bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Cold War
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Cold War contains a selection of official and unofficial documents which provide a truly multi-faceted account of the entire Cold War era. This volume presents the different kinds of materials necessary to understand what the Cold War was about, how it was fought, and the ways in which it affected the lives of people around the globe. By depicting the experiences of East Berlin housewives and South African students, as well as those of political leaders from Europe and the Third World, The Cold War emphasizes the variety of ways in which the Cold War conflict was experienced. The significance of these differences is essential to understanding the Cold War: it demonstrates how the causes of the clash may have looked very different in Santiago from the way they looked in Seoul, New York, Moscow, or Beijing. The book examines the entirety of the Cold War era, presenting documents from the end of World War II right up to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. A final selection of source material goes on to illustrate the impact of the Cold War to the present day. Again, the emphasis is global: there are documents on the aftermath of the Cold War in Africa and Europe, as well as on the links between the Cold War and the dramatic events of 11 September 2001. By providing a truly international glimpse of the Cold War and its various actors and subjects, The Cold War helps cut through the often simplistic notions of the recent past and allows the reader to explore the truly global impact of the East-West confrontation that dominated international relations in the second half of the twentieth century.
The Iron Curtain
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Aside from Germany, the area that came to symbolize the onset of the Cold War was East-Central Europe. For many in the West, the Communist takeovers in this region between 1944 and 1948 were easily seen as a frightening and gradually escalating sign of Stalin’s true intentions. In October 1944, for example, Winston Churchill had been willing to divide East-Central Europe into British and Soviet spheres of influence, with the so-called percentage agreement. A year and a half later, however, Churchill—who had been defeated in late July 1945 in the British general election-had changed his mind. In .March 1946 the former prime minister declared in a speech in Fulton, Missouri, that an Iron Curtain had descended from the Baltic to the Adriatic.
The Division of Germany
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The future of Germany was undoubtedly the most contentious issue in post-war Europe. After the surrender of Germany in the spring of 1945, the dashes between the four occupying powers—Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States-over such issues as as the redrawing of the German-Polish border, reparations, and political power became endemic. By 1949 the differences between the former allies had helped to create the basis of the four-decade-long division of Germany and the bizarre division of Berlin into eastern and western zones.
The Marshall Plan and NATO
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
There is no question that the enhanced American role in Western Europe was both a contributing source and an outcome of the tensions and divisions that characterized the origins of the Cold War in Europe. In retrospect it is easy to assume that US policy followed a straightforward logic whose major goals were to restore and strengthen capitalism, minimise left-wing influence, and prevent the Soviet Union from extending its power beyond the regions -were the Red Anny was stationed in the aftermath on World War II. Accordingly, the Western response grew gradually harsher and more comprehensive, eventually excluding any serious attempt at rapprochement With the USSR. By 1947, with the announcement of the Truman Doctrine and the launch of the Marshall H Plan, the di-vision of Europe accelerated; by 1949 it was confirmed ,with the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Communism in Eastern Europe and China
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Without the existence of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and East Asia, the Cold War would almost certainly have been a less intense and less dangerous Great Power confrontation. For the United States, the Soviet imposition of Communist regimes on the countries it occupied in Eastern Europe after ,World War II was a key cause of the conflict, and the victory of the Chinese Communists a key challenge to America. For the Soviet Union, the alliance with the East European countries created a ‘socialist camp’ that could confront the West, and the alliance with China, as long as it lasted, gave credibility to the concept of global Communist power. For both superpowers, the existence of Communism outside the Soviet Union was at the heart of their conflict.
Latin America And The Cold War
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Given the United States’s proximity and the lack of Soviet resources and capabilities of projecting its influence onto the Western Hemisphere, Central and South America remained rather distant from the issues that lay at the heart of the East-west division in the 1940s. By the early 1980s, however, US president Ronald Reagan quoted the ‘Truman Doctrine as he exhorted the American Congress to hack his crusade against Communism in Central America. wile direct Soviet involvement outside of the island of Cuba remained limited, Latin America had gradually claimed a place as one of the hottest battlegrounds of the Cold War.
Cultures and Mindsets
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
No single aspect of the Cold War is more important-and more difficult to understand-than the way mind sets and cultures came to define, intensify, and prolong the conflict on a global scale. From its very beginning, the struggle between the Soviet Union and the Western powers was intimately connected to sets of images of oneself and others—images that reflected one’s place in society and in the world. In the post-war period, the degree to which local social and political conflicts in most areas came to take on a Cold War significance is staggering-not only in North America, Europe, and East Asia, but also in Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, large groups of people came to identify them selves with the cause of one or the other of the superpowers.
The Fall of Détente
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In the mid-1970s the policies of reducing military tension through negotiations and agreements came under increasing pressure in international affairs and within the superpowers themselves. Within a few years the optimistic climate of the early part of the decade had been replaced with what some scholars see as a second Cold War. There were many reasons why US—Soviet detente collapsed as a political project. Some historians argue that the failure was inherent in the project itself: because Americans and Soviets had different notions of what detente consisted of, conflict would replace co-operation sooner or later. Others claim that super power detente-different from detente in Europe-was less a policy of co operation than an attempt, partially through covert means, to outmanoeuvre the other side and gain advantages in an on going Cold War.
Challenges to the Cold War: The 1980s
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
A1though there is disagreement among historians as to when the Cold War began to fade as an international system, most recent surveys point to the years around 1980 as the beginning of the end. In order to grasp that argm11ent, one needs to look beyond the superpower conflict itself and see what broader changes took place that would make it unlikely for the Cold War to remain the main dividing line in international politics. Some of the more fundamental changes Were economic-the increase in international trade, the economic rise of East Asia, and the decline in prices for raw materials all stimulated the economies of the capitalist countries while impeding those of the Eastern Bloc and its Third World allies. Others were changes in technology, such as communications and computers, almost all of which were developed in the West and hardly implemented in the Soviet Union.
British on the Nile
Authors: Collins Robert O 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
No river in the world has been measured over so long a time as the Nile. Its vital statistics formally begin with the erection of the Rodah nilometer in the eighth century, but the flows of the Nile have been the constant concern of the inhabitants since Pharaonic times. Moreover, the Rodah nilometer was only the principal source of measurement, to which were added throughout subsequent centuries information from numerous gauges upstream, as well as the observations of the Arab chroniclers of medieval and modern Egypt. The purpose of this obsession with the flow of the Nile, which continues unabated to this day, was as obvious as it was understandable, since the prosperity of Egypt has always been dependent upon the waters of that great river flowing out of Africa.
The Shadow of Revolution, 1841-1848
Authors: Schroeder Paul w. 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Domestic affairs dominated Europe in the 1840s. Until the 1848 revolutions and the international conflicts they spawned, there appeared to be few, if any, major developments in international relations. Those that occurred seem important only in portending and setting the stage for these revolutions, representing, as it were, creaks and groans in an ageing building at the first tremors of a coming earthquake.
Greeks, Turks, and Latins: The Crusade in Romania, 1274–1396
Authors: Housley Norman 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Whatever the strategic complexities which resulted from the idea of attacking Mamluk power in Egypt, and from the need to defend Armenia and Cyprus, crusading in the south-eastern Mediterranean remained essentially straightforward owing to the continuity of its foremost goal: the recovery of the Holy Land. The same cannot be said of the crusading activity which took place in the fourteenth century in the north-eastern Mediterranean, the area to which contemporaries gave the name Romania, and which roughly comprised the lands constituting the Byzantine Empire at the time of the Fourth Crusade (see maps 3 and 4). Latin interests here were complex and contradictory, and papal policy lacking in clarity; above all, there was no tradition of crusading comparable in richness and chivalric connotations with that which had developed in connection with the Holy Land. Despite this, it was in Romania that the crusading movement displayed its greatest vitality in the fourteenth century. And for all the complexity of texture, an evolution of ideas and goals is visible in this period, as the West moved from an initial concentration on countering the revival of Byzantine power towards attempts to organize resistance to the Turkish maritime principalities in Anatolia, finally recognizing the Ottomans as Christendom’s greatest enemies.
The Kingdoms of Cilician Armenia and Cyprus, 1274–1573
Authors: Housley Norman 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
When Acre fell in 1291, the remaining Latin establishments in the eastern Mediterranean comprised not only the Frankish states and colonies of Romania, but also the Kingdoms of Armenia and Cyprus (see map 7). Like Frankish Greece, these Kingdoms originated as by-products of the crusading movement, and their defence by western Catholics was an important goal of the papacy’s crusading policy in the fourteenth century. By 1274 Cilician Armenia, a non-Frankish country, was economically debilitated, politically chaotic, and immensely vulnerable to Islamic attack. In 1375 it was extinguished altogether by the Muslims. For most of the century preceding this, Cyprus, protected by the sea, had presented a very favourable contrast to its embattled northern neighbour. The island’s Frankish royal house and nobility enjoyed deep-rooted governmental stability, occasionally marred by dynastic and constitutional conflict; and until the mid-fourteenth century Cyprus’s economic prosperity was striking. But by 1400 the most independent, constructive, and brilliant period of Cyprus’s medieval history had ended. Invaded, exploited, and politically disrupted, fifteenth-century Cyprus increasingly resembled the Kingdom of Armenia a century earlier. In Cyprus, as in Syria and Greece, Frankish government began well but ended in disunity and disaster.
The Man Charles Stuart
Authors: Russell Conrad 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
‘You cannot believe the alteration in the opinion of the world touching his Majesty’. This comment, by the Earl of Kellie to the Earl of Mar, marks the end of the ‘honeymoon period’ at the beginning of Charles’s reign, and it is dated 26 July 1625, when Charles had only been four months on the throne. It marks a remarkably swift general recognition, during Charles’s first year, that as a king he was not a success, and that judgement is one which has never been reversed. Yet, whenever we attempt to analyse why Charles as king was not a success, this general agreement instantly evaporates, and attempts to explain an agreed judgement rapidly degenerate into adjectival incoherence.
Arthur Henderson as Labour Leader
Authors: Mckibbin Ross 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Arthur Henderson was the only member of the industrial working classes to lead a British political party. He was the only trade-unionist to lead the Labour Party, and, as well, one of the only two active Christians to do so. In the history of the Labour Party’s first thirty years he seems to have a centrality shared by no other man. But what constitutes his centrality is a genuine problem, and both his contemporaries and his colleagues were aware of it. J. R. Clynes once wrote: ‘I would not class Mr Henderson as a type, but as one quite unlike any any other of his colleagues.’ In this chapter I would like to test his judgement, to examine both Henderson’s ‘typicality’ as a historical figure in the labour movement and the significance of his career as a labour leader.
Working-class Gambling in Britain, 1880-1939
Authors: Mckibbin Ross 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
If two of the main themes of this book are the internal culture of the British working classes and the way that culture was perceived by those who stood outside it hardly anything illustrates them better than the development of working-class gambling in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. As a mass phenomenon its existence cannot be doubted but nearly all we know about it is derived from people who did not practise it, who often disapproved of it, and whose observation of it was equally often a prioristic. The ‘problem’ of working-class gambling is thus a double one: we need to discover, in so far as we can, its ‘actual’ character but we have to do so via evidence which is, to a greater or lesser degree, ideologically hostile. In this chapter I would like to approach that double problem by examining the spread of gambling as a popular activity, the part it played in the economic and intellectual environment of the working class and by assessing it in the light of wider class relationships.
From Commune to Signoria: II Political Revolution, Crisis and Reaction
Authors: Jones Philip 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
‘In Italy the people rules.’ Of the rival pressures dividing cities, from democratic to autocratic, there is no possible doubt which most impressed contemporaries and subsequent tradition. In their own age and after, the Italian republics, above all other communes, stood for revolution: the triumph of libertas, the subversion of the established order of God-given hierarchy and sacral (if ultimately also popular) rulership (regimen regale) by a diametrically contrary system, elsewhere contained, of community, collegiality, collective self-government-regimen politicum, or what by 1300 in Greek and then learned Italian circles was coming to be called (or branded) ‘democracy’ (or mob rule). As stated by John of Viterbo in his De Regimine Civitatum, cities signified freedom (civitas dicitur civium libertas, habitantium immunitas)-and not only cities. A passion, almost mystique, of ‘liberty’ possessed all society and communes grew by hundreds. Formally to be sure cities may not, in the antique manner, have founded any cult of freedom, at least before the fourteenth century when Lucca (in 1370) established a feast of Liberty, erecting an altar in the cathedral and (like Rienzo in Rome a few years earlier and Florence a few years later) inscribing the word ‘Libertas’ on its banners and arms. Communes equally were slow to generate a literature of liberty, the earliest tract on freedom being Alamanno Rinucci ni’s De Libertate (of 1479). Even now there was nothing programmatic in communal expansion, no proclamations of freedom or the rights of man in laws or manifestos. But, however inarticulate, all places great and small cherished ideals of liberty or liberation: cities from superiors, boroughs
Monastic Towns? Minsters as Central Places c.650–850
Authors: Blair John 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
And who can describe in words the supreme beauty of this church, and the countless wonders of that minster (monasterium)—of that city (civitas) as we may say, if it can rightly be called a city when it is surrounded by no circuit of walls? But because countless peoples come together in it, it earns the name ‘city’ from the gathering of crowds there. This city is supreme and metropolitan, in whose suburbs (suburbani), which holy Brigit marked out with a precise boundary (certo limite designavit ), is feared no mortal adversary nor onslaught of enemies. But it is the safest city of refuge, with all its external suburbs (cum suis omnibus deforis suburbanis), in the whole land of the Irish for all fugitives. Treasures of kings are kept there . . . And who can count the varied crowds and countless peoples flocking together from all provinces? Some come because of the abundance of feasts, others to obtain healing of their ailments, others to stare at the crowds; others bring great gifts and offerings to the celebration of holy Brigit’s birth.
A Maturing Economy
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
At the end of the nineteenth century the United Kingdom was the richest country the world had ever known. Yet accounts of its economy have been dominated by talk of failure, not failure in the sense of slums and poverty, but failure with respect to abstractions, notably overall rates of growth: were these faltering and if so were they faltering in comparison with what had gone before or with what was happening abroad or with both? Britain’s subsequent economic woes have, indeed, generated a kind of treasure hunt in reverse—an obsessive search for the precise moment when an age of gold began to tarnish and decay.
Living and Spending
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The family dominated Victorian life. Few questioned its importance, few comprehended its kaleidoscopic differences. Middle-class observers repeatedly detected threats to its integrities: working wives, youths earning more than was ‘good for them’, the licentiousness of factory life, bad housing, excessive drinking, religious decline. The talismanic paraphernalia designed to repel such evils—silver-framed photographs, genre paintings of family scenes, mugs and pots exuding cheerful domesticity—cluttered Victorian homes as densely as votive offerings cluttered the sooty popish chapels so despised by Protestant Englishmen. For all but the poorest the notion of ‘home’ was becoming increasingly associated with ideas of protection and defence. Middle- and upper-class husbands enjoyed the best of all worlds: long absences on ‘business’ or pleasure, on the one hand, much emphasis upon the virtues of domestic life, on the other. Neither the young Gladstone, simultaneously telling his wife that sadly he could be little with her while eagerly planning a trip to Ireland with two fellow MPs, nor the Revd Edward Miall, leaving his wife and five children for a solo summer in Scotland, were at all unusual. Within the home itself a kind of internal remoteness was condoned, even encouraged. Middle-class wives were praised for sheltering their husbands from the tedium of domestic affairs: ‘How wonderfully she looked after him ... everything was arranged ... so that he might do the maximum of work.’ The Revd Sabine Baring-Gould (author of ‘Onward Christian Soldiers’ and begetter of sixteen offspring) asked one small child at a party, ‘And whose little girl are you?’ She burst into tears: ‘I’m yours, Daddy’.
The Island of Ireland
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
From the perspective of British and even more so of English history, nineteenth-century Ireland has been seen primarily as the home port of a troublesome pirate ship, the SS Irish Question. Apart from stereotypical notions suggesting that it was also a land remarkable for the violence, religious intensity, laziness, and jollity of its inhabitants, neither the mid-Victorian nor subsequent generations in Britain have known much about the island of Ireland itself. And it is precisely out of this smooth avoidance of any real engagement with the close and reciprocal connections between developments within Ireland and the changing nature of the Irish Question that many of the misunderstandings and complications of modern Irish British relations have grown.
Introduction: The Protestant Succession
Authors: Beddard Robert 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In November 1688 William Henry, hereditary Prince of Orange and Stadhouder of the Dutch Republic, invaded England with a powerful army. He came at the invitation of a group of James H's Protestant subjects: seven dissident noblemen and gentlemen-five Whigs and two Tories-who wished to check the king’s unpopular catholicizing policies, but felt themselves unequal to the task without the prince’s active ‘protection to countenance their rising’ against the promoters of Popery at home. Their appeal for outside help-itself an admission of native despair in the face of a strong and wilful Catholic monarch-sprang from a deep-rooted dissatisfaction ‘with the present conduct of government’, not from an overpowering desire to pull down the monarchy or to switch kings. The absence of a sitting parliament (none had met since November 1685), and their exclusion from royal favour (increasingly monopolized by their opponents), denied them any alternative means of bringing pressure to bear on King James and his ministers to get them to abandon their unacceptable measures. Their aim in calling in the Prince of Orange was to preserve the lawful Protestant Establishment in Church and State from what they feared was the threat of imminent Catholic subversion. They sought to reassert the laws of the land ‘in relation to their religion, liberties, and properties’, all of which, they believed, had been ‘greatly invaded’, and to remove, by force if necessary, the king’s’evil counsellors’, foremost of whom they reckoned the hated Papists and their fellow-travellers, the ultra-Tory prerogative men.1 In this enterprise to reverse royal policy they cast William of Orange in the role of Protestant deliverer. It was, of course, a role for which his high birth and international character as a sovereign prince pre-eminently suited him.