bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Molecular Characterization of a Novel Lipase-Like Pathogen-Inducible Gene Family of Arabidopsis
Authors: Jakab Gabor , Manrique Amapola , Zimmerli Laurent , Métraux Jean-Pierre , Mauch-Mani Brigitte 
Published: August 2003

Abstract
In a differential screening between Arabidopsis plants pretreated with the resistance-inducer β-aminobutyric acid and untreated control plants, we have identified a gene encoding a novel lipase-like protein, PRLIP1. The abundance of PRLIP1 mRNAs in Arabidopsis leaves was up-regulated by application of β-aminobutyric acid, salicylic acid (SA), and ethylene as well as by various pathogens. Induction of PRLIP1 depended on a functioning SA and ethylene signal transduction pathway but was independent of jasmonate signaling. This novel pathogenesis-related (PR) gene of Arabidopsis belongs to a gene family consisting of six (PRLIP1, PRLIP2, PRLIP4, PRLIP5, PRLIP6, and PRLIP7) closely related members in tandem position on chromosome 5. Among these genes, PRLIP2 also was induced in leaves by SA and infections by pathogens but on a much lower level than PRLIP1. The PRLIP1 family showed a tissue-specific expression pattern. Both PRLIP1 and PRLIP2 were specifically expressed in leaves and siliques, PRLIP1 additionally in stems and flowers. The expression of PRLIP6 and PRLIP4 was root specific, whereas mRNA of PRLIP5 and PRLIP7 were not detected in any of these tissues. The more distantly related genes PRLIP3, PRLIP9, and PRLIP8 were found on chromosomes 2, 4, and 5, respectively. The expression level of PRLIP3 was checked and found constitutive during the different stress conditions tested. The PRLIP1 gene was overexpressed in Escherichia coli, and the resulting PRLIP1 protein showed esterase activity on p-nitrophenyl-butyrate and allowed the growth of the bacteria on lipidic substrates such as Tween20 or Tween80.
Psychoanalytic theory in times of terror
Authors: Connolly Angela 
Published: August 2003

Abstract:Recent events have underlined in the most tragic and dramatic way the need for depth psychology to turn its attention to the psychology of terror. The present paper attempts to distinguish between the psychological modes of horror and terror and explores the different theoretical approaches of Burke, Freud, Kristeva and Jung to this problem in order to cast light on the individual and collective functions that horror and terror play. While all these authors stress that terror and horror play a role in structuring the sense of identity and in strengthening community bonds, Freud and Kristeva believe that the experience of horror works to increase the exclusion of otherness through mechanisms of repression or foreclosure while Burke and Jung see in the encounter with the Negative Sublime or with the Shadow the possibility of widening the boundaries of ego consciousness and of integration of ‘otherness’. The paper then uses the analysis of two horror movies and of a particular socio‐cultural context to illustrate these different functions of horror and terror and to delineate possible solutions to the problems facing society.
Empowerment Through Participation? Conceptual Explorations and A Case Study
Authors: Perrons Diane , Skyers Sophia 
Published: August 2003

Economic inequalities have been increasing between and within nations, regions and cities, but questions of redistribution have to some extent been displaced by those of recognition, empowerment and diversity in urban and regional inquiry and policy. A conceptual framework drawing upon Nancy Fraser's and Iris Marion Young's ideas about economic and cultural injustice is proposed for evaluating local empowerment initiatives, which is then drawn upon to explore the nature and effectiveness of participation with reference to one specific New Deal For Communities partnership scheme in the London Borough of Hackney, Shoreditch – Our Way, concerned with regeneration. Our findings suggest that while participation is certainly a necessary condition for moving towards a more egalitarian society, current policies are valuable but limited in terms of the degree of representation and the extent of control. They are part of an affirmative agenda – that is, they tackle symptoms but not causes of deprivation. We conclude that if long‐term remedies are desired, then transformative solutions which address both economic and political injustice are necessary.Les inégalités économiques se sont creusées entre et au sein des nations, régions et villes mais, dans les études et dans les politiques urbaines et régionales, les questions de redistribution ont, dans une certaine mesure, été supplantées par celles de reconnaissance, empowerment et diversité. L'article propose un cadre conceptuel inspiré des idées de Nancy Fraser et Iris Marion Young sur l'injustice économique et culturelle afin d'évaluer les initiatives locales d'empowerment. Cette évaluation permet ensuite d'explorer la nature et l'efficacité de la participation en évoquant un programme de régénération en partenariat de type New Deal for Communities, à Shoreditch, dans la banlieue londonienne de Hackney (Our Way). Les résultats suggèrent que, si la participation est bien sûr une condition nécessaire pour aller vers une société plus égalitaire, les politiques actuelles, quoique précieuses, sont limitées en termes de degré de représentation et niveau de maîtrise. Elles s'inscrivent dans une démarche antidiscriminatoire en traitant les symptômes, mais pas les causes de l'appauvrissement. En conclusion, si l'on souhaite des solutions à long terme, il faut des transformations remédiant aux injustices tant économiques que politiques.
The marketing of diversity in the inner city: tourism and regulation in Harlem
Authors: Hoffman Lily M. 
Published: August 2003

This article brings regulation theory and the broader post‐Fordist debate together with an empirical study of the emergence and consequences of tourism in Harlem. It shows that the valorization of cultural diversity, as well as under‐served markets, has helped reposition this formerly unmarketable area in relation to city, state and capital markets. Moreover, as development occurs, the nature of regulation pertaining to Harlem begins to change. The author argues that the failure to disaggregate – to link the elements of the restructuring economy to outcomes for specific areas and residents, leads to an overly pessimistic view. Tourism‐based development may act as an equalizing force, helping to rebalance the uneven urban spatial development characteristic of Fordism and symbolized by the social isolation and concentrated poverty of the racial ghetto in the US. The role of cultural capital as the engine of growth in Harlem, has meant that revitalization promotes cultural differentiation along with standardization. Overall, cultural tourism requires substantial civic engagement. This gives the community control, but at the same time disciplines and stabilizes. Urban tourism thus incorporates a new mode of regulation, making for greater social/political and economic inclusion, but with the associated costs as well as benefits.Cet article allie la théorie de la régulation et le débat plus large du post‐Fordisme, à une étude empirique sur l'apparition et les conséquences du tourisme à Harlem. Il montre que la valorisation de la diversité culturelle, de mäme que les marchés sous‐approvisionnés, ont aidéà repositionner cette zone auparavant sans attrait commercial dans une relation avec les marchés de la ville, de l'État et des capitaux. En outre, avec l'expansion, la nature de la régulation propre à Harlem a commencéà changer. L'absence de désagrégation – qui associe les éléments de l'économie en restructuration aux résultats en faveur de zones et résidents particuliers – conduit à une vision des plus pessimiste. Toutefois, un essor basé sur le tourisme peut avoir une force compensatrice, aidant à rééquilibrer l'aménagement spatial urbain inégal, caractéristique fordienne symbolisée par l'isolement culturel et la pauvreté concentrée dans les ghettos raciaux aux Etats‐Unis. Le rôle du capital social en tant que moteur de croissance d'Harlem s'est traduit par une revitalisation favorisant à la fois différenciation culturelle et normalisation. Le tourisme culturel implique surtout un engagement civique réel, celui‐ci donnant la maä'trise à la communauté, tout en apportant discipline et stabilité. Le tourisme urbain amène donc un nouveau mode de régulation, créant une meilleure inclusion socio‐politique et économique, mais avec les coûts (et avantages) associés.
Restructuring Citizenship in Bolivia: El Plan de Todos
Authors: Kohl Benjamin 
Published: August 2003

Current international development policies promote both free markets and democratic states through privatization and decentralization programs. Building on T.H. Marshall's concept of citizenship, this article examines how these programs have affected the rights associated with citizenship in Bolivia since 1993 when the administration of President Gonzalo Sänchez de Lozada introduced a broad set of economic and political reforms. His administration sold state firms that had accounted for 50% of government revenues at the same time as it adopted a new constitution that recognized the multicultural and pluri‐ethnic nature of Bolivian society. His administration also began decentralization programs in government, health and education that transferred 20% of national revenues, as well as the responsibility for providing services, to municipal governments. I show how current development practice has strengthened a neoliberal citizenship regime in which civil rights associated with ownership of private property, and political rights associated with formal democracy and representation, have been promoted at the expense of social rights associated with access to health, education and welfare.Actuellement, les politiques de développement internationales favorisent à la fois les marchés libres et les états démocratiques par des programmes de privatisation et décentralisation. A partir du concept de citoyenneté de T.H. Marshall, l'article examine comment ces programmes ont affecté les droits liés à la citoyenneté en Bolivie depuis 1993, date à laquelle le gouvernement du Président Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada a lancé un vaste train de réformes économiques et politiques. Il a vendu des entreprises publiques qui avaient représenté 50% des recettes de l'Etat, tout en adoptant une nouvelle constitution reconnaissant la nature multiculturelle et pluri‐ethnique de la société bolivienne. De plus, il a entamé des programmes de décentralisation au niveau du gouvernement, de la santé et de l'éducation, cédant aux autorités municipales 20% des revenus nationaux et la responsabilité de la fourniture de services. Ainsi, le développement actuel a renforcé un régime de citoyenneté néo‐libéral où les droits civils relatifs à la propriété privée, et les droits politiques relatifs à la représentation et la démocratie officielles, ont été avantagés au détriment des droits sociaux liés à l'accä%s à la santé l'éducation et l'aide sociale.
Producing nightlife in the new urban entertainment economy: corporatization, branding and market segmentation
Authors: Hollands Robert , Chatterton Paul 
Published: August 2003

This article explores the production of the nightlife industry within a new urban entertainment economy. We do this by drawing upon debates about the transition from Fordism to post‐Fordism, and the assumed shift away from standardized and mass towards more segmented and niche consumer markets. In contrast to some of the more self‐congratulatory accounts of varied, flexible niche urban consumption, our starting point is to pursue more neo‐Fordist interpretations which explore continuity as well as change and in particular stress growing corporate control in entertainment and night‐life economies, the increased use of branding and theming, and the emergence of segmented, sanitized and gentrified consumer markets. These processes are illustrated and empirically examined in relation to changes within the UK nightlife sector which has undergone rapid restructuring, re‐concentration and segmentation over the last 10 years. We discuss a number of implications which emerge from these developments, such as the erosion of diversity and choice, and the possibilities for alternative/independent and historic/community forms of nightlife production and spaces to coexist in such a context.L'article examine la production du secteur de la vie nocturne dans le cadre d'une nouvelle économie urbaine des loisirs. Pour cela, il s'inspire des débats sur la transition du Fordisme au post‐Fordisme, et sur le soi‐disant décalage des marchés de consommation de masse standardisés vers des niches et des marchés plus segmentés. Contrairement à certaines des justifications auto‐suffisantes d'une consommation urbaine de niches variée et flexible, son point de départ consiste à suivre des interprétations plus néo‐Fordiennes qui explorent continuité et changement, en soulignant notamment la main‐mise croissante d'entreprises dans les économies du loisir et de la vie nocturne, le recours accru à une stratégie de marque ou de thème, et l'émergence de marchés de consommation segmentés, aseptisés et embourgeoisés. Ces processus sont illustrés et étudiés empiriquement d'après les transformations du secteur de la vie nocturne au Royaume‐Uni, lequel a connu un enchaînement de restructuration‐reconcentration‐segmentation au cours des dix dernières années. Hormis plusieurs implications de ces évolutions (comme l'érosion de la diversité et du choix), l'article aborde les possibilités de coexistence, dans un tel contexte, de formes alternatives ou indépendantes et historiques ou collectives de production et d'espaces de vie nocturne.
Local dimensions of global investment: Israeli property firms in Central Europe
Authors: Charney Igal 
Published: August 2003

Transnational property investment has increased dramatically during the last few decades. This process has been traced by literature focusing on capital‐rich countries (e.g. the United States, Canada, Japan) and on major world cities. More recently, in tandem with the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the geographical horizons of foreign investors have broadened to include former socialist countries. This article examines the recent surge in Israeli property investment in Central Europe and argues that global flows depend on relationships between place of origin and destination. Mobility of property capital creates networks that connect cities on a transnational basis.Les investissements immobiliers transnationaux ont énormément augmenté au cours des dernières décennies. Cet aspect a été suivi et documenté surtout pour les pays riches en capitaux (Etats‐Unis, Canada, Japon, par exemple) et les grandes villes mondiales. Plus récemment, parallèlement à la chute du Mur de Berlin, les horizons géographiques des investisseurs étrangers se sont élargis aux anciens pays socialistes. L'article examine l'afflux récent d'investissements immobiliers israéliens en Europe centrale, affirmant que les flux planétaires dépendent des relations entre les lieux d'origine et de destination. La mobilité des capitaux immobiliers crée des réseaux qui relient des villes au plan transnational.
Counting the costs: Denmark's changing migration policies
Authors: Østergaard‐Nielsen Eva 
Published: August 2003

During the Danish local and national elections in November 2001, the scale, intensity and tone of the debates on migration took both national and international commentators by surprise. Within the first year of the new right‐wing government, supported by the influential Danish People's Party, Denmark has become one of the most exclusive and restrictive immigration regimes in Europe. This article takes a closer look at the recent politicization of migration issues in Denmark. While there is certainly concern with the compatibility of migrant ‘otherness’, in particular Islam, with Danish society and norms, then an equally, or even more central issue regards the ‘cost of migration’ for Danish social policy standards. Because of high unemployment rates, migrants and their descendants receive a relatively large part of Danish social contributions. This has raised the more general question of how to combine immigration with a tax‐financed universal welfare system where all have rights to full social benefits immediately upon arrival. The answer of the government has been to cut both sides of the equation by implementing stricter entry rules for family reunification and asylum‐seekers, as well as making a historical break with the principle of equal social welfare benefits for all legal residents.Lors des élections danoises locales et nationales de novembre 2001, l'ampleur, l'intensité et le ton des débats sur la migration ont surpris les commentateurs tant nationaux qu'étrangers. Au cours de la première année au pouvoir du nouveau gouvernement de droite, soutenu par le puissant Parti populaire danois, le Danemark a mis en place l'un des régimes d'immigration les plus fermés et restrictifs d'Europe. L'article s'attache à la récente politisation des questions de migration dans ce pays. Sans négliger le souci réel de compatibilité de ‘l'altérité’ des migrants, notamment l'Islam, avec la société et les normes danoises, il expose un problème aussi, voire plus crucial: le ‘coût de la migration’ selon les bases de la politique sociale nationale. Compte tenu des forts taux de chômage, les migrants et leurs descendants reçoivent une part relativement importante des contributions sociales danoises. D'où une question plus générale sur la façon de combiner immigration et système social universel financé par la fiscalité, où tous ont droit à l'intégralité des prestations sociales dès leur arrivée. En réponse, le gouvernement a tronqué les deux câtés de l'équation, en appliquant des règles d'entrée plus strictes pour la réunification familiale et les demandeurs d'asile, tout en créant une rupture historique avec le principe de prestations sociales égales pour tous les résidents légaux.
Unruly strangers? The 2001 urban riots in Britain
Authors: Amin Ash 
Published: August 2003

This article examines issues of place and citizenship raised by the riots in summer 2001 in Bradford, Oldham and Burnley, when Asian youths took to the street to protest against the long‐term marginalization and discrimination of working‐class Asians. The article summarizes the forces that triggered the riots, ranging from the activities of the far right and the police to the role of community leaders and the absence of economic opportunity. The thrust of the argument, though, is to argue that the riots should be read in terms of the mature claim of a section of British society for recognition as fully‐fledged citizens of a multi‐ethnic and multicultural society, rather than as claims of ethnic recognition alone.Cet article étudie les problèmes de place et de citoyenneté soulevés par les émeutes de l'été 2001 è Bradford, Oldham et Burnley, quand de jeunes asiatiques sont descendus dans la rue pour protester contre les marginalisation et discrimination constantes de la classe ouvrière asiatique. L'article énumère les forces à l'origine du soulèvement, allant des activités de l'exträme droite et de la police au rôle des leaders des communautés et à l'absence de perspective économique. Toutefois, l'argument essentiel affirme que les émeutes doivent ätre vues en termes de revendication réfléchie d'une partie de la société britannique pour une reconnaissance en tant que citoyens à part entière dans une société multi‐ethnique et multiculturelle, et non comme des exigences de reconnaissance ethnique uniquement.
Schools and Educational Outcomes: What Causes the “Race Gap” in Student Test Scores?*
Authors: Bali Valentina A. , Alvarez R. Michael 
Published: August 2003

Objective.African‐American and Hispanic students often have lower test scores than white students at all levels of education. In this article, we examine whether school factors impact racial groups differentially, helping reduce the test score gaps, and whether school policies benefit one racial group at the expense of another.Methods.The data is individual‐level data from a school district in California. Multivariate analysis (FGLS) is used to study the effect of school factors and race on test scores, after controlling for individual and school attributes.Results.School factors have a small differential effect by race on test scores. The school policies that have a positive influence on minorities' scores often involve an environment where closer attention is paid to the needs of students.Conclusion.Most school policies have a small effect on test scores, impacting all racial groups in a similar manner, without redistributing benefits across groups.
Teacher‐Student Racial Congruence, Teacher Perceptions, and Test Performance*
Authors: Oates Gary L. St. C. 
Published: August 2003

Objective. This research explores the seldom‐addressed question of whether teacher‐student racial congruence conditions the impact of teacher perceptions on performance.Methods. Multipopulation LISREL models (utilizing data from the NELS) compare the effect of white teachers' perceptions on African‐American standardized test performance to the corresponding effect among white students. Parallel models compare the impact of African‐American teacher perceptions across races. Preliminary models gauge whether the match/mismatch of teacher's and student's race shapes teacher perceptions of African‐American and white students.Results. The impact of teachers' perceptions on test performance shows signs of being especially pronounced in the racially dissonant white teacher‐black student context—the very context where teacher perceptions seem especially likely to be unfavorable.Conclusions. This research provides new insight on the relevance of teacher perceptions to the black‐white performance gap. Racial congruence seems primarily consequential to African‐American test performance—shaping both teacher perceptions and (somewhat less so) the impact of such perceptions on performance.
Do Human Rights Matter in Bilateral Aid Allocation? A Quantitative Analysis of 21 Donor Countries*
Authors: Neumayer Eric 
Published: August 2003

Objective. To analyze the role of human rights in aid allocation of 21 donor countries.Methods. Econometric analysis is applied to a panel covering the period 1985 to 1997.Results. Respect for civil/political rights plays a statistically significant role for most donors at the aid eligibility stage. Personal integrity rights, on the other hand, have a positive impact on aid eligibility for few donors only. At the level stage, most donors fail to promote respect for human rights in a consistent manner and often give more aid to countries with a poor record on either civil/political or personal integrity rights. No systematic difference is apparent between the like‐minded countries commonly regarded as committed to human rights (Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden) and the other donors.Conclusions. Contrary to their verbal commitment, donor countries do not consistently reward respect for human rights in their foreign aid allocation.