bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
How to Be Happy
Authors: Davies Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
What is it that perfects and fulfils human beings and what is really good for them? To put it at its simplest, Thomas Aquinas’ answer is that we are perfect, fulfilled, and good when we are happy, the notion of happiness here being human action in pursuit of the final good, which is God. In this chapter, the concept is investigated independently of Christian revelation (the next chapter develops it with an eye on Christianity). The different sections of the chapter address happiness and God, happiness and need, practical reasoning (the fact that human actions can be arrived at rationally – synderesis, conscience, and acting morally), virtues (general, intellectual, and moral), and natural law (law derived from reason and grounded in the principles of synderesis).
How to Be Holy
Authors: Davies Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter begins to connect what Thomas Aquinas says about people in general with his teaching on the Trinity – his position being that the Trinity makes us divine since God, who is the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, brings us to the final or ultimate good or end of rational creatures, which is nothing less than God himself. It starts by considering Aquinas’ claim that God is the means by which we can be better than we are when considered as merely human. This raising up of people to union with God is part of a long story that he distinguishes into definite stages: the start of the human race at the time of the biblical story of Adam; the time of application of the Old Law (the Torah, or the commands and injunctions in the early books of the Old Testament); and the time of application of the New Law (which started with the sending of the Son and the Spirit, and consists chiefly of the grace of the Holy Spirit, shown by faith working through love, which the people receive through God's Son). The rest of the chapter is devoted to a discussion of grace (including theological virtues, and the fall of Adam), and of the causes and kinds of grace.
The Heart of Grace
Authors: Davies Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Aristotle speaks of virtues as dispositions that make people good and cause them to function well, and St Paul speaks in a similar way about faith, hope, and love. With these points in mind, and following the practice of his day, Thomas Aquinas asserts that the theological virtues are faith, hope, and charity; these, he says, are the means by which we come to God by grace as opposed to nature. Their presence is what chiefly allows us to say that, in the time of the New Law (which started with the sending of the Son and the Spirit, and consists chiefly of the grace of the Holy Spirit, which the people receive through God's Son), people have become sharers in the divine nature. For Aquinas, faith, hope, and charity are the heart of the life of grace. In this chapter, therefore, what he says about them is explored in some detail, with the aim of showing how it is that much of Aquinas’ thought as covered in earlier chapters comes to a kind of culmination when he turns to what, for him, is clearly the most important aspect of our lives.
God Incarnate
Authors: Davies Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Christology can be defined as the study of the person of Christ and, in particular, of the union in him of divine and human natures’. Not everyone would agree with this definition, and it cannot be said whether or not Thomas Aquinas would have agreed with it, although it might well be surmised that he would at least sympathize with it, because Christology (in the sense defined here) is his chief concern when he talks about Christ directly; it is also an area of inquiry in which he draws heavily on what he had said before he turned to the subject of Christ. Aquinas’ Christology is indebted to his teaching on God considered as Creator and Trinity. It is also bound up with what he thinks about human beings and their natural and supernatural happiness, for he conceives of Christ as the definitive means by which creatures who have come from God return to their source, and he takes him to be the point at which divinity and humanity come closest to each other. The different sections of the chapter discuss the general nature of Aquinas’ Christology, the union of divinity and humanity, and what Christ was like as Aquinas viewed him.
Signs and Wonders
Authors: Davies Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Thomas Aquinas’ view of the Christian doctrine is a summons to respond to God and a summons to a way of life, and his view on this is in essence contained in his teaching on faith, hope, and charity. But he also has other things to say about the details of Christian life, and some of these are looked at in this chapter, which examines the sacraments – the means by which faith, hope, and charity are perfected. The first part of the chapter looks at sacraments in general, and the last part looks at the Eucharist itself.
Rawls and the Abstract Contract
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter examines Rawls's argument in A Theory of Justice, which attempts to derive liberal rights and rules of justice from an original position or contract among people denied full knowledge of their identities. This chapter examines problems relating to the derivation of principles from the original position, the conception of the original position itself, and the relation of self‐interest to the capacity of justice.
An Alternative Foundation for Political and Ethical Principles
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter argues that the analysis of the previous chapters indicates the problems attached to conceiving of morality as rooted in a neutral or Archimedean point from which different principles can be assessed and validated, but that it is more fruitful to root morality within a particular tradition. The problem of moral scepticism and relativism and pluralism are discussed as well as the implications of this approach to moral theorizing for ethical political principles.
Revolution and World Order
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by international as well as civil conflict, while revolutionary doctrines have proven to be highly disruptive of the existing structure of international politics. Conversely, the prevailing international order presents fundamental difficulties for some revolutionary states. The belief system on which its revolution was founded and which legitimized the assumption of state power by the revolutionary elite is certain to run counter to the prevailing political doctrines of many other states. David Armstrong asks whether revolutionary states are ‘socialized’ into adopting acceptable patterns of international behaviour, or whether it is the international society that is forced to change when these new states appear. He looks in detail at the French, American, and Russian revolutions and at several post‐1945 revolutionary states. He also examines the relationship between revolutionary states and the principal ordering devices of an international society: international law, diplomacy, and the balance of power. His book is a significant contribution to the ‘English School’ literature, whose central concept is that of an international society. It shows how the interaction between revolutionary states and the established norms, rules, and institutions of international society works to produce change in both the revolutionary state and international society itself. As such it elucidates the dynamic aspects of international society.
Introduction
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractTo what extent do revolutionary states succeed in altering the international society of which they find themselves members, and to what extent does it succeed in ‘socializing’ them? On what basis can international order be built in a world where revolutionary states may even deny the very existence of a society of states with common interests, rules, and institutions? These are the central questions considered in this book, and the Introduction considers in more detail what the four key terms that are employed throughout the book—‘revolutionary state’, ‘world order’, ‘international society’, and ‘socialization’—mean. It also suggests some of the implications of the book for theoretical aspects of international relations, particularly the concept of an ‘international society’.
The Westphalian Conception of International Society
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract‘International society’ is a term that has been used in several different senses, three of which are considered here: ‘universal society’, ‘great community of mankind’ (as elaborated by Grotius), and ‘society of states’ as elaborated by Hedley Bull in Anarchical Society. The approach adopted here draws upon the last of these conceptualizations but sees sovereignty as the fundamental shared norm of the society of states and consent as the basis of the principle of obligation in a society of states. Variants of the ‘universal society’ idea may be found in the Chinese and Roman empires and early Christendom. The ‘great Community’ idea is to be found in natural law doctrines and in the writings of jurists such as Suarez and Vitoria. The notion of a ‘society of states’ and the various institutions (notably ‘balance of power’ and the principle of non‐intervention) are associated with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648.
State and People the American Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractWhile there are important differences between the American Revolution and other revolutions, there are also some striking similarities. The basic ideas of the American outlook on international affairs emerged in the hundred years before the revolution. Central amongst these ideas was the need to build and secure a republic in North America. A fundamental debate took place after the revolution between the different views of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson as to the most appropriate American posture towards the rest of the world. The essential elements in this debate have continued to affect the US foreign policy.
State and Nation the French Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe question of the origins of the French revolutionary wars is controversial, with some seeing them as fundamentally ideological, others as power‐political. The Revolution undermined in some significant respect the central assumptions of the Westphalian conception of international society by advancing a new understanding of international legitimacy, through its cosmopolitan aspects, through its challenge to international law and diplomacy, and through its transformation of warfare. The vigour of the counter‐revolutionary response, particularly from Prussia and Austria, derived in large part from a perception that the Revolution posed a challenge to the international system as a whole. Napoleon also threatened the balance of power in Europe.
State and Class the Russian Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractInternational society in the nineteenth century witnessed the assertion of special rights for great powers and some strengthening of the Westphalian bases of international order in the Concert of Europe. The system collapsed with the First World War and faced its strongest challenge to date from the Russian Revolution. The ideological challenge of Marxism and the Russian Revolution stemmed from its claim that class was the motive force of history and that the Communist Party possessed a unique insight into the laws of history. However, revolutionary internationalism in Soviet foreign policy was soon accompanied by more cautious policies, amounting to a partial socialization. This process reached a peak under Mikhail Gorbachev who brought to a crisis point the central paradox of the Soviet state: that its legitimacy rested upon its claim to be the ‘socialist fatherland’ but it could not avoid an identity as an orthodox state.
Diplomacy
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractRevolutionary leaders tend to dislike and distrust diplomacy. Diplomacy may be defined as the dialogue that takes place between sovereign states that are members of an international society. Revolutionary leaders object to several aspects of it—the formality, the secrecy, and the possibility of ‘revolutionary diplomats’ being ‘contaminated’ by contact with foreigners. In the early years of their revolution they sometimes cause embarrassment by too open a discussion of confidential diplomatic affairs. But within a short time they also find advantages in conventional diplomacy, which is an important aspect of their ‘socialization’ process.
Statecraft and the Balance of Power
Authors: Armstrong David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSeveral practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.
Freedom
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Libertarians defend a narrow version of negative freedom. Hayek defines freedom as the absence of coercion, but this position is shown to be untenable. A more common view is that laws and other such deliberately imposed obstacles restrict freedom, but a lack of economic opportunities, for instance, does not. Against this, it is argued that any obstacle for which human beings can be held morally responsible should count as a constraint on freedom. Furthermore, contrary to Steiner, a constraint does not have to prevent an action, it can merely make it ineligible.
Procedural Justice
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Libertarians such as Nozick and Hayek define justice in procedural terms. Nozick takes for granted the liberal idea of property, but in fact this is historically contingent and other conceptions of property are equally valid. He also relies on Locke's theory of property acquisition, but Locke's account is best understood as grounded in desert, which does not yield a proprietary theory of justice. Hume's view of justice and property avoids the problems of Locke's, but has conservative implications. Hayek defines justice in terms of rule following, but fails to explain satisfactorily what should guide the choice of rules. Finally, the idea of social justice is defended against several libertarian objections.
Market Neutrality
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Liberals often claim that the state should be neutral between individual conceptions of the good life, and use this claim to defend economic markets. Neutrality can refer to the reasons offered for institutions and policies, or to their effects. The view defended here is that an institutional framework is neutral when under its auspices people's success at realizing their conceptions of the good depends only on natural factors such as their tastes and talents. Co‐operatives competing in the market with capitalist firms face difficulties in generating sufficient investment because of the incentives their members face. For neutrality to obtain, the market must be counterbalanced by public institutions that support non‐commodity‐based conceptions of the good.
Consumer Sovereignty
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Economic markets are often defended on the grounds that they are the most effective mechanism we have for satisfying the desires of consumers. This defence can apparently be undercut by pointing out that markets often generate the desires that they then proceed to fulfil. The chapter explores different ways in which people's wants can be less than optimal from the point of view of their welfare, and concludes that attempts to intervene politically to prevent this happening are unlikely to succeed. The claim that production should respond to needs rather than wants is also considered.
Exploitation
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractHow can exploitation—in the sense of taking advantage of other people—occur in market settings? Marx understood exploitation in terms of unilateral transfers of value. Steiner and Roemer understand it in terms of exchanges made against the background of an unjust distribution of resources. In opposition to these views, it is argued that exploitative transactions are exchanges made at non‐equilibrium prices, due to asymmetries of information or of bargaining power. This view of exploitation allows us to understand why capitalism is inherently exploitative, whereas under market socialism, exploitation would only occur in specific circumstances.
Alienation and Communism
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSocialists have attacked market economies on the grounds that they create personal relationships that are alienating rather than communal. Taking Marx's theory of alienation as its main point of reference, the chapter explores various possible sources of alienation, isolating those that are specific to the market. However, Marx also praised capitalism for freeing individuals from the social engulfment they had experienced in pre‐capitalist societies. The challenge for those who follow him is to show how individuality can be preserved in a communist society. In market socialism, economic relations can take on a double character—instrumental, competitive, and spontaneous at one level, ‘human’, co‐operative, and planned at the second—and thus overcome alienation.
Community and Citizenship
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The radical socialist vision of community associated with thinkers such as Marx, Morris, and Kropotkin sees it as unitary, egalitarian, and all‐embracing. Although this vision is flawed, socialists must hold on to the idea of an encompassing community, since they must rely on it to achieve their other goals, including justice. In practice, this means embracing nationality as the form of community relevant to modern societies, and (active) citizenship as the practice that prevents national identities from becoming merely traditional. Although national identities are ‘imagined’ and typically contain elements of myth, they can be defended in terms of the functions they serve.
Politics as Dialogue
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
If politics is a process whereby collective decisions are reached from an initial position of disagreement, there are two conceptions of how this should happen. Politics as interest‐aggregation looks for a procedure whereby pre‐existing preferences can be fairly aggregated (e.g. majority voting). In contrast, politics as dialogue emphasizes the giving of reasons by participants, which allows even those who disagree with the final outcome to regard it as legitimate. Arendt and Habermas present sharply opposed, but unacceptable, versions of the latter view. A more realistic alternative would involve narrowing the scope of political debate, and focusing on the conditions under which citizens are willing to set aside their personal interests in order to represent the public as a whole.
Toleration
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Should socialists encourage or discourage the expression of cultural diversity, especially ethnic diversity? Because they believe in grounding citizenship, in a common national identity, socialists must try to integrate ethnic groups into such an identity. They should not intervene in the area of private culture, but they should be prepared to design both political and education systems so as to discourage narrow sectional identities and foster a strong sense of citizen identity.
Conclusion
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Explores the contemporary relevance of market socialism as a political ideal. It asks whether the benefits market socialism offers are benefits that people actually want, and whether it imposes requirements that are incompatible in practice. There is evidence that most citizens do attach value to control of their workplaces, to achieving greater economic equality, and to more active political participation. There is no reason to think that employees who are more directly exposed to market forces are less likely to perform well as democratic citizens.
Introduction
Authors: Femia Joseph V 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSets out the purposes of the book, the main one being to explore the gross disparity between Marxism's emancipatory ambitions and the systematic repression carried out in its name. Also previewed is the book's central thesis: that Marxist ‘holism’, which reduces the individual self to the ‘ensemble of social relations’, is the underlying cause of communist totalitarianism. By way of preliminaries, the terms ‘Marxism’ and ‘democracy’ are discussed and defined.
Marxist Democracy?
Authors: Femia Joseph V 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExamines what Marxists would put in place of liberal democracy as presently constituted. Different types of Marxists propose different kinds of solutions. Three distinct models of democracy are defended in Marxist literature: the participatory model (favoured by Marx himself), the parliamentary model (espoused by ‘liberal’ Marxists), and the vanguard model (devised by Lenin and implicitly endorsed by his Communist descendants). Each of these models contradicts one or more important axioms of Marxism.
Marxism and Despotism
Authors: Femia Joseph V 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe central thesis of this chapter is that Communist despotism was a logical consequence of Marxist theory. This ‘genetic’ explanation is contrasted with the ‘environmental’ explanation, which views the totalitarian degeneration of communism as the contingent result of unfavourable circumstances. The genetic explanation can take several different forms. Some commentators argue that Marxism's inherent flaw is its consequentialism; others focus on its ‘messianism’ or its contempt for private property. This chapter lays the blame on Marxism's holistic conception of human nature.
Really Existing Nationalisms
Authors: Benner Erica 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
It is widely thought that Marx and Engels lacked a coherent understanding of nationalism. With the collapse of communist regimes and the resurgence of national and ethnic conflicts after the Cold War, the belief has spread that all forms of ‘Marxist’ thought – starting with that of its founders – were doomed by their insensitivity to national claims. This book questions these assumptions. Rejecting the tendency to read what Marx and Engels wrote through the prism of later events, it situates their writings on national issues in their original nineteenth‐century context. A close, contextual re‐reading of their writings shows that the two men had a far more perceptive understanding of national identity and conflict than is usually supposed. Their rigorously anti‐idealist approach was not the by‐product of a dogmatic ‘materialist’ or class‐centred theory, but a deliberate reaction against the rise of romantic and ethnocentric nationalism in their native Germany and beyond. By comparison with contemporaries such as Mazzini or John Stuart Mill, Marx and Engels had a clear grasp of nationalism's ethical ambivalence, particularly in the context of international relations. They recognised that although many national movements had liberating aims, they also had the potential to become a new cause of war, and thus to set back the reforms supported by liberals and republicans as well as communists. These elements of their thinking can be developed to criticize present‐day accounts that exaggerate the independent force of nationalism in history or contemporary politics. One need not be a ‘Marxist’ to appreciate the continuing relevance of such ideas.