bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
《荀子》與《老子》、《莊子》關係重探———從詞彙用例考察
Authors: 林 麗玲 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《荀子》成書於戰國後期。時當百家爭鳴，《荀子》篇章多針對諸家學説加以評論，包括儒家、墨家、道家等，尤以《非十二子》、《天論》、《解蔽》最爲明顯，痛陳利弊。前賢學者多就以上篇章對《荀子》與諸子關係作出研究，至於其他篇章，則所論甚少。本文以《荀子》與《老子》、《莊子》進行文本比對，以三書罕見的相合詞彙爲切入點，透過文本、詞彙比對，以嶄新的分析角度，重探《荀子》各篇與《老子》、《莊子》的關係，提出新的看法，從而探究荀子如何取捨老、莊學説。
Xunzi was written during the late Warring States period. Most of the chapters in Xunzi comment on Confucianism, Mohism, and Daoism, etc. The most remarkable ones are “Fei shi er zi” 非十二子, “Tian lun” 天論, and “Jie bi” 解蔽. Most of the existing academic researches on the relationships between Xunzi and the other works of pre-Han philosophers focus on these three chapters without paying much attention to the rest. This thesis compares the texts and the uncommon lexicons in Xunzi with Laozi and Zhuangzi. It aims at examining how Laozi and Zhuangzi, helped formulate the philosophical ideas stated in Xunzi.
清漕運總督馬世濟生平及官場遭際考論———以馬氏夫妻合葬墓誌銘爲中心
Authors: 付 永正 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
馬世濟係遼陽漢軍旗人，康熙年間官至漕運總督。作者通過將其合葬墓誌銘内所載生平事迹與美國國會圖書館收藏的《馬氏家譜》内的史料進行比對研究，整理出《馬世濟年譜簡編》。由此進一步研究，發現三藩之亂平息後，馬世濟受到康熙帝的恩寵，頻繁賜宴賞物，仕途上也屢得特簡。這種恩寵非其個人才能所致，實因其父廣西巡撫馬雄鎮在三藩之亂中殉節，朝廷覃恩的結果。馬世濟爲官期間的數次失宜表現使得康熙帝逐漸質疑其爲官能力，最終被罷免漕運總督一職，此後其基本退出政壇。馬氏家族顯赫的家世、與官宦士紳間的數代通婚、重視儒家科舉教育的傳統等優勢條件，使得繼馬世濟之後，該家族中出現了許多躋身仕途的子孫。
Ma Shiji (馬世濟), a Han Bannerman whose ancestral home is in Liao Yang, was appointed to the canal governor by the Qing government in the Kang-xi period. He was buried with his two wives together after death. The epitaph records the main Biographical Event of his life, we can do a contrastive study on the epitaph and Ma‘s Family Tree (《馬氏家譜》) that be collected by the library of the United States Congress. Based on these studies, this article has compiled the epitaph original text and a concise chronicle of Ma-Shi Ji’s life. According to our study based on the concise chronicle of Ma-Shi Ji‘s life and other related historical materials, we found he got many kinds of reward and official promotion from the emperor Kang-xi. These rewards were awarded by the Qing government due to Ma Xiongzhen (馬雄鎮), his father, the governor of Guangxi province, who had been killed in the Wu-San Gui rebellion, rather than his own efforts. There are several misconduct in his official period, which makes the emperor Kang-xi questioned his official capacity so that dismissed his office-the canal governor. After that, he almost got out of politics. There are many political advantages in this family, such as a prominent political background, the intermarriage with some officials and gentry family for several generations, the tradition that members paid great attention to the Confucian education for children. These advantages make many descendants became officials after Ma-Shi Ji was removed from office.
長日將盡 典型夙昔———李慈銘學術批評中所見的乾嘉情懷及其意義
Authors: 蔡 長林 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
李慈銘因《越縵堂日記》而於晚清享有盛譽，是書評騭經史百子之斷語，洋洋乎百萬言。後人震懾於其賅博宏富，多以《日記》所書之文而溯源李氏之學，或以其論學林高下之語而述清季學術。但此類論述，並未能直陳隱没在學術論斷之後的終極關懷。是以本文透過爬梳《日記》中的言論，探討李氏在進行學術批判時的準繩，乃是以乾嘉漢學傳統爲典範；通過對學人、著述之臧否是非，試圖扭轉學術之歪曲，以冀重建已然頽圮的漢學宫牆，重返心中那個學術、政治皆足垂範的乾嘉時代，也依此闡明傳統士人力圖斧正學術而醇厚風俗的理想追求。
Li Ciming (1830—1894) won great renown from his Diary of the Yueman Hall, which contains a million words of critique on the classics, histories, and intellectuals. In awe of and fearing his learnedness, most scholars of later ages traced the origin of his scholarship through the content of his Diary, while others discussed late Qing scholarship based on his comments. These discussions, however, can hardly articulate the ultimate concerns left after Li’s critical comments. Through careful analyses of his arguments in the Diary, the present essay observes that Li regarded the scholarship of the Qianlong-Jiaqing era (early 18th to early 19th centuries) as his model and thereby set his criteria for academic criticism. By praising and criticizing scholars and their works, Li aimed to rectify the deviation in scholarship; rebuild the tradition of Han studies, which had long collapsed; and make a return to the exemplary Qianlong-Jiaqing era in both scholarship and politics. This will serve as an example of how traditional scholars endeavored to maintain a fine legacy in scholarship and social customs.
陶潛和《列子》———讀《連雨獨飲》
Authors: 倪 豪士 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
從一段文本指向另一段文本有很多種方式，最常見的包括戲仿、重複、引喻、平行結構以及直接引用。一些學者認爲，所有的文本都是從其他文本“編織”而來的，有的是有意識而爲之，有的則是無意識的。本文首先回溯了一條從羅伯特•弗羅斯特到威廉•莎士比亞的互文綫索，然後探索了陶潛（365—427）四首著名詩作中———特别是《連雨獨飲》———受到的潛在影響。本文認爲，《列子》中的一篇文章提供了這四首詩的基礎。由此，本文提出了《列子》對陶潛的重要性。
There are a number of ways by which one text can refer to another: parody, echo, allusion, structural parallelism, and direct quotation, to name the most obvious. Some scholars believe that all texts are woven from other texts, whether consciously or not. This study begins by tracing one inter-textual link from Robert Frost back to William Shakespeare. It then explores allusive influences on four of Tao Qian’s 陶潛 (365-427) best known poems, starting with a reading of “Drinking Alone in a Continuous Rain”, arguing that one particular passage in Lie Zi 列子 provides an underpinning for these four poems, and thereby suggesting the importance Lie Zi had for Tao Qian.
海外傳衣鉢———李穡《牧隱詩藁》的唐詩接受與物候感知
Authors: 廖 美玉 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
李穡年十四始學詩，善於觀察及摹寫自然物色，以詩作爲記憶自然與生活的印記，又歷經元、明及高麗、李朝兩國六朝的跨國易代，除了在父母國由高麗到李朝外，尚有中原的“遼前宋後交馳日，元北明南兩立年”（《北庭》）的經歷，朝代的興亡更迭與個人的進退出處，以及自然物候、風土人情之異，每見於詩，終身吟詠不輟，留下豐富的詩篇與許多值得探究的議題。李穡習朱子學，深得歐陽玄之賞識，視爲海外傳衣鉢者；而李穡又以李杜與程朱並列，成爲一生用力所在。是以本文從唐詩接受與物候感知切入，探討李穡以杜甫爲“正宗”而上溯《南風》，喚起順應自然物候以長養天下之民的帝王記憶，不斷召喚與天相親的農耕記憶，尤以時雨潤物、發榮滋長的物理，最爲深微而親切，從而跳脱抒情傳統所側重的“悲秋傷春”主題，體現出以春天爲主軸的物候感知，映現潤物發榮與順性得所的自在清明。對於中國文化在三韓的發揚與建構，具有重要意義。
Li Se was a Korean scholar and learned to write Chinese poetry at the age of fourteen. He was a man of gifts. He was good at outstanding observation of natural scenery. Besides, he once studied and employed in China in his early life. Because of this experience, he encountered dynastic changes in both countries, including the transition of Yuan and Ming in China and the transition of Gao Li and Li Chao in Korea. These political and cultural experiences became the treasure of his poetry. Intriguingly, Li Se studied the philosophy of Zhu Xi. His poetry met with Ou Yang Xuan acceptance. Meanwhile, Li Se’s poetry had said he learned and inherit of China poetry. Li Se admired Li Bai and Du Fu as much as he respects Zhu Xi and Cheng Yi. All of them were honored by Li Se and become the cultural heroes in his mind. As for the poetics, Li Se considered Nan Feng to be the origin of Chinese poetry. In this poetry, it was his convictions that we should live in accordance with the nature, just like people in the ancient time. Thus, his poetry embodied the blessings in spring and avoided the “sadness of autumn/spring” in poetic tradition. He certainly was recognized as the important poet who represented the Chinese culture in Korea.
和製漢詞在中國的傳播及影響：以黄遵憲和梁啓超爲中心
Authors: 周 聖來 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
中國傳統文學發展到清末民初，在性質和形式上出現了巨大改變，由“文言”過渡至“白話”，在形體上出現了新奇的創造。不僅如此，文學精神與作家創作的態度，同時也發生了很大的變化，其中一個重要的原因是在20世紀初，日本的明治維新時期，大量和製漢詞傳入中國，日本成爲當時中國從外部世界獲取新知識的主要途徑。黄遵憲和梁啓超是在中日文化交流史上留下足迹的先驅者。黄遵憲駐日四年餘，著《日本國志》和《日本雜事詩》等書，最早向中國全面地介紹了日本。梁啓超在百日維新失敗後流亡日本，滯留十餘年，期間創辦《清議報》和《時務報》等報刊，推動中國社會的改革，在學術上深受日本影響。兩人對日文書籍内容的理解與東洋文化的推廣有著密切關係。本文擬通過黄遵憲和梁啓超兩人與日本的淵源，觀察並比較有關的文本及報刊，試圖探討他們對和製漢詞在中國的傳播起了哪些作用。
During the end of Ching Dynasty and the early Chinese nation period, Chinese literature has innovatively transited from classical language to modern language. In addition, massive Japanese-made Chinese words were imported to China during the Meiji restoration period in early 20th century. Huang Zunxian and Liang Qichao, the forerunner for the exchange of Chinese and Japanese culture, proved that it was an essential way to learn new knowledge outside China. The eventual influence of the imported Japanese-made Chinese words was on the attitudes of literary spirit and writing style. On the other hand, Huang and Liang, deeply affected by Japanese culture and literature, staying in Japan for around 4-10 years, published several articles. They can be served as a promoting drive of Japanese culture. This article discusses the role of publicizing Japanese-made Chinese words through observation of Huang and Liang’s background and comparative studies of their pertinent literature and journals.
晚清時期偵探小説的翻譯
Authors: 魏 艷 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文通過分析三位譯者林紓、周桂笙以及周作人的譯作，以案例研究的方式對晚清時期偵探小説的翻譯作出探討。分析的譯作包括魏易、林紓譯的《歇洛克奇案開場》、周桂笙譯的《毒蛇圈》以及周作人譯的《玉蟲緣》。晚清時期的翻譯，無論是林紓和周作人所追求的古文的意境，還是周桂笙、吳趼人等採取的章回小説評點本的形式，都與中國傳統舊小説有著千絲萬縷的關係。同時，由於晚清時期面臨著列强侵略、國力衰退、新舊思想對立，偵探小説在時人當中的理解也體現出了這些時代精神，與原本西方偵探小説中强調的科學性和趣味性有一定區别，例如林紓翻譯的福爾摩斯故事特别認同罪犯的復仇主張，周作人則通過《玉蟲緣》的翻譯聯想到獲取財富手段要正當，周桂笙在《毒蛇圈》翻譯中宣揚的父慈子孝的主題等。
This paper discussed the translation of late Qing detective fiction through three case studies: A Study in Scarlet translated by Wei Yi and Lin Shu; In the Serpents’ Coils translated by Zhou Guisheng and “the Gold Bug” translated by Zhou Zuoren. Both Lin Shu and Zhou Zuoren’s translations aimed to be fit into the style and aesthetics of guwen, a traditional prose style of used in ancient Chinese texts, while Zhou Guisheng was interested in translating the Western detective story in the format of traditional Chinese novels. Meanwhile, the particular political and social reform context of the late Qing period also influenced the contemporary readers in their understanding of Western detective fiction. In Lin Shu’s translation, he was sympathized with the criminal and his enduring yet vindictive spirit rather than the detective Holmes and his scientific attitude. Zhou Zuoren encouraged his readers to gain their wealth in justified ways and Zhou Guisheng stressed the filial theme in his translation.
張珮瑤：《中國翻譯話語英譯選集（上册）：從最早期到佛經翻譯》
Authors: 張 霄軍 , 胡 勤玲 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
2011年，教育部、財政部聯合印發了《高等學校哲學社會科學繁榮計劃（2011—2020年）》，教育部研究制定了《關於進一步改進高等學校哲學社會科學研究評價的意見》、《高等學校人文社會科學重點研究基地建設計劃》、《高等學校哲學社會科學“走出去”計劃》等配套方案，推動高校哲學社會科學繁榮發展。因此，哲學社會科學學術外譯已經成爲“中國文化走出去”戰略和教育部“推動高校哲學社會科學繁榮發展”等政策導向下的必然趨勢。中國傳統翻譯理論是中華民族悠久翻譯歷史和民族交流的産物，然而，近年來由於西方翻譯理論和流派的壓倒性影響，作爲中國社會科學重要内容之一的中國傳統翻譯理論在翻譯研究界日漸式微，逐漸喪失了話語權，“中國學界長期處於劣勢，並出現了‘失語’的現象”（張旭，2008）。張佩瑶先生（1953—2013，下稱“張先生”以示尊敬）鐵肩擔道義，主持編譯了《中國翻譯話語英譯選集（上册）：從最早期到佛經翻譯》（An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation, Volume 1, From Earliest Times to the Buddhist Project，下稱“《選集（上册）》”），可謂治療中國翻譯文化“失語症”的一劑良藥。2006年底，《選集（上册）》由St. Jerome出版社出版，成功地進入國外主流學術圖書市場，向國外學界介紹了中國的學術成果，廣受國内外讀者的歡迎和高度贊譽，有力地促進了中國哲學社會科學“走出去”工作，成爲我們學術外譯推動中國文化走出去的成功典範。《選集（上册）》共分爲兩部分，第一部分收入25個條目，主要選自儒道經典。第二部分是本書的重心，收入57個條目，絶大部分是從東漢到宋代的佛經翻譯論述。材料取自漢譯佛經的序跋和歷代高僧的傳記，涉及到佛經翻譯的方方面面，包括文質與繁簡問題、源本問題、格義問題、名義問題，以及譯場的組織與分工等。《選集（上册）》採用資料彙編的形式，系統梳理了中國古老的翻譯實踐及翻譯理論的發展脈絡，遵循獨特的選、譯、評、注原則，按照時間順序詳盡地展示出一幅宏大的中國傳統翻譯話語畫卷。《選集（上册）》後被收入“國外翻譯研究叢書”，由上海外語教育出版社2010年影印出版，反哺國内翻譯研究者，達到了内外並濟的出版效果〔1〕。(撮要取自內文首段)
孔子應對“君不君”的雙原則———正當性的質性與量性
Authors: 周 國正 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
孔子在《論語》中提出正名論，要求君臣父子各如其份，但在君不君時當如何應對卻並無正面討論，我們只能通過他對政治人物的評價態度及自身行爲而去推斷。本文先論定孔子心目中何謂君君———君主如何才具有正當性，跟著探討他對幾個君不君事例的態度；最後通過正名論可否逆向運作———由循名責實轉爲以實定名去揭示孔子對待有關問題時真正抱持的原則，即既作質性又作量性的考慮。
In the Analects, Confucius puts forward the idea “truthful to one’s name”, requiring everybody to behave as one’s position demands. Unfortunately, he has not discussed what we should do when a governor does not perform as what a governor should have. We can only try to find out what he has in mind through analysing his comments on and his own behaviour towards such governors. This article starts from defining what a good governor should be in Confucius’ mind, followed by investigating his comments on and attitude towards unrighteous governors of varied degrees. At last, through exploring the possibility of reversing the mechanism of “truthful to one’s name”, we come to the conclusion that Confucius would take into consideration both the nature and the magnitude (quality and quantity) of an unrighteous governor’s behavior in deciding how this governor should be dealt with.
孔子“祖述堯舜”探微
Authors: 孔 祥來 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
孔子既“憲章文武”，也“祖述堯舜”。“憲章文武”就是因革損益周之禮樂制度以重建秩序，是孔子一生孜孜不倦的志業。“祖述堯舜”則是繼承堯舜相傳的“中”道，是孔子在“知天命”以後思想上發生的升華。“中”道貫穿於經傳，堯傳舜，舜傳禹，禹傳成湯，成湯傳文武，文武傳孔子，“中”道一以貫之於孔子的全部思想。這個源遠流長的傳承譜系，構成了象徵華夏文明綿延不息、一脈相承的“道統”，代表著華夏民族的歷史認同。孔子晚年編撰《尚書》、《春秋》，分别於形式和内容上體現了他承接“道統”的文化自覺。
Confucius not only “modeled upon Kings Wen and Wu of the Zhou” but also “transmitted the ancient traditions of Yao and Shun.” His motive behind the former was to rebuild social norms by selectively inheriting the systems of Rites and Music of the Zhou. This was Confucius’ life-long devotion and aspiration. Through “transmitting the ancient traditions of Yao and Shun,” he aimed to continue the way of the “mean.” This was a sublimation of his thought, which took place after his age of “understanding heaven’s mandate” (i.e., fifty years of age). The way of the “mean” is a central theme that goes through the classics and their respective commentaries. Yao transmitted it to Shun, Shun to Yu, Yu to Chengtang, and Chengtang to Kings Wen and Wu, who passed it down to Confucius. The way of the “mean” links up the entirety of Confucius’ thought. This long, enduring genealogy forms the “tradition of the Way,” which symbolizes the continuous Chinese civilization that was derived from one common source. It represents Chinese national historical identification. In his old age, Confucius compiled and wrote the Book of Documents and Annals of the Spring and Autumn Period. The format and content of these works reveals his cultural consciousness of inheriting the “tradition of the Way.”
《左傳》“請安”及相關紀事釋義辨疑———《左傳》與《儀禮》互證之一例
Authors: 許 子濱 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
據《左傳》所載，魯昭公奔齊後，多次朝見齊景公。昭公二十七年這一次，景公請求設饗禮招待昭公。子家羈料知景公只是借饗爲名，實邀昭公飲酒，於是對昭公説：“時常朝見於其人之朝，又行甚麽饗呢？大概是飲酒吧。”結果正如子家羈所料。當日行宴之所，大概就在景公的寢宫之中。“使宰獻”謂使宰獻爵。蓋用士一獻之禮。“請安”指景公命人（蓋爲司正）請昭公安留。“重”只能是景公自稱其妻之名，“請使重見”也只能是景公自請。依禮，君命“請安”，賓答應後，便可進行旅酬以下的儀節。只有昭公答應安留，才能“請使重見”。《傳》文所述的“使宰獻，而請安”，與《儀禮•燕禮》等篇所記飲酒儀節契合無間。“請使重見”，應在旅酬後宴飲之時。景公不親自向昭公敬酒，而是使宰獻酬，又命人留賓，就像君飲大夫酒那樣。這樣做，顯然不以兩君之禮對待昭公，竟將他比作大夫，輕慢之心昭然若揭。景公請求讓夫人與昭公相見，只爲了使她參與宴飲，更顯得褻慢輕佻。在子家羈看來，讓夫人接待外賓，男女雜坐，相與宴飲，失禮已甚。就在夫人出現之前，子家羈與昭公遽然離開，避見夫人。
As recorded in Zuozhuan, after driven into exile by Ji Pingzi (季平子), Lord Zhao of Lu (魯昭公) sought refuge in Qi (齊) and resided in Yun (鄆) on the Qi border thereafter. One day, Lord Jing of Qi (齊景公)invited Lord Zhao to a banquet. Zijia Ji (子家羈, one of Lord Zhao’s high officers) who accompanied Lord Zhao said that Lord Jing in fact did not intend to host a formal feast in honour of Lord Zhao but rather invite him to drink wine merely for amusement. It turned out that Duke Jing did not treat Lord Zhao according to proper etiquette, just as what Zijia Ji had anticipated. Instead of offering wine to Lord Zhao by himself, Lord Jing sent Zai (宰, Duke Jing’s family retainer) serving as the master of ceremonies to toast the guest. Zai thereupon asked the guest to sit down and carry on drinking. Duke Jing asked for Lord Zhao’s permission to let his concubine Chong (重) to join them. Zijia Ji and Lord Zhao left the venue before Chong appeared. There is one keyword namely “Qingan” (請安) used in the narrative that has attracted much discussions since ancient times. The present article proposes an approach by combining meaning with syntax and taking both the narrative and ritual into consideration. It argues that the word refers to a specific etiquette of banquet, and that the word conforms with its counterpart in Yili (儀禮). This is evident of the agreement between Zuozhuan and Yili. Lord Jing’s rhetoric barely masks the reality of treating Lord Zhao as an implicit officer instead of a ruler. Inviting Chong to join the banquet also violated ritual propriety.
朱熹、吕祖謙“三衢之會”若干問題考辨
Authors: 周 紀焕 , 童 獻綱 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
“三衢之會”是朱熹、吕祖謙在“南宗聖地”衢州舉行的一次重要學術盛會，在朱、吕的學術交往中具有重要的意義。但長期以來，學界對兩人會見的時間、具體地點等問題多有歧見，本文從歷史地理的角度，通過大量歷史文獻的考辨，對一些流行觀點進行修正，明確了朱、吕“三衢之會”於淳熙三年三月二十八日在衢州東二十里的石巖寺舉行，於四月七日結束，歷時十天。
Zhu Xi and Lü Zuqian once held a symposium at San Qu, which was an important academic event of great significance in the intellectual interaction between the two scholars. However, there have been disagreements on certain issues, for instance, the time and venue of this meeting. Through careful examination of a large body of historical documents, the present essay examines these issues from historical and geographical perspectives. It modifies some commonly accepted views by presenting more accurate details. For example, the venue of Zhu and Lü’s meeting was Shiyan Monastery, twenty li east of Quzhou, and the 10-day symposium was held from the twentieth of the third month to the seventh of the fourth month in the third year of the Chunxi reign period (1176).
緣情説禮———論孫希旦禮學思想的形成
Authors: 盧 鳴東 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《禮記集解》是清儒孫希旦的重要禮學著述，它在清代中葉的禮學研究中别具意義，反映了清儒在思想轉型上由理學過渡至禮學中所付出的努力。在永嘉學派的思想指導下，孫希旦通過驗證“天理”和“人心”的存在，建構其禮學思想的内涵，期盼從“情禮相輔”的説禮原則中，消融人情和人欲之間相互排斥的對立因素，積極爲永嘉學派所倡導的“事功名”、“通世變”等思想提供合理可行的依據。
Sun Xidan’s (1736-1784) Collected Commentaries on the Book of the Rites is an important study of the classic. It was of special significance in relevant scholarship in mid-Qing China (18th century) because it represented the efforts of Qing scholars on the ideological transition from neo-Confucianism to the study of the rites. Based upon the philosophical framework of the Yongjia School, Sun Xidan’s scholarship on the rites concerned verification of the existence of “heavenly principles” and “human conscience.” Through his advocacy of the “reciprocal aids between sentiment and the rites,” Sun aimed to eliminate the elements of antagonism between human sentiment and human desire. He played an active role in justifying certain doctrines of the Yongjia School, such as “achieving deeds and renown” and “comprehending historical evolution.”
錢賓四《莊子纂箋》學術精神探微
Authors: 黄 彦偉 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《莊子纂箋》是錢賓四先生學術盛年期關於先秦諸子學研究的一部重要著述，他以中國學術思想史的閎通視野，基於莊子學史嬗變的歷時節點，具體而微地表現出引儒入莊、儒道會通的箋注取向，其中部分論點識見超卓、迥異時流，而這正得力於其“義理、考據、辭章”三者交互運用的學術方法。同時，在20世紀上半葉中西學術激蕩、新學舊知交融的背景下，《莊子纂箋》也體現出新舊兼容、中西會通的自覺性。更重要的是，在“天地玄黄”的時代變遷中，在個人命運的轉折點上，《莊子纂箋》一書寄寓著賓四先生深沉的文化自覺與沉重的歷史悲慨。
Qian Binsi (zi of Qian Mu, 1895-1990) wrote his Collected Commentaries on the Zhuangzi, an important work on pre-Qin philosophers, during the zenith of his scholarly life. From a broad perspective of Chinese intellectual history, based on the diachronic development of Zhuangzi scholarship, Qian approaches the Zhuangzi in light of Confucianism and observes the reciprocal relationship between Daoism and Confucianism in his substantial and subtle commentaries. He demonstrates superb insights in some of his arguments and stands out from the vogue of his time. These accomplishments were ascribed to the integrated use of his research methods of “argumentation,” “textual research,” and “rhetoric.” In the interaction between Chinese and Western scholarly worlds during the first half of the twentieth century, when traditional and new knowledge saw a transition, the Collected Commentaries on the Zhuangzi reveals a consciousness of integrating traditional and new learning as well as a comprehensive mastery of both Chinese and Western scholarship. Most importantly, living between “dark heaven and yellow earth,” a period of political turmoil and a turning point of his personal fate, Qian entrusts in his scholarship his deep cultural consciousness and great sadness for history.
蘇天爵的《元文類》與元代中後期的大都文壇
Authors: 陳 漢文 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文考察蘇天爵《元文類》的編纂意義，並以此書編列的元代中後期大都文人官員作品爲研究重點。此時期在大都供職的主要官員虞集和馬祖常與蘇天爵關係密切，《元文類》選入他們多篇作品，反映蘇天爵對大都文壇的重視。本文從三個角度作論述：先由外緣的元代政治文化背景窺探蘇天爵的編纂理念；次由内緣角度論書中作者與作品的編列，分兩層論述，一層見蘇氏的理想大都文人群體的示範意義，另一層見選詩表現的美刺傳統用心；最後用比較研究法，以兩本《皇元風雅》的選本意義比對《元文類》的選編意識，突顯後者本乎風雅的一代文化意義。
This paper examines the embodiment of the process of selection of Su Tianjue’s Yuan Literature Arranged by Genre with special reference to its selected works written by Dadu scholar-officials in the early fourteenth century. Su Tianjue laid emphasis on the significance of the literary field of Dadu and had a close relationship with the prominent scholar-officials Yu Ji (1272-1348) and Ma Zuchang (1279-1338) whose literary work had been well selected in the anthology. First, this paper discusses the criteria for the selection process of the anthology relating to the politics and cultural significance in the Yuan dynasty. Secondly, we will examine how and why Su Tianjue constructed an imagined circle of Dadu literati in the anthology to highlight the importance of the meici (praise and admonitions) tradition. Thirdly, we will explore the cultural meaning of Su Tianjue’s anthology by emphasizing the meici tradition in contrast with other poetry anthologies published in the late Yuan period.
翁方綱在詩歌批評方面對金正喜的影響
Authors: 何 繼文 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
乾隆年間，朝鮮李氏皇朝不斷派員遠赴北京求學交流。其中著名者有金正喜（1786—1856），他精於經學和金石學，又是著名的書法大家，曾在嘉慶年間隨燕行使到北京。金正喜因此得以師事翁方綱，在經學以至詩歌批評方面，都受到翁氏的影響。本文旨在研究翁方綱在詩歌批評方面對金正喜的影響，首先論述金正喜與翁方綱二人在詩學方面的交流情況，然後從詩學門徑、重學問與性情的觀點兩方面，探討他們在詩論上的繼承關係。金正喜的詩學主張與翁方綱基本上是一致的。金正喜主張學詩者由近而遠，由宋、元入唐，從蘇軾、黄庭堅等詩人入手以學習杜甫。他能欣賞翁方綱以學問爲詩，卻反對無關實際的神韻詩。他重視性靈，但强調須具備學問和品德的修養，所以不滿袁枚佻巧浮薄的性靈詩。
During the rule of the Qianlong Emperor of China, correspondents from the Joseon Dynasty of Korea were continuously sent to Beijing for study and exchange purposes. Among those sent was the famous Kim Jeong-hui (1786-1856). Not only was he highly proficient in the classics and in epigraphy, but he was also an acclaimed calligrapher who had followed Emperor Joseon on his diplomatic ventures to Beijing during the rule of Emperor Jiaqing. Thus, Kim Jeong-hui received Weng Fanggang as a teacher, and was influenced by him regarding both the classics and poetry criticism. This study aimed to explore the influence of Weng Fanggang’s poetry criticism on Kim Jeong-hui, starting by describing the two men’s poetry-related exchanges and subsequently discussing their relationship of inheritance in the field of poetry from two perspectives: (a) the study of poetry and (b) emphasis on learning and temperament. In doing so, we discovered that Kim Jeong-hui’s standpoint regarding the study of poetry was essentially identical to that of Weng Fanggang. Kim Jeong-hui’s philosophy was to approach what is distant by first studying what is close. Therefore, he studied the poetry of the Song and Yuan Dynasties before studying that of the Tang Dynasty, and the works of Su Shi and Huang Tingjian before those of Du Fu. He appreciated “learning that is poetry” while opposing romantic poetry, which is not practically anchored. He emphasized spirituality but also stressed the need for learning and moral cultivation; therefore, he did not appreciate the frivolous and trivial spiritual poems of Yuan Mei.