bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
許進雄：《許進雄古文字論集》
Authors: 翁 餘漢 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
許進雄（1941一），臺灣高雄人，畢業於“國立”臺灣大學（下簡稱臺大）中文研究所，在學中受業於金祥恒（1918—1991）、李孝定（1918—1997）、屈萬里（1907—1979）諸先生，深於文字、甲骨之業。1968年受聘於加拿大多倫多市皇家安大略博物館遠東部，負責整理館藏的商代甲骨文字。1977年起在多倫多大學東亞系教授中國文字學、經學史、中國古代社會等課程。許先生於1996年仟臺大中文系教授，2006年轉任世新大學中文系教授，講授中國文字學、甲骨學、中國古代社會、中國文物等課程。許先生對甲骨研究特别專精，發現以甲骨鑽鑿型態爲根據的斷代方法，被中國河南省安陽博物苑甲骨展覽廳評爲對甲骨學有貢獻的二十五名學者之一。作者著作甚豐，計有《殷卜辭中五種祭祀的研究》（臺北：臺灣大學文史叢刊，1968年）、《卜骨上鑽鑿形態的研究》（臺北：藝文印書館，1973年）、《明義士所藏甲骨文字》（多倫多：安大略省博物館，1977年）、《中國古代社會》（臺北：商務印書館，修訂本，1995年，有中、韓、英文版）、《簡明中國文字學》（臺北：學海出版社，修訂版，2002年）、《古事雜談》（臺北：商務印書館，1991年）等十多本專著及四十多篇論文。北京中華書局爲推動兩岸學術交流，近年致力於出版海外學者，特别是臺灣學者的著作，以收交流互勵之效。今中華書局出版《許進雄古文字論集》（北京：中華書局，2010年），使海内外學者得見許先生詳稽博辨之文，并進一步認識其跨學科綜合分析之法。本文嘗試分析論文集之特色，以助讀者窺其堂奥。(撮要取自內文首段)
野村鮎子、成田靜香：《臺灣女性研究の挑戰》
Authors: 喬 玉鈺 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
以20世紀60年代美國新女權運動的開展爲肇端，對於女性的關注逐步上升到學術研究層面，女性研究不但在美國、加拿大、西歐諸國迅速勃興，也波及到日本、中國臺灣和中國大陸地區。特別是20世紀80年代以來，“性別視角伴隨著婦女研究的深入拓展廣爲傳播，由邊緣進入主流，成爲‘顯學’甚至‘熱學’”。[1]本書出版的契機源自日本關西中國女性史研究會主辦的“臺灣女性研究論壇”，由2007至2009，歷時兩年，參加者皆爲活躍在臺灣第一綫的性别學研究者、社會活動家或女性主義官僚（Femocrat）。[2]收録的九篇論文中除少數根據已發表論文修改增删外，其餘皆是專門爲該論壇撰寫并首次刊發。本書最大的特色在於每篇論文之後附有論文翻譯者撰寫的“解題”。執筆者作爲相同研究領域的日本學者，不局限於簡單的評論和解説，而是以學術敏感性和旁觀者的視角自出機杼，彌補了本土學者進行本土研究時的盲點，展現了中國大陸、中國臺灣和日本在女性問題上存在的共通與相異，也在異文化的碰撞中激蕩出靈感的火花。(撮要取自內文首段)
元代佛典《佛説目連救母經》向《目連寶卷》與閩北目連戲的文學性演變
Authors: 田仲 一成 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
元代佛典《佛説目連救母經》（下面略稱爲《目連救母經》）1304年前在浙江寧波出版，之後1346年在日本復刻。中國的原本早就失傳，日本的復刻本却藏在京都金光寺。作者據金光寺所藏本分析，獲得如下的結論：1. 復刻本的文章跟鄭振鐸在《中國俗文學史》中所引《目連救母出離地獄升天寶卷》（下面簡稱爲《目連寶卷》）相同的部分不少。2. 《目連救母經》之中，目連的母親劉氏名字稱爲四真。《目連寶卷》也一樣。閩北莆田目連戲之中，劉氏名字爲四真，可見其繼承於《目連救母經》。閩南目連戲之中，劉氏名字爲世真，大致受閩北劇本的影響。其他地區的目連戲劇本之中，看不見四真這個系統的名字。可見閩北目連戲文本是在元代《目連救母經》（可能經過《目連寶卷》）的影響之下成立的。3. 莆田目連戲末尾演出妙善公主（觀音）的故事，是繼承《香山寶卷》的。4. 據這些事實綜合起來説，莆田目連戲是直接繼承元代《目連救母經》而成立的，而且很可能是受到喜歡寶卷的閩北女子的影響而在元末明初成立的。至少可以推斷，它是明代後期（1582年）成書的鄭之珍本以前的早期目連戲民間劇本。
The Foshuo Mulian jiumu jing (Sutra of Buddha’s Sermon on Mahāmaudgalyāyana’s Rescue of His Mother) was first published in 1304 in Ningbo, Zhejiang Province, but later became lost in China. It was reprinted and published in Japan in 1346, and this edition is now preserved in Kōkōji Buddhist Monastery in Kyoto. The present article is a study of this edition and draws the following conclusions:

The Ming-dynasty Mulian jiumu baojuan (Precious Scroll of How Mulian Saved His Mother) cited in Zheng Zhenduo’s (1898-1958) History of Chinese Vernacular Literature contains several parts which are identical with the Foshuo Mulian jiumu jing.
In both the Putian Mulian Play and Precious Scroll, the name of Mulian’s mother is given as Liu Sizhen. This name originates in the Foshuo Mulian jiumu jing. In the Mulian plays circulated in southern Fukien, the mother’s name is Shizhen. This might have been inherited from northern Fukien plays, in which the name was adopted from the Mulian jiumu jing. This name is not found in plays from other regions. It is thus observed that the northern Fukien plays were established under the influence of the Mulian jiumu jing, albeit via the Precious Scroll.
The end of the Putian Mulian Play contains the story of Princess Miaoshan, a variant name of Bodhisattva Guanyin. This was derived from the Xiangshan Precious Scroll.
The three points above allow the conclusion that the Putian Mulian Play was derived from the Mulian jiumu jing. It appeared around late Yuan and early Ming times, most likely because Northern Fukien women were fond of precious scroll literature. It may at least be inferred that the Putian Mulian Play is the oldest extant Mulian drama text, which took shape before the Zheng Zhizhen (1518-1595) 1582 version.
王引之《經義述聞•國語上》斠正
Authors: 蕭 敬偉 , 郭 鵬飛 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
高郵王念孫、王引之父子，爲乾嘉樸學的代表人物。二王以其深湛的小學修爲，出入於經典之中，屢有創獲，其《經義述聞》更是經學名著，影響深遠。然而，在辯解疑難之餘，亦偶見未安之處，如文義的理解、字形的掌握或語法的分析等，均有值得商榷的例子。今就《經義述聞•國語上》，擇其可議之處，加以檢討，以察其問題所在。
Wang Niansun (1744-1832) and his son Wang Yinzhi (1766-1834) of Gaoyou (in modern Jiangsu province) were both representatives of the Qianlong-Jiaqing (mid 18th to early 19th centuries) intellectual school. Their expertise in philology enabled them to read the classics with unprecedented insights. Their Jingyi Shuwen (General Exegeses of the Classics) marks their highest accomplishment. Although the book is highly influential, it is not free from errors in the comprehension of texts, and in etymological and syntactic analyses. This essay focuses on some such examples taken from the chapter on the Guoyu (Discourses of the States) (part 1) and discusses the nature of these problems.
東海絲綢之路史疏
Authors: 李 傳江 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
我國東部沿海居民很早就進行海上航行活動，并在一定程度上打通了東部沿海各港口的交通航路，他們在進行海上民間貿易往來的同時，也促進了東海絲綢之路的形成。隨著齊魯蠶桑業的逐步興盛，海上絲綢貿易活動中心漸漸由南海北移，而海州灣等天然良港的特殊地理位置也爲東海絲綢之路的繁盛提供了必不可少的先决條件。
The inhabitants of China’s eastern seaboard initiated maritime navigation very early, and to a certain extent opened up sea routes from the ports along the coast. While engaging in private trade along sea routes, they also brought about the formation of the Silk Road in the East China Sea. Accompanying the gradual rise of sericulture in the Shandong (traditionally called Qilu) region, the center of maritime silk exchange gradually shifted northward. The special location of Haizhou Bay and other natural harbors was an indispensable precondition to the flourishing of the Silk Road in the East China Sea.
晚清女性紅樓接受的社會學探討
Authors: 王 力堅 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
晚清女性紅樓接受的主要表現形式爲題詠，由此所展示的種種生活／社會／情感／文學形態的表現，似乎是强化／放大了《紅樓夢》的言情／虚幻元素、乃至頽廢／誨淫元素所致，或許折射出一種中國式的舊時代世紀末情緒，而其間亦不免醖釀著某種新時代創世紀的潛在意藴。晚清女性社會形態從傳統閨閣文化的主流，分化出都市化甚或青樓化的支流。這麽一個趨向，其實也是當時《紅樓夢》接受文化的發展大勢。上海青樓文化的現代性演進，主要的標識，就是攙入了大量的《紅樓夢》元素，文士冶游典雅化與紅樓題詠青樓化互爲發明。由此也反映了晚清女性生活形態，逐漸趨向於社會化、世俗化。
The reception of Hongloumeng among women in the late Qing era primarily took the form of poetic composition. The various representations of lifestyles, society, emotions, and literature in these poems seems to have intensified the sentimental and fantastic elements, and even the decadent or erotic qualities, in Hongloumeng. Perhaps this reflects a Chinese form of fin-de-siècle mood, but also a latent sense of a new world being created. The society of late-Qing women was an offshoot of the traditional boudoir society, an urban or courtesan society. This tendency was central to Hongloumeng reception. The modernistic transformation of courtesan culture of Shanghai was marked primarily by the introduction of elements from Hongloumeng. There were two complementary trends as the entertainment of the literati became more refined, and poetry on Hongloumeng was increasingly devoted to the demimonde. This also reflect the tendency of late Qing women’s lifestyles to become part of the larger society.
王韜與近代早期香港華文報刊業———《循環日報》創辦緣起考
Authors: 蕭 永宏 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《循環日報》的成功創辦，與作爲重要創辦人之一的王韜在《循環日報》創辦前比較深地介入香港華文報刊業密切相關。在此期間，王韜近代報刊輿論意識的形成，王韜與香港報界、商界和華人社會中知識人士的廣泛交往所建立的良好關係，王韜在《香港近事編録》報館多年歷練所積累的豐富的辦報經驗和鑄就的鮮明的辦報風格，都不同程度地爲《循環日報》的成功創辦提供了必要的思想動力、人事財政保障以及相應的業務基礎。這些諸多條件的獲得和具備是促成《循環日報》成功創辦的主要原因。
The successful establishment of the Xunhuan ribao (Universal Circulating Herald) was closely related to the active participation in Hong Kong’s Chinese press of Wang Tao, one of the most important founders of the newspaper. Wang Tao provided the essential intellectual motive, financial security, and entrepeneurial basis of the paper in its early stage. For Wang Tao had an awareness of the role of the early modern press, extensive contacts with important figures throughout journalistic and business circles, and also abundant experience working for Jinshi bianlu (Contemporary Affairs). These were the primary reasons that the Xunhuan ribao could be founded successfully.
“充餘之美”———唐君毅先生論中國藝術精神
Authors: 文 潔華 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文主要以唐君毅先生《中國文化之精神價值》一書中的豐富論點，闡釋其謂藝術爲人生之“餘事”或“充餘之美”的概念。本文首先指出唐君毅先生的美學觀，離不開其黑格爾模態的“客體化”觀點，以及其結合儒家心性論的特殊性，并先從唐君毅先生論美感經驗的根源處開始探討。本文揭示了唐先生的心性觀如何使他論審美經驗時，强調一種“内在化的模式”，也就是主體“統體的覺攝”活動。此覺攝展示了客體相，其後心意活動才對客體作出“選擇與剖判”。本文指出，如此唐先生談審美經驗并非否定了主客關係，而是更上一層，先從形上的超越心體抽離覺攝的内容，并使其客體化之後開始欣賞客體，此乃唐先生所説的内心情調之客觀化。本文依此進一步理解其如何説中國藝術乃表現整個人之性情胸襟這一觀點，以及藝術如何根植於個人生命及精神活動之興趣，而對其所嚮往之形式有特定之要求。本文并由此超越心覺的活動理解中國藝術的“藏、修、息、游”，以及“充餘之美”的觀念。
This article bases its discussion on Tang Zunyi’s aesthetics ideas in his representative work, The Spiritual Values of Chinese Culture. It investigates how Tang’s aesthetics has integrated Hegel’s philosophical ideas and the philosophy of mind in Neo-Confucianism, which has formulated his discussion of the origin of aesthetic experience. The article demonstrates Tang’s focus on the immanent sphere of the transcendental mind, in which the objectification of the mind takes place only after the subject’s primal experience, or its first encounter with things. Tang describes this transcendental experience as the “totality of intuition”, hence comes the division of the subject and the object, and the functions and the activities of the subject onto the object, which includes the aesthetic attitude. The article further explicates Tang’s reading of the various notions of Chinese aesthetics based on the nature of the origin of aesthetic experience, and his notion of the “beauty of abundance”. This meaningful concept helps to understand the inter-relation between (moral) personality and artistic expression in the aesthetics discourses of Tang Zunyi.
“何論”考
Authors: 李 成晴 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
陸游《老學庵筆記》對唐人科考“何論”的記載屬於誤解，“何論”是唐人對何晏《論語集解》的省稱，或徑指《論語》，而非陸游所推測的比較型論説文。兩宋科考中的確有比較型論説文一類文題，但在北宋以前無專名，在南宋則常以“如何論”爲題名。
In his Miscellanies of the Old Student’s Studio, Lu You (1125-1210) presents a misunderstanding of the term “He lun,” which occurs in the context of the Tang-dynasty imperial examination system. Lu surmises that the term refers to a specific type of argumentative essay requiring the literary devices of comparing and contrasting. In fact, the term was used by Tang people as an abbreviation of He Yan’s (d. 249) Collected Commentaries on Confucius’ Analects. In some cases it simply refers to the Analects itself. In the Tang-Song period, there were indeed essay questions needing to be answered in the form of comparison when making arguments in the imperial examinations. Nonetheless, no proper name was assigned to this specific essay type prior to the Northern Song (960-1127). It was often referred to as “the way to argue” (ru he lun) in the Southern Song (1127-1279).
文道與文法：汪琬古文理論再探
Authors: 李 向昇 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
汪琬的古文理論，最核心的部分是文道與文法之間的關係，然而學界對此尚未有全面的梳理。論者或以汪琬與陳僖的論爭爲據，如青木正兒，以爲其文論主法；或以其散見觀點爲據，如郭預衡，則以爲其文論主道，未有客觀的總結。即便二者兼而論之，如郭紹虞、王運熙、顧易生諸位，則以爲汪琬既主文道又主文法的古文理論是自相矛盾的。然本文以爲，汪琬主文又主道的古文理論不僅不矛盾，並且是其古文理論的一大特點。本文將首先從汪琬與陳僖的論爭切入，還原這場論爭之始末，並旁及汪琬其他的文章，提出從道、經、文不同層次來理解汪琬的古文理論，認爲道仍然是其古文理論的核心，而文是其從創作的角度來探討古文的面向，仍然在道的統轄之下，消解其矛盾。其次，結合明末清初文學思潮的綫索，揭示汪琬的古文理論在廣受性靈文學思潮影響的時代，對回歸古文傳統、追溯唐宋文脈的清初古文所産生的重要意義。
There has yet to be a comprehensive study of the relationship between “literature” (wen) and “the Way” (dao), which forms a core theme in Wang Wan’s (1624-90) theory on classical prose. In his discussion of the debate between Wang and Chen Xi (early Qing), Aoki Masaru holds that Wang’s theory mainly concerns “method” (fa). Making no objective conclusion, Guo Yuheng discusses Wang’s sporadic views in his writing and observes that Wang advocates “the Way” in his theory. Some scholars, such as Guo Shaoyu, Wang Yunxi, and Gu Yisheng, assume that Wang’s advocacy is on both “the Way” and “method” but his theory is self-contradictory. This paper argues that Wang’s combination of “literature” and “the Way” is not contradictory, rather, it makes a prominent feature in his theory on classical prose. This study begins with a reconstruction of the details of the debate between Wang and Chen Xi. Based on a survey-analysis of Wang’s other writings, I propose that one should observe Wang’s theory by considering three levels of his thinking about the classics (jing), the Way, and literature. There are two tasks in this paper. First, I argue that the Way remains central in Wang’s theory, that literature is a means by which he investigates the characteristics of classical prose, and that literature is subordinated to the Way, therefore the alleged contradiction is resolved. Second, by tracing the intellectual trends of the transitional period between the Ming and Qing dynasties, I show that Wang’s literary thought was formed in a time when literature was mainly under the influence of “writing one’s inner nature and soul.” This exerted significant influence on early Qing prose, which made a return to classical prose tradition especially hankering after the Tang-Song legacy.
技藝性文本：“才學小説”的概念匡補與價值重估
Authors: 朱 鋭泉 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
針對歷來詬病清中葉才學小説中知識、學問、技藝内容者，或者持小説藝術的單一標準貶斥其價值者，本文提出從“技藝的文本化”角度重新理解作品特點，繼而由大量具體文例歸納出文本的技藝性質與製作方法。通過倡導對於文化語境的回歸，期冀推動才學小説的概念匡補與價值重估。
This essay revisits the “Fiction of Talent and Learnedness” of the middle of the Qing dynasty (ca. 18th century). The works in this “genre” have long been criticized for showing off knowledge, learnedness, art, and skills in their content and their value has been denigrated by critics who employ one single criterion. The present study takes a perspective of “texts of art and craft” to re-evaluate the characteristics of these works. Based on a paradigm of a large number of texts, it summarizes the nature of their craftsmanship and their production procedure. By advocating the restoration of its cultural context, we aim to revise the concept of “fiction of talent and learnedness” and to re-evaluate its value.
抒情主義與現代《楚辭》研究———梁啓超、梁宗岱與李長之
Authors: 廖 棟樑 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
誠如湯炳正先生所説：“從漢代起，對屈原的事迹即有不同的記載；談到評騭，從漢代起，對屈原的行誼已有歧異的見解。但是，根本否定屈原這一歷史人物的存在，或貶誣屈原這一代偉人爲‘弄臣’等等，則無疑是晚近纔出現的新的學術動態。”（《現代楚辭批評史•序》）在20世紀二三十年代的《楚辭》研究領域，關注的問題便主要集中在屈原的生平、身世，屈原作品的年代、真偽討論上，循著乾嘉樸學的考證舊路，這本是民國時期屈原《楚辭》研究的主流，向爲《楚辭》學術界所注目。不過，仍有些人主要不是通過屈原作品中涉及的地名、人名、時間、事件等内容推測是否有無屈原、是否爲屈原作品，他們本著文學在本質上是表達主觀情感的感性形式的“抒情”立場，循著情感、人格與體驗來梳理、窺測屈原“傳記”與“作品”，此尤具有學術史意義，值得我們探索。因爲，在革命、啓蒙之外，“抒情”代表中國文學現代性———尤其是現代主體建構———的另一面向。
唯情是問，從“抒情性”的再發現、被本質化與普遍化，五四以來詩論的“抒情主義”參與了中國現代《楚辭》研究，論證“詩的邏輯”即爲“情感的邏輯”，“情感的邏輯”即爲“詩史的邏輯”。從梁啓超到梁宗岱再到李長之，我們看到抒情主義的《楚辭》研究的拓深與辯證。
As Tang Bingzheng said, “Stories of Qu Yuan have been variously recorded since Han Dynasty. As to the pass judgment, disputes as well emerged then. However, some new academic developments, such as negating the existence of historian Qu Yuan and degrading the great Qu Yuan to a jester, appeared quite late. “(The Preface of History of Modern Criticism on Chuci) In 1920s and 1930s, the research on Chuci focused on discussing Qu Yuan’s life experience, dating his works, and verifying the authenticity of his works by adopting the traditional textual research method used in Qian-Jia Philology, which had been paid much attention to by the academia as the mainstream in field of research on Chuci in the Period of Republic of China. Nevertheless, there are still some scholars who are not intended to presume the existence of historian Qu Yuan or to verify the authenticity of his works according to the places, characters, time, and events that appeared in Qu Yuan’s works. These scholars believe that the essence of literature is the expression of subjective feelings in the form of emotion—the “lyrical” stance. Thus, they comb and estimate Qu Yuan’s biography and works according to emotion, personality and experience. This research, which is significant in the history of academy, is worth exploring because besides revolution and enlightenment, lyricism stands for another orientation of the modernity of Chinese literature, especially for the construction of modern subject.
Lyricism is the only thing that matters. From the rediscovery to the essentialization to the universalization of “lyricism”, the poetics of “lyricism” since May Fourth Movement has been involved in Chinese modern research on Chuci, and demonstrated that “poetic logic” is “emotional logic,” which also equals to “the logic of history of poetry”. From Liang Qichao to Liang Zongdai to Li Changzhi, we can observe the extension in depth and dialectics of “lyricism” in the research on Chuci.
自然與中國古典哲理性詩歌的理趣
Authors: 鄺 龑子 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
哲理性詩歌涉及哲理與詩歌的藝術結合，連接著一個根本性的美學課題。中國古典哲理性詩歌則往往透過自然景象表達反思，背後亦涉及多層次的哲理涵義爲基礎，例如“天人合一”及“道”。本文透過具體文本例證，分析自然在中國古代哲理性詩歌中的各種入世和出世啟示。文中同時透過反面例子（例如玄言詩），探討哲理性詩歌如何能寫出具有感染力的啟示，散發理趣。本文亦討論中西哲理詩在語言結構、思維模式與美學取向上之不同，從而點出中國古典哲理性詩歌的美學和意境，如何具有某程度的文化獨特性。
Involving an artistic integration of poetry and philosophy, philosophical poetry is linked to a fundamental aesthetic issue. Classical Chinese philosophical poetry often expresses reflections through natural scenes and phenomena, which themselves are underpinned by multiple levels of philosophical meaning, such as “unity of Heaven and humankind” and “the Way”. Through concrete textual evidence, this essay analyses various kinds of inner-worldly and other-worldly illumination offered by Nature in classical Chinese philosophical poetry. Negative examples (e.g. “abstruse-language poetry”) are used to explore how philosophical poetry can express illuminating reflections with an artistic appeal, and so exude a philosophical relish. This essay also outlines differences between Chinese and Western philosophical verse in verbal structure, reasoning mode and aesthetic orientation, pointing to some degree of cultural distinctiveness in the aesthetics and artistic landscape of classical Chinese philosophical poetry.
仙遊•貴遊•夢遊———李白供奉翰林的謫仙身影及其遇合困境
Authors: 許 東海 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文透過李白入京供奉翰林前後的相關觀照，大體可以略窺李白追夢長安的謫仙身影背後，存在著漢代賦家馬、揚及東方朔等人的深刻文化召唤；至於藉由李白入京之前泰山仙遊書寫的帝王封禪及其遇合隱喻，與供奉翰林之際《清平調三首》的始於瑶臺王母及巫山神女的相關遇合隱喻，與去朝離京之後夢遊天姥書寫的長安驚夢，適可映現李白由追夢長安歷程仙遊、貴遊與夢遊前後鋪陳的謫仙三部曲。
Studying Li Bai’s works and circumstances before and after his service at the Hanlin Academy, this essay observes a deep-rooted cultural echo of the two fu writers of the Han, Sima Xiangru (179 BC-117 BC) and Yang Xiong (53 BC-18 AD), as well as that of Dongfang Shuo (ca. 154 BC-93 BC), behind Li’s reminiscence of his adventure to Chang’an in the disguise of a “Banished Transcendent.” A trilogy on Li Bai’s reminiscence of his quest for transcendence, for honor, and for dreams in his Chang’an adventure may be established. This trilogy is comprised of: 1) his transcendent roaming to Mt. Tai prior to his journey to the capital, with the feng and shan rituals performed by the emperor, which metaphorically represent the poet’s talent being recognized; 2) his three “Qingping diao” ci-poems composed at the Hanlin, which start with the Western Queen Mother of the Jade Terrace and the Goddess of the Witch Mountains, as a metaphor for the poet’s talent being recognized; and 3) his writing about a dreaming journey to Mt. Tianmu as a metaphor for awakening from his Chang’an dream.
《東京夢華録》是否“著其盛，正著其所以衰”———兼論宋人的“華胥之夢”
Authors: 馮 志弘 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
考察北宋以迄宋南渡時期著述，可以發現宋人筆下“華胥”一詞的涵義，很多時候都不是指向《列子》所載黄帝“夢遊華胥”的本義，而是指現實世界中最愜意的生活方式。晏殊、蘇軾、吕陶、王庭珪、趙鼎，更直接以“華胥”比喻城市繁華、歌舞昇平。這是孟元老以“華胥”比喻東京繁華的主要背景。
《東京夢華録》四次寫到“奢侈”、“侈奢”、“侈縱”、“侈靡”，都没有明顯批判意味。相反，書中序文强調“侈奢則長人精神”———運用“貶詞正用”的方式，藉此指出“奢侈”的觀念和生活方式，是東京繁華的重要體現。
比較《東京夢華録》、《都城紀勝》、《夢粱録》、《武林舊事》對於妓女、惡少年、游民等的描寫，可以發現孟元老對此等人物並無批評，其餘三部著作卻多作貶抑。
雖然從“解讀史”的角度而論，《東京夢華録》足以引起諷喻的聯想；但考察文本的内證和相關外證，這種理解並不符合書中的主導觀念，也和孟元老對東京繁華的認知有所矛盾。
This article indicates:
1. By investigating works from the Northern Song to the southern migration of the Song Dynasty, meaning of “Huaxu” depicted by Song people mostly not referring to the original essence of “Dream of Huaxu” of Huangdi which recorded in Liezi. On the other hand, it indicated most satisfactory living style within the secular world. Yan Shu, Su Shi, Lu Tao, Wang Ting-gui and Zhao Ding even directly used “Huaxu” as a metaphor for peace and prosperity of city; which was also the major context for Meng Yuan-lao to use “Huaxu” as a metaphor for prosperity of Dongjing (Kaifeng).
2. Dongjing Menghua Lu used the vocabulary “extravagance” for four times without an apparent critical attitude. Conversely, its preface “manipulated the derogatory terms for complimentary use” to emphasize idea of “extravagance strengthen people’s spirit”; which indicated “extravagant” value and living style was an important manifestation of Dongjing’s prosperity.
3. By comparing depictions towards prostitutes, evil youngsters and loafers from Dongjing Menghua Lu, Du Cheng Ji Sheng (Documenting Capital’s Glories), Meng Liang Lu (Dream of Grain) and Wu lin jiu shi (Old stories of Lin’an), Meng Yuan-lao was revealed not criticizing against these characters in Dongjing Menghua Lu, but the other three works derogated these people obviously.
4. Analyzing from perspective of interpretative History, Dongjing Menghua Lu may capable for intriguing association of irony; nonetheless, internal textual evidences as well as relevant external evidences had proven such interpretation did not comply with the main concept of the book, and even contrasted to the comprehension of Dongjing’s prosperity from Meng Yuan-lao.
創傷、“文革”記憶及疾病修辭：論林斤瀾《十年十癔•五分》及余華《一九八六年》中的瘋癲書寫
Authors: 梁 淑雯 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文以兩篇作品林斤瀾《十年十癔•五分》及余華《一九八六年》爲例，探討八十年代中期大陸當代小説是如何以“瘋癲”叙述“文革”的問題。本文首先從瘋癲“症狀”的角度切入，援引拉康等學者的精神分析理論，探討“症狀”作爲“文革”創傷記憶的修辭方法，當中强調不同症狀有自身修辭特色。林斤瀾《十年十癔》以“五”符號象徵“文革”創傷記憶，而余華《一九八六年》則以幻覺將“文革”時空展現讀者眼前。接著從“症狀”來探問“病因”，兩篇小説中的主人公發病源自“文革”創傷經歷，症狀便成爲“文革”病態社會對個人身體的烙印，探討作家是如何借個人的“不正常”症狀，來揭示及控訴“文革”政治壓抑年代的瘋狂。最後，應用卡露絲創傷理論，分析這兩篇小説中的疾病修辭效果———症狀延緩性，從而發掘這種以疾病修辭方式來叙述“文革”的意義。
This paper discusses two novels from the mid-1980s, Lin Jinlan’s “Five Dollar Coin” in Ten Cases of Hysteria in Ten Years and Yu Hua’s “The Year 1986.” It uses madness as a literary device to interpret the traumatic memories of the Cultural Revolution; firstly, by employing the psychoanalytic theories of Jacques Lacan and others, this paper discusses how the traumatic memories of the Cultural Revolution are disguised as symptoms of madness, in which different symptoms contain their own features as a literary device. While Lin Jinlan employs “five” as a symbol to represent the Cultural Revolution’s traumatic memories, Yu Hua reproduces the atmosphere of denouncements during the Cultural Revolution through delusional madness. Secondly, this paper shows the causes of the symptoms, which are the traumatic experiences of two madmen. The paper also illustrates the individual symptoms that are linked to the historical and ideological setting of the Cultural Revolution, in order to reveal the disorder and absurdity of that period of time. Finally, this paper examines the inherent belatedness of the symptoms of madness using Cathy Caruth’s idea of trauma, in order to explore the significance of this madness writing in terms of the narrative of the Cultural Revolution.