bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Order
Authors: Riedl Matthias 
Published: August 2023

Abstract

Order is one of the most central concepts in the history of political thought. The English word (just as the French
ordre
, the German
Ordnung
, the Italian
ordine
, or the Spanish
orden
) is derived from the Latin term
ordo
, which can denote any kind of structured or regulated condition, as opposed to disorder and chaos. As such,
ordo
may refer to a variety of more or less politically relevant matters: monastic and clerical organizations, the estates within a society, coronation rituals, the structure of the cosmos, the disposition of the human soul, and so forth. This entry considers the most important and most general meaning of
political
order, which denotes the meaningful dimension of human social existence. It briefly describes five approaches to political order in their particular experiential contexts. The first two – the order of cosmos and the order of history – may be termed classical, while the latter three – the order of existence, the order of consciousness, and the order of discourse – are rather modern approaches. Yet it will become clear that the classical models retain their significance even in the modern era.
Orwell, George (1903–50)
Authors: Sabl Andrew 
Published: August 2023

Abstract

George Orwell (born Eric Arthur Blair) was an English novelist and journalist. His importance to political theorists lies in his analysis of totalitarianism and the success of his writing against it, especially in his novels
Animal Farm
and
Nineteen Eighty‐Four
; in his preaching and practice of a kind of political writing that rendered lazy ignorance of political evil more difficult; and in his heroic, never quite successful attempt to reconcile liberalism and individualism in literary life with a republican ideal of political virtue and solidarity.
Ostrom, Elinor (1933–2012)
Authors: Sanborn Howard B. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Elinor Ostrom was a highly regarded political scientist and public choice scholar whose research concentrated on the study of economic governance and common‐pool resources. She was the first woman to win the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel, which she shared with Oliver E. Williamson in 2009.
Pain
Authors: Hutchings Kimberly 
Published: August 2023

Abstract

Narrow definitions of pain identify it with
physical
pain; broader definitions extend the concept to encompass
mental
or
spiritual
pain. Whichever way it is being used, it is always about something that is subjectively felt. Because of this, twentieth‐century linguistic philosophy focused on the phenomenon of pain in arguments about the possibility of private language. Pain is a concept that both marks and troubles the distinction between public and private in political thought. It figures in different ways: as inherently bad; as educative; as pleasure; and as a kind of transcendence, which may be identified with freedom.
Pan‐Arabism
Authors: Lawson Fred H. 
Published: August 2023

AbstractPan‐Arabism refers to two quite different things. On one hand, it describes a form of nationalism, namely Arab nationalism, that emerged at the end of the nineteenth century among speakers of the Arabic language inside the Ottoman Empire and asserted that “Arabs” across the empire shared characteristics that entitled them to think of themselves as a single community. On the other hand, the term describes a form of diplomacy that was practiced by Arab governments in the mid‐twentieth century and presumed that the Arab world has common strategic and economic interests that transcend the interests of individual states. These two distinct meanings of pan‐Arabism are often conflated, making it difficult to use the term in a consistent way.
Parliament/Parliamentarism
Authors: Palonen Kari 
Published: August 2023

AbstractA parliament presupposes representation and deliberation. A nonrepresentative deliberative assembly, or just an advisory and irregular one, is not a parliament. The same holds for a representative assembly that only votes, a corporative assembly, or a soviet based on a revocable imperative mandate. The free mandate of members is commonly held to be an essential condition for parliamentary representation and deliberation.
Passions
Authors: Chakravarti Sonali 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
“Passion” is an encompassing term that includes feelings, sentiments, and emotions, and suggests the wide breadth of one's visceral experiences in the world beyond the narrowly rational, calculative, or cognitive. Individuals do not only think about politics, they live with its consequences in an embodied way. Moreover, passion can motivate political action and guide judgment in complex situations. Although the seat of the passions may be in the individual, our collective and social experiences shape and form our experiences of the passions. Social norms and expectations direct which passions are seen as politically relevant and how these passions are expressed. Passions do not only emanate from the individual, they are also constituted through external social and cultural forces. It is tempting to think about the passions in the history of political thought in terms of a struggle between reason and emotion for dominance in political life. However, the recent wealth of scholarship on the topic supports the idea that passion and reason are better seen as inextricably connected and that the changing nature of their interdependency is more telling than a focus on their perceived antagonism. The ways in which passion and reason are connected determine the contours of a great variety of political questions. To shed light on their interconnectedness, this entry includes a selection of philosophical positions on the passions in politics, first from a historical perspective and then with an identification of key themes in contemporary debates.
Patriotism
Authors: Johnston Steven 
Published: August 2023

AbstractPatriotism, understood as love of city, republic, country, or homeland, plays a central, if also contested, role in the history of citizenship. Patriotism, not surprisingly, seems particularly significant for political communities – city‐states, democracies, constitutional republics – that govern themselves through some kind of participatory self‐rule. It signifies the emotional attachment, loyalty, and commitment without which (it is claimed) political society guarantees apathy, corruption, and dissolution. Self‐governing orders must be able to count on innumerable contributions from citizens to flourish. At the same time, it is precisely polities that manifest serious democratic shortcomings that often insist on patriotism's indispensability.
Peirce, Charles (1839–1914)
Authors: Talisse Robert B. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Charles Peirce was an American scientist and philosopher who made significant contributions to metaphysics, logic, philosophy of language, and philosophy of science. His most enduring achievement was the founding of pragmatism, America's indigenous philosophical movement. Despite his broad intellectual reach, Peirce never wrote in political philosophy, and apparently held political opinions that we would today find noxious. In recent years, though, political theorists have argued that Peirce's pragmatism holds important resources for deliberative democratic theory.
Peronism
Authors: Culver William W. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Peronism is an Argentine political movement defined mostly by what its founder, Juan Domingo Perón (1895–1974), did and said while in government from the 1940s through 1955. At its core, Peronism stands for popular social justice and national economic independence. At the outset of the Cold War (1950), Perón declared his “20 Peronist truths,” in an effort to create a coherent synthesis of ideas previously mentioned here and there. Perón sought a Third Way, neither capitalist nor socialist. He rejected Marxist class struggle; his populist fight was against “concentrated economic power.” During his first presidential term (1946–52) he nationalized key economic institutions. This was a period when Perón sought to bring about permanent shifts in the country's social and economic structure, when action matched rhetoric.
Perpetual Peace
Authors: Staring Scott 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
The term “perpetual peace” has been used by philosophers since the eighteenth century to describe an as yet unrealized state of relations in the international realm that would bring an end to all existing wars, and all reasons for future wars, between nations. Precedents for the idea of a perpetual peace can be found in many religious traditions, including in the well‐known biblical prophecy “They will beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks. Nation will not take up sword against nation, nor will they train for war anymore.” The first systematic attempts to outline proposals for perpetual peace, however, did not emerge until much later.
Pessimism
Authors: Dienstag Joshua Foa 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Pessimism is a modern tradition of political thought with roots in the ancient philosophies of Stoicism and Epicureanism. It appears, alongside more optimistic philosophies, as a consequence of the modern, linear time‐consciousness that emerges during and after the Renaissance. The most characteristic feature of pessimism is not the idea of decline but rather the denial of progress or repetition in human history, and a consequent sensitivity to the burdens of temporality in a world where nonprogressive change is a fundamental condition. Arthur Schopenhauer is the best‐known exponent of pessimism, but pessimism appears already in the works of Jean‐Jacques Rousseau and continues after Schopenhauer in such theorists as Friedrich Nietzsche. Spurred on by the extraordinary political violence of the twentieth century, pessimism experienced something of a revival in figures such as Sigmund Freud, Max Weber, Albert Camus, Theodor Adorno, and E. M. Cioran.
Plato (429–347 BCE)
Authors: Zuckert Catherine 
Published: August 2023

AbstractPlato has often been said to be at the origin of western rationalism. Alfred North Whitehead once famously quipped that all subsequent philosophy was merely a footnote to Plato. Friedrich Nietzsche characterized Christianity as “Platonism for the people.” Martin Heidegger and his “postmodern” followers have also traced the “onto‐theology” that has dominated western thought back to Plato.
Pleasure
Authors: Wimberly Cory 
Published: August 2023

Abstract

The history of the political thought on pleasure is not a cloistered affair in which scholars only engage one another. In political thought, one commonly finds a critical engagement with the wider public and the ruling classes, which are both perceived to be dangerously hedonistic. The effort of many political thinkers is directed toward showing that other political ends are more worthy than pleasure: Plato battles vigorously against Callicles’ pleasure‐seeking in the
Gorgias
, Augustine argues against the human tendency to hedonism and in favor of a profound distrust of pleasure in
City of God
, and even Machiavelli claims in
The Prince
that it is in the prince's best interest to separate his pursuit of pleasure from his pursuit of political power.
Plekhanov, Georgii (1856–1918)
Authors: Josephson Peter B. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Georgii Plekhanov is generally acknowledged as “the father of Russian Marxism.” He began his political activities in the 1870s, and early in his career opposed the use of terrorism and assassination. He was arrested in Russia twice, and emigrated to Switzerland in 1880. In the early twentieth century Plekhanov aligned with the Mensheviks against the more extreme elements of Lenin's Bolshevism. In his political thought he offered thoughtful critiques of utopian socialism and of idealism. In doing so he articulated and developed the political thought of Marx and Engels, traced the development of materialist philosophy, and elaborated a theory of individual action suited to Marxism.
Pliny the Elder (23/4–79)
Authors: Laehn Thomas R. 
Published: August 2023

AbstractGaius Plinius Secundus, known today as Pliny the Elder, was a Roman official under the Emperor Vespasian, a prolific and polyhistoric author, and an apologist for Roman expansionism. Pliny was born into a family of equestrian rank in Novum Comum in Transpadane Gaul, in 23 or 24ce, and was educated as an adolescent in Rome.
Plotinus (205–269/70)
Authors: Gibbons Kathleen 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Plotinus was a mid‐third‐century philosopher who taught in Alexandria and Rome and is often taken to be the founder of what came to be known as neo‐Platonism. For Plotinus, the sensible world is ontologically dependent on three metaphysical principles: the One, which is beyond being and from which everything else emanates; the Intellect; and the World Soul. The goal of human life is to achieve unity with the One through contemplation of the Forms that reside in the Intellect.
Pocock, J. G. A. (1924–)
Authors: Gibbins John R. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
John Grenville Agard Pocock, known to his readers as J. G. A. Pocock, emerged from an Anglo‐New Zealand upbringing, to become one of the leading historians and a major advocate and defender of a new style of historical writing on politics, on the revival of an ancient theme, and on the discovery of islands. His methods can be identified with the Cambridge School and its stress on the reconstruction of past languages and on understanding discourses and events within the linguistic contexts that were contemporary to their construction and passed down in conversation as tradition.
Polis
Authors: Wallach John R. 
Published: August 2023

Abstract“Polis” is the name for a unique social order in which ancient Greeks lived and exercised autonomous power, from ca. 650 bce (Sparta) or ca. 594 bce (Athens) until they were overwhelmed by Macedonian or Roman military power from the late fourth to the early second centuries bce. The Athenian polis occupied an area about the size of the American state of Rhode Island, the smallest of the 50 states of the USA. At the height of its population, before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War in 431 bce, Athens contained nearly 400 000 persons, about one sixth of whom were full citizens (i.e., adult males). Although there were monarchical, oligarchical, and democratic poleis, the institutional character of the polis was conducive to active, deliberative citizenship, which, in turn, was facilitated by democracy. Mid‐twentieth‐century classicists such as Victor Ehrenberg claimed that democracy was the telos of the polis. While that claim overreaches, the polis surely provided a nourishing social order for democracy, for democracy was established during the historical growth of the Athenian polis,between 508–7 and 462 bce. The Athenian polis, which was paradigmatic for Plato's relatively critical and Aristotle's relatively sympathetic account of political relations – retained its democratic character, except for two brief interludes lasting for barely a year, until Alexander and the Macedonians replaced its constitution with a regency in 323 bce. Athenian democracy was stable for most of the fifth and fourth centuries – unlike the portrait of it commonly painted by its antidemocratic interpreters. The idea of “the political” stems primarily from the relatively equal, not always harmonious, active exercise of authoritative citizenship by Athenians in the fifth and fourth centuries bce. Beginning in the nineteenth century but particularly after World War I, the term “political” has been used to highlight deficiencies in the modern state.
Political Education
Authors: Esquith Stephen L. 
Published: August 2023

AbstractThis discussion of political education is divided into four parts. While there are references to important historical antecedents, the emphasis is on contemporary topics and interpretations. The first section provides a general comparison between liberal and democratic political education. The second describes the complex relationships between the moral virtues and political skills that liberal theorists have argued are an integral part of liberal political education. The third section focuses on democratic political education and the need to grasp the relationships between power and violence. The final section examines the relationship between democratic political education and political responsibilities, in particular the political responsibilities of beneficiaries of institutional violence.
Political Sociology
Authors: Kauppi Niilo 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Political sociology analyzes the relationship between society and politics. In contrast to sociology, political sociology deals mostly with the state, governments, parties, interest groups, and so on. Compared to political science, political sociology is interested in power relations in various social contexts. A first broad approach encompasses society as a whole and social stratification processes such as professionalization and differentiation. These processes are linked to social developments explored by such diverse authors as Karl Marx, who focused on the key role of economic processes and social class, and Max Weber, who studied the rationalization of life, the emergence of bureaucratic power centers, and subjective disenchantment. The governance perspective has further refined this broad view by focusing on the shifting line between private and public actors. While Marx and Weber as well as authors like Tocqueville successfully link political developments to broader historical trends, their approaches may minimize the specificity of the political field. After all, each area of human social activity has its specific features. One defining feature of the political field is the institution of elections to choose leaders. A second research tradition adopts a more restricted view of politics that concentrates on political actors such as parties and institutions like parliaments and governments. Scholars adopting this narrower conception study, for instance, the evolution of the political field and its internal dividing lines, resources, conventions, and power struggles.
Politics and Language
Authors: Curthoys Ned 
Published: August 2023

AbstractThis entry will discuss the interdependence of language and politics as a recurrent theme of analysis since World War II. The horrors of that war, in which a state mobilized propaganda to dehumanize ethnic and social minorities, have led to a variety of meditations on how under conditions of mass society the language we speak, and hence our perception of the world, can be transformed by political power. Postwar anxiety about the reciprocal conditioning of language and politics has generated a number of critical responses that have been influential in contemporary political theory. Three normative ideals have emerged from these urgent inquiries: (1) the theorization of a pluralist public sphere encouraging deliberation and debate and thus entertaining a variety of perspectives as indispensable for democratic politics; (2) a humanist rethinking of the political virtues in formal rather than substantive terms; (3) a reinvigorated conception of the intellectual as endowed with a capacity for representation that challenges hegemonic political discourses and the narrow and biased frameworks of interpretation they produce. Taking a longer view, we will discuss how intellectuals who seek to challenge the detrimental effects of dominant political discourses on the public sphere have reinvigorated the humanist concerns espoused by rhetoricians such as Aristotle, Cicero, and Desiderius Erasmus. Renewed interest in the intimate relationship between the manipulation of language and political hegemony in mass societies has reprised human concerns that political language, as a rhetorical medium, should be supple, eloquent, enriched by concrete examples, and a manifestation of the individual character and ethos of the speaker.
Politics and Music
Authors: Love Nancy Sue 
Published: August 2023

AbstractCampaign themes and protest songs, military marches and national anthems, the blues and hip‐hop: many types of music play a role in politics. However, many political scientists continue to relegate music to background context or omit it entirely from the study of politics. Mainstream definitions of politics tend to emphasize established institutions, standard procedures, and rational or self‐interested processes of decision‐making. Musical practices engage other aspects, even another level, of political experience, including affective ties, bodily movements, sensory responses, and visceral reactions. These extra‐rational, some would say nonrational or even irrational, qualities of music can and often do move people to act politically. Yet the political effects of music are not easily controlled, defined, and measured. This is partly because music flows across the many borders – cultural, linguistic, national, religious, and so on – that mark distinct categories and identities. As a result, its political meaning is often ambiguous and malleable.
Politics and the Political
Authors: Norval Aletta J. , Howarth David 
Published: August 2023

AbstractAside from disciplinary interests and considerations – What is the nature and scope of political activity? How do political philosophy and political theory relate to political science? How should we best study this particular region of human practice? – contemporary discussions of the concept of politics, as well as of the more awkward and somewhat elusive locution “the political,” are associated with rival attempts to delineate a specific logic of political behavior or endeavor as against other areas of activity, such as social practices and economic processes. Like other key terms in social and political theory, “politics” and “the political” are subject to vigorous contestation, perhaps essentially so. Depending on the intellectual traditions within which they are rooted and developed, they are accorded multiple inflections and valences.
Popular Sovereignty
Authors: Espejo Paulina Ochoa 
Published: August 2023

Abstract
Popular sovereignty is the condition in which the people's unified will is the supreme authority in a state. This definition varies widely, depending on one's conceptions of the people and of sovereignty, but for most thinkers, popular sovereignty requires that the people be a collective actor who is the ultimate decider and the last instance of appeal in a political community. This allows us to understand a people as a bearer of the right of self‐determination, and as an independent actor in the international realm. Popular sovereignty is closely associated with the social contract tradition, a theory basing political legitimacy on individual freedom and autonomy. In this theory, popular sovereignty allows individuals both to have government and to remain autonomous because, when individuals consent to be ruled by the group of which they are members, they are simultaneously rulers and ruled. Popular sovereignty thus harmonizes individual freedom and social coordination, and for this reason it is highly valued in democratic thought. But it presents at least two important problems for democratic theory: The first is to explain how a group can rule; the second, to specify who or what constitutes the people.
Postmodernism
Authors: Orlie Melissa 
Published: August 2023

AbstractAn encyclopedia entry on postmodernism must begin by noting the irony of the enterprise. Although the meaning of postmodernism is controversial, it is generally agreed that postmodernism represents the end of the systemic generalizations, universal categorizations, and simple narrative accounts characteristic of the encyclopedia. However, since many judge postmodernism to be dead, it may be possible to define it more decisively now.