bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Explaining Protest (De)mobilization
Authors: Kim Claudia Junghyun 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter examines shifting local contexts that base opponents exploit to build an opposition campaign, which sometimes balloons into a sizable anti-base movement and sometimes fizzles out. Theoretically, the chapter situates the three main contextual factors—status quo disruption, movement framing, and local elite allies—in the social movement literature, as well as in the context of Korean and Japanese politics and society. It goes on to introduce twenty U.S. military bases across Korea and Japan and their host communities as sites of investigation. Going subnational, and following local actors and tracing their interactions, uncovers the intricacies of contentious base politics. The chapter ends with a preview of the following three chapters, which present case studies that complicate many of the common assumptions not only about anti-base movements but also about protest mobilization in general.
Framing Bases
Authors: Kim Claudia Junghyun 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter shows that activist discourses surrounding U.S. military bases are driven by rhetorical pragmatism, as opposed to ideologial or nationalistic dogmatism. Although activists may be motivated by nationalistic or pacifist convictions, they often subordinate their radical aspirations to the rather mundane concerns of base town residents. In this sense, anti-base activists as frame entrepreneurs deviate from the rhetorical tendency of other aggrieved local actors to globalize their local grievances. This rhetorical pragmatism—or deliberate parochialism—serves as a rhetorical safe haven for activists, since their seemingly radical agenda of challenging the U.S. military, and thereby challenging a critical pillar of national security, becomes something more neutral, cool-headed, and palatable when couched in the language of the everyday. Notable cases include the Rodriguez Live Fire Complex in Korea and Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Japan.
Conclusion
Authors: Kim Claudia Junghyun 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter discusses dilemmas facing activists: as they subordinate their maximalist aspirations to the more quotidian goals of non-activist populations, they sometimes make decisions that end up undermining their goals in the long run. The chapter also provides a prediction for the future of base-community relations in Korea and Japan. Ultimately, the landscape of contentious base politics portrayed in this book contextualizes and adds nuance to two familiar narratives surrounding the U.S. military presence overseas: the narrative of seamless alliance management, which writes off local discontent, and the narrative of the beleaguered American outposts, which fails to capture the much more varied experiences of base towns.
Introduction
Authors: Dimitrov Martin K. 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter makes three interrelated arguments that jointly generate a new theory about the temporal variation in the strategies that authoritarian regimes deploy to confront the dictator’s dilemma. First, the dilemma can be solved by designing institutions that collect information and transmit it to decision makers. Second, these institutional solutions vary—some are retrospective and focus mostly on repression, whereas others are anticipatory and primarily involve concessions. Typically, retrospective institutions emerge first, while the more sophisticated mechanisms that enable anticipatory rule are created later. Third, the solutions have a major limitation, namely, solving the dilemma by fostering institutions of anticipatory governance does not mean that either a dictator or his autocratic regime can persevere indefinitely. Information extends the lifespan of dictatorships only under certain conditions, as discussed in this chapter. When those optimal conditions are absent, even well-informed dictators may be deposed and regimes with sophisticated intelligence-gathering institutions may disappear.
Scope Conditions
Authors: Dimitrov Martin K. 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
Through a series of case studies based on primary sources, this chapter reviews the information-gathering infrastructure of the full range of autocracies: communist single-party (the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic 1949–1989, and Cuba 1959–present); Leninist noncommunist single-party (Taiwan 1949–1987); non-Leninist single-party (Iraq 1968–2003); multiparty (Russia, 2000–present); and nonparty (Chile 1973–1989 and Argentina 1976–1983). These case studies help outline the scope conditions for the argument. Only single-party communist regimes with a centrally planned economy are likely to develop complex information states where the party, State Security, and the internal media supply leaders with involuntarily collected and voluntarily provided information that can be used to guide decisions about repression and concessions. Less sophisticated complements of institutions emerge in other types of autocracies. Overall, these case studies highlight the essential role that the communist party plays in generating intelligence and in coordinating effective information-gathering activities.
Fighting Better
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This original and wide-ranging book examines how conflicts may have been more or less constructively conducted and affected the changing class, status, and power inequality in America since 1945. Initially, it assesses how some conflicts destructively contributed to increasing class inequality, with its many unfortunate consequences. It also assesses other conflicts that contributed or might have contributed constructively to fostering less class inequality. The book then examines conflicts that contributed to some increases in status equality, notably of African Americans and women. Finally, it goes on to analyze many specific conflicts that yielded varied and uneven changes in power inequality for different kinds of people. This book indicates how the destructively conducted conflicts contributed to the many contemporary antagonistic divisions currently threatening US democracy. Throughout, possible constructive ways of fighting are noted or suggested, providing hopeful future options. This book analyzes numerous conflicts at the national and local levels, both hidden and violent, including constructive conflict transformations. These social science analyses enable judgments to be made of better ways of contending that might have avoided the adverse consequences of many destructive conflicts in the past. The core ideas of the constructive conflict approach are tested as they were varyingly applied to struggles relating to class, status, and power inequalities in America. Moreover, and importantly, the book suggests how persons applying the core ideas of the constructive conflict approach can help transform the current political and societal distress in the United States and avoid and overcome its many destructive outcomes.
Reflecting Backward and Looking Forward
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
The first chapter points out the collective goals widely shared by and for the people of the United States, including liberty and justice for all. Additionally, seven core ideas of the constructive conflict approach are identified: (1) Many conflicts are largely waged constructively within legitimate, institutionalized political and legal institutions. (2) Importantly, constructive conflicts are generally conducted using blends of persuasion, positive sanctions, and some coercion, minimizing violence. (3) Opposing parties in constructive social conflicts recognize that each consists of shifting components. (4) Adversaries in a conflict define their conflict, which can be constructively reframed and thus transformed. (5) A constructive approach generally entails opponents noticing and considering each other’s concerns, which can yield some mutual benefits. (6) Constructive fighters attend to the great interconnections of conflicts. (7) Adversaries in constructive conflicts recognize that conflicts are not static and can be transformed. Finally, this chapter sets out the design of the sequence of the book’s remaining chapters.
Rising Class Inequality, 1970–1992
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
The third chapter presents the evidence of the growing class inequality in the United States arising in the 1970s and discusses many of the unfortunate consequences of great income and wealth disparities. It also examines competing explanations for the very high and increasing inequality. Many explanations stress large, immutable forces, but other explanations attribute the rising inequality to policy choices resulting from contentions or other considerations not intentionally meant to raise inequality. It examines several manifest conflicts, which are related to the rising degree of class inequality. The conflicts are usually framed in terms of issues such as wages, immigration, tax policy, and safety-net provisions. These issues tend to be bundled together in ideological packages that are adopted and advanced by various groups. The ideological struggles are examined, as they are waged outside as well as inside established political parties, as they are largely conducted within the context of US political institutions.
Reducing African American Inequalities, 1945–1969
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter begins the discussion of status inequality, focusing on one of two major subdimensions of status: ethnicity and gender. Status ranking depends upon societal evaluations of individuals and categories of people in terms of the honor, respect, or esteem accorded them. This and the next chapter focus on African Americans, particularly in relationship with Whites. In conventional American speech, they are usually referred to as “races,” which is problematic, as is examined in this chapter. In the period analyzed, significant progress toward more equality for African Americans was made in the southern states. African Americans, with some White allies, waged well-calculated constructive conflicts, relying on nonviolent direct action in conjunction with persuasive appeals and the promise of mutual gains. The White supremacists’ reliance on violent suppression turned out to be self-defeating for their cause. The federal government joined in the struggle to advance freedom and justice for all.
Changing Political Power Equality, 1765–2022
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
First, it discusses the concept of power and forms of political power in their historical context, recognizing the importance of considerable political power equality in US values. It discusses changes in political power with changes in class and status inequalities and examines important changes in the international context. Several major conflicts, waged in decreasingly constructive ways in the 1960s, impaired political party cooperation (e.g., McCarthyism). Anti-Vietnam War and student movements arise Newt Gingrich intensifies partisanship. Donald Trump wins Republican nomination and surprisingly defeats Hilary Clinton. Trust in government declines.
Issues in Recent Conflicts about Changing Power Inequalities
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This chapter notes how some badly waged fights contributed to changes that further deteriorated ways of fighting. Too often fights entailed violence. This was true in the early years of workers’ efforts to organize unions. It was persistent in varying degrees in the suppression of African Americans’ struggle for more equality. In this chapter, three notorious instances of police/FBI use of violence are analyzed: The bombing of MOVE in Philadelphia, the shooting at Ruby Ridge, and the burning of the Branch Davidians compound in Waco. The continuation and recurrence of various right-wing militia groups and governmental and nongovernmental efforts to counter them are also examined in this chapter. Finally, the chapter examines links between right-wing militia groups and Donald Trump.
Recovering and Advancing Equality in the Future
Authors: Kriesberg Louis 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This concluding chapter is based on the evidence developed in the previous nine chapters and on the circumstances in early 2022. It envisions many ways Americans can improve their union and reduce excessive inequalities in class, status, and power. The ways vary in their likelihood of being actualized in future years, but they are all amenable to be fought for constructively and for some progress to be made. For example, the damages of extreme class inequality were made more evident by the COVID-19 pandemic. But in many ways the national government acted to protect lower-income families. Longer-term structural changes by which workers would have enhanced roles to increase their share of the earnings from their labor are discussed. Gains in status for African Americans, women, and people with other collective identities generated backlashes that can be countered constructively. The struggle over political power is particularly important and yet is amenable to contending constructively.
Stop & Frisk and the Politics of Crime in Chicago
Authors: Skogan Wesley G. 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
This book examines the role of stop & frisk as one of America’s predominant crime control strategies. Historically, policing focused on responding quickly to reports of crime. Beginning in the mid-1990s, American policing moved toward proactive strategies, hoping to deter crime from occurring in the first place. In theory, stop & frisk promotes deterrence in two ways: by increasing an offender’s risk of being caught and punished, and by discouraging the general public from considering offending in the first place. In law, stop & frisk was validated by the Supreme Court as a reasonable compromise between limiting the personal freedoms of Americans and recognizing the risks presented by an increasingly armed and crime-ridden society. Officers could frisk an individual for a weapon even without the traditional requirement of probable cause. This book investigates stop & frisk in actual practice. It examines its origins as Chicago’s predominant strategy for responding to violent crime. The story includes the political agendas of two mayors and four chiefs of police. Further chapters examined how stop & frisk played itself out on the streets of Chicago, and its impact on public opinion. The book also examines the views of police officers who did the work of stop & frisk, and an analysis of its impact on murders and shootings. A final chapter considers alternatives to stop & frisk as it was practiced in Chicago.
Stop & Frisk as an Organizational Strategy
Authors: Skogan Wesley G. 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
Chapter 3 charts the rise of stop & frisk as a key organizational strategy of the Chicago Police Department for dealing with violent crime. The review begins with leadership, as the city’s recent Superintendents of Police have varied in their enthusiasm for stops. Because Chicago’s police leaders serve at the pleasure of the mayor, they also need their mayors to trust what they are doing. Political and leadership factors driving stop & frisk have varied by administration. Important for both the chiefs and the mayors have been the twin pressures of media attention to crime and their standing in the political environment. This chapter describes how these dynamics worked during the reign of two mayors and four chiefs of police. It examines how police executives translated the strategic and operational priorities they set into actual practice in the field. There is an analysis of how effective management was in focusing stop & frisk in the highest crime areas and some of the consequences of this focus for the city’s African American residents. They were the hardest hit by stop & frisk, but also by a longer list of sometimes confrontational but always punitive police interventions into community life. Home by the mid-2010s to 780,000 people, the city’s predominately African American neighborhoods were the target of more than two million police-initiated encounters during 2013–2015 alone. Proactive policing was a daily feature of their lives.
Assessing Stop & Frisk
Authors: Skogan Wesley G. 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
Chapter 8 asks “Is stop & frisk anything new?” Noting that police have always made stops, it places stop & frisk in the context of other policing crackdowns in Chicago’s modern history and concludes that it was indeed something new. The chapter summarizes what we learned regarding the efficiency, effectiveness, and equity of stop & frisk as an organizational strategy. It concludes that stop & frisk was quite inefficient, of unimpressive effectiveness, and raised serious equity issues. A toxic mix of both under-policing and over-policing was occurring at the same time. There is a discussion of options for improving stops, including statistical optimization, pushing procedural justice harder within the organization, and relying on body worn cameras to change police and public behavior. The chapter concludes with what should be a continuing conversation about the comparative merits of alternative strategies for preventing crime that compete with stop & frisk on these evaluative dimensions while still addressing the realities of crime on the ground.
The Myth of Left and Right
Authors: Lewis Verlan , Lewis Hyrum 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
The left-right political spectrum is the dominant paradigm of contemporary American politics, but it promotes the confusion and hostility that characterize our current public discourse. Not only is a unidimensional spectrum inadequate to model the many, unrelated political issues under debate today, but the meanings of left and right are also constantly changing. Instead of acknowledging this, most politically engaged Americans insist that there is an essence—a philosophy, worldview, or temperament—that binds together the many positions of each side. In reality, the tie is not essential, but social: the ideas, issues, people, and institutions considered “left wing” or “right wing” are bound only by tribe. This book explains how the political spectrum emerged and took hold in the interwar years, when it modeled only the size of government, and how new social and foreign policy issues have arisen to complicate the political landscape and render the unidimensional model obsolete. Unfortunately, tribalism has trumped reason and our smartest political thinkers have turned to spinning stories to convince themselves that they hold the many positions they do for philosophical rather than social reasons. This illusion is causing tremendous damage as it elevates the temperature of debate, confuses us about what others actually believe, and creates false guilt by association. The path forward to improve political discourse is to jettison the essentialist illusions and take the same granular approach to politics that we take in most other realms of life.
Introduction
Authors: Lewis Hyrum , Lewis Verlan 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
The myth of left and right is the false belief that a principle underlies the political spectrum. While it is undeniable that many Americans hold their political views in packages that we call ideologies—those who support abortion rights, for instance, are also more likely to support income tax increases, pacifism, and affirmative action—the question is “why?” Two theories propose an answer. The essentialist theory says that it’s because all positions considered left or right wing share an underlying philosophy or worldview, while the social theory says that it’s because people conform to political tribes. Evidence from the laboratory, survey data, and history all show that the social theory is the better explanation. While the essentialist theory dominates our political culture, and explains the ubiquity of the political spectrum in public discourse, it has been soundly falsified.
The Myth of Left and Right
Authors: Lewis Hyrum , Lewis Verlan 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
The myth of left and right is the false belief that a principle underlies the political spectrum. While it is undeniable that many Americans hold their political views in packages that we call ideologies—those who support abortion rights, for instance, are also more likely to support income tax increases, pacifism, and affirmative action—the question is “why?” Two theories propose an answer. The essentialist theory says that it’s because all positions considered left- or right-wing share an underlying philosophy or worldview, while the social theory says that it’s because people conform to political tribes. Evidence from the laboratory, survey data, and history all show that the social theory is the better explanation. While the essentialist theory dominates our political culture, and explains the ubiquity of the political spectrum in public discourse, it has been soundly falsified.
The Development of Left and Right
Authors: Lewis Hyrum , Lewis Verlan 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
In the postwar era, new issues arose to complicate American political discourse and this rendered the political spectrum obsolete. The addition of these new dimensions led directly to the myth of left and right that has been the source of so much confusion and hostility in contemporary public life. From 1950 to 1980, conservatism evolved beyond a simple hostility to government intervention, and began advocating more government in social and foreign policy. Since politics was no longer about more versus less government—it depended on the issue—the political spectrum had become obsolete. The political reality had outgrown the political framework, and yet ideologues wouldn’t face up to this reality: in order to fall in line with everything their party believed while appearing principled, ideologues of left and right began to create ad hoc narratives to save the political spectrum from obsolescence.
The Persistence of Left and Right
Authors: Lewis Hyrum , Lewis Verlan 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
Ideological thinking endures for three primary reasons. First, it satisfies our desire for simplicity. A model which says that all politics is about just one big issue is tidy and elegant. It is a psychological shortcut that people use to reduce uncertainty and avoid complex thinking. Second, it satisfies our need to disguise our tribalism. Partisanship and conformity are ignoble reasons to hold the political positions we do, so we invent ideological stories to convince ourselves that there is philosophical consistency behind the political views we have adopted for tribal reasons. Third, it furthers the institutional incentives of our two parties. Politics is the pursuit of power, and the parties themselves, in order to achieve power, manipulate the essentialist tendency among their constituents to keep them loyal even as the party’s ideas, attitudes, values, and issue positions evolve.
Conclusion
Authors: Lewis Hyrum , Lewis Verlan 
Published: December 2022

Abstract
Abandoning ideological essentialism is necessary for progress in politics just as abandoning geocentrism was necessary for progress in astronomy. The choice before us is a stark one: we can either continue to be socially divided into warring political tribes based on the myth that we are fighting about fundamental worldviews, or we can discard the essentialist fiction and begin the constructive work of coming up with political solutions independent of the ideological framework. There is much talk these days about being on the “right side of history,” but if our descendants have made any progress in political thinking, they will have moved well beyond ideological essentialism. It will look as bizarre, simplistic, antiquated, and risible to them as the geocentric theory looks to us today.