bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Effect of a Supervised Exercise and Physiotherapy Program on Surgical Interventions in Children with Thermal Injury
Authors: Celis Mario M. , Suman Oscar E. , Huang Ted T. , Yen Peter , Herndon David N. 
Published: November 2003

Abstract
Continuous body growth and rigidity of scars in children are significant contributors to burn scar contractures (BSCs). BSCs decrease a patient's range of motion and their ability to perform activities of daily living. A benefit of exercise is an increase the patient's ability to perform and sustain activities of daily living. Therefore, we investigated whether patients who were involved in a supervised, hospital-based exercise program, in addition to physical and occupational therapy (PTEX), would have fewer surgical interventions than a nonexercise group receiving home-delivered physical and occupational therapy (PT) alone. We examined 53 patients at 6, 9, 12, 18, and 24 months postburn. The PTEX group (n = 27) completed a 12-week supervised exercise program starting at 6 months postburn. Exercise sessions were held three times per week, with duration of 60 to 90 minutes per session. Resistance and aerobic exercises were performed at 70 to 85% of the patient's maximal effort. In contrast, the PT group (n = 26) received a home rehabilitation program with no supervised exercise. Patients were evaluated at 3-month intervals for scar formation, range of motion, and need for surgery. At 12, 18, 24 months postburn, the number of patients in the PTEX group needing release of BSC was significantly lower than the number of patients in the PT group. The results indicate that patients would receive a significant benefit if enrolled in a supervised exercise and physiotherapy program with the exercise portion consisting of an aerobic and resistance-training component. This type of program is beneficial in decreasing the number of surgical interventions and should be incorporated as part of a postburn outpatient rehabilitation.
Burn Center Management of Necrotizing Fasciitis
Authors: Barillo David J. , McManus Albert T. , Cancio Leopoldo C. , Sofer Alfred , Goodwin Cleon W. 
Published: November 2003

Abstract
Necrotizing fasciitis is a rapidly progressive soft-tissue infection associated with significant morbidity and mortality. Necrotizing fasciitis is similar to invasive burn wound infection in that diagnosis requires histologic examination of affected tissue and treatment requires aggressive surgical debridement followed by skin autograft. Transfer to a burn center facilitates the management of necrotizing fasciitis, where requisite surgical and nursing expertise is available. We reviewed the experience of one burn center in the management of necrotizing fasciitis over a 5-year period. Ten patients were transferred to the burn center from other medical facilities for care, arriving a mean of 8.9 days after initial hospital admission. The diagnosis was made by a surgical service or consultation before transfer in all cases; initial admission to a medical rather than a surgical service delayed surgery in five cases. All patients had surgical debridement before transfer but required a mean of 5.1 additional operations at the burn center. Although the mean extent of involvement was 14.8% body surface area, the mean length of burn center stay was 34.9 days. Complications were frequent, including pulmonary failure requiring mechanical ventilation (n = 6), renal insufficiency or failure (n = 5), hypotension requiring pressers (n = 4), deep venous thrombosis (n = 3), and pulmonary emboli (n = 1). Overall mortality was 2 of 10 patients (20%). Both fatalities were associated with delay in initial surgical procedure and in transfer to the burn center. The similarity of necrotizing fasciitis and invasive burn wound infection makes the burn center the ideal setting for the treatment of this disease. We advocate the addition of necrotizing fasciitis to the list of conditions currently recognized by the American Burn Association as appropriate for burn center transfer and care.
Fusarium Infections in Burn Patients: A Case Report and Review of the Literature
Authors: Latenser Barbara A. 
Published: November 2003

Abstract
Fusarium species, or saprophytic molds, are important plant pathogens and recognized as agents of human mycotic infections. Frequently superficial, deep-tissue involvement, and dissemination occurs in immunocompromised hosts with hematologic malignancies, aplastic anemia, and chemotherapy treatment. Presented in this work is a burn patient with a fatal disseminated infection in addition to a review of the literature. A 40-year-old white male acquired a 73% grease scald injury at work. His hospital course was interspersed with multiple episodes of Flavobacterium, Fusarium, Candida, Proteus, Enterococcus, coagulase-negative Staphylococcus, and Serratia infections. He underwent nine operative procedures for debridement, excision, and skin grafting. The last operative procedure included bilateral below knee amputations to halt an invasive Fusarium infection that was invading normal unburned skin. The patient died 55 days after injury. Fusarium and Aspergillus infections are frequently confused and do not have characteristic clinical features. With the prolonged survival of severely burned patients, better fungal diagnostic and treatment modalities are needed to improve outcome.
(Mis)Managing Diversity: Worker Rights and US Trade Policy
Authors:   Elliott
Published: November 2003

AbstractThe metaphor of the two-level game has been used to describe the process whereby political leaders find themselves negotiating simultaneously at the domestic and international tables when trying to reach international cooperative agreements. This article examines the role of domestic politics in the US debate over trade policy in recent years. Specifically, the article analyzes the bargaining between the Clinton administration and the US Congress over the appropriate role for labor (and environmental) issues in trade negotiations in the context of the debate over so-called ``fast-track'' negotiating authority. The article then goes on to analyze how the domestic politics of this issue could affect an international negotiation over worker rights in the World Trade Organization.
Weak Powers and Globalism: The Impact of Plurality on Weak-Strong Negotiations in the International Economy
Authors:   Singh
Published: November 2003

AbstractCan developing countries effect outcomes in their favor in negotiations with developed countries? This article shows that as global politics move toward a multi-issue `diffusion of power' in which states and other actors interact in a considerably less hierarchical fashion than one characterized by a state-centric security-dominated distribution of power, developing countries are afforded negotiation processes they lacked earlier. First, the negotiation environment is changing. Developing countries are negotiating in scenarios increasingly marked by pragmatic `rules of the game' rather than authoritative or confrontational scenarios of earlier periods. Developing country alternatives have also improved in the diffusion of power. Second, developing countries can now use a host of negotiation tactics effectively. These include inclusion/agenda setting, trade-offs/issue-linkages, coalition building, technocratic and legalistic strategies and direct lobbying in other countries. The article emphasizes the links between issue-specific power structures and negotiation processes and draws attention to the underlying historical context in which these structures and processes arise. Several examples from bilateral and multilateral negotiations are introduced in the article although these examples do not constitute empirical proof of this article's conceptual arguments. In conclusion, given diffusion of power and the resulting pluralism, developing countries are not completely resigned to global liberalism without effecting anything in their favor. Global liberalism is thus not just a top-down process – it can be amended from below. Negotiations matter.
Informed Consent: A Negotiated Formula for Trade in Risky Organisms and Chemicals
Authors:   Wolf
Published: November 2003

AbstractInformed consent is at the center of the Rotterdam Convention on Prior Informed Consent and the Cartegena Protocol on Biosafety. Consistent with the idea of a negotiation ``formula,'' it encapsulates the principles underlying parties' demands by balancing the efficiency of unconstrained trade with ethically charged support for autonomy and self-determination. As a negotiated rule, informed consent translates the formula into specific procedural requirements based on risk assessment. Parties' fundamental interest to enhance food security via the two treaties is used to illustrate both the principle and rule aspects of informed consent. In addition, the value of formula analysis in negotiation theory is investigated. The article supports increased attention to informed consent in international relations, to the merits of formula analysis, and to the possibility of better understanding a fundamental objective such as food security through a formula-guided analysis of these and related negotiated outcomes.
Trust or Contract?Negotiating Formal and Informal Agreements in the Arab-Israeli Peace Process
Authors:   Mishal,   Morag
Published: November 2003

AbstractContracts and Trust are ends of a continuum on which negotiations and interstate relations are based. Both arrangements are common in political negotiation and they played a significant role in Israel's peace negotiations with Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority. Contractual relationships are more likely in the case of states with a traditionally hierarchical order whereas trust plays an important role in relations with states based on a traditionally networked system. As boundaries within societies and between states and communities become increasingly blurred, there is a greater need to approach negotiated issues between states by simultaneously exploring contract and trust dimensions.
Sri Lanka's Prolonged Ethnic Conflict: Negotiating a Settlement
Authors:   de Silva
Published: November 2003

AbstractNegotiations to resolve Sri Lanka's prolonged and deep-rooted ethnic conflict have a long history. The negotiations fall into two categories: those conducted locally between parties to the dispute, and those negotiated with the presence and under the auspices of a regional power, India in this instance. There have been several sets of negotiations of the first category, none of them successful. The Indian mediation in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict which began in the early 1980s and lasted eight years, provides a classic study in the perils involved when a regional power seeks to negotiate and impose a settlement in an ethnic conflict in a neighboring state. That coercive intervention, with its ambiguous and eventually contradictory objectives, failed in almost all of its aims. Entering the dispute as a mediator with the avowed objective of protecting the interests of Sri Lanka's Tamil minority, the Indian army eventually fought the principal representatives of Tamil separatism on Sri Lankan soil, a unique example of an external mediator's unintended transformation into a combatant. The failure of this enterprise aggravated the island's ethnic conflict, far from resolving it. It left successive Sri Lankan governments first negotiating with the most violent and intransigent of the Tamil separatist groups, and then continuing a military struggle once the negotiations failed. The Sri Lankan situation provides insights into the difficulties faced by democratically elected governments in dealing with a separatist movement captured by the most violent group within it, a group that has systematically marginalized its rivals and driven the traditional democratic forces among the Tamils to the periphery of the political system.The new Sri Lanka government elected in December 2001, like its immediate predecessor, is intent on negotiations with the Tamils with the assistance of a Norwegian facilitator. There is little reason to be optimistic about the outcome of such efforts given the dismal record of previous episodes of negotiation between the Sri Lankan government and the principal Tamil separatist group.
Thoughts on How to Organize a Data Set on Diplomatic Methods of Conflict Management
Authors:   Regan
Published: November 2003

AbstractAt the initial stages of organizing a data generation effort it is useful to think through the theoretical foundations for the data and the range of questions to which the data could be brought to bear. There are four areas where data on diplomatic interventions should prove particularly fruitful: (1) the notion of “ripe moments,” (2) sequencing of escalation and deescalation, (3) differing ideas about the outcome of diplomatic efforts, and (4) capturing the process of negotiation. A theoretical construct is discussed that can guide the generation of data on negotiations and point toward operational indicators of negotiation consistent with these constructs. Of particular importance, moreover, is a coherent focus on the outcome of the process to be recorded. There is considerable merit in designing a data set that allows testing of ideas about how diplomacy works. In effect, organizing a data generation effort in a manner that captures the essence of the bargaining process (concessions, ideal points, reservation points, etc.) can greatly enhance our knowledge of conflict management.
Is There a U.S. Negotiating Style?
Authors: Druckman  
Published: November 2003

AbstractIn this final essay, a number of issues are raised about depicting negotiating behavior in terms of national styles. Although many of the previous commentaries describe particular characteristics of a U.S. style, these are unlikely to be inherent attributes of negotiators from that country. Rather, a nation's approach to negotiation is better understood in terms of the situation confronting its negotiators. For example, behavior thought to reflect "style" may be a result of power differences between the nations in a particular negotiation. Negotiators from different nations may react to the same situation in similar ways due to shared socializing experiences. Systematic research is needed to distinguish among the various possible sources for negotiating behavior. It should be guided by a framework that places culture among the panoply of influences on negotiating behavior. And it should consist of research designs that compare different national delegations and employ a variety of methodological strategies.
Some Determinants of the Oslo Breakthrough
Authors: Kelman  
Published: November 2003

AbstractThe breakthrough character of the Oslo agreement is attributed to the mutual recognition between the State of Israel and the PLO and the opening of direct negotiations between them. The parties were induced to go to Oslo and negotiate an agreement there by macro-level forces evolving over some time: Long-term changes, going back to the 1967 War, and short-term strategic and domestic-political considerations, resulting from the Gulf War and the end of the Cold War, created new interests that persuaded them of the necessity of negotiating a compromise; and unofficial interactions between the two sides over the course of two decades persuaded them of the possibility of doing so. Once the parties decided to negotiate, the micro-process provided by Oslo, with its peculiar mixture of track-one and track-two elements, contributed to the success of the negotiations. Key elements included secrecy, the setting, the status of the initial participants, the nature of the third party, and the nature of the mediation process. Finally, what made the accord viable were some of its main substantive features, including the exchange of letters of mutual recognition, the distinction between the interim and the final stage, and the territorial base and early empowerment of the Palestinian Authority.
Evaluating Programs Designed to Teach International Content and Negotiation Skills
Authors: Torney-Purta  
Published: November 2003

AbstractThe first purpose of this article is to describe the steps for conducting a simple evaluation (usable in a variety of different types of courses and programs). The second purpose is to report results from an evaluation of the ICONS Computer-Assisted Simulation, designed to teach both international concepts and content (declarative knowledge) and negotiation strategies and skills (procedural knowledge) to university students. Several techniques are described, including rating scales, open-ended questions scored for elaboration, concept maps, and computer-assisted data collection. Two groups of students differing in type of participation were identified in the evaluation of the ICONS simulation. The first (and largest group) became highly involved in the program and valued learning from the innovative technology used; the second (and much smaller group) was less involved and preferred learning from traditional methods such as lectures and reading. Notes about tactics and decisions involved in planning and implementing the evaluation are included.
Intergovernmental Conferences and European Integration: Negotiating the Amsterdam Treaty
Authors: Lodge  
Published: November 2003

AbstractThis article raises some of the major issues posed by the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) which negotiated difficult institutional reform problems. Institutional reform continues to preoccupy the governments, even after signing the Amsterdam Treaty which was agreed upon at the 1996 IGC. It is a recurrent subject for negotiation and is likely to be a lead agenda item to be negotiated at the next IGC.
Bargaining over Power and Policy: The CAP Reform and Agricultural Negotiations in the Uruguay Round
Authors: Landau  
Published: November 2003

AbstractThe CAP reform had been on the EC agenda for several years, however the Community appeared powerless in dealing with the situation, especially when the Uruguay Round of negotiations created an additional level of complexity. Conceptual tools can help unravel this complexity. Policy networks capture the interplay between various actors and institutions. Each has strategies and strives for its own interests. The Commission and the Council of agricultural ministers were important actors in this on-going process of negotiation which characterizes the EU decision-making process. Coalitions are also a key element in explaining the process and outcomes of the CAP reform and the agricultural negotiations in the Uruguay Round.
Greenpeace and the Dumping of Waste at Sea: A Case of Non-State Actors' Intervention in International Affairs
Authors: Parmentier  
Published: November 2003

AbstractWhen Greenpeace proposed for the first time that nuclear and chemical industries should stop taking ships out to sea to dump or burn their waste, these industries claimed that these environmental requirements were impossible to meet. Twenty years later, what Greenpeace proposed then has become international policy. The emergence of NGOs in international affairs is one of the novelties of the last couple of decades. But while intergovernmental fora where environmental issues are discussed have proliferated considerably in the last decade, NGOs still have limited resources. They cannot be present everywhere and at all times.
Confronting the Nuclear-Armed States in International Negotiating Forums: Lessons for NGOs
Authors: Burroughs  , Cabasso  
Published: November 2003

AbstractThe role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is examined in nuclear weapons related negotiations in the 1990s regarding the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT), the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Such negotiations have been an occasion for NGOs to voice public aspirations for an end to the nuclear threat, and in this way to help stimulate some progress, but generally not to influence substantively the terms of the instruments under negotiation. An NGO initiative led to the failed PTBT Amendment Conference which however helped to spur the eventual successful negotiation of the CTBT. At the NPT Extension Conference, one coalition of NGOs assisted in the achievement of US government objectives of obtaining indefinite extension and commitments to negotiation of a CTBT and a fissile materials production cutoff. Other NGOs advocating the abolition of nuclear weapons failed to decisively affect the outcome of the Conference, but the experience served as the catalyst for the development of an ongoing large international network. NGOs seeking the express criminalization of the employment of nuclear weapons in the ICC Statute succeeded only in preserving issues with regard to indiscriminate weapons for future negotiations. NGOs' access to the negotiations regarding the CTBT and NPT was extremely limited. Effectiveness of NGOs in this field could be enhanced by increasing access; by forming closer working relationships with states supporting nuclear disarmament; and by intensifying the interaction between NGO advocacy at the national and international levels.
Towards a Human Rights — Based Contraceptive Policy; A Critique of Anti-Sterilisation Law in Poland
Authors: Rutkiewicz  
Published: November 2003

AbstractSterilisation is one of the safest, most effective and most widely used method of family planning in the world. However, it is illegal and inaccessible in Poland. This paper argues that implications of the anti-sterilisation policy in Poland amount to a violation of human rights, especially the right to respect for private and family life and the right to equality. It also explores this question with regard to the right to health. In particular, the argument goes, the rights-based challenges to the criminal prohibition of sterilisation require a gender-sensitive perspective on contraceptive policy that recognises the intimate connection between reproductive choice and the status of women. Certain concerns associated with contraceptive sterilisation (e.g. fear of abuse or post-sterilisation regret) would be addressed more appropriately by less restrictive measures that respect rights of individuals and better respond to their needs - in particular a system of counselling, confining decisions about sterilisation to the doctor-patient level and basing them on free and informed choice. The paper concludes that sterilisation policy should be part of the comprehensive reproductive health policy built upon respect for human rights and principles of equality and public health, as opposed to the present Polish government's policy, which is ideologically driven and does not conform to international standards.