bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
3 Modelling the Pattern of Class Voting in British Elections, 1964–1992
Authors: Goldthorpe John H. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe structure of association between classes and parties is examined over a thirty‐year period using log‐multiplicative and topological models. It is shown that there is a substantial degree of stability in class–party associations over the period. The topological models also show that not only has there been little evidence of dealignment but realignment has also not occurred to any degree: the major changes have been in the overall popularity of the main political parties.
4 Classes, Unions, and the Realignment of US Presidential Voting, 1952–1992
Authors: Hout Michael , Manza Jeff , Brooks Clem 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Class voting in US presidential elections underwent a historic realignment (rather than dealignment) during the 1960s and 1970s. The middle class split their allegiance: professionals and routine white‐collar workers switched from supporting Republican candidates to backing the Democrats, while the self‐employed converted from fence‐sitting to strong Republican support. At the same time, the Democrats lost their former blue‐collar base. This chapter investigates the role of the demise of the trade unions during the realignment of class voting in the US. It concludes that the drop in union membership hurt Democratic candidates, but it does not explain the realignment of class voting in US presidential elections.
5 The Secret Life of Class Voting: Britain, France, and the United States Since the 1930s
Authors: Weakliem David L. , Heath Anthony F. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIt is shown that since the 1950s, there has been little evidence of change in the voting patterns of most classes in France. However, farmers have clearly moved to the extreme right from the late 1950s onwards, thus producing a polarization in voting patterns between them and working class voters. The explanation for this rather specific over‐time variation is argued to lie not in social change but in the political strategies of the Gaullist movement. As with the previous two case studies, parties are seen as the key actors explaining movement in class–party relations.
7 Changes in Class Voting in Norway, 1957–1989
Authors: Ringdal Kristen , Hines Kjell 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDespite their reputation as the home of a highly developed form of class politics, the first of two Scandinavian case studies examines trends in relative class voting in Norwegian Storting elections from 1957 to 1988 and shows that there was a decline in levels of class voting in the 1960s. Ironically, perhaps, the reason for this change would appear to be the political success of class politics, in which universalistic welfare provision legislation—in part a response to the strength of the working class movement—led to an erosion of middle class opposition to welfarism.
10 The Emergence of Class Politics and Class Voting in Post‐Communist Russia
Authors: Evans Geoffrey , Whitefield Stephen 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe second chapter examines a country whose post‐communist experience has been very different from that of the relatively advantaged Czechs, and examines the emergence of class divisions to political preferences in Russia during the early and middle part of the 1990s. By examining the relationship between class position, economic perceptions and orientations towards marketization over time, this study provides evidence of both the economic basis of class polarization and the role of an increasing understanding of the socially differentiated costs and benefits associated with market economies in accounting for class differences in political preferences.
11 Resolving Disputes About Class Voting in Britain and the United States: Definitions, Models, and Data
Authors: Weakliem David L. , Heath Anthony F. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Examines the methodological bases of different findings in the Anglo‐American democracies and tries to resolve these aspects of the disputes through: (1) a comparison of the findings obtained in Britain using the British Election Studies versus Gallup polls, and in the US using the American National election Studies, Gallup polls, and the General Social Survey; (2) comparison of the effects of differences in class coding; and (3) various specifications of loglinear models. The analyses span the period from 1936 to 1987 in Britain and 1936 to 1988 in the US. The effects of the sources of difference are interpreted in conjunction with an emphasis on their substantive implications.
12 Critical Commentary: Four Perspectives on the End of Class Politics?
Authors: Mair Peter , Lipset Seymour Martin , Hout Michael , Goldthorpe John H. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis eminent group of scholars contributes a range of institutional, historical, sociological, and technical expertise to a debate on the issues raised in the book. The aim is to present a balanced overview. Thus, Seymour Martin Lipset has previously argued that class no longer has a central position in politics and that other social characteristics, or value preferences, form the bases of political divisions. In contrast, John Goldthorpe and Michael Hout have argued that class remains central to politics and many other areas of social activity. Peter Mair gives a perspective from institutional political science.
Making Sense of the EMU Negotiations
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe EMU negotiations are identified as a ‘core executive’ activity and analysed in terms of their structural, strategic, and cognitive dimensions. EMU was a prestructured negotiating process, shaped by a historical inheritance of received ideas about vital interests, by institutional structures and policy style, by the hegemony of German monetary ideas, by globalization and deregulation of financial markets, and by policy beliefs and knowledge. EMU negotiations were also a strategic process involving power and interests and choice amongst a range of strategic options, and were both a two‐level game and a nested game. Finally, the EMU negotiations were a cognitive process, in which beliefs, the probing and restructuring of arguments, signalling behaviour, symbolic politics, choice of institutional venues, and policy entrepreneurship played key roles.
The Political Problem of Reconciling Domestic and International Interests in EMU: The Legacy of Barre, Giscard D'estaing, and Pompidou
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDe Gaulle's views on EMU are compared with those of his Finance Minister Giscard d’Estaing. French policy towards the Hague Summit and the Werner Report is analysed, in particular the views and strategy of Pompidou. The Giscard Presidency is explored from the problems of the ‘Snake’ to the idea of a ‘new Bretton Woods for Europe’, beginning with the ERM and leading to EMU by a process of evolution.
French Strategy for the IGC: Making EMU Irreversible
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractPresidential leadership is examined in the context of German unification. Particular attention is given to the construction of the French negotiating team and the domestic bureaucratic politics of EMU, especially involving Dumas, Guigou, Bérégovoy, and Trichet. Bérégovoy's idea of a third route to EMU is also considered. The key focus is on how French negotiators pursued their objectives, especially the idea of irreversibility.
The Political Problem of Reconciling Domestic and International Interests in EMU: The Legacy of Schiller and Schmidt
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractEMU is situated in the context of the legacies of Schiller (especially coronation theory) and of Schmidt (the creation of the EMS). Schmidt's leadership style is examined with reference to the Bundesbank, especially Emminger and the ordo‐liberals. The failure to launch the second stage of the EMS in 1982 is also considered.
German Strategy for the IGC
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe influences on German negotiating positions are examined from the preparation for the IGC through to the end game. The focus is on Kohl, Waigel, Köhler, and Lautenschlager, as well as what happened inside the Bundesbank. A key question is why the German government accepted irreversibility at Maastricht. The Franco–German relationship emerges as central to the negotiations, along with Kohl's determination to save the treaty. German negotiators had to learn to trust the French, to move beyond coronation theory, and to pacify German public opinion by ensuring that the single currency was at least as stable as the D‐mark.
Framing EMU as a New Vincolo Esterno: Policy Entrepreneurs, Co‐Ordination, and Reflection in Italy, 1988–1990
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDomestically, elites and the mass public were so united in giving high priority to maintaining Italy's position in ‘Europe’ that its substance elicited little public debate. Yet, the demands of the EMU negotiations challenged the traditional diffuseness of state administration and the mores of the partitocrazia. Thus, a window of opportunity appeared for technocratic policy leadership over the EMU negotiations. A small nucleus of officials within the core executive acted in relative isolation as policy entrepreneurs. Especially at the start, the policy style was essentially reactive but it came to display clarity, coherence, and consistency in the positions adopted. Paradoxically, a ‘weak’ state displayed strong policy coordination.
Resisting EMU: Political Strategy, Policy Entrepreneurship, and Policy Reflection Before the IGC
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe emergence of EMU on the European agenda caught Whitehall off guard. The task soon became one of resistance. Two alternative plans were launched—for a competing currency, then for a common currency—but their motivation and purpose remained uncertain. Mrs Thatcher saw them as a means to delay or dilute EMU. Lawson, Howe, and Major favoured a more constructive engagement in the EMU debate. Both the alternative plans failed to restructure the debate in Europe, a feature to be explained by both short‐ and long‐term conditions affecting British policy‐making. Strategic miscalculations (concerning the Delors Committee, as well as the British alternatives) were evident in the perception of the balance of political forces and the ability of Britain to reshape them.
Conclusions and Reflections
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter considers what can be learnt from the EMU negotiations and why an EMU agreement was possible. It looks at the nature and patterns of coalition building. It also examines the EMU negotiations in the context of European integration theories and outlines the theoretical implications of the study. Finally, it identifies the key problems in the Maastricht agreement, especially the risk of being locked into a politics of deflation in the context of imperfect legitimation.
Justifying Comitology: The Promise of Deliberation
Authors: Neyer Jürgen 
Published: October 2003

AbstractProvides basic data on comitology and introduces the normative concerns voiced by the EP. Responding to the inter‐institutional debate and the Commission's proposal concerning the reform of comitology, the chapter proceeds by discussing comitology in the context of supranational governance in general. It is argued that convincing normative justifications must take account of the distinctive nature of the European polity. One way of formulating such a justification is provided by the concept of deliberative supranationalism. This concept corresponds to theoretical interpretations emphasizing the sui generis nature of the EC. It assumes that the legitimation of governance within constitutional nation‐states remains inevitably one‐sided and parochial. Deliberative supranationalism, in this regard, respects the member states’ constitutional legitimacy, while at the same time clarifying and sanctioning the commitments arising from its interdependence with equally democratically legitimized states, and with the supranational prerogatives that the institutionalization of this interdependence requires.
Negotiating Flexible Integration in the Amsterdam Treaty
Authors: Stubb Alexander C.‐G. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFocuses on the negotiations that led to the institutionalization of closer cooperation or flexible integration, i.e. the possibility for a number of member states to cooperate more closely in specific areas using the institutional framework of the Union. Flexibility is examined because it is an important legal and political issue, influencing all aspects of Union activity in the long term. Although the notion of flexibility is not new to the Union, the Amsterdam Treaty provides the first institutionalization of this concept as a basic principle in the Treaties. This chapter tries to determine how the subject was approached in the negotiations. To assess the outcome of the flexibility clauses in the Amsterdam Treaty and the different stages of the negotiations on flexible integration, the chapter is divided into four parts: first, a description of the flexibility clauses in the Treaty; second, the agenda‐setting stage, which lasted from June 1994 to June 1996; third, the drafting stage, which ran from July 1996 to December 1996; and finally, the negotiating stage, which lasted from January 1997 to October 1997.
Abuses of Asymmetry: Privilege and Exclusion
Authors: Leslie Peter 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDifferentiated integration, e.g. arising out of the flexibility provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty, is a special instance of functional asymmetry within compound political systems such as federal states or the EU. Functional asymmetry exists when central decision‐making applies unevenly across the system; the system is asymmetrical in that some of the participants (provinces, member states) exercise greater powers than others. This chapter explores when and why such an arrangement may be acceptable to participants or may even be imposed (as with admission rules for EMU). It argues that states’ attitudes towards asymmetry may be shaped (1) by economic calculation (cost/benefit), (2) by possible tendency to link economic issues with non‐economic ones (democracy, human rights), or (3) by institutional design, which may permit matching of functional asymmetries with political ones (uneven participation in central decision‐making). In all three respects, the question arises, what is fair, or reasonable? Judgements on such matters are inherently subjective, but still may be the focus of reasoned discussion identifying two possible abuses of asymmetry: privilege and exclusion.
East of Amsterdam: The Implications of the Amsterdam Treaty for Eastern Enlargement
Authors: Sedelmeier Ulrich 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDespite the member states’ failure to agree in the Amsterdam Treaty on institutional reforms that they presented before the 1996/7 IGC as prerequisites for enlargement, we should not expect the enlargement process to come to a standstill. The inability to agree on necessary reforms does indeed highlight the EU's difficulties of finding a response to the various adjustment pressures that would not threaten some member states’ material interests. However, there are countervailing dynamics underpinning the enlargement process that appear sufficiently strong to continue to carry the process forward. These dynamics are not easily captured in materialist rationalist analyses: the EU's self‐image or collective identity in its relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs) inclines EU policy‐makers towards accommodating these countries’ preferences to join. However, the impact of this identity is uneven among different groups of EU policy‐makers. Thus, while we should expect the enlargement process to continue despite countervailing material interests, the accommodation of the CEECs’ preferences in substantive sectoral policies will vary and will be limited in most issue areas.
Constitutional Settlements and the Citizen After the Treaty of Amsterdam
Authors: Shaw Jo 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFocuses on two related questions: the construction of the citizen as a constitutional figure in the EU, and the interpretation of the new constitutional settlement for the Union after the Treaty of Amsterdam. The two issues are brought together in so far as citizenship is treated in this paper less as an object of study in itself and more as an optic for understanding the development of institution‐building and polity‐formation in the Union context. This builds the key relationship between constitutional construction and the development of the citizenship idea in the EU context. The paper comprises in part a review of citizenship issues in the EU post Amsterdam, with a particular focus on the types of questions that animate the discussion of citizenship, and for the rest a brief review of how the Treaty of Amsterdam changed the citizenship/constitutional settlement in small but significant ways.
Angola
Authors: Clemente‐Kersten Ana Catarina 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Angola follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’états); 2.2 Electoral Body 1992 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1992 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (no referenda have been held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1992; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1975–1998.
Benin
Authors: Hartmann Christof 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter on elections and electoral systems in Benin (formerly Dahomey) follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1958–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1959–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1958–1990 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1995; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1968–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
Burkina Faso
Authors: Grotz Florian 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter on elections and electoral systems in Burkina Faso follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1958–1998 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1959–1998 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1959–1991 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (not held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1997 (the national and regional distribution of seats); 2.9 Presidential Elections 1965–1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
Burundi
Authors: Basedau Matthias 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Burundi follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions (not in force since the coup d’état of 1996), and a comment on the electoral statistics (no official data are available). The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1961–1993 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1961–1993 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1981–1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (not held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1961–1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1961–1993; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1984 and 1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1961–1998.