bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
3 A Presidentializing Party State? The Federal Republic of Germany
Authors: Poguntke Thomas 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThe political process of the Federal Republic has always been characterized by two seemingly contradictory attributes. Germany was said to be a Chancellor democracy and party state at the same time. Yet, this chapter shows that both features are not mutually exclusive. While political parties continue to occupy a central position in the political process of the Federal Republic, particularly when as regards political recruitment, they have been weakened when it comes to controlling the chief executive and the legislative process. The specific nature of German cooperative federalism furnishes the Chancellor with a central role in the decision-making process that makes him structurally more independent of his own party and of his coalition partners. This tendency has been augmented by the growing resources for the chancellor’s office, the internationalization of politics, the increasing tendency of the electronic media to focus on leaders, and the general decline of cleavage-based politics. At the same time, political parties have become leadership-dominated. While there are clear tendencies towards the presidentialization of the political process in the Federal Republic, parties continue to control the access to the chief executive office, and they still hold the power to remove their leaders.
4 Presidentialization, Italian Style
Authors: Calise Mauro 
Published: April 2005

AbstractItaly represents, in most respects, an ideal-type for the presidentialization of the political system: the role of individual leaders has been greatly enhanced vis-à-vis their parties, while they have simultaneously gained a stronger hold over the executive branch of the state through the growing autonomy of the Prime Minister’s office and the exercise of an increasingly monocratic form of rule. Presidentialization has also deeply affected the electoral process: campaign style, media focus, and voting behaviour have all come to reflect an increasingly personalized form of leadership.Among the major causes of presidentialization, two—the internationalization of politics and the growth of the state—refer to general trends common to most industrial democracies. Thus, the presidentialization of the Italian political system must be seen, at least in part, as a response to the growing demands laid upon the political executive by the changing role of the state, both domestically and internationally. However, in order to account for the momentous and rapid nature of change in Italy, one needs to focus primarily upon the critical role played by the other two factors: the erosion of traditional social cleavage politics and the mediatization of politics.
6 The Low Countries: From ‘Prime Minister’ to President‐Minister
Authors: Fiers Stefaan , Krouwel André 
Published: April 2005

AbstractHistorically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile checks and balances in order to ensure due influence for all relevant parties and minority groups. Hence, the overarching logic of these consensus democracies seems to represent an obstacle to a process of presidentialization.However, we argue that the need for strong leadership resulted in more prominent and powerful positions for the (parliamentary) party leaders and Prime Ministers. We present evidence of a process of presidentialization that gained momentum a decade earlier in the Netherlands (from the 1970s onwards) than it did in Belgium (from the 1980s).It is interesting to note that the increased autonomy of Prime Ministers is not due to constitutional amendments, but tends to be linked to the increased decision-making role for the inner cabinet, the professionalization of the Prime Minister’s Office, and the growing attention the audiovisual media give to the Prime Minister.Similarly, parliamentary party leaders in The Netherlands and extra-parliamentary party leaders in Belgium grew stronger through an accumulation of power and resources at the leader’s office, personalized campaigning and a centralization of control over inner party selection procedures, and party leadership selection.
10 Dyarchic Presidentialization in a Presidentialized Polity: The French Fifth Republic
Authors: Clift Ben 
Published: April 2005

AbstractBegins by charting the emergence and evolution of the Fifth Republic, identifying the key structural and contingent causes of presidentialization within the French political system. The ambiguity inherent in the 1958 constitution as to where power lay within the French ‘dual executive’, successfully exploited by De Gaulle, established presidential precedents that overstepped the constitutional brief. Having shaped the nature of party competition into a bipolarized pluralism opposing electoral blocs on Left and Right, political and electoral presidentialization also changed the nature of the parties themselves, both organisationally, and in their relationship to the state. This section explores the extent to which leader focus in media reporting, and leader focus in political campaigning styles, continue to presidentialize the internal organization of parties in France. Candidates needed both critical distance from parties, and a secure link to party resources and coalition-constructing potential. Analysis then turns to the impact of presidentialization on French electoral processes. The leader focus in media reporting and leader focus in political campaigning styles are placed in the context firstly of the evolving relationship between the media and the Presidency since 1958, and secondly of radical deregulation, commercialization, and increased competition within the French audio-visual sector in recent decades.
12 The Presidentialization of Portuguese Democracy?
Authors: Lobo Marina Costa 
Published: April 2005

AbstractAnalyses the extent to which Portuguese democracy has become presidentialized both politically and electorally. Several indicators are used to measure the growth of leadership autonomy within the party, namely, the election modes of leadership bodies; the control over candidate selection for the national parliament; the degree of autonomy to draw up the electoral programme; and the ability to decide on coalitions. Concerning the strengthening of leadership within government, the chapter explores data concerning the increase in Prime Minister’s resources. In this section, the enduring importance of senior party members within government is shown, which counters the presidentialization trend. Looking to the electoral face of presidentialization, evidence that points to the importance of leaders in the vote choice of the Portuguese electorate is presented.Certain indicators point to greater autonomy and strength of the party leader/Prime Minister. The 1982 revision of the Constitution that circumscribed Presidential powers in ‘normal circumstances’ and the concentration of the vote in the two major parties, which has occurred since 1987, are important factors that explain the emergence of a stronger premier, and more candidate-centered electoral processes. Yet, the enduring semi-presidential nature of the regime, as well as the evidence of the importance of the party members within government, cautions against characterizing the Portuguese political system as having become fully presidentialized.
The Extra
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
This Chapter—on Calvin's Christology—continues some of the themes of Ch. 2. Calvin's Christology is essentially Chalcedonian. He emphasizes the Son's undiminished deity in the Incarnation. The relation between the Son of God and the Incarnation is considered, and what Calvin means by the communicatio idiomatum is discussed. The ways in which dogma is meant to regulate our understanding of Scripture rather than to explain mysteries is further explored.
Providence and Evil
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Calvin’s view of God's all-controlling providence is expounded, chiefly from his A Defence of the Secret Providence of God. Ten arguments from this work are identified and discussed. His attitude to 'the problem of evil' is contrasted with that of contemporary philosophers of religion. It is argued that Calvin's idea of providence appears to imply a version of 'hierarchical determinism'. His views (and method) are compared with those of the Reformer Zwingli, and with the Libertines of Calvin's day.
Divine Accommodation
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
For Calvin, if we are to relate to God then he must accommodate himself to us, to our space-bound and time-bound condition. Such divine accommodation is fundamental to Calvin's idea of revelation, to the way in which God discloses his purposes in different eras, and deals with his people individually. This Chapter therefore examines Calvin's use of language about God, particularly in connection with divine change and divine-human dialogue.
Natural Theology and the Sensus Divinitatis
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
There have been sharply divergent views on Calvin's view of natural theology. Some think that Calvin sees no 'point of contact' between believer and unbeliever, others that he is a fully fledged natural theologian. This Chapter reassesses the evidence not only from the Institutes but also from Calvin's Commentaries. His fundamental idea of the sensus divinitatis is considered in the light of how contemporary 'Reformed' epistemologists understand it.
Revelation
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Calvin holds that the Bible is an authoritative source of the knowledge of God. It imparts that authoritativeness to us is chiefly by the internal testimony of the Holy Spirit, testifying to the truth of the internal cognitive (and other) content of Scripture immediately, not by reference to Church Councils or the Pontiff. But there are also external arguments for the authority of Scripture, which are less certain and which may have an apologetic use. Calvin's discussion of these matters raises epistemological issues to do with self-authentication, certainty, knowledge, evidence, doubt, and epistemic circularity, which this Chapter considers.
Faith, Atonement, and Time
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Calvin is sensitive to the 'appearance of contradiction' wherever it occurs in theology. This Chapter deals with one such apparent contradiction in connection with the atonement. How can God be wrathful towards us if he also loves us? We examine Calvin's resolution of this, and of the sort of change that faith in Christ brings. Further consideration is then given to the way in which Calvin uses the Aristotelian fourfold causal schema to draw out the merely instrumental character of saving faith. The way in which faith changes the believer according to Calvin is contrasted with the different understanding of the role of faith in the revisionist reformed theology of Karl Barth.
Volitions
Authors: Enç Berent 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter is an attack on theories of action that have at their heart an appeal to original actions, that is, actions that we take in our capacity as full agents and that are irreducible to event causation. Such theories typically claim further that overt voluntary actions are caused or constituted by acts of volition and that such acts stand apart from an agent’s other acts in that they are what render the other acts voluntary. Enç develops a type of regress argument against such theories of original actions and subsequently introduces his own naturalistic and foundationalist conception of action as an alternative.
Multiple Principles of Political Obligation
Authors: Klosko George 
Published: April 2005

AbstractScholars who doubt the existence of general political obligations typically criticize and reject theories of obligation on the basis of individual moral principles, for example, consent, fairness, or a natural duty of justice. A stronger position can result from combining different principles in a single theory. This chapter develops a multi-principle theory of political obligation, on the basis of the principle of fairness, a natural duty of justice, and what I call the ‘common good’ principle. The three principles interact in three main ways: ‘cumulation’, combining the separate state services that different principles cover; ‘mutual support’, combining the force of different principles in regard to the same state services; and simple overlap. The result is a theory that can satisfy the main criteria of a theory of political obligation.
Political Obligation and the US Supreme Court
Authors: Klosko George 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis and the following chapters explore the ‘self-image of the state’ in regard to political obligations through analysis of judicial decisions. Examining the reasons that states themselves provide to justify political obligations provides an empirical test of normative theories. Although judicial decisions have no claim to moral truth, the fact that justices regularly argue from certain principles rather than others adds to the plausibility of a theory based on the former and increases the burden of justification for proponents of other principles. Supreme Court justices usually defend their opinions on the basis of statutory or constitutional interpretation and seldom appeal directly to moral principles. However, on occasion they do invoke moral principles to support their opinions, especially in difficult cases. Justices of the US Supreme Court consistently ground obligations on protection that individuals receive from society. The most likely basis of these ‘reciprocal obligations’ is a principle of fairness, as expressed most notably in Arver v. U.S., the most important of the 'Selective Draft Law Cases'.
Political Obligation and Military Service in Germany and Israel
Authors: Klosko George 
Published: April 2005

AbstractExamines judicial decisions in Germany and Israel in order to provide a comparative test of the analysis of US Supreme Court decisions in Ch. 7. Although questions of political obligation have been much discussed by scholars, little attention has been paid to moral reasons advanced by actual states to justify the compliance of their subjects. Because in US cases, justices appeal to moral reasons most explicitly in difficult cases that concern imposing military service on conscientious objectors, the analysis focuses on this area. In spite of their important constitutional and judicial differences, Germany and Israel support military obligations along similar lines. German decisions emphasize norms of equality or fairness. Israeli Justices have generally appealed to the importance of each individual's contribution to national defence. However, in a recent decision, norms of fairness are invoked.
Examples and Cooperation
Authors: Klosko George 
Published: April 2005

AbstractContinues the analysis of focus group responses discussed in Ch. 9. It is argued that the way different people respond to examples of the kind commonly employed in contemporary moral and political argument provides some test of the examples' persuasiveness. The subject of investigation in this chapter is responses to a series of vignettes concerning connections between different forms of cooperative activity and the generation of obligations. In particular, is a strong sense of cooperation necessary to generate obligations? Subjects were given vignettes that concerned cooperative schemes that provide excludable benefits, essential public goods, and trivial public goods, respectively. Their responses indicate strong connections between the generation of obligations and the nature of specific benefits provided, especially their weight or importance. Receipt of important benefits was viewed as generating obligations, even without a strong sense of cooperation. Receipt of benefits from activity characterized by a strong sense of cooperation was viewed as not establishing obligations, if benefits produced were not of significant importance.
The Role of Congress as an Agency of Horizontal Accountability: Lessons from the Brazilian Experience
Authors: Figueiredo Argelina Cheibub 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter examines role of Congress as an agency of horizontal accountability in Brazil. It is argued that although Congress’ direct oversight role is diminished, its indirect role remains critical. The information it provides through its oversight mechanisms is essential for groups in society to activate other accountability mechanisms, which in turn strengthens the mechanisms of vertical accountability established between voters and the government.
The New Brazilian Public Prosecution: An Agent of Accountability
Authors: Sadek Maria Tereza , Cavalcanti Rosângela Batista 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
This chapter examines the performance of the Public Prosecution — a Brazilian institution tasked with exercising oversight and control over public administration — and its impact on democracy. It is argued that the institution is still attempting to define itself both internally and externally. Work by the Public Prosecution has generated significant response from groups who feel that their interests are being threatened. Amendments have been proposed in Congress to restrict the Public Prosecution’s autonomy.
Authoritarianism, Democracy and the Supreme Court: Horizontal Exchange and the Rule of Law in Mexico
Authors: Magaloni Beatriz 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, democracy and the emergence of Supreme Court independence in Mexico. It presents three mechanisms to explain why party hegemony meant unrestrained rule by the president; strong dominance of the president over the Supreme Court; and the absence of a rule of law. These are: a flexible constitution that could be modified by the power it was supposed to restrain; the president’s unilateral control of nominations and dismissals; and constitutional rules that delegated insufficient constitutional powers to the Supreme Court to interpret the constitution.
The Face-Value Theory
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
The face-value theory is that theory of the logical form of belief reports that must be defeated if it is not to be accepted. It holds that ‘A believes that S’ is true just in case A stands in the belief relation to the proposition that S. The theory constrains, but provides no complete account of, the nature of the propositions we believe. Most face-value theorists hold that the propositions we believe are structured, and the big contest here is between Russellian and Fregean propositions. Both conceptions are problematic.
Having Meaning
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
To have meaning is to stand in the meaning relation to a meaning, meanings taken to be characters*. This chapter is about the nature of the meaning relation. A theory of this relation requires saying what relation a person must bear to a language in order for that language to be her public language, and also what relation a person must bear to a language in order for that language to be her language of thought. The answers bear on questions about compositional semantics and about the supervenience of the intentional on the non-intentional.
Vagueness and Indeterminacy
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
A theory of vagueness must lie at the heart of any complete theory of meaning. This chapter offers a theory of vagueness, and of indeterminacy generally, since the indeterminacy of vague borderline proposition is only one source of indeterminacy. The theory distinguishes two kinds of partial belief: standard partial belief, which is normatively governed by the axioms of probability theory, and what I call vagueness-related partial belief, which is not normatively governed by those axioms. Thanks to the pleonastic nature of properties, it is possible to define vagueness and indeterminacy in terms of vagueness-related partial belief. The account of vagueness is applied to the sorites paradox, and resolving that paradox requires distinguishing between what I call happy-face and unhappy-face solutions to a paradox. The theory of indeterminacy yields a resolution of Gareth Evans’s puzzle about indeterminate identity.
Moral Realism and Indeterminacy
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
The account of indeterminacy is brought to bear on normative, and especially moral, discourse. Cognitivism is easily secured by the theory of pleonastic propositions, but facts about moral discourse conjoined with the theory of indeterminacy entail that moral realism is neither determinately true nor determinately false, that no substantive moral propositions have determinate truth values.
Conditionals and Indeterminacy
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
The account of indeterminacy is brought to bear on conditionals, both indicative conditionals and counterfactual conditionals. The existence of conditional propositions is easily secured on the theory of pleonastic propositions, and conditions are specified under which a conditional proposition is determinately true, determinately false, or indeterminate. These truth conditions generate a puzzle, in that the way we form partial beliefs in indeterminate conditional propositions is not what their truth conditions predict. The resolution makes an important concession to non-cognitivist accounts of indicative-conditional sentences.
Why Pleonastic Propositions? Content in Information and Explanation
Authors: Schiffer Stephen 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Pleonastic propositions play two important roles: first, we use them both to exploit the beliefs of others as a source of information about the world and to exploit the world as a source of information about the beliefs and desires of others; second, we use them to explain the behaviour of ourselves and others. Both roles are clarified and accounts are offered of how pleonastic propositions are able to play those roles. It is argued that no other things—neither non-pleonastic propositions nor linguistic entities of some kind—could play those roles as well as pleonastic propositions.
Saving Lives
Authors: Cullity Garrett 
Published: April 2005

AbstractMuch of the work of aid agencies aims to prevent threats to life, rather than to save lives. And even when an aid agency’s activity does save life, it might be doubted whether my contribution to an agency’s pool of funds will itself benefit anyone significantly. However, whether or not that is true, an argument from the life-saving analogy will still support a collective requirement of beneficence on us as a group; and fairness will require me to contribute to discharging that requirement. The collective activity to which I should contribute includes both preventing threats and saving lives.
A Critique Of Democracy
Authors: Lloyd Geoffrey 
Published: April 2005

AbstractA comparison between ancient and modern political systems can be used to highlight certain weaknesses in current representative democracy, especially when voter participation is low and where lobbying by pressure groups may distort the decision taking process. Meanwhile translating democratic principles, and the principle of accountability, on to an international scale is fraught with difficulties, the most obvious being that the UN is in no position, at present, to implement the decisions of the General Assembly when these do not suit the policies of the one remaining superpower, the USA.