors: Giusti Serena , Della Valle Clara 
Published: April 2022

The article explores how policy actions generated by the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) are enacted in partner countries as the result of cooperation between their governments and EU headquarters and between local actors and EU delegations (EUDs). By borrowing insights from the literature on EU democracy support and on external perceptions of the EU, the article considers the implementation of EU gender policies in Tunisia through the analytical lens of the ‘policy cycle model’. It adopts a ‘decentring perspective’ privileging local actors’ needs, expectations and viewpoints, which reveals that major disruptions in the implementation of EU gender policies derive more from the organization’s bureaucratic rigidity than from the way policy is conceived. The EU does not properly address these disruptions, because of a mix of procedural constraints and political prioritization, which affect the functioning of the ENP cycle. This risks undermining desired outputs at the local level and questions the so-called EU ‘local turn’ that accelerated especially after 2011. The article concludes that the ‘policy cycle model’ can be a useful analytical tool to examine other ENP policies, especially if combined with a ‘decentring perspective’.
ENP, gender policies, Tunisia, EU delegations, female civil society, policy cycle model, decentring perspective