bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
杜甫詩史、敍事傳統與《春秋》書法
Authors: 張 高評 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
杜甫三十歲時，曾作《祭遠祖當陽君文》，稱遠祖杜預：“《春秋》主解，稿隸躬親。嗚呼筆跡，流宕何人？”當下許諾“不敢忘本，不敢違仁”。晚唐孟棨（啟）《本事詩》稱杜甫逢安禄山之難，“流離隴蜀，畢陳於詩。推見至隱，殆無遺事，故當時號爲詩史。”《史記·司馬相如列傳》稱，“《春秋》推見至隱”，可見杜甫詩號爲詩史者，除了“詩是吾家事”之外，其中自有《春秋》書法之薪傳在焉。清章學誠《上大司馬論文》稱：“敍事實出史學，其源本於《春秋》比事屬辭。”今選擇杜甫詩敍事歌行，關注其善陳時事之特質，持屬辭比事之《春秋》教，考察其中推見至隱之書法，就杜甫詩史與屬辭比事之敍事傳統，分三項考察之：一，屬辭比事，筆削顯義；二，據事直書，美惡自見；三，微婉顯晦，推見至隱。援舉杜詩相關作品，參考清人杜詩說解，藉以探索杜甫詩之敍事傳統。夫然後知抒情傳統之外，敍事傳統也者，尤爲中國文學源遠流長之重要特色。
When he was thirty years old, Du Fu (712-770) wrote “A Funeral Oration for My Ancestor, Dangyang Jun,” in which he praised his ancestor Du Yu (222-285): “Commentating the Chun Qiu, / He transcribed it by his own hands. / Alas! His own handwriting, / To whom will it pass on?” He then made a promise: “I dare not forget about my roots, / And dare not violate benevolence and righteousness.” Meng Qi of the late Tang commented on Du Fu’s suffering during the An Lushan rebellion: “He wandered to the Long and Shu regions and wrote about all of his experience in his poetry. Its hidden meaning may be inferred—perhaps no incident is left unaccounted for. For this reason, he was given a sobriquet of poet-historian.” The “Biography of Sima Xiangru” in the Shiji says, “Chun Qiu allows one to infer the message hidden in the most profound text.” Therefore, the reason why Du Fu’s poetry was referred to as “poetry-history” was not only because, as he claims, “poetry is my family’s matter,” but also because of his inheritance of the writing style of Chun Qiu. Zhang Xuecheng (1738-1801) wrote in his “Discourse on Literature, Presented to Grand Protector”: “Narrative was in fact derived from historiography. Its origin was in word connection and event arrangement in Chun Qiu.” This study pays special attention to the proficiency at narrating current events observed in some narrative ballads selected from Du Fu’s works. It takes into consideration the model method of “word connection and event arrangement” from Chun Qiu in its examination of the writing style of “hidden meaning may be inferred” in Du Fu’s poetry. In its discussion of Du Fu the poet-historian and his method of “word connection and event arrangement,” the essay analyzes three aspects: 1) “word connection and event arrangement” and manifesting the principles by writing method; 2) writing according to facts and thus praise and condemnation will naturally be shown; 3) showing the implicit through a subtle and euphemistic style and “the hidden meaning may be inferred.” It will analyze relevant examples of Du Fu’s works in light of commentaries by scholars of the Qing dynasty in order to explore the narrative tradition in Du Fu’s poetry. Therefore, in addition to the lyrical tradition, we learn that the narrative tradition has a long history and plays an important role in the history of Chinese literature.
明茅暎評點《牡丹亭》析論
Authors: 羅 麗容 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
從茅暎評點《牡丹亭》出發，可總結出八項內涵：（一）印象批評；（二）對湯氏主情之說之評點；（三）對湯氏寫作技巧之批評；（四）對臧懋循改本之批評；（五）對湯劇與元雜劇關係之評點；（六）對明代流行語“當行”、“本色”之觀點；（七）對湯劇與唐詩、宋詞之關係之評點；（八）雜評等。將茅暎評點與其同時代之曲家作比較，亦可發現當代曲家大多以“場上演出”之角度著眼，而茅暎則從“案頭欣賞”之觀點出發，所以產生了不同的結論。茅暎之評點觀在明代並非普遍，然就湯顯祖所主張“文以神、色、意、趣爲主”之立場而言，茅暎無愧爲湯氏之知音。而茅暎以案頭文字爲觀點之批評，雖非當代主流，然若從文學史角度看，絕對可與唐詩、宋詞所形成之韻文史相銜接，而成爲文學史在明代韻文中與唐詩宋詞相銜接之關鍵，從而擴大明代文學史之討論範圍；就此點而論，茅暎之評點《牡丹亭》居功厥偉，亦爲其評點中，意義非凡之所在。
This study of Ming-dynasty critic Mao Ying’s comments on The Peony Pavilion consists of eight aspects, namely: (1) impression critique; (2) comments on Tang Xianzu’s (1550-1616) emphasis on love; (3) criticism of Tang’s writing skills; (4) critique of Zang Maoxun’s (1550-1620) revision of the play; (5) comments on the relationship between Tang’s play and Yuan drama; (6) views of the Ming-dynasty popular terms danghang (“professional”) and bense (“original colors”); (7) comments on the relationship between Tang’s play and Tang shi-poetry and Song ci-poetry; and (8) miscellaneous comments. This study compares Mao Ying’s comments with those of his contemporaneous playwrights, arguing that playwrights of his time mostly focused on stage performance while Mao treated the plays (i.e., the scripts) as “readers for enjoyment” and, thus, they came to different conclusions. The approach of Mao Ying was not common in the Ming Dynasty. However, Mao’s sharing in Tang Xianzu’s advocacy that “the cores of literature include spirit, guise, idea, and aesthetic appeal” shows that he was certainly a true fan of Tang. Although Mao’s comments on the play as a reader were not mainstream at the time, from the perspective of literary history they certainly can be regarded as a continuation of the poetic history formed by Tang shi-poetry and Song ci-poetry and a crucial link that connects Tang-Song poetry with Ming poetry. Hence, the contribution of Mao’s comments on The Peony Pavilion is exceptional and significant.
機鋒與神理：王夫之《遣興詩》及其詩學意義初探
Authors: 章 琛 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《讀甘蔗生遣興詩次韻而和之》七十六首是王夫之四十四歲隱居衡陽時，偶然讀到友人金堡舊年之《遣興詩》次韻而作。其後又有《廣遣興》詩五十八首。兩組詩最明顯的寫作特色在於幾乎句句用事，涵蓋了經史諸子和道家丹術、通俗文學等各個領域，而用事手法又極拗峭，其用意頗不易曉。其中尤爲突出的是大量的禪語和禪典的運用，是爲他生平詩作用禪最爲密集者。因此兩組詩初看之下，似乎顛覆了王夫之一貫堅持的詩以道情、情景交融之核心主張。但如果仔細尋繹其中用事和構象的邏輯規律，便會發現這套規律其實是船山詩學主要的創作觀念———例如“以神理相取”、“取勢”、“蟬聯暗換”等等———在實踐中的運作。更重要的是，這兩組詩在詩學創作方面有明顯的自我指涉和內省意義，與王夫之的詩選評論也存在著確切的關聯。因此，對於全面瞭解船山詩學體系，特別是其理論和實踐之間的關係，“遣興詩”和“廣遣興”是至關重要的環節。本文將以探討船山詩學的理論和實踐之間的關聯爲目標，取《讀甘蔗生遣興詩次韻而和之》爲“遣興詩”與“廣遣興詩”的代表作，作深入解讀，重點關注統一其命意和寫法層面的邏輯規律。然後，與船山詩學創作觀念相印證，作爲他日全面深入考察之基礎。
The rich extensive scholarship produced over the last few decades on Wang Fuzhi’s poetic theory has neglected to take into account an essential component-his own poetry. In a set of seventy-six poems titled “Letting out What Stirred Me” and a further fifty-eight titled “Letting out What Stirred Me-Broadened,” written in the years 1662-1663 in Hengyang, Wang Fuzhi asks the questions of life and death in a sweeping representation of the patterns that underlie the changing universe. The two sets of poems are the first culmination of Wang’s thoughts and practice in poetry before the age of fifty, containing many self-reflective lines about the role of the poet and the use of language in poetry. The process that he identifies at the start as the “work of Creation” shares the same mechanism as the process by which the poet weaves his web of images. The world thus created is a visionary one in which changes in human life, history, and culture are reorganized through concrete images from the natural world, cognized through the poet’s senses in the time and space of specific poems. The poems are also a remarkable play of words that pushes the limits of polysemy and poetic grammar. Through an analysis of the first set of “Letting out What Stirred Me” poems, I demonstrate that on the one hand, Wang’s early poetry affirms the core ideas in outlined in his later theoretical works, while on the other, exceeds their scope in the world and poetic vision that it presents. In doing so, I propose a roadmap to rethink Wang’s poetic thought in the light of his own compositional practices.
東亞漢詩的艷情傳統———以琉球詩人蔡大鼎爲例
Authors: 張 明明 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
晚清琉球詩人蔡大鼎曾以使臣身分遍遊中國諸省，其中不乏冶遊之作。對前代士妓雅情之追慕與模仿促成其“意淫觀”在艷詩中的體現。另一方面，在選擇性書寫的意識下，蔡氏的大部分艷詩並不帶有過多個人情感色彩，而是直觀地描繪晚清時期的青樓實況。此外，蔡大鼎的“島女情結”揭示了其艷情外衣下征夫思婦主題的內核。藉助琉球蔡氏的艷詩創作，再反觀朝鮮、日本等國，其艷情傳統各有淵源，並呈現出本國文化的特徵，綜合比較可見艷詩一體在東亞各國的受容與傳播境遇。
Erotic poetry is a unique style of Chinese poetry in East Asia. Cai Dading (Japanese spelling: Sai Taitei, b. 1823), a poet who hailed from Ryukyu but traveled to numerous provinces in China in his tenure as an envoy, wrote a number of poems on pleasure seeking in entertainment quarters. His admiration and emulation for the interactions between intellectuals and entertainers gave rise to his “poetics of psycholagny.” On the other hand, his selective approach towards writing resulted in poetic works that were not really colored by personal feelings but were simply realistic reconstructions of imagery from entertainment quarters in late Qing times. In addition, his “attachment to island ladies’ sentiments” are revealed in his dealing with the traditional theme of “the sojourner missing his forlorn wife.” Comparing Cai’s erotic poetry with its counterparts in Japan and Korea, we observe that they each had distinct origins marked by their respective national characteristics. This comparative study shall yield hints to the reconstruction of how erotic poetry was received and transmitted in East Asian countries.
《易經通注》之帝王學特色
Authors: 朴 榮雨 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《易經通注》作爲清廷第一部帝王學《易》學的教科書，並惟朱子學是從。然而當其“道統”與“治統”融爲一體於致用之時，卻不無與朱子《易》學理論和哲學立場有所出入、異同互存、貌同實異之處。如《通注》對“天人”、對“法天”思想的强調、對君臣關係與君民關係以及“中正”觀念的詮釋，都與朱子《易》學有所牴觸，此實爲彰顯帝王學《易》學的旨趣所致。本文僅限於《通注》“元”的概念處理“法天”思想所蘊涵的哲學義涵。
本文將帝王學分爲“爲己之學”型與“爲人之學”型，進而扣緊帝王學與道統論的關係，分析《易經通注》帝王學《易》學的核心特徵，並與朱子《易》學較其異同，依此凸顯《通注》帝王學《易》學對儒家道統觀的關係和影響。
This paper aims to examine some traits of the philosophical issues in a textbook on the Book of Changes entitled Comprehensive Commentary on the Book of Changes (Yijing tongzhu), which was written by Emperor Shunzhi’s (r. 1643-1661) edict and remained in use throughout the Qing dynasty. Comprised of nine fascicles, the Yijing tongzhu was compiled by Fu Yijian 傅以漸, Cao Benrong 曹本榮, et al. on an edict in 1658. In this book, Zhu Xi’s (1130-1200) teachings play a dominant role. However, in governance matters, the Confucian orthodoxy (daotong) and ruling orthodoxy (zhitong) in this book reveal discrepancies compared with Zhu Xi’s theory of the Book of Changes and philosophical stance. The Yijing tongzhu conflicts with Zhu Xi’s teaching in, for example, its emphases on the thoughts of “correlation between heaven and man” and “law of heaven,” as well as its interpretation of the concept of the “middle and correct” position in the hexagram system. These discrepancies were mainly due to the Qing book’s mission to promulgate the ideology of royal learning. This essay deals only with the philosophical issue of “law of heaven” and limits its discussion to the concept of “the Primary” (yuan).
In this essay, royal learning is divided in two types, namely “Learning for Oneself” and “Learning for Others.” Furthermore, the discussion will aim to clarify core features of the study of the Book of Changes under royal learning as shown in Yijing tongzhu by analyzing the relationship between the study of royal learning and the Confucian orthodoxy. Finally, it will contrast Yijing tongzhu’s views with Zhu Xi’s in their respective study of the Book of Changes, and thereby highlight some traits of the relationship between royal learning in the Yijing tongzhu and the Confucian orthodoxy and how the former influenced the latter.
從“衛侯出奔齊”看《春秋》書法———以楊伯峻説爲討論中心
Authors: 許 子濱 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
據孟子所言，《春秋》乃孔子以魯史“春秋”爲底本，參酌百國“春秋”，修訂而成，其書法寄寓孔子的“微言大義”，在褒貶中呈現了聖人的思想和見解。《左傳》有兩處記載“未修春秋”，分别見於宋華耦及衛甯殖之言。甯殖説：“吾得罪於君，名在諸侯之策曰：‘孫林父、甯殖出其君’。”是知諸侯史策皆書曰“孫林父、甯殖出其君”，而《春秋》則書“衛侯出奔齊”，兩文迥異。古今論者大多認定後文出於孔子所修，此説自杜預創始，得到唐宋後儒的推衍，具有清晰的傳承脈絡，成爲解讀“衛獻公出奔齊”的主流意見。楊伯峻獨排衆議，不信孟子説，倡言孔子不修《春秋》。楊先生認爲史策本書“孫林父、甯殖出其君”，《春秋》作“衛侯出奔齊”，是由於甯喜使衛侯復位更改史文的緣故。楊説出於臆測，裁斷無稽，翻案乏力，不可信據。
Mencius claimed that Confucius compiled the Spring and Autumn Annals and attached moral judgements to it. Scholars generally believe that the entry in the Annals for the fourteenth year of Duke Xiang (559 BCE) “the Marquis of Wei fled to Qi”, which differs from what the Zuozhuan recorded as “Sun Linfu and Ning Zhi drove their ruler into exile”, attested that the Annals in its present form should be ascribed to Confucius. Examining the related narratives in the Zuozhuan together with exegeses offered by scholars, this paper attempts to develop an account of the difference between the above-mentioned records and argues that Yang Bojun (1909 1992) in his commentary makes a bold effort to overturn the traditional understanding.
“詩-圖”學視野下的清代“秋林讀書圖”及其題詩———以翁方綱與同人對“漁洋讀書圖”的題詠爲中心
Authors: 范 洪傑 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
翁氏和友人、門生關於王士禛“秋林讀書圖”的題詠對該畫題在乾嘉時代文人畫壇的日漸流行和進入詩歌的頻繁題詠潮流中起了一定的帶動作用。作爲一個畫題，“秋林讀書圖”發源於元代畫家，屬於在後世漸盛的“讀書圖”系列畫題中較早出現的，在明清時代比較盛行。因具有濃鬱的士人情調，它成爲文人創作和題詠的對象。“讀書圖”系列畫題具有較强的交際性和私屬性特點，翁氏及其門生、友人對漁洋“秋林讀書圖”的幾十年間的題詠活動體現了這一點。這些題畫詩對於我們認識王士禛與翁方綱的詩學關係、學緣和翁方綱所在的乾嘉時代學風，以及圖畫與詩歌關係的某些面向，都具有重要意義。翁方綱在題寫、欣賞“漁洋秋林讀書圖”過程中，體悟到的詩學旨趣及詩—畫藝術本體論（“詩髓”説）富有理論價值，值得重新認識。
The inscriptions on Wang Shizhen’s (1634-1711) “Reading in the Autumn Groves” by the disciples and friends of Weng Fanggang (1733-1818) boosted the increasing popularity of these kinds of paintings and inscription of poetry on paintings in the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras (1736-1820). The title “Reading in the Autumn Groves” was first created by Yuan-dynasty painters, appeared in a “Reading” series of painting titles that became increasingly popular, and contributed to the formation of a new vogue in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Because of its rich intellectual appeal, it won the favor of the literati and became an object of literary creation and inscription. The series of “Reading” painting titles are strong in both communicative and private features, which is reflected the decades of similar works by Weng Fanggang, his disciples and friends, who inscribed on Wang Shizhen’s paintings under the title “Reading in the Autumn Groves.” These inscription poems are of great significance in our understanding of the relationship between Wang’s and Weng’s poetics, their academic backgrounds, and the scholarship styles of the Qian-Jia era in which Weng mainly lived, as well as some aspects of the relationship between painting and poetry. In the process of inscribing and appreciating these paintings titled “Reading in the Autumn Groves,” Weng Fanggang gained enlightenment in poetics and the ontology of the art of poetry and painting from a cross-disciplinary perspective (called “Marrow of Poetry” theory). These have rich theoretical value and are worth re-consideration.
寒州學派對康有爲經學思想的接受與批判
Authors: 陳 亦伶 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本文通過朝鮮晚期學者與康有爲的接觸交流，以及他們對其經學思想的接受和批判，探討朝鮮半島因受康有爲學説的影響，導致在中國儒家經典詮釋上出現轉變。經過本文的研究分析，揭示出朝鮮晚期學者在解讀儒家經典時，已經偏離過去五百多年對中國學者墨守遵循的學習方式，也帶領我們重新發掘周邊國家在中國儒家經典研究上的獨特視角和重要地位。
Through an examination of the contact and exchange between Kang Youwei (1858-1927) and Korean scholars in the late Joseon era and their acceptance and criticism of Kang’s scholarship of the Confucian classics, the present paper explores changes in the interpretation of the Confucian classics on the Korean Peninsula triggered by the influence of Kang Youwei’s philosophy. It aims to show that in their interpretation of the Confucian classics, some of these scholars of the late Joseon era had already deviated from the methodology adopted by Chinese scholars over the previous 500 years. It also leads us to rediscover the unique perspectives of China’s neighboring countries and their important roles in the study of the Confucian classics.
論二十世紀二三十年代中國新文學中超越現代認知機制的“鄉土中國”講述
Authors: 徐 志偉 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
在二十世紀二三十年代的中國文學敘事中，儘管“去鄉土中國化”是主潮，但與之伴隨的還有一股“再鄉土中國化”的潛流。正是這股潛流的存在使中國新文學成爲一個極具“張力”的系統，極大地豐富了我們今天對於中國現代性的理解。本文採用跨學科研究方法，動態而具體地揭示了中國特色的“現代性”是如何在二十世紀二三十年代中國作家關於“鄉土中國”的別樣表述中呈現的。本文認爲，二十世紀二三十年代中國作家關於“鄉土中國”的別樣表述，拆解了西方現代認知“裝置”，重新勘定了“鄉土中國”的獨特價值，不僅構成了中國現代性的一個奇異的景觀，也爲世界貢獻了一種特別的現代性表述。
Although “de-ruralization in China” was a major trend in the 1920s and 1930s, literary narratives were accompanied by an undercurrent of “re-ruralization in China.” It was this undercurrent that created a system of enormous “tension” in Chinese New Literature which greatly enriches our understanding of Chinese modernity. This article uses an interdisciplinary research method to dynamically and specifically reveal how “modernity” with Chinese characteristics finds expression in the alternative narratives of “earthbound China” by Chinese writers in the 1920s and 1930s. It suggests that Chinese writers expressed different views about “earthbound China” in this period, thus deconstructing the Western modern cognitive “device” and reconsidering the unique value of “earthbound China,” which contributed a special expression of modernity to the world and a peculiar landscape of modernity in China.
文體、舞宮、身體：論程小青《霍桑探案集》中的舞影謎境
Authors: 蔣 興立 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
程小青（1893—1976）被認爲是民初最具代表性的中國偵探小說作家，中國大陸的評論者立足於民族主義，對程氏的創作讚揚肯定，爲當前相關研究最主要的觀點。其小說文本具有因應文類的特質，改變了中國固有文體的敘事方式。而程氏筆下的洋場風情，與同時期關注都市體驗的中國新感覺派小說十分不同。“舞廳”是體現三〇年代上海現代性的重要物質空間，也是新感覺派作家穆時英小說中的核心場景；舞廳裏妖嬈嫵媚的舞女在諸多海派作家筆下，幾乎是上海的代名詞。本文以程氏代表作《霍桑探案集》中的《舞宮魔影》、《舞后的歸宿》爲主要討論文本，分析其作品如何形塑舞廳與舞女、觀看舞女的身體與屍體、映射上海的城市圖景與犯罪問題，從而開創迥異於域外偵探小說的風格特色，並探討其背後所隱含社會文化的實質意義。
Cheng Xiaoqing (1893-1976) was known as the most representative local writer of detective fiction in Early Republican China, and his works are well recognized by Chinese critics. The commendation for Cheng’s works was based on a nationalist perspective, an approach that has been further developed into a major viewpoint for related research. However, this paper takes a different approach to Cheng’s works and aims to explore how they transformed the traditional Chinese narrative style according to the traits of genre. Moreover, from the perspective of Shanghai urban space, it contrasts Cheng’s works on the urban experience with those by Chinese Neo-Sensationalist writers to find out the different presentations of life in the Concession Zone. “Ballroom” is a significant material space that demonstrates the modernity of Shanghai in the 1930s and was the core scene of most novels by Mu Shiying (1912-1940), a Neo-Sensationalist writer. In the writings of most Shanghai style novelists, enchanting dancers at ballrooms may be considered synonymous with Shanghai. This paper discusses Cheng’s masterpieces “Evil shadows at the ballroom” and “Permanent home of the dancing queen” of the Huo Sang detective series to explore how Cheng portrayed ballrooms and dancers; how readers would interpret the living and dead bodies of the dancers; and what scenes of Shanghai city and its crime issues were reflected. It also discusses the substantial social and cultural meanings in his works. Through these means, Cheng founded a literary style that differed from Western detective fiction.
論清宮目連戲《勸善金科》之政治與宗教功能
Authors: 盧 柏勳 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
本活躍於民間的目連戲，進入清宮，已產生變化，演出時不以中元節爲主，亦不偏重於超渡亡魂，並省略許多民間信仰複雜的禁忌與儀式。《勸善金科》演於歲暮，具有“代古人行儺祓”之性質，若就其編演之意義與目的，則可析分爲二：其一，在政治作用方面，張照秉持著王化觀再造《勸善金科》，乃欲藉由目連戲這類勸善懲惡、宣揚因果報應的載體，達到“人文化成”的效益，清廷甚至將之視作一部能演的善書，務使觀者能忠君愛國、隨順不逆。其二，在宗教作用方面，因該劇爲替代宮儺而演，故劇中的跳靈官與扮仙，別具特殊的宗教儀式意義，這兩種小戲，一反常態，已被容納於內容情節之中，且主題思想與全劇也是一脈相承，不可任意獨立或剔除，此爲相當特別的現象。
This essay is a study of a Qing-dynasty palace Mulian play, Zhang Zhao’s The Golden Rule for Guiding to Good, with a focus on the political and religious functions of its script. The investigation found that the plays featuring the story of Mulian, originally a repertoire of popular tales for common people, underwent some changes when they were introduced to the Qing palace. These plays were not merely performed on the Hungry Ghost festival, as transcendence of the souls of the dead was no longer the only function of these plays. Moreover, many complicated taboos and rituals in folk beliefs were also omitted. The Golden Rule for Guiding to Good was performed at the end of the year as a means for “lustrating and exorcising evils on behalf of ancient people.” The significance and purpose of writing and performing this opera can be summed up in two points. The first is its political function. Zhang Zhao recreated The Golden Rule for Guiding to Good in accordance with the teaching principle of the monarch and used the Mulian play as a means to exhort people to good and punish evil in order to advocate the retribution karmic cycle and to achieve the effect of “educating people with humanity-based virtues.” The Qing palace even regarded the play script as a book of benevolence that could be acted out to educate the audience about loyalty and obedience to the monarch and empire without engaging in rebellion. The second is a religious function. As this opera was played in place of some palace rituals, the role-play of the numinous and the one of immortals in the opera had unique significance in religious rituals. These two small plays were exceptionally included in the plots, and their themes were also closely related to the whole opera and could not be arbitrarily isolated or removed. This was a very special phenomenon.
論《赭白馬賦》
Authors: 朱 曉海 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
蕭統於《文選序》宣稱此書乃“集其清（菁）英”的選集，能入《選》的作品應有其長處。至於長處究竟何在，選編者依循中國文論的傳統，並不明言，而是寄望讀者反覆翫味而自得之。筆者擇取顔延之《赭白馬賦》爲鑽研究對象。第一節説明此馬的顔色、來歷等之後，第二節即藉由此賦涉及的三個主要項目，與其他涉及同樣項目的賦作對照；第三節更以它與六朝前後時期某些現存的其他賦馬之作比較，彰示這篇《赭白馬賦》的特異之處，從而揭露：顔氏乃以此駿馬自喻，表達他仕途上的不得志。最後，先放在《文選·賦庚·鳥獸》這子目中，進而結合顔氏其他幾篇入《選》之作，立即可發現：縱使撇開顔氏的文學成就，單以他建構的六朝士人類型而言，顔氏也有不容忽視的貢獻。
Xiao Tong (501 -531) says in his “Preface” to the Selections of Refined Literature that the book is an anthology of the best prose and verse by writers of the period from the late Zhou (770-256 B.C.E.) through the Liang (502-557) dynasties. However, Xiao makes no explicit statement about what great qualities the literary pieces represent and expects the readers to find out themselves. This paper studies one of the selected pieces, the “Rhapsody on the Russet-and-white Horse” by Yan Yanzhi (384 - 456). I compare it with other rhapsodies that involve the same main subjects as Yan’s work — eulogy on the supreme ruler, celebrating things/objects and hunting, as well as other surviving rhapsodies on horses completed at the time around the Six Dynasties (220 - 589). The comparison reveals the distinctive features of Yan’s work and shows that Yan, through describing the marvelous horse as a metaphor for himself, channels frustrations derived from his political career. Lastly, by putting this “Rhapsody on Russet-and-white Horse” under the sub-category of “Rhapsodies on Birds and Animals” and together with Yan’s other works anthologized in the Wenxuan, I show that, leaving aside his literary achievements, Yan’s contributions to the making of the Six Dynasties’ educated elite cannot be ignored.
世變的記憶：廣東文人屈大均的戰争敘事
Authors: 余 佳韻 
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
遺民記憶的成形與敘述題材的擇選都隱含著各自的歷史詮釋。本文以明清鼎革之際廣東地區抗清的代表文人屈大均（1630—1696）爲研究對象，由倖存者、見證人與行動者的敘事身分出發，首先回顧“哀辭”的書寫傳統，以爲明清遺民的哀辭寫作已非傳統的“盡哀”，而是融合了世變與個人經歷，成爲歷史記事的一部。接著探討戰争中異族形象的描繪與人獸間的倫理反轉，個體經驗與戰争血腥場景的聯繫，與事後重遊地景與回憶召唤。最後梳理屈大均筆下戰争女性亡後的諸種異象作爲倫理的保證與轉化，與遺民心志間關聯。通過屈大均早期戰争相關詩文的研究，釐清個體創傷、回憶追述與抒情意圖三者的關聯之餘，亦能看到“倫理”在世變之際的維繫作用。
The making of loyalists’ memories and their choices of narrative themes reflect their distinct interpretation of history. From the perspectives of the narrative identities of a survivor, witness, and action taker, this article is a study of Qu Dajun (1630-1696), a representative literatus during the dynastic transition between the Ming and Qing dynasties. The first part is a discussion of what changes to the genre of “lament” were made by Ming loyalists, who not only deviated from the convention but also devoted sorrows to the genre. Secondly, the article examines the different description of the barbarian image between Qu Dajun’s works and earlier ones by others. The final focus is on Qu Dajun’s writing strategy for depicting women in wartime, exposing the cruelty of the Qing army in order to show his loyalty towards the Ming dynasty and strengthen his determination to combat the Qing dynasty. Through the examination of Qu Dajun’s early poetic and prose works, the article aims to clarify the relationship between an individual’s traumatic experience, reminiscence, and lyrical intention; and it also enables us to realize the dilemma of the literati’s self-identity during the transition of the Ming and Qing dynasties.