bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Increasing the Resilience of the Energy System Through Consumers
Authors: de Fontenelle Louis 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
Resilience could be achieved through increased decentralization of energy systems in which the consumer would have a key role. Indeed, united consumers within energy communities could become the basic cells of energy systems, producing, storing, and sharing energy at the local level. Consumers could also provide various flexibility services to the networks to promote their balance and efficiency (service interruptibility, variation of consumption according to peak periods), thus meaning increasing resilience. In a future electricity system based on renewable energies, supply could be guaranteed by consumers themselves, since new technologies allow them to consume whenever it is most convenient for the rest of the system. Within the traditional paradigm, resilience was in the hands of supply, but in the future paradigm it will be in the hands of demand (demand response). Digital consumers are clearly providing a great service to the whole energy system, maximizing energy consumption/generation and system intelligence. All these developments require a rethinking of the traditional value systems and legal norms of energy systems (universal services, continuity of service) in order to adapt them to this rise in energy consumers.
Conclusion—Managing Disruption and Reinventing the Future
Authors: Banet Catherine , Mostert Hanri , Paddock LeRoy , Montoya Milton Fernando , Guayo Íñigo del 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
The chapter summarizes the key findings from the collection of chapters contained in the book around three main points. First, dealing and building resilience happens in a precise legal context. It is necessary to understand the manner this legal framework works as a complex and interlinked system to appraise the effects of the application of resilience thinking to it. Second, the chapter describes some key lessons learned from the legal responses to resilience and resilience building. Third and finally, the chapter presents the key structural principles of energy, infrastructure, and natural resources law for the forthcoming era as identified in the book and which will play an instrumental role in building resilience.
The Work of Justice in Parmenides B 8
Authors: Evans Matthew 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
Near the end of an early argument in Parmenides B8, the figure of ‘Justice’ is said to hold ‘what-is’ within shackles, so as to prevent it from being either generated or destroyed. Interpreters standardly assume that this claim is to be understood, not as a premise of that argument, but as a picturesque expression of the logical or rational necessity that binds the truth (or the acceptance) of its premises to the truth (or the acceptance) of its conclusion. The aim of this paper will be to cast doubt on this interpretation, and to develop an alternative to it. If this is right, then the work of Justice, both in B8 and in the poem as a whole, is far more robust than we have often been led to believe. The implications of this discovery for our understanding of Parmenides in particular, and of European thought in general, are both momentous and unsettling.
The Anatomy of Primary Substance in Aristotle’s Categories
Authors: Ademollo Francesco 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This paper investigates two aspects of Aristotle’s conception of a primary substance in the Categories. The first part concerns a primary substance’s relation to its accidental attributes: on one interpretation, (A), a primary substance encompasses all its attributes, including accidental ones; on another, (B), it encompasses only its essential attributes, the accidental attributes being extrinsic to it, though related; on an intermediate interpretation, (C), it does not encompass all its attributes or only essential ones, but all necessary ones. After surveying the history of these interpretations, the chapter argues in favour of (B). In the second part, it argues that a particular human being, their soul, and their body all count as primary substances, where soul and body are parts of the substance. This hypothesis harmonizes with some views advanced in the Categories and passages from other Aristotelian works. The chapter concludes by comparing this view with Aristotle’s mature hylomorphic doctrine.
“Ostjuden” as Predetermined Targets
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter concentrates on the roots of animosity against “Ostjuden.” Discriminated against already during the Empire, mistrust and enmity toward “Ostjuden” skyrocketed in the wake of the 1918 revolution, when revolutionary unrest and charges that they bore responsibility for “stabbing the German army in the back” were squarely laid at their doorstep by organizations of the German Right. Roots of prejudice even go back to nineteenth-century popular novels, such as Gustav Freytag’s Soll und Haben. The chapter also investigates the extent of popular violence against Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe during the Weimar Republic, their incarceration in camps in Pomerania and Bavaria during the early 1920s, and pogrom-like popular violence against them during the so-called Scheunenviertel riots in November 1923. Another section of this chapter explores, on the basis of archival sources, their difficult paths to German citizenship during the Weimar Republic. Successful naturalization applications were often nullified by a stroke of the pen in 1933. This leads to closer scrutiny of the official policies of the Hitler/Papen government toward this minority, as well as Hindenburg’s and Hitler’s personal views of “Ostjuden.” The chapter concludes with a brief synopsis of the difficult relationship between German Jews and “Ostjuden.”
Violent Attacks
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter focuses on the multitude of violent attacks on Jews in Germany in the late winter and spring of 1933. These were widely commented upon in British and American newspapers. It begins by concentrating on antisemitic violence in the Weimar Republic and how this was handled by the authorities, before focusing on the various categories of antisemitic violence and crimes during the period of the Nazi seizure of power, beginning on a large scale after the 5 March 1933 elections. To impress on the reader the dense frequency of attacks and extent of antisemitic violence, one Aktenbestand, which registers antisemitic incidents unedited in telegram style and without mentioning full names over a forty-eight-hour period, is cited here in detail. The detached, matter-of-fact language of this documentation diminishes the callous savagery of the crimes—reality was far more brutal than the documentation suggests. The second section of this chapter concentrates on a frequent but little-known category of attack: forcible expulsion through violent threats. From the many dozens, possibly hundreds, of cases—due to the fragmentary character of the evidence, we cannot be more precise—a few of the better-documented cases are presented here to display the trials, tribulations, and often tortures to which victims were subjected before being expelled from their homeland. Most victims complied and left Germany forthwith, since they knew that non-compliance could and would result in cold-blooded murder. The chapter concludes with a brief section on attacks on Jewish livestock dealers and those incarcerated and at the mercy of their jailers.
Pillory Marches and the Perfidy Decree
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter focuses on pillory marches and the much harsher sentences meted out to Jews than non-Jews for infractions against the so-called Heimtücke Verordnung (“Perfidy Decree”). The medieval and early modern punishment of pillory marches, designed to dishonor victims by the publicity of what was originally meant as a disciplinary measure, was revived in Nazi Germany. During the Nazi takeover, members of Nazi organizations frequently held up to ridicule their Jewish business rivals, and non-Jewish victims were punished for their alleged intimacy with Jewish Germans (long before sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews were criminalized). Those Germans who continued to patronize Jewish shops were branded as “traitors of the people” and publicly humiliated by seeing their names published in local papers, read out at meetings, or posted on billboards. This remorseless effort to drag private matters into the public realm became the hallmark of the nascent dictatorship. To “put someone in the pillory” was meant to destroy the social status of those stigmatized and to enforce conformity in others by pressuring doubters into line and compelling them to profess allegiance to the new regime. Jews and non-Jews were sentenced differently for similar offenses under the “Perfidy Decree,” which was designed to curb negative domestic gossip and nip in the bud any communication that was unwelcome to the regime. The decree had an immediate effect on interpersonal relations and social discourse by imposing an unnatural discretion, fostering denunciations, and promoting an atmosphere of all-pervasive fear.
Legal and Economic Discrimination
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter concentrates on the legal and economic discrimination of German Jews in 1933. It begins with local and regional ordinances against German Jews throughout March 1933 which, in an effort to standardize anti-Jewish legal measures across the Reich and reclaim the authority of the central government, led to the antisemitic legislation of April 1933. The four components of this legislation—the Law on the Restoration of a Professional Civil Service, the Law on Admission to Legal Practice (both of 7 April 1933), the Decree on the Admission of Physicians to the National Health Insurance Service (of 22 April 1933), and the Law Against the Overcrowding of German Schools and Universities (of 25 April 1933)—as well as their consequences and impact, are briefly discussed here. Legislative measures, however, were only the tip of the iceberg. The Reich government had emphasized that the April laws would pertain solely to the public realm and that the “Aryan clause” would play no role in the private sector of the economy. Since the public sector dovetailed in many ways with the private economy, such as when various levels of government awarded contracts to companies in private industry and commerce, the “Aryan clause” was effectively introduced into large parts of the non-public sector as well—orders and contracts became dependent on whether the firms in question were “free of Jewish influence.” The chapter explores this economic discrimination in all of its ramifications in the private sector of the economy.
Protestant Church Leaders and the “Jewish Question”
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter examines the relationship between German Protestant Church leaders and German Jews, especially the Church’s reaction to the April boycott, antisemitic violence, and pleas for help from Jews who had converted to Protestantism but now found themselves under attack. It begins with an investigation into Church responses to the worldwide boycott of German goods and shows that Church leaders willingly colluded with the emerging Nazi State by minimizing antisemitic attacks, even denying their existence. Church leaders told their foreign counterparts “not to believe exaggerated and invented reports about terror in Germany.” Before and after the boycott, several prominent Church leaders urged Hermann Kapler, the most influential figure in German Protestantism, to take an active stand by protesting against the treatment of Jews, but no actions were undertaken. An examination of the countless pleas for help from baptized Jews reveals that their entreaties were met mostly with indifference. The main reason for such seeming callousness is revealed in Church leaders’ correspondence: Hitler’s national revolution, despite its excesses, was welcomed by the bulk of the Protestant hierarchy, resulting in a growing consensus with the regime by April 1933. Otto Dibelius, the most energetic leader among Protestant bishops, reflected the Church’s sympathy with the new Nazi regime, which reached a high point in spring 1933, when he publicly defended the April boycott in a radio address to an American audience, after openly criticizing Nazism in 1932. Others, less critically predisposed to National Socialism, would fall in line with even fewer reservations.
The German Catholic Church Between Doctrine and Self-Preservation
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter starts out by scrutinizing the initially critical attitude of German Catholic bishops toward National Socialism, warning against “cultural teachings that are incompatible with Catholic doctrine” and prohibiting the participation of Catholics in the Nazi movement. Despite their criticisms, the German episcopate had not worked out a common policy toward Nazism, and warnings against National Socialism were often accompanied by professions of national solidarity and devotion to the Fatherland. While far more critical than their Protestant counterparts, Catholic bishops in 1933 (the vast majority of whom were in their sixties and seventies) had lived through Bismarck’s Kulturkampf and were careful to avoid maneuvering the Catholic Church into the role of a pariah once again. The attitude of bishops began to undergo a decisive alteration after the 5 March 1933 elections, when it became clear that the NSDAP had made significant inroads into the Catholic milieu and bishops saw themselves locked into competition with Protestant Churches to curry favor with the new regime. On 28 March, former warnings and reservations against Nazism were rescinded. Until the end of March, when Archbishop Adolf Bertram, the primus inter pares among German archbishops, sent a circular memo about the April boycott to the other archbishops inquiring whether the Church should intervene, Catholic bishops had managed to evade the issue of antisemitic violence. No intervention took place, since Bertram adopted the narrative of the government regarding the boycott. In extensive correspondence with members of the clergy, Archbishop Michael von Faulhaber of Munich repeatedly emphasized that Catholic protests would turn the fight against Jews into a fight against Catholics, and that Jews could help themselves. This would essentially remain the line followed by Catholic bishops in 1933. Thus, while a few courageous individual voices urged that the Catholic Church speak out, the episcopate remained silent.
Reactions of the German Administrative and Judicial Bureaucracy
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
This chapter scrutinizes reactions of the German administrative and judicial bureaucracy. In the late winter and spring of 1933, German administrative officials were directly involved in handling complaints from foreign embassies and consulates about attacks on their Jewish citizens, while upper-echelon officials in the judicial branch, especially public prosecutors, dealt with antisemitic crimes. When dealing with complaints from foreign consulates, officials were caught in the predicament between their own sense of justice (they knew quite well that the substance of the charges against the SA were true) and national solidarity with the perpetrators, which the new government expected from them. Available documents clearly show that higher civil servants who prepared reports for the Interior Ministry did their utmost to minimize the severity of the attacks. To justify attacks and provide seemingly legitimate pretexts for them, victims were often labeled communists who had allegedly issued subversive statements, even in attacks on affluent middle-class Jews with whom such accusations were manifestly absurd. In the judicial branch, public prosecutors aided and abetted crimes ranging from theft to murder. Given the political and psychological climate during the spring of 1933 and the amnesties of 21 March and 25 July 1933, they knew full well that offenders would be released in any case, and in their reports and summaries they worked toward this end by exculpating perpetrators with specious excuses. The all-too-willing complicity of the administrative and judicial bureaucracies in the spring of 1933 cannot solely be explained by opportunism alone (though concern about professional careers did play a role), but must take into account the deep-seated antisemitic prejudice with which higher officials were suffused.
Reactions of Hitler’s Conservative Coalition Partner
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
Given the vested interest conservatives had evinced in the Prussian/German State and the fact that they had closely identified themselves with the Reich and its political fate since the nineteenth century, some German Jews erroneously assumed in 1933 that Hitler’s conservative alliance partner, the DNVP, might resist what the prominent Weimar German Jewish journalist Georg Bernhard once called “the implementation of Nazi’s racial idiocies.” This hope that conservatives would temper Nazi antisemitism and act as a brake on the realization of its antisemitic program was futile. As this chapter shows, the DNVP and conservatives in general would fulfill none of the expectations placed on them. During the Weimar Republic, the DNVP had excluded Jews from some of its regional organizations and, while the party’s antisemitism abated after 1924, its leadership group and rank-and-file membership were permeated with a cultural anti-Judaism mixed with a political antisemitism that associated Jews with left-wing politics, advocated the removal of “Ostjuden” from Germany, and favored restrictions on Jewish influence. During the period of the Nazi takeover, the DNVP was anxious not to be considered “judenfreundlich,” but at the same time was reluctant to signal to national-minded baptized Jews that to them the party as a whole was off limits. Those DNVP members who were appalled at Nazi attacks emphasized the merits of patriotic German Jews, drew attention to their efforts on Germany’s behalf in the past, and appealed to the party leadership for help. Numerous regional DNVP associations, on the other hand, actually participated in the April boycott. Given the endemic antisemitism of its leaders and most of its members, it was illusory to expect any help from the DNVP as a whole.
Epilogue
Authors: Beck Hermann 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
The Epilogue briefly sums up the most significant results of the fourteen chapters of this book. It probes into the reasons why it was possible that a mere five weeks after Hitler’s accession to the chancellorship Germany was swept by a wave of antisemitic violence during which neither the Protestant and Catholic Churches, nor the administrative and judicial branches of the bureaucracy, nor Hitler’s conservative coalition partner interfered or spoke out in defense of Germany’s Jews. A complete change in popular mood brought about by the surging popularity of the new regime following the 5 March elections, the promise of national unity after the discord and strife of the Weimar years, and the growing sense, as Sebastian Haffner wrote, that “great times lay ahead,” form the background of the events examined here. In the spring of 1933, even Henning von Tresckow and Claus Graf von Stauffenberg, prominent members of the 20 July 1944 plot to kill Hitler, had high hopes for the new government. The atmosphere that spring was characterized by a mixture of enthusiasm and fear: passionate agreement with many of the goals of the new regime, on the one hand, and fear of its terror, on the other. The complete absence of protest on the part of Protestant Church leaders can be explained partially by deep-seated and seemingly indelible notions about the negative influence of Jewish predominance in public life and other forms of anti-Jewish bias. What astonishes is not just the shrinking back from any form of open or even veiled protest but the anxious anticipation of the wishes of the new regime’s dominant coalition partner that we observe in both the bureaucracy and the DNVP. Three interconnected and mutually overlapping reasons account for this phenomenon: the growing popularity of a regime that propagated antisemitism and made it socially and politically acceptable, fear of Nazi terror and repressive measures, and, most importantly, antisemitic prejudices on the part of the German elite.
Love, Hate, and the Law in Tudor England
Authors: Poos L.R. 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
Love, Hate, and the Law in Tudor England reconstructs the life of Ralph Rishton, a member of the sixteenth-century Lancashire gentry who was a child bridegroom and a serial wife discarder, who bribed church officials to obtain a forged annulment, defrauded a kinsman out of his inheritance, and adroitly manipulated his own and other people’s land. The dozens of lawsuits in which the Rishtons were involved, in many different courts, elucidate one family’s engagement with law in Tudor England: how they used and misused law, how it shaped their perceptions of rights and mutual obligations, and how it framed litigants’ and witnesses’ language. Drawing upon trial and estate records, the core of this book is the central narrative of Ralph Rishton and his three wives, of litigiousness and violence, marriage and property, and the pursuit of equitable resolutions to disputes, along with countless smaller narratives that vividly capture a culture in its time and place. Alongside that central narrative, the book uses the Rishton stories as a starting point for analysing child marriage, the construction of memory, and the development of local historical identity through antiquarians and the Victorian and Edwardian local press, demonstrating how—from the time of the Rishtons into the twentieth century—historical narratives were continually reshaped and repurposed.
‘It Would Be a Pity Not to Complete the History’
Authors: Poos L. R. 
Published: August 2022

Abstract
The stories of Roger and Ralph Rishton had a long afterlife, as they continued to be reshaped and repurposed by local antiquarians and the provincial press. The Rishton family faded from local prominence in the later Tudor and Stuart periods, owing mainly to their recusancy, which in turn was a reflection of the continuing strength of Catholic conviction in post-Reformation Lancashire and eventually caused them to lose their estates during the English Civil War. From the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, Lancashire antiquarians sought, copied, and preserved documents from gentry family histories and began to retell Rishton stories. The vast expansion of the provincial press in the Victorian and Edwardian eras created a new outlet for local history, as newspapers featured columns with revolving repertoires of stories rooted in locality, consciously engendering a sense of historical place for their readerships, and stories about Roger and Ralph were recurring chapters in east Lancashire papers. This retrospective examination of the Rishton stories’ afterlife ends with reflection upon the power of those stories and their continual repurposing, culminating in a poem from the later twentieth century exemplifying their lasting appeal.