bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Political Economy: Sociological Perspectives
Authors: Offe Claus 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
As paradigms conflict, so the fields of political economy and sociology conflict, yet they also cross‐fertilize. Reviews the contribution of political economy to sociology and vice versa, pointing to the social determinants and contextualization of rational utility maximizers and the contribution of sociology to political economy. While some social phenomena may be explained by rational choice, the marriage is uncomfortable, most specifically in the areas yet untouched by rational theory, and by the potential for the detrimental impact of rational utility maximizers upon the social.
Political Economy: Downsian Perspectives
Authors: Grofman Bernard 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Defends Down's three main arguments in An Economic Theory of Democracy. These three arguments relate to the costs associated with voting and rational non‐voting, party competition costs of attempting to attract votes away from the median voter, and the costs associated with obtaining political knowledge. These arguments can be maintained if we do not overestimate what we can expect from a theory, and consequently the contribution of rational choice and of Downs should not be minimized.
Political Methodology: An Overview
Authors: Jackson John E. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Reviews methodological techniques available across the discipline of political science. Econometrics and political science methods include structural equation estimations, time‐series analysis, and non‐linear models. Alternative approaches analyse public preferences, political institutions, and path dependence political economy modelling. The drawbacks of these methods are examined by questioning their underlying assumptions and examining their consequences. While there is cause for concern, solace lies in the fact that these problems are also faced across other disciplines.
Political Agendas and Beliefs About the Scope of Government
Authors: Roller Edeltraud 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Focuses on public expectations and demand for government services, at the specific level at which general expectations and desires are converted into specific political demands. The conversion of wants into demands—the politicization process—is the crucial point which determines whether such public input is relevant to the political process. The analysis involves two aspects of public perception: first, the issue of value changes that determine priorities on the political agenda; second, the evolving public consensus about the proper scope of government responsibility. These translate into two key theoretical dimensions of public concern—the range of issues over which government should exercise control, and the degree of control it should exercise over them.
Attitudes Towards the Size of Government
Authors: Huseby Beate M. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFocuses on public attitudes to the size and sphere of competence of governments, rather than on government policies per se, and on the factors determining whether such attitudes are expansionist or contractionist, i.e. calling for a wider or narrower scope for government responsibility. It presents statistics on public opinion on this question, and finds that, across Western Europe generally, it is ambivalent and inconclusive. It concludes with a discussion of variations between specific countries.
Taxing and Spending: Tax Revolt or Tax Protest?
Authors: Confalonieri Maria A. , Newton Kenneth 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
As the scale of government expenditures increased across post‐war Western Europe, so did levels of public disquiet at the increases in the rate of taxation required to pay for such expenditure. This chapter estimates the strength and nature of this ‘tax revolt’. Was it a reversion to usual grumbling about high taxes, or was it part of a more serious and fundamental re‐appraisal of the basic redistributive aims of the welfare state? Three basic issues are addressed here: first, the nature of the evidence provided by surveys of mass opinion regarding the tax revolt; second, whether evidence exists that the tax revolt is related to a more general backlash against the welfare state; third, whether the survey data support the view that the citizens of the modern state ‘want something for nothing’ out of the welfare and tax systems in their countries.
Politics, Economics, Class, and Taxation
Authors: Newton Kenneth , Confalonieri Maria A. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Examines the economic, political, and social bases of public support for, and opposition to, the tax regimes of Western Europe, finding that the political basis outweighs the other two. The chapter concentrates on the issue of progressive income tax and the related matter of income redistribution. Both progressive taxation and income redistribution are important principles of modern taxation systems and their underlying goals of equality and opportunity. Taxes are often a central issue in modern election campaigns. Most citizens pay income taxes, and most have clear and strong views about them. For these reasons, these two principles are important topics for political science research and are well suited to the surveys of mass opinion.
Government Intervention in the Economy
Authors: Borre Ole , Viegas Josè Manuel 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Discusses the attitudes of Western European publics towards economic liberalism and economic interventionism during the past few decades. While beliefs about the desirability of state intervention in the economy, and of state ownership of public assets are central to modern political ideologies, there is scant evidence that interventionism and liberalism constitute opposite positions in the public mind. Questions of whether governments should practice economic interventionism, or whether assets should be removed into government ownership, tend to be answered not in terms of philosophical principle, but in terms of whether the government is felt to be worthy of the powers entrusted to it. Interventionism tends to be supported by those who lose out under laissez‐faire economies, by women, by young people, and by old people. These tendencies can be explained by the fact that, on the whole, it is middle‐aged men who tend to profit most from the liberal capitalist system.
Government, Communications, and the Media
Authors: Golding Peter , van Snippenburg Leo 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Over recent years, communications and media infrastructures in Western Europe have been subjected to two conflicting pressures. On the one hand, there have been many factors conducing to deregulation and opening‐up to market competition. On the other hand, many countries have witnessed renewed demands for cultural regulation, restricting the free flow of objectionable material. The juggling act required of governments in meeting these demands reflects the considerable inconsistency in public opinion. This chapter presents survey data regarding the general characteristics of public opinion about the proper boundaries between private and public decision‐making in broadcasting, and about the appropriate levels and forms of government intervention in communications (censorship).
Protecting the Environment
Authors: Johansson Olof 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Public concern over environmental protection, and the opinion regarding the proper scope of governmental control in support of it are bedevilled by variations is public understanding of highly complex issues, and in levels of public trust. This chapter examines the ways in which protection of the natural environment has come to be perceived as a government responsibility. The analysis is based on attitudinal surveys conducted in Western European countries during the 1970s and 1980s. It reveals that while public expectations of environmental protection are high, it is not easy to distinguish between concern based on moral principle about the ‘common good’, and concern based purely on self‐interest. Either way, the state of the environment has climbed high on the political agenda.
Beliefs and the Scope of Government
Authors: Borre Ole 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Summarizes the research and findings of the earlier chapters, and outlines some implications for further research. First, it argues that attitudes about the scope of government are an important element of public opinion, with important implications for the functioning of democratic government. Second, it reviews the procedures and methods employed in analysing the data, and the research problems encountered. Finally, it assesses the book's findings on the various issues addressed.
Public Attitudes and Changes in Health Care Systems: A Confrontation and a Puzzle
Authors: Ardigó Achille 
Published: October 2003

AbstractConsiders what citizens perceive to be the responsibilities of their governments and the way they assess the activities of government concerning the management of the welfare state, with particular reference to health services. First, it draws conclusions from a secondary analysis of data from cross‐national sample surveys that contain questions on the role of national governments in providing health services. Second, it relates these findings to recent variations in health service expenditure. The scale of current and prospective changes in public health service funding offers a fruitful arena for future research on the relationship between public opinion and government policy on health care provision.
Secularization and Church Religiosity
Authors: Jagodzinski Wolfgang , Dobbelaere Karel 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter investigates statistical evidence regarding the fall‐off in church membership and attendance, which has taken place across Western Europe since World War II, and analyses variations between countries. It tentatively concludes that the pace of the process of church disengagement is linked to rationalization of society and the advance of Protestantism, which has led to a relegation of religion as an à la carte set of options, weakening its traditional guidelines on political questions. With religiously inspired deference fading away, political leaders may have more difficulty mustering support for the institutions of government.
Left–Right Materialist Value Orientations
Authors: Knutsen Oddbjørn 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter examines the antithesis between right‐wing materialist beliefs, dominated by emphasis on market competition, personal freedom and private ownership, and left‐wing materialist beliefs, which espouse a range of regulatory mechanisms for achieving egalitarian socio‐economic objectives. It then reviews comparative statistical data on divergences between Western European countries on the left‐right materialist orientation spectrum.
Religious Cognitions and Beliefs
Authors: Dobbelaere Karel , Jagodzinski Wolfgang 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter assesses the variances of socio‐political impact across Western European societies of the religious secularization effected by cultural rationalization, with particular regard to education and gender. The evidence indicates that the impact is more nuanced than trends in the behavioural component (the incidence of church‐going discussed in Ch. 4) would suggest.
Feminist Political Orientations
Authors: Lundmark Carina 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter proceeds from the argument that the emancipation of women and other societal changes are likely to have changed perceptions about the distribution of power between men and women. It examines the idea of a feminist political orientation from the perspective of feminist theories. It then proposes an operationalization of feminist political culture, which allows the possibility to be tested that a feminist orientation exists within a West European political context. After presenting and assessing some empirical data, it discusses the interaction between a feminist value orientation and beliefs in government.
Postmodernism
Authors: Gibbins John R. , Reimer Bo 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter has two aims: first, to show how post‐modern theory helps explain contemporary value changes in Western Europe, and their impact on beliefs about the role and legitimacy of government; second, to demonstrate how the concept of post‐modernism can be operationalized and put to empirical use. It hypothesizes the emergence of new ‘structures of feeling’ and new formations of values, which are united by little else than a common yearning for identity and self‐expression. This hypothesis implies that, rather than moving in patterns structured around socio‐economic groupings, people move in a multitude of both individual‐ and group‐based directions. They will thereby create new patterns of value orientation, which will affect beliefs about government behaviour and transcend traditional allegiances and interests.
Sustainable Development as a Contested Concept
Authors: Jacobs Michael 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Here Michael Jacobs notes that sustainable development has come to mean all things to all people but argues this does not mean it has no theoretical or policy relevance. It is a ‘contested’ rather than an empty concept, and Jacobs identifies four ‘faultlines’ that produce two distinct conceptions of sustainable development which he calls ‘radical’ and ‘conservative’. The faultlines are: limits to growth, environmental protection, equity, and participation. Jacobs argues in favour of the radical conception.
Sustainability: Should We Start from Here?
Authors: Holland Alan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAlan Holland asks whether ‘sustainability’ will deliver the protection of nature. As long as it is taken to mean the extending of human welfare into the future, it may not, he argues, since this does not necessarily entail protecting nature. Holland argues against using ‘critical natural capital’ as a measure of sustainability since criticality is often regarded in anthropocentric terms. He argues instead for the protection of nature as ‘natural items themselves’, but recognizes that this objective may sometimes clash with satisfying human needs. Environmental sustainability and social justice, in other words, will not always pull in the same direction.
Sustainable Development and Our Obligations to Future Generations
Authors: Beckerman Wilfred 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Wilfred Beckerman argues that the answer to the sustainability question, ‘what to sustain?’, should not be restricted to some category of the environment, but should refer to the political and social institutions and norms that will guarantee personal liberty and respect for human rights. He is sceptical of arguments in favour of inter‐generational egalitarianism, in part because he sees no reason to invest present levels of welfare with the normative significance that supporters of sustainable development claim for them. He argues, instead, for an ‘extended humanitarianism’ that would take the suffering of the present poor seriously and would entail concern for future generations and even for animals.
Sustainability and Intergenerational Justice
Authors: Barry Brian 
Published: October 2003

AbstractBrian Barry argues that justice is an appropriate language in which to articulate our concern for future generations. He regards sustainability as an inescapably normative notion, and argues that disagreements over its meaning are disagreements about what should be sustained. His answer is ‘some notion of equal opportunity across generations’––and this will involve a protection of nature consistent with the provision of inter‐generational equality of opportunity. Barry believes that one of the biggest obstacles to realizing sustainability is population growth: any given generation cannot be responsible for population growth in the future, he argues.
Ecological Degradation: A Cause for Conflict, a Concern for Survival
Authors: Neefjes Koos 
Published: October 2003

AbstractKoos Neefjes of Oxfam takes turmoil and instability as his starting point. How will carefully crafted sustainability and justice principles fare in zones of conflict? How can measurements of environmental stock and flow be made under conditions of war or even genocide? Neefjes implies that they cannot, and he focuses instead on the causes of conflicts and the role that environmental factors might play in them. After examining a number of cases drawn from Africa he concludes that environmental degradation and resource distribution play an increasingly important role in conflicts, and that supporting local use and management of resources is of paramount importance.
Three Conceptions of Environmental Sustainability
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Three conceptions of environmental sustainability are described and assessed. These take the form of a typology produced by a survey of the different answers to the generic questions common to any conception of environmental sustainability. One way of characterizing these conceptions is in terms of a spectrum running from anthropocentrism to ecocentrism. Sustainable development is presented as an anthropocentric version of environmental sustainability.
‘Irreversibility’ and Social Justice
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Considers the second conception of environmental sustainability, in which ‘irreversible nature’ (such as species) is the thing to be sustained into the future. In Ch. 5, it was pointed out that social justice and sustainability are at odds over the issue of substitutability, and the same is increasingly true in this new context. In addition, theories of justice that are impartial as to views of the good for humans will probably be incompatible with the ‘irreversible‐nature’ conception of sustainability, as it seems to entail just such a view of the good.
The Retrieval of Civic Virtue: A Critical Appreciation of Sandel's Democracy's Discontent
Authors: Pangle Thomas L. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The civic republican public philosophy is rooted in Aristotle and Machiavelli. It stresses the civic virtues deliberative self-government requires in the citizenry, and makes the formation of character–that is, the fostering of the capacities for active citizenship–a chief and direct aim of legislation and public policy. There are severe unexplored tensions among some of the virtues that Sandel’s narrative evokes, and he appeals to Jeffersonian republicanism while hiding the aristocratic cornerstone of authentic Jeffersonianism in embarrassment. If Sandel were to reconsider Aristotle attentively, he would be forced to enlarge his conception of virtue, and of what Aristotle–and the entire classical tradition through Jonathan Swift–means by “virtue.”
Virtue En Masse
Authors: Waldron Jeremy 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
It is a pity that Sandel neglects the sociological side of John Stuart Mill’s argument in On Liberty–not just because he fails therefore to do justice to the liberal case for neutrality, but also because the question of how traditional moral ideals fare in modern circumstances of mass society (and also global society) is in fact supposed to be a dominant theme of Sandel’s book. Sandel suggests that the liberal ideals of freedom and autonomy are sociologically not availablein modern circumstances; however, under modern circumstances, the Aristotelian ideal of a polity devoted to the inculcation of genuine full-blooded virtue may not be sociologically available either. We cannot pretend that the United States has the population of quattrocento Florence. If the scale of political organization is so different as to enable only civic agency of a different sort, then it is likely that our thinking about “the qualities of character necessary to the common good of self-government” will have to be different too. If the premises of Benjamin Constant’s discussion of the reality and the phenomenology of politics in the modern world are taken seriously, they may necessitate a rethinking of civic virtue: both of what it is and how, more structurally, it is related to the agency conditions of collective action.
Reworking Sandel's Republicanism
Authors: Pettit Philip 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Sandel’s claims are indeterminate about the precise nature of America’s lost republican ideals, about what those ideals would require of us as citizens, and about where they would lead governmental policy; reworking Sandel’s narrative around another account of republicanism removes the indeterminacies. Republican freedom–freedom as nondomination, which grows out of a neo-Roman tradition–is distinct both from liberty as noninterference and from liberty as democratic participation. The relationship between people’s freedom and the institutions that would support that freedom in the ideal republic is constitutive: if freedom is nondomination, then it is just the protected and empowered status enjoyed in the presence of the institutions. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance, in particular vigilance in looking at those in power and in challenging, where necessary, their claims and initiatives–and the foundation of this vigilance is civic virtue. While this reworking would make for changes in some central claims about republican freedom, republican virtue, and republican policy, it would sustain most of the themes that the book puts on parade.
The Encumbered American Self
Authors: Orwin Clifford 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
If, as Sandel claims, the community constitutes us rather than vice versa–if we are truly “encumbered beings”–just how many different communities can encumber us at once? Affirmative action and multiculturalism enact the Sandelian premise that we are not primarily individuals but members of communities, and that we are to be publicly catalogued and treated as such. The teaching that our identities are communal from the ground up has proved every bit as corrosive of the bond of common citizenship as the individualism blamed by Sandel. While cherishing their country, their families, their churches, their associations of every sort, Americans have not viewed themselves as submerged by them; we have all been raised as members of a community of liberals. Paradoxically, to disown the individualistic strain of our tradition would itself amount to a declaration of unencumberedness.
A Public Philosophy for the Professional‐Managerial Class
Authors: Tushnet Mark 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Democracy’s Discontent has been so well received more because it expresses a mood than because it makes an argument. Middle-class professionals and managers are no longer experts offering professional and autonomous advice on how best to steer the economy, but employees subject to the market forces they had believed they controlled. Unsurprisingly, they might be interested in recapturing some control at the expense of some slight reduction in their material well-being, even if the effects on the material well-being of less privileged groups might be more substantial. Our different identities–our cosmopolitanism and our more particular commitments to family, friends, neighbors, nations, ethnic groups, and religious confreres–might sometimes conflict, but a public philosophy that acknowledges the possibility of internal conflicts, and treats such conflicts as an occasion for political deliberation and struggle, might inspire the allegiance that Sandel requires. To exercise effective control over transnational corporate power, people must participate in supranational institutions as democrats, not as Kurds or Quebecois–and, to that extent, as cosmopolitans.