bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Introduction
Authors: Beagon Mary 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
‘He possessed an acute intellect, an amazing devotion to study, and an immense capacity for doing without sleep’ (acre ingenium, incredibile studium, summa vigilantia). Pliny the Younger recalls in a letter (Ep. 3. 5. 8) how his uncle, besides long periods of study during the day, used also to work for at least half the night. He would then fit in a pre-dawn visit to the emperor Vespasian before beginning his other official duties. Even long periods of relaxation were only apparent; books were read and notes taken while bathing. eating, and resting. While travelling he always read, with a secretary constantly by his side to take notes. Walking, he admonished his nephew, was a waste of time. Compared with him, other men seemed enslaved to sleep and idleness. It comes as something of a relief to read that he was on occasion liable to drop off to sleep for short periods while working (Ep. 3. 5. 9). This picture of relentless activity complements Pliny the Eider’s own words in the preface to the Historia Naturalis: ‘life is being awake’ (vita vigilia est, pref. 19). It is therefore somewhat ironic that we should remember Pliny for the manner of his death, while commander of the Roman fleet at Misenum, in the eruption of Vesuvius that destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum in AD 79. Yet it is understandable. His nephew’s vivid description of those last days was written with the intention of firing the imagination of posterity.
Man and the Gods
Authors: Beagon Mary 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The only form of deity acceptable to Pliny is divina Natura, the spirit of the universe, an all-embracing unity. Traditional ideas of a multiplicity of gods and goddesses as in the Olympic pantheon are merely examples of imbecillitas humana (2. 14). The diversity of religious ideas only obscures the search for God (2. 22). Some men slavishly worship monstra with externa sacra, while others believe in nothing at all (2. 21). Some invent a deity between these two concepts, Fortuna; others again adopt the fatalism of astrology. Pliny concludes that ‘naturae potentia … est quod deum vocemus’ (2. 27).
Man and the Animals
Authors: Beagon Mary 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
So far, the discussion of Pliny’s thought has centred on man and the powers that are greater than man. Man has been portrayed contemplating the divine cosmos in approved Stoic fashion, ‘leaving the ground and fixing the mind’s eye upon questions about the nature of God and … the principle which governs the universe’ (Sen. De Brev. Vit. 19. 1-2). The uniqueness of the conception of the Natural History becomes more apparent only when Pliny turns his attention back to earth, to the forms of life generally considered to be lower than man. Even in the Natural Questions, the work nearest in scope and subject-matter to the HN, Seneca, who says at the beginning that study of terrestrial creation is one-third of the study of the universe (NQ 2. 1), discusses only large-scale cosmic phenomena and their relation to man. Only once is any mention made of the relationship between man and the animals and that is a gloomy prediction of the great flood, ‘the extinction of both man and the wild beasts whose minds and manners man will by this time share’ (NQ 3. 30. 7). The transition of man into beast reflects the extremity of the situation. Seneca normally emphasized the differences between men and animals rather than the similarities. A gulf between man and beast is characteristic of the concentration in Late Stoic thought upon man and his aspirations. This emphasis in turn took to extremes a teleological bias, an idea that the parts of nature subserved some purpose, which is recognizable in earlier ancient thought on animals: man is supreme; the animals and the rest of nature exist solely for his convenience.
The Problem of the Text of the Old Testament Before Jerome
Authors: Kamesar Adam 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
As for as we know, the first Christian scholar to concern himself in a serious fashion, vith the text of the Old Testament was Origen. His major achievement in this respect was the so-called Hexapla, a multi-columned Bible which included the Hebrew text (according to the traditional view in both Hebrew letters and in Greek transcription), the version of the LXX, the newer translations of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion (= the recentiores), and certain lesser known versions of some biblical books.1 He also put together what appears to have been a critical edition of the LXX, which included critical signs in use among Alexandrian grammarians such as the obelus and the asterisk. This edition is generally designated as the Hexaplaric (recension of the) LXX, although whether it constituted the LXX column of the Hexapla or a separate work is not certain.
Jerome and the Problem of the Text of the Old ’Testarnent
Authors: Kamesar Adam 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Jerome began the study of Hebre,Y at an early point in his career. Living the life of a hermit in the desert of Chalcis during approximately the years 375-7, he began learning Hebrew from a Jewish convert to Christianity. His continuing ,vork in the language is attested by his remarks in the preface to the translation of the Chronicon of Eusebius, a work which he produced in Constantinoplc around 380. But it was during his stay in Rome (c.382-5) that Jerome seems to have consolidated his knowledge of Bebrew and began propagating his position concerning the importance of the Hebrew text for biblical study. This is most evident from the letters which he wrote during this period.
Jerome and his Greek Exegetical Sources
Authors: Kamesar Adam 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In his attempt to understand and interpret the Hebrew text, Jerome employed three kinds of sources: Jewish and especially Christian Greek exegetical writings, the recentiores, and rabbinic teachers. He seems to acknowledge this in Ep. 37, which he wrote to Marcella in approximately 385. In this letter, he refuses to lend his star pupil a commentary on the Song of Songs by Reticius of Autun, on the grounds that it contains too many errors. He points in particular to the wild misinterpretations of certain Hebrew terms, and attributes them to the author’s failure to consult the proper sources: ‘Did he not have Origen’s ten volumes [of commentary], did he not have the other translators [i..e. the recentiores], did he not have Jewish consultants ... ?’ (Ep. 37. 3). In reproaching the procedure of Reticius, Jerome outlines what he considers the most important lines of approach in interpreting the Hebrew text.
Xenophon: Kanan of Aphelia
Authors: Rutherford Ian 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In this chapter I survey some of the views about Xenophontic style that were circulated in the early Empire. There are five stages. Dionysius includes Xenophon twice in his reading list in Peri Mimeseos, both as a historian and as a philosopher. That in itself is interesting, and symptomatic of the uncertainty felt by early critics about how to classify Xenophon. Even this two-way classification leaves out some works, of course: the Kunegetikos, for example, a popular work later on.
Animals, 1 The Ritual Theory
Authors: Forbes Irving P M C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is the stories of transformation into large mammals that have most frequently prompted religious explanations, for several reasons. First, most of them appear early and have therefore been seen as belonging to the more primitive stage of Greek mythology. Secondly, most of them are not actiological in form and therefore cannot be explained as animal just-so stories. Thirdly, in most of them the gods play a central role as characters and often have an intimate connection with the human heroes: Io, Callisto, and Taygete are all loved by Zeus, and Actaeon is Zeus' rival in love. Fourthly, the animals of the transformations have a close connection with the gods of the stories as their sacred animals: Io is a cow, the sacred animal of Hera; Callisto, Taygete, and Actaeon are bears and deer, the sacred animals of Artemis.
Stones
Authors: Forbes Irving P M C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
There are a number of obvious common features in the stories of petrification. First, their character is dominated by the lifelessness of stones. Trees are animate only in a limited sense and, like stones, tend to be memorials rather than continuations of the human being, but whereas trees are living and positive memorials stones tend to be more often grim reminders or warnings.1 Secondly, petrification permanently fixes an object in a place; these stories, unlike most of the others we have been considering, concern particular landmarks and objects, and being petrified is sometimes described in terms of being rooted to the ground.2 Thirdly, as in the tree stories, the gods, or otherworldly figures of some sort, play a crucial part; but whereas transformation into a tree is normally worked by the love or pity of a god petrification is normally a punishment for their enemies. Any discussion of these stories must take account of these features.
Sex Changes
Authors: Forbes Irving P M C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
There are only a few stories of sex change, but these are generally agreed to be some of the most striking and imaginative of all Greek myths. The two most popular stories tell how Caine’s changed from a woman to an invulnerable man and how Tiresias changed his sex twice before becoming a seer. There is also a cult action at Plaistow describing how a girl was brought up disguised as a boy, Leucippus, and then transformed as she was about to be discovered. Any attempt to interpret these myths must go beyond the stories themselves and explore their background. Literal and metaphorical sex change seems to have been a subject of considerable imaginative interest in the ancient world and had some importance in ancient religion. Attempts have been made to link these stories with a number of phenomena and beliefs. Writers of natural history and historians report some real sex changes: these almost invariably tell of the appearance of male genitals on what was apparently a woman. Such cases, like the births of bisexual babies, were treated as striking portents: Pliny says that hermaphrodites were regarded as prodigies, and Diodorus tells how at Rome and Athens such people were burnt alive. The superstitious fears surrounding bisexuality are vividly expressed in a story recounted in Phlegon.
The Shape-Shifters
Authors: Forbes Irving P M C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The stories of the shape-shifters, Proteus, Nereus, Meris, Nemesis, Thetis, Periclymenus, Dionysos, and Mestra are quite different from any of the transformation stories we have considered so far. The defining feature of this class of heroes is that they undergo a whole series of transformations rather than a single one. Further, unlike the changes of most human beings these are self-willed and temporary; unlike those of the gods they have strong suggestions of magic.
The Song of Ares and Aphrodite: On the Relationship between the Odyssey and the Iliad
Authors: Burkert Walter 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On the issue of the ‘Homeric question ‘, since we still have one opinion against another, one hypothesis against its counterpart, without the slightest hope of reaching an agreement, it might seem pointless to want to add a new little stone to the mountain of literature. In spite of the common desire which should unite unitarians and analysts-interpretation of individual parts with a correct view of the whole--we have still got no further than missing each othees point. It is evident that in these controversies one fundamental uncertainty emerges again and again, i.e. which categories of understanding, which criteria, are appropriate for the subject matter; and the reason for this in tum is the complete isolation in which Homeric epic, at least the Iliad, presents itself to us. We know nothing about its poet and we ultimately know the world in which it originated only through its own testimony. Consequently, we can obtain those criteria and categories which are the basis of any interpretation only from the poem itself, or bring them in from outside without any proper legitimization. The greatest care must be taken to avoid the accusation of a circular argument or a petitio principii. And yet we are faced with this basic difficulty to its full extent only as far as the Iliad is concerned. Perhaps people overlook at times that we are in a far better position concerning the Odyssey.
The Land Category System and its Development
Authors: Rowlandson Jane 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Ptolemy son of Lagos established himself in Egypt after Alexander the Great’s death in 323 BC, he encountered a relatively sophisticated administrative machinery for tapping the predominantly agricultural wealth of the country, which had evolved during more than two thousand years of Pharaonic rule and subsequently been modified during the Persian rule of Egypt. All agricultural land was categorized according to the terms under which Pharaoh had conceded it to the individual possessors in return for regular revenues in kind; a prime duty of the bureaucracy of royal officials was to keep meticulous written records of these revenues, as well as actually to collect them. Rather than attempt to dismantle this complex but lucrative system, Ptolemy and his successors introduced modifications to suit the new needs of Egypt as a Hellenistic kingdom. Thus individual landholders in Ptolemaic Egypt continued to have their rights to the land articulated by an all-embracing system of land classification which, with its tripartite division into royal domain, temple estates, and land conceded to soldiers and officials, bears some resemblance to that which had prevailed in Pharaonic times.
The Landowners and their Properties
Authors: Rowlandson Jane 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This chapter discusses, first, the identity of Oxyrhynchite landowners and their place in the social structure, and second, the physical location and spread of their landholdings. It naturally focuses primarily on holdings of private land; but, as we saw in the previous chapter, public land sometimes formed part of what were essentially private landholdings, and therefore is also included in the discussion where appropriate.
Introduction
Authors: Parker Robert 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Anyone who has sampled a few of the most commonly read Greek texts will have encountered pollution. In tragedy, the plague at the opening of the Oedipus Tyrannus is caused by it, it precipitates Creon’s repentance in the Antigone, while Orestes in the Oresteia, although he is driven to the matricide by the fear of one pollution, is seized by another after performing it. In history, it plays, perhaps, a larger part than any other religious motif in the austere Thucydides. A Greek state in the fifth century, we learn from him, might attribute a natural disaster to a pollution it had incurred, and he shows us the Athenians expelling the Delians from their island to ensure the purity of this religious centre. In the fourth century, Aeschines could envisage Demosthenes as the ‘demon who pollutes all Greece’, and brings it to misfortune. A glance at evidence of a different kind, inscriptions regulating cult, shows how the concern for purity affected the individual in his everyday religious practice. The threat of pollution is, it seems, the dominating concern of the Superstitious Man of Theophrastus.
Cicero on Epicurean Pleasures
Authors: Stokes Michael C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Cicero’s version and critique of Epicurus’ ethics in the De Finibus offer in some respects the fullest consecutive account extant from antiquity. Their proper assessment is accordingly important for the study both of Cicero and of Epicurus. A decade ago, in The Greeks on Pleasure, J.C. B. Gosling and C. C. W. Taylor put a balanced but on the whole low valuation on Cicero’s interpretation in De Finibus 1-2 of Epicurus’ views on pleasure.1 ‘Cicero,’ wrote Gosling and Taylor, ‘is clearly unsympathetic to Epicurus, and while he obviously finds it difficult to make consistent sense of him, he is not predisposed to try too hard.’ This is in addition to their thunderous ‘None of this shows careful attention to the original texts or the refinements of argument.’ But the Oxford scholars balance this harsh judgement by pointing out fairly that Cicero ‘is not ignorant of Epicurus. Often he more or less translates independently attested fragments . . .’. Indeed they may go too far in this direction, for their assertion that ‘the passage on the role of perception [De Finibus r. 30-1] ... shows acquaintance with the literature’ makes no overt allowance for the genuine possibility that this acquaintance was second-hand.
Cicero on Self-Love and Love of Humanity in De Finibus 3
Authors: Wright M R 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
(As soon as a living creature is born-for this should be our starting-point --it has an attachment to itself and commends itself to self-preservation and to loving its own condition and whatever preserves that condition, but sets itself against death and whatever obviously contributes to death. The Stoics demonstrate this as follows: before pleasure or pain affects them, infants reach out for what is health-giving and reject the opposite-and this would not happen unless they loved their own condition and feared its destruction. But it would be impossible for them to reach out for anything unless they had awareness of themselves, and so had self-love. Consequently the primary instinct should be recognized as derived from self-love.)
The Ciceronian Aristocracy and its Properties
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Much of the information about the real property of the Roman aristocracy in the Late Republic has already been carefully collected and listed. This chapter does not aim at any sort of completeness; it attempts to make some points, hitherto insufficiently stressed or entirely neglected, about the attitudes which the senatorial class held to its estates, what types of property it preferred (or was permitted) to invest in, and how it assisted its dependants to invest; with the little that can be said about prices and their variations, and about dealers in real property. From the corpus of Cicero’s letters* we get an impression of the Roman upper class as not only deeply concerned with real property, its main form of investment, but indeed feverishly engaged in property deals. This impression may not be wholly misleading, in spite of the fact that Cicero and his brother Quintus were, for most of the period covered by the letters, rising in the social and economic scale, and thus particularly pro.ne to buying or considering buying property.
L. Cornelius Sisenna and the Early First Century BC
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The most important historical work in Latin that was actually written in the first half of the first century BC was L. Cornelius Sisenna’s history of the War of the Allies and the Civil Wars which followed it, up to Sulla’s dictatorship or conceivably dcath-the most important one that was not written being of course Cicero’s. Sallust praised Sisenna’s work highly in the Jugurtha, though complaining that it was not sufficiently frank about Sulla, and his own lost histories began, very probably, where Sisenna’s left off. Varro’s logistoricus on the writing of history, of which, alas, only a brief and unenlightening fragment remains, bore Sisenna’s name. Cicero twice admitted that Sisenna’s was easily- ‘facile’ -the best piece of historical writing existing in Latin in his time, though he thought that it had serious shortcomings; he had of course an axe to grind, since he was toying with the idea of himself providing a historical masterpiece to set beside those of the Greeks (and, if he had chosen the contemporary history that Atticus apparently urged upon him, one may speculate that he would probably, like Sallust, have started where Sisenna stopped).
The Antiquarian Tradition: Spoils and Representations of Foreign Armour*
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Roman tradition about the Early and Middle Republic is extremely complex. There is the role of oral tradition; the limitations of which we begin better to understand. I am not myself a great believer in the tabulae dealbatae kept by the pontifices, at least as a major component of the accounts we have. As soon as histories began to be written, an awareness of what was expected of this Greek genre must have had a deforming effect; and in some hands, of course, historiography came to resort to extremes of artificial elaboration and even invention. But vestiges of the past survived all round the Romans, in institutions and customs, in works of art and other objects, to some extent in documents. If the Romans wanted to try to reconstruct their past, the material lay to hand, and Greek scholars had shown ways of exploiting it. I want to take a single example that may suggest what was, or could have been done.
‘Pagan’ and ‘Christian’ Marriage
Authors: Grubbs Judith Evans 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It has been said that Constantine’s Christianity is most evident in his laws on marriage and the family. But this presupposes not only that Constantine, even in the first decade of his reign, was aware of what Christian teachings on marriage and the family were, but that there was in fact a solid and well-defined ‘Christian’ policy on marriage and family at the beginning of the fourth century. This second point seems generally to be taken for granted, yet it is certainly open to question.
The Repeal of the Augustan Penalties on Celibacy
Authors: Grubbs Judith Evans 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The financial aspects of marriage, especially those involving dowry, donation, and inheritance, had always been of great interest to classical jurists and the upper-class elite for whom they wrote, and particularly in the first half of his reign, Constantine devoted much attention to matters involving the transfer of property within families. A book of this scope cannot treat in detail all of his laws relating to inheritance and gifts, but a comprehensive list is provided in Appendix 1. This chapter focuses on one law that was to have far-reaching consequences for the development of marriage and sexuality in late antiquity and the medieval period: the constitution of 320 abolishing the Augustan penalties for celibacy.
Conquest, 225-193 BC
Authors: Grainger John D 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
After two generations of peace for most of Phoenicia, warfare returned to the area in the 220s, and continued on and off for thirty years, resulting in the replacement of Ptolemaic rule by that of the Seleukid kings. Suitably enough, the political problems began in the Seleukid part of Phoenicia, Arados and its peraia.
There is no reason to believe that Seleukos II had been pleased to have had to concede part of his authority to the city of Arados in 242 or thereabouts.1 Yet, once conceded, the deal they had made kept Arados quiet and loyal throughout the long series of wars which the king had to wage to recover his heritage. Then, even when he was more or less free of pressing problems elsewhere, the basic strategic position of Arados remained the same: it was an island, at some distance from the shore, bordering on hostile (Ptolemaic) territory; thus any pressure from Seleukos could be met by an Aradian rebellion. Yet Arados clearly did not seriously wish to rebel; there had been plenty of opportunities for that in the past half century.