bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Crisis of Institutionalization: The Collapse of the UCD in Spain
Authors: Gunther Richard , Hopkin Jonathan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractPolitical parties are such a fundamental part of democratic political life that they take on an appearance of stability and solidity that is rarely questioned—hence, when a political party collapses, political scientists are usually taken by surprise. In this context, the remarkable collapse in 1982 of Spain's governing party, the Union de Centro Democrático (UCD), long regarded as an exception to the rule of party stability, may provide some clues as to the causes of recent cases of party crisis. The catastrophic defeat of the UCD in the 1982 general election was primarily the result of a reaction by the electorate against the highly visible internal struggles and schisms, which beset the party during the preceding two years, and in many respects, represented a ‘punishment vote’ by an electorate that had become fed up with squabbles that had even reached the point (in an attempted military coup in 1981) of threatening the survival of the new democratic regime itself. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the origins of these destructive intra‐party conflicts, for which several different explanations have been set forth by scholars and journalists, and by UCD leaders themselves, the most important being that the UCD was insufficiently ‘institutionalized’. The first part looks at the concept of institutionalization, and further sections look at: the creation of the UCD—factions, incompatibilities, and the transition to democracy; the cost of constitutional consensus; the model of the party—catch‐all, factional or holding‐company; and internal conflict and external opportunities—a discussion of rational exits (defections) from the UCD.
Party Government, Patronage, and Party Decline in Western Europe
Authors: Blondel Jean 
Published: October 2003

AbstractBlondel approaches the question of party decline by asking to what extent it is a product of semi‐legal or illegal practices adopted by parties. At first glance it seems that the answer should be positive—the discovery of corruption or the distribution of favours by parties has made them the target of mass media attacks that have fed into increasing citizen dissatisfaction with or disaffection from parties; Blondel, however, adopts a more cautious and conditional stance, noting that negative electoral consequences of illegal or semi‐legal practices have been inconsistent among countries with significant levels of corruption. Develops a series of analytical distinctions and empirical generalizations focusing on the concepts of party government and patronage, which starts by noting that the most basic linkages between governments and their supporting parties involve policies and appointments, and that traditional parliamentary theory neglects patronage as one important aspect of these linkages. In order to speculate about the origins of cross‐national differences in the extent of patronage, Blondel develops a classification scheme based upon two dimensions: the first is derived from the various types of party–government relationships—adversarial, consensual, and conciliatory; the second involves the extent of parliamentary support for the government; in addition to these dimensions, a distinction is made between those parliamentary settings in which parties are, in general terms, dependent upon the government, those in which parties predominate over the government, and those in which the government and its supporting party/ies are linked in a situation of mutual interdependence. These typologies show that patronage is extensive and widely distributed in ‘partitocratic’ countries, is less common in Westminster‐type majoritarian polities, is greatly reduced in ‘conciliatory’ systems, and has grown notably since the 1980s, but only in the first two of these categories; suggests that this increase is because favours, bribes, and corruption are utilized as a partial substitute for the unfulfilment of over‐ambitious government programme commitments; argues that an assessment of the effects of patronage also requires a differentiation among types of party government.
The UNHCR and World Politics
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was created over 50 years ago to be a human rights and advocacy organization. But governments also created the agency to promote regional and international stability and to serve the interest of states. Consequently, the UNHCR has always trod a perilous path between its mandate to protect refugees and asylum seekers and the demands placed upon it by states to be a relevant actor in international relations. A key focus is to examine the extent to which the evolution of the UNHCR has been framed by the crucial events of international politics and international security during the past half century and how, in turn, the actions of the first eight High Commissioners have helped shape the course of world history. A central objective is to analyse the development of national and international refugee policies and actions, placing these within the broader contexts of the changing global political and security environments in the Cold War and post–Cold War eras. One of the core findings is that UNHCR has over‐stretched itself in recent decades and has strayed from its central human rights protection role.
Introduction
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Presents an overview of the book's main themes: the variety of federal approaches, the risks of conceptual confusion and path‐dependency from previous state systems, the influence of regional political agendas, and the added complexities that confront multi‐ethnic and multi‐lingual states. These issues are explored at several stages of Soviet and post‐Soviet Russian political history. This book combines insights from the fields of Russian area studies, comparative law, and comparative politics. The author's methodology is presented, key terms are defined, geography and political divisions are explained (with maps), and followed by an outline of the book's chapters.
Federal Theory
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, the role of the judiciary and the rule of law, nullification, over‐representation, secessionism, self‐determination, sovereignty, and subsidiarity. A wide variety of federal systems are possible under the rubric of federalism (including confederation, federacy, etc.) and these are explored. Different constitutional and institutional choices have different effects (and paradoxes) for democracy, law, and sovereignty in federal states. The role of ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other social cleavages on the development and stability of federal systems is addressed. Empirical analysis of federalism in Brazil, Spain, Yugoslavia, the United States, and other state systems is provided. The theory of ‘non‐democratic federalism’ is disputed.
Soviet ‘Federalism’
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Although most scholars were quick to puncture the Soviet Union's sham claims to democracy, too many accepted at face value its claim to be a federal state. The shifting debates about federalism in Bolshevik doctrine and communist theory are explored. The formation, systematization, and stagnation of the so‐called ‘Soviet federalism’ is examined and debunked through analysis of the constitutions and political realities that existed under Lenin, Stalin, and Brezhnev.
Gorbachev's Federalism Problem
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The Soviet Union's ‘nationalities problem’ was one of the fundamental hurdles that Mikhail Gorbachev failed to clear in his attempt at systemic transformation of the USSR. Less understood, and far less studied, was Gorbachev's ‘federalism problem’. The institutional weaknesses of Soviet ‘federalism’ presented serious obstacles to would‐be reformers of the political system as well as to opponents of reform. After 70 years of Soviet rhetoric, there was deep confusion over just what terms like ‘federal’ or ‘sovereignty’ really meant. Efforts to construct a ‘renewed’ USSR and a new Russian Federation were deeply constrained by Soviet institutions and concepts.
Inter‐Governmental Relations Under Yeltsin's New Federalism
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The fourth stage of Russia's federal transition—the ‘parade of treaties’—is the focus of this chapter. The legacy of Boris Yeltsin's presidency was the growth of institutional asymmetry, most notably in the form of bilateral treaties he negotiated with regional executives. These ad hoc, extra‐constitutional political deals simultaneously held the struggling Federation together in the short term while undercutting its prospects for long‐term stability, particularly with regard to fiscal and legal relationships between federal and regional governments. The politics of their negotiation often undercut the crucially needed federal political culture that was already in very low supply in Yeltsin's Russian Federation. The negotiation and effects of bilateral treaties are examined in detail, especially in the republics of Bashkortostan, Sakha‐Yakutia, and Tatarstan.
Federal Effects on Transitions in Russia's Republics
Authors: Kahn Jeffrey 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
After Yeltsin abandoned attempts to influence the course of republican transitions from authoritarianism, few republics persevered along clearly democratic paths. This chapter examines the course those transition paths followed, with particular attention paid to the drafting of republican constitutions. Who controlled that process set the political agenda by defining the ‘rules of the game’. The strong presidentialism found in virtually all of the republics is a recurring theme. Ten years of presidential and parliamentary elections are examined to discern the effect of these institutional choices. The crude sultanism that emerged in the republic of Kalmykia is examined in detail.
Facing Facts
Authors: Neale Stephen 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis book is an original examination of attempts to dislodge a cornerstone of modern philosophy: the idea that our thoughts and utterances are representations of slices of reality. Representations that are accurate are usually said to be true, to correspond to the facts—this is the foundation of correspondence theories of truth. A number of prominent philosophers have tried to undermine the idea that propositions, facts, and correspondence can play any useful role in philosophy, and formal arguments have been advanced to demonstrate that, under seemingly uncontroversial conditions, such entities collapse into an undifferentiated unity. The demise of individual facts is meant to herald the dawn of a new era in philosophy, in which debates about scepticism, realism, subjectivity, representational and computational theories of mind, possible worlds, and divergent conceptual schemes that represent reality in different ways to different persons, periods, or cultures evaporate through lack of subject matter. By carefully untangling a host of intersecting metaphysical, epistemological, semantic, and logical issues, and providing original analyses of key aspects of the work of Donald Davidson, Gottlob Frege, Bertrand Russell, and Kurt Gödel (to each of whom a chapter is dedicated), Stephen Neale demonstrates that arguments for the collapse of facts are considerably more complex and interesting than ever imagined. A number of deep semantic facts emerge along with a powerful proof: while it is technically possible to avoid the collapse of facts, rescue the idea of representations of reality, and thereby face anew the problems raised by the sceptic or the relativist, doing so requires making some tough semantic decisions about predicates and descriptions. It is simply impossible, Neale shows, to invoke representations, facts, states, or propositions without making hard choices—choices that may send many philosophers scurrying back to the drawing board. The book will be crucial to future work in metaphysics, the philosophy of language and mind, and logic, and will have profound implications far beyond.
The End of Representation?
Authors: Neale Stephen 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Introduces the criticisms put forward by philosophers such as Donald Davidson and Richard Rorty to the idea that one thing might represent another: that thoughts, utterances, and inscriptions are said to have content by virtue of their power to represent reality; and that those that do the job accurately are true, they correspond to the facts, or mirror reality—they are representations of reality. The author then outlines the deductive proof that he will present in the book to show that Davidson's and Rorty's criticisms are unfounded. The content of the proof is based on the work of Kurt Gödel and W. V. Quine, and demonstrates conclusively that (i) any supposedly non‐truth‐functional operation must satisfy an exacting logical condition in order to avoid collapsing into a truth‐function, and (ii) any theory of facts, states of affairs, situations, or propositions must satisfy a corresponding condition if such entities are not to collapse into a unity. The three main sections of the chapter: examine the case against representations made by Davidson and Rorty, including Davidson's notorious argument against facts; discuss Rorty's critique of representational philosophy (his anti‐representationalism); and consider collapsing (or slingshot) arguments that discredit the existence of facts (and are used in the critique of the fact–representation distinction), as put forward by Gottlob Frege, and developed by Alonzo Church, Quine, Davidson, and Gödel. The last section of the chapter outlines the structure of the book.
Davidson: Truth and Correspondence
Authors: Neale Stephen 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Discusses the philosophy of Donald Davidson, who appears to have brought the slingshot argument to the current prominence within philosophical discussions. It examines Davidson's semantic programme, the relation between semantics and ontology that he champions, his arguments against facts and the scheme–content distinction, and the ways in which he and Richard Rorty assail the notion of representation. The chapter is arranged in nine parts: Introductory Remarks; Meaning and Truth; Reference and Ontology; Content and Other Complications; Facts and Correspondence; The Great Fact; Scheme and Content; Realism and Objectivity; and Representation.
Gödel: Facts and Descriptions
Authors: Neale Stephen 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSets out Kurt Gödel's slingshot (collapsing) argument. The original argument—or, at least, the premisses of the argument that Neale attributes to Gödel—can be found in a fleeting footnote to a discussion of the relationship between Bertrand Russell's Theory of Descriptions and Theory of Facts. Usually each theory is viewed as quite independent of the other, but Gödel argues otherwise: that the viability of the latter depends upon the viability of the former (or at least upon the viability of some non‐referential theory of descriptions). Neale summarizes Gödel's standpoint as follows: ‘if a true sentence stands for a fact, then in order to avoid the collapse of all facts into one, the friend of facts must give up either (a) an intuitive and straightforward Fregean Principle of Composition or (b) the idea that definite descriptions are expressions that purport to stand for things.’ The sections of the chapter are: Elimination (linguistic and ontological); Facts and Descriptions; Identities in the Matrix; and The Eleatic One (the collapse of all facts into one).
Gödelian Equivalence
Authors: Neale Stephen 
Published: October 2003

AbstractChs. 9 (and 8) convert the two basic forms of slingshot (collapsing) argument—one used by Alonzo Church, W. V. Quine, and Donald Davidson, the other by Kurt Gödel—into knock‐down deductive proofs that Donald Davidson's and Richard Rorty's cases against facts and the representation of facts are unfounded, and their slingshot arguments for discrediting the existence of facts unsatisfactory. The proofs are agnostic on key semantic issues; in particular, they assume no particular account of reference and do not even assume that sentences have references. Using the same procedure as in Chs. 8 and 9 shows that a slingshot argument engendered by Gödel's suggestions can be converted into a proof that delivers an exacting constraint on non‐extensional discourse—the Descriptive Constraint—and that is more general than anything Gödel appears to have had in mind. The proof of this constraint is constructed without appeal to logical equivalences, without assuming that a semantic theory must treat sentences as having references, without presupposing anything contentious about the semantics of singular terms, and without commitment to any particular semantics for definite descriptions. A constraint on facts, situations, states of affairs, and propositions—indeed on anything that is expressed or represented sententially—drops out as a trivial consequence of a constraint on non‐extensional discourse. The three sections of the chapter are: Principles of Conversion for Descriptions; Gödel's Proof in Quinean Format; and A Stronger Slingshot?
Containing Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Nationalism has become a prevalent source of conflict and violence in the world. Scholarship has provided scant guidance about the prospect of containing its dark side. Departing from the usual practice of considering only a few examples of nationalism drawn from a limited geographical and historical canvas, this book is based on fundamental theoretical ideas about the formation and solidarity of groups. More specifically, Containing Nationalism offers a unified explanation of nationalism across the broad sweep of time and space. Among other things, it explains why nationalism is largely confined to modern history, why it is supported by specific forms of inequality between cultural groups, and why it is inclusive at some times and exclusive at others.
Nationalism is the attempt of culturally distinct peoples to attain political self‐determination. Such self‐determination was generally afforded by traditional states, which employed a form of governance based on indirect rule. After the late eighteenth century, the rise of the modern state led to a new form of governance based on direct rule. Containing Nationalism argues that the impetus for the most common type of nationalism arises from the imposition of direct rule in culturally heterogeneous societies. Direct rule stimulates national identity by making cultural distinctions more salient for individuals’ life chances. At the same time, it reduces the resources of local elites, giving them a motive to mobilize nationalist opposition to central authorities. All told, these effects heighten the demand for sovereignty. The book suggests that political institutions that reintroduce indirect rule offer the leaders of modern countries the best available means of containing nationalist violence within their borders.
Nationalist Puzzles
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe nationalism of concern here is collective action designed to render the boundaries of the nation congruent with those of its governance unit. Governance units are territorial units responsible for providing the bulk of collective goods to their members. Nations, for their part, are highly solitary, territorially concentrated, culturally distinctive groups. On the basis of these definitions, the chapter distinguishes between four analytically distinct types of nationalism: state‐building, peripheral, irredentist, and unification nationalisms.
Causes of Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractShort of the grant of outright sovereignty, nationalist violence can be contained only by processes that inhibit nation formation, reduce the demand for autonomy or sovereignty among national minorities, and raise the costs of collective action. This chapter presents theories of group solidarity (governing the process of nation formation) and endogenous state formation (responsible for the evolution of governance units). The chapter then discusses the modernity of nationalism, the social bases of nationalist movements, and the kinds of institutions most likely to contain these movements.
Indirect Rule and the Absence of Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractNationalism is principally a modern phenomenon because, for the great bulk of human history, there was no disjuncture between the boundaries of the nation and those of the governance unit. Owing to high communication costs, most premodern states were compelled to rely on indirect rule to govern spatially distant territories. Over time, this kind of rule led to an outcome in which culturally distinct territories were governed by traditional authorities. Since, over time, these local authorities usually came to share the same culture as that of their subjects, cultural differences did not tend to be a basis of political conflict.
The Demand for Sovereignty and the Emergence of Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe members of any nation would prefer to be sovereign rather than to be ruled by non‐nationals because this maximizes the chance that the government will provide them with an optimal mix of public goods. This general preference is affected by the net benefit of continued affiliation with the central authority. To the degree that the centre provides minority nationals with protection, and economic and social welfare, the demand for sovereignty will be attenuated. Hence, nationalist secession is most likely to occur in multinational states whose centres are subject to military and economic setbacks. However, the demand for sovereignty also depends on the nation's capacity to engage in collective action, which is affected by state institutions.
Containing Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractA variety of institutional mechanisms of containing nationalist violence is considered, including consociationalism, electoral design, and federation. Federation is a viable means of containing nationalist violence, but only as long as the minority nation remains dependent on the centre for key public goods. The centre's capacity to devolve authority credibly to minority nations hinges not on value considerations, but on its adoption of institutions guaranteeing procedural justice.