bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Determination of 2‐methoxyestradiol in human plasma, using liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometry
Authors: Lakhani Nehal J. , Lepper Erin R. , Sparreboom Alex , Dahut William L. , Venitz Jürgen , Figg William D. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractA liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometric (LC/MS/MS) assay was developed for the quantitative determination of 2‐methoxyestradiol (2ME2) in human plasma. Sample pretreatment involved liquid‐liquid extraction with ethyl acetate of 0.3‐mL aliquots of plasma spiked with the internal standard, deuterated 2ME2 (2ME2‐d5). Separation was achieved on a Zorbax Eclipse® C18 column (2.1 × 50 mm, i.d., 5 μm) at room temperature using a gradient elution with methanol and water at a flow rate of 0.25 mL/min. Detection was performed using atmospheric pressure chemical ionization MS/MS by monitoring the ion transitions from m/z 303.1 → 136.8 (2ME2) and m/z 308.1 → 138.8 (2ME2‐d5). Calibration curves were linear in the concentration range of 1–100 ng/mL. The accuracy and precision values, obtained from three different sets of quality control samples analyzed in quintuplicate on four separate occasions, ranged from 105–108% and from 3.62–5.68%, respectively. This assay was subsequently used for the determination of 2ME2 concentration in plasma of a patient with cancer after a single oral administration of 2ME2 at a dose of 2200 mg. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Continuum percolation with steps in the square or the disc
Authors: Balister Paul , Bollobás Béla , Walters Mark 
Published: April 2005

AbstractIn 1961 Gilbert defined a model of continuum percolation in which points are placed in the plane according to a Poisson process of density 1, and two are joined if one lies within a disc of area A about the other. We prove some good bounds on the critical area Ac for percolation in this model. The proof is in two parts: First we give a rigorous reduction of the problem to a finite problem, and then we solve this problem using Monte‐Carlo methods. We prove that, with 99.99% confidence, the critical area lies between 4.508 and 4.515. For the corresponding problem with the disc replaced by the square we prove, again with 99.99% confidence, that the critical area lies between 4.392 and 4.398. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Random Struct. Alg., 2005
Steady state analysis of balanced‐allocation routing
Authors: Anagnostopoulos Aris , Kontoyiannis Ioannis , Upfal Eli 
Published: April 2005

AbstractWe compare the long‐term, steady‐state performance of a variant of the standard Dynamic Alternative Routing (DAR) technique commonly used in telephone and ATM networks, to the performance of a path‐selection algorithm based on the “balanced‐allocation” principle [Y. Azer, A. Z. Broder, A. R. Karlin, and E. Upfal, SIAM J Comput 29(1) (2000), 180–200; M. Mitzenmacher, Ph.D. Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, August 1996]; we refer to this new algorithm as the Balanced Dynamic Alternative Routing (BDAR) algorithm. While DAR checks alternative routes sequentially until available bandwidth is found, the BDAR algorithm compares and chooses the best among a small number of alternatives. We show that, at the expense of a minor increase in routing overhead, the BDAR algorithm gives a substantial improvement in network performance, in terms both of network congestion and of bandwidth requirement. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Random Struct. Alg., 2005
Is fetal cerebral vascular resistance affected by the presence of nuchal cord(s) in the third trimester of pregnancy?
Authors: Sherer D. M. , Sokolovski M. , Dalloul M. , Khoury‐Collado F. , Abulafia O. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractObjectiveTo assess whether fetal cerebral vascular resistance is affected by the presence of nuchal cord(s) in the third trimester.MethodsA set of 115 patients with well‐established dates and singleton, appropriate for gestational age (GA), non‐anomalous fetuses with nuchal cord(s) diagnosed with prenatal color Doppler imaging, between 28 and 41 weeks and 115 controls matched for GA, were studied. Patients with hypertension, diabetes and autoimmune conditions were excluded. Doppler indices were obtained from the umbilical artery (UA) and the fetal middle cerebral artery (MCA) upon initial diagnosis of the nuchal cord.ResultsOf 115 GA‐matched pairs of pregnancies, 103 fetuses had a single nuchal cord and 12 a double nuchal cord. No significant differences were noted in patient age, gravidity, parity, sonographically estimated fetal weight (SEFW), and growth centile at ultrasonographic diagnosis. Mean UA systolic/diastolic ratio (S/D) was 2.28 ± 0.32 and 2.36 ± 0.33 (P = 0.03) and UA resistance index (RI) 0.55 ± 0.06 and 0.57 ± 0.06 (P = 0.02) among study and controls, respectively. Mean fetal MCA S/D and RI did not differ significantly between the two groups (fetal MCA S/D 5.01 ± 1.28 and 5.04 ± 1.71 (P = 0.86), and mean fetal MCA RI 0.78 ± 0.06 and 0.78 ± 0.05 (P = 0.88)). No significant differences were noted in GA at delivery, incidence of meconium‐stained amniotic fluid, birth weight, mode of delivery, neonatal gender, 1 and 5 minute Apgar scores, or UA pH and base excess, between study and control patients.ConclusionFetal cerebral vascular resistance is not affected by the presence of nuchal cord(s) in the third trimester of pregnancy. Copyright © 2005 ISUOG. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
A Festschrift Honoring Norman M. Rich
Authors: Burris David G. , Sturtz Donald L. , Sheldon George F. , Blaisdell F. William 
Published: April 2005

AbstractA Festschrift honoring forty years of government services, twenty‐five years as Founding Chairman of the Department of Surgery at the F. Edward Hébert School of Medicine of the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, Maryland and the seventieth birthday of Norman M. Rich, MD, Facs, DMCC, was held on Friday 26 March, 2004 in conjuction with the 24th Annual USU Surgical Associates Day. This article describes that event and introduces the articles written in celebration of it. From a private collection.image From a private collection.image
Proton transport model in the ionosphere. 2. Influence of magnetic mirroring and collisions on the angular redistribution in a proton beam
Authors: Galand M. , Lilensten J. , Kofman W. , Lummerzheim D. 
Published: April 2005

Abstract. We investigate the influence of magnetic mirroring and elastic and inelastic scattering on the angular redistribution in a proton/hydrogen beam by using a transport code in comparison with observations. H-emission Doppler profiles viewed in the magnetic zenith exhibit a red-shifted component which is indicative of upward fluxes. In order to determine the origin of this red shift, we evaluate the influence of two angular redistribution sources which are included in our proton/hydrogen transport model. Even though it generates an upward flux, the redistribution due to magnetic mirroring effect is not sufficient to explain the red shift. On the other hand, the collisional angular scattering induces a much more significant red shift in the lower atmosphere. The red shift due to collisions is produced by <1 -keV protons and is so small as to require an instrumental bandwidth <0.2 nm. This explains the absence of measured upward proton/hydrogen fluxes in the Proton I rocket data because no useable data concerning protons <1 keV are available. At the same time, our model agrees with measured ground-based H-emission Doppler profiles and suggests that previously reported red shift observations were due mostly to instrumental bandwidth broadening of the profile. Our results suggest that Doppler profile measurements with higher spectral resolution may enable us to quantify better the angular scattering in proton aurora.Key words. Auroral ionosphere · Particle precipitation
The Rise of Third Parties in the 1993 Canadian Federal Election: Pinard Revisited
Authors: Bélanger Éric 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.This study proposes a new test of Maurice Pinard's theory on the rise of third parties applied to the case of the 1993 Canadian federal election. We assess the effect at the individual level of Pinard's factors (one-party dominance and grievances) on support for the Reform party and the Bloc Québécois using data from the Canadian Election Study. Logistic regression analyses of vote choice indicate that the extent to which the second major party was perceived to be electorally weak at the constituency level was a significant factor in leading some Western voters to support Reform. In Quebec, however, perceptions of predominance did not matter to a vote for the Bloc because the latter is a “radical” third party attracting support mostly on the basis of communal values and interests. The results further show that political grievances, but not economic ones, were a significant predictor of support for both third parties in that election.Résumé.Cette étude propose un nouveau test empirique de la théorie de Maurice Pinard concernant la percée électorale des tiers partis. L'impact des facteurs de Pinard (prédominance d'un parti et présence de griefs) sur l'appui au Parti réformiste et au Bloc québécois à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 1993 est vérifié au niveau micro-sociologique à l'aide des données de l'Étude sur l'élection canadienne. Les analyses de régression logistique du vote indiquent que la perception que certains électeurs de l'Ouest avaient de la faible compétitivité du second parti traditionnel dans leur circonscription les a encouragés à appuyer le Parti réformiste. Au Québec, les perceptions de prédominance n'ont cependant pas eu d'effet significatif sur le vote en faveur du Bloc en raison du fait que ce dernier est un tiers parti “ radical ” dont l'appui repose principalement sur des valeurs et des intérêts de groupe. Les résultats indiquent enfin que, contrairement aux griefs de nature économique, les griefs politiques régionaux ont significativement contribué au succès électoral des deux partis.
Social Capital and Civic Community in Alberta
Authors: Pickup Mark , Sayers Anthony , Knopff Rainer , Archer Keith 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.We investigate the nature of civic community and social capital in Alberta. We find a civic community with high levels of interpersonal trust and civic participation, that values formal political equality and direct participation, yet expresses high levels of alienation from and low levels of confidence in its governments. While exogenous variables contribute to a strong civic community, only endogenous variables can account for the comparatively higher levels of participation and trust. Using a model developed by John Brehm and Wendy Rahn, we discover a virtuous circle between trust and participation, with its roots in the agrarian, populist past of the province. Economic and social changes have helped sustain this pattern, as have politicians bent on using it to defend Alberta's exceptionalism.Résumé.Nous examinons la nature de la communauté civique et du capital social en Alberta. Nous y trouvons une communauté civique riche en confiance interpersonnelle et en participation civique et trés attachée à la fois à l'égalité politique formelle et à la participation directe. Cette communauté exprime cependant un profond sentiment d'aliénation et de méfiance à l'égard de ses gouvernements. Alors que des variables exogènes contribuent au développement d'une communauté civique vigoureuse, seules les variables endogènes peuvent expliquer les niveaux relativement élevés de participation et de confiance. En nous servant du modèle développé par John Brehm et Wendy Rahn, nous avons découvert une relation circulaire “ vertueuse ” entre la confiance et la participation, ayant des racines dans le passé agraire et populiste de la province. Les changements économiques et sociaux ont aidé à promouvoir ce modèle comme le font aussi les politiciens enclins à défendre l'exceptionalisme albertain.
Secession as Defence of a Political Liberty: A Liberal Answer to a Nationalist Demand
Authors: Pavković Aleksandar 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.Unilateral secession breaches the principle of majority rule and the principle of equal rights to which liberal democratic states adhere. How can one justify such a breach in a case in which the seceding state also aspires to be a liberal democratic state? If the government of the parent state, following a pro-secession referendum, refuses to negotiate with the secessionists over their secession, it thereby denies them the liberty of pursuing a politically satisfying life. A unilateral secession in pursuit of such a liberty could be justified within a Rawlsian framework, which ranks liberties higher than economic interests. But within the same framework a unilateral secession is unjustified if, as its consequence, the parent state can no longer protect those citizen rights which it protected before. While useful in assessing some cases of secession, the Rawlsian ranking does not provide universal criteria for assessment of all secessions.Résumé.La sécession unilatérale rompt avec le principe de la règle majoritaire ainsi qu'avec celui de l'égalité des droits auxquels adhèrent les États libéraux démocratiques. Comment peut-on justifier une telle rupture dans un cas où l'État sécessionniste aspire aussi à être un État libéral démocratique? Si le gouvernement de l'État originaire, à la suite d'un référendum pro-sécessionniste, refuse de négocier avec les sécessionnistes sur leur sécession, il leur refuse ainsi la liberté de poursuivre une vie politiquement satisfaisante. Une sécession unilatérale visant à gagner cette liberté pourrait se justifier dans une optiquerawlsiennequi accorde plus d'importance aux libertés qu'aux intérêts économiques. Mais dans cette même optique une sécession unilatérale est injustifiée si, du fait de la sécession, l'État originaire ne peut plus protéger les droits de ses citoyens, qu'il protégeait auparavant. Utile pour l'évaluation de certains cas de sécession, l'ordre de valeursrawlsienne fournit pas des critères universels pour les évaluer toutes.
Public Opinion and Policy Making in Canada 1994–2001
Authors: Petry François , Mendelsohn Matthew 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.This study examines the consistency between public opinion and public policy during the period 1994–2001 by matching responses to national survey questions on 230 issues with enacted policy proposals on the same issues. Policy outcomes were consistent with majority opinion 49 per cent of the time. This represents a significant drop from 69 per cent during the Mulroney years (1985–1993). Low opinion-policy consistency since 1994 is primarily attributable to divergences between public majorities that are increasingly supportive of a change toward the right and the policies of Jean Chrétien that are more leftist and status quo oriented than those of his predecessor. We argue that these divergences go largely unnoticed by the public because they tend to occur on low-profile issues. On the other hand, the evidence suggests a much tighter correlation between opinion and policy on a small number of high-profile issues of which the public is much more aware, thereby creating the appearance of attentiveness to Canadian public opinion.Résumé.En comparant les décisions sur 230 enjeux de politiques publiques avec les résultats de sondages nationaux sur ces mêmes enjeux, cet article cherche à quantifier le degré d'adéquation entre l'opinion publique et la politique gouvernementale entre 1994 et 2001. Les calculs révèlent que seulement 49 pour cent des décisions du gouvernement de Jean Chrétien sont allées dans le même sens que l'opinion publique, en nette diminution par rapport aux 69 pour cent observés pendant la période Mulroney (1985–1993). La baisse de corrélation depuis 1994 est principalement attribuable à la divergence entre une opinion publique de plus en plus favorable au changement et idéologiquement orientée à droite et la politique du gouvernement de Jean Chrétien sensiblement plus résistante au changement et idéologiquement plus à gauche que celle de son prédécesseur. Le public a tendance à ignorer le manque de corrélation entre l'opinion et les politiques gouvernementales parce que les enjeux en question sont relativement peu importants. Par contre, il semble que la corrélation entre l'opinion et les politiques soit beaucoup plus forte dans un petit nombre d'enjeux importants que le public reconnaît, créant ainsi l'apparence d'un gouvernement attentif aux souhaits de l'opinion publique canadienne.
The Political Consequences of the Alternative Vote: Lessons from Western Canada
Authors: Jansen Harold J. 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.The alternative vote (AV) is an increasingly popular proposal for electoral reform, largely due to Australia's success with it. This article considers the experiences of Manitoba, Alberta and British Columbia with AV in past provincial elections. AV had little impact on proportionality and voter turnout, but did contribute to significantly higher rates of ballot rejection. AV was associated with an increase in the number of parties competing in elections, but this is more likely due to a changing social structure than electoral system change. AV facilitated coalitions where incentives to cooperate already existed, as in British Columbia, but it did little to encourage or induce coalitions in Alberta and Manitoba. On balance, it differed little from the single member plurality system.Résumé.Le vote préférentiel (PV) est une proposition de plus en plus populaire de réforme électorale. Son attrait s'explique en grande partie par son succès en Australie. Cet article étudie les expériences de VP lors d'élections provinciales au Manitoba, en Alberta et en Colombie-Britannique. Le VP a eu peu de répercussions sur la proportionnalité et sur la participation électorale, mais a contribué à augmenter considérablement le nombre de bulletins de vote rejetés. On observe, en association avec le VP, une augmentation du nombre des partis en présence, mais ceci était vraisemblablement dû à l'évolution des structures sociales plus qu'au changement du système électoral. Le VP a facilité les coalitions lorsque des raisons de coopérer existaient déjà, comme en Colombie-Britannique, mais n'a guère encouragé ni provoqué de coalitions en Alberta ni au Manitoba. En définitive, la différence avec le système majoritaire uninominal a été négligeable.
Implementing First Nations Self-Government in Yukon: Lessons for Canada
Authors: Dacks Gurston 
Published: April 2005

Abstract: The experience of implementing self-government in the Yukon offers important insights into the future of self-government nationally. Yukon First Nations have created institutions that reflect their traditional values, that achieve creditable levels of accountability and that have limited their responsibilities to what their staff resources can handle. Yukon First Nations have assumed relatively few jurisdictional responsibilities because they reject the financial terms presented by the federal and territorial governments. This pattern is likely to weaken inherence-based governments as they appear elsewhere in Canada. This prospect raises the question of how First Nations should divide their energy and resources between pursuing inherence and strengthening the capacity of their existing institutions.Résumé.La mise en oeuvre d'un gouvernement autonome au Yukon offre d'importants aperçus sur l'avenir de l'autonomie sur le plan national. Les autochtones du Yukon ont créé des institutions qui reflètent leurs valeurs traditionnelles, atteignent des niveaux estimables de responsabilité et ont limité leurs engagements en fonction de leurs ressources en personnel. Les autochtones du Yukon ont assumé relativement peu de responsabilités juridictionnelles parce qu'ils rejettent les conditions financières présentées par le gouvernement fédéral et le gouvernement territorial. Ce dilemme va vraisemblablement affaiblir les gouvernements inhérents qui verront le jour ailleurs au Canada. La question se pose dès lors de savoir comment les autochtones devraient diviser leur énergie et leurs ressources entre la poursuite de l'inhérence et le renforcement de la capacité de leurs institutions existantes.
Regional Political Cultures in Canada
Authors: Henderson Ailsa 
Published: April 2005

Abstract.This paper examines the existence of sub-State political cultures in Canada. In so doing it revisits research conducted by Richard Simeon and David Elkins into the existence of provincial political cultures in Canada. It reviews the evidence for provincial political cultures and examines recent data from the Canadian Election Study in an effort to determine whether attitudes towards government have changed. Second, it revisits the process by which sub-cultures are identified. Using data from the federal election profiles and the CES the paper identifies nine distinct regional variant cultures within Canada. These regional cultures possess different political attitudes and behaviours that cannot be explained by the existence of provincial boundaries.Résumé.Cet article examine l'existence de cultures politiques sous-étatiques au Canada. Il reprend, ce faisant, les recherches de Richard Simeon et David Elkins qui démontrent la réalité des cultures politiques provinciales au Canada. L'article reconsidère l'authenticité de l'existence des cultures provinciales et étudie les données récentes de l'Étude électorale canadienne pour tenter de déterminer si les attitudes politiques ont changé. Ensuite, il réexamine le processus d'identification des sous cultures . En utilisant les profils des circonscriptions fédérales et l'ÉÉC, l'article identifie neuf variantes régionales distinctes au Canada. Ces cultures régionales manifestent des attitudes et comportement distincts qui ne peuvent pas s'expliquer par l'existence des frontières provinciales.