bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Speciosa Locis Morataque Recte
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
A tendency to sententiousness, and to the broader teaching of moral lessons, goes back in ancient drama to the fifth century nc, when prose was undeveloped and the poets were still the teachers on serious subjects. Even after philosophy, in particular, had been hived off, the theatre continued to moralize; indeed New Comedy probably did so more readily than Middle Comedy, whether because of its greater seriousness, in parts at least, and the fact that it looked back to Euripides (‘sententiis densus ‘, according to Quintilian, σxnvixó ς ϕlλ ó σoøoς according to two late Greek writers), if not other tragic poets as a source of inspiration; or because of the links with contemporary ethical philosophy that some of the poets perhaps possessed (Menander is said to have been a pupil of Theophrastus); or perhaps because the audience was particularly aware of and interested in ethical discussion in the age of Theophrastus, Epicurus, and Zeno, though attempts to tie particular plays to the doctrines of particular philosophers do not seem conclusive. Presumably much at least of the audience, whether in the time of the sophists or of the Peripatetics and other schools, enjoyed the moralizing elements, though I think there is little direct evidence about the reception of these. For Rome, which picked up and even extended the tradition, there is more; and I would argue that for the poorer classes at least theatrical moralizing was, at all events in the second and early first centuries BC, the chief source from which they drew not their moral convictions, but much of their capacity to articulate them.
The Phoenicians Overseas
Authors: Grainger John D 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Phoenicians were a small, divided people living in a world dominated by immensely more powerful forces whose unpredictability could replace favour with hostility at any twist of the political wheel. The Persians had been succeeded by the Macedonians, whose collapse had sucked in Roman power. In moments of peril whole cities could be destroyed, and the favour of one ruling group could mean the vindictive hostility of the next conqueror.
Thucydides and Alcibiades
Authors: Brunt P A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
To many readers of Thucydides the arguments adduced by Nicias against the Sicilian expedition must appear of irresistible cogency. Even if Syracuse and the other Sicilian cities had been conquered, Athens could not have held them down without suffering exhaustion; and the men and money expended in so vain an enterprise could better have been devoted to restoring the Empire in Chalcidice and rebuilding the Peloponnesian coalition against Sparta. Thucydides was aware, as the Athenian masses were not, of the great size and population of Sicily; he knew that the Athenians in 415 engaged on a war not less difficult than that with the Peloponnesians (VI 1; VII 28,3); yet even in retrospect his verdict on the expedition seems to have been less severe. In the famous passage in II 65, written after the fall of Athens, he attributes her ruin to the competition among the leading politicians in ingratiating themselves with the people; this, he says, was the source of many errors; in particular it led to the Sicilian expedition.
Athenian Settlements Abroad in the Fifth Century B.C.1
Authors: Brunt P A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Athens as a city organized no colonies overseas before the sixth century. If over-population was the chief reason why Greek cities sent out colonies in the archaic period, her absence from the list of colonizing cities suggests that until quite a late date Attica sufficed for the needs of its inhabitants. The fact that Athens found it hard to wrest Salamis from Megara in the early sixth century may indicate that her population, the basis of military strength, was still relatively small. After Solon’s time it must have expanded rapidly. In 479, if we may trust the figures in Herodotus (ix, 28), the Megarians furnished only 3,000 hoplites to the Greek Army at Plataea and the Athenians 8,000, although a considerable force of hoplites was probably serving at the same time with the fleet.
Aspects of the Social Thought of Dio Chrysostom and of the Stoics
Authors: Brunt P A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On re-reading Dio of Prusa’s Euboicus, I formed the impression that his ideas on manual labour and on the respectability of occupations open to the poor are somewhat different from those conventionally adopted by Greeks and Romans of the upper class, to which Dio belonged. Part I of this paper discusses these ideas in the Euboicus and in some related works of Dio. It will inter alia afford some conjectural support to von Arnim’s hypothesis that the Euboicus was delivered at Rome. Probably Dio’s attitude was influenced by his experience in exile, when he had known what it was to be poor and had even propounded Cynic opinions.
The Bagatti-Testa Hypothesis
Authors: Taylor Joan E 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
How and when did the veneration of Christian holy places in Palestine begin? The Franciscan scholars Bellarmino Bagatti and Emmanuele Testa have developed an hypothesis which attempts to answer this question. They argue that many Christian holy places are genuine because Jewish-Christians identified and preserved sites which were meaningful in the life of Jesus, from the time of his ministry without interruption until the fourth century. These sites were then appropriated by the mainstream ‘Gentile’ Church when the emperor Constantine began establishing Christian shrines in Palestine. Before proceeding to answer this question differently, we shall begin by looking at the theories of Bagatti and Testa in order to establish why there may be grounds for thinking they are mistaken.
Markets and Fairs in Roman Italy
Authors: Frayn Joan M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Markets and fairs played a fundamental part in the commerce of the Mediterranean region in the Roman period. But where were they held, and what commodities were sold there? Using evidence from archaeology, inscriptions, and literary sources, Dr Frayn builds up a detailed and enlivening picture of stalls and stallholders, profiteering, and price control in ancient Italy, and invites comparison with medieval and modern practices. Besides the macella, or permanent markets in towns, Dr Frayn also looks at the much more numerous nundinae, or local markets, held every eight days, and the many fairs and festivals throughout Italy where retailing took place, often associated with shrines and characterized by religious motifs. The book includes a discussion of the economic and social effects of markets and fairs, including their relation to geography, demography, and modern `central place theory'. There is also a chapter on market law, which can be traced from the ius commercii to the supervision of weights, measures, and pricing. As trade contacts widened, and merchandise grew more diverse, markets and marketing evolved with increasing complexity into a highly developed system, which in the wake of conquest came to influence larger areas of inter-regional trade.
Sacrificial Meal and Symposion: Two Models of Civic Institutions in the Archaic City?
Authors: Schmitt-Pantel Pauline 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the course of a recent attempt to evaluate modern research on the banquet in Greek cities, one question seemed to me to arise from reading these very different studies, a question which I ask in the title of this article and which may be put in the following specific form: is it legitimate to separate, even to oppose, the symposion and the sacrificial banquet, to read into the two of them a relative hierarchy, to make of each of them, in turn, a key institution and even an explanatory model of civic life? And, as a corollary, does the Greek city permit the use of the play of oppositions between ‘sacred’ and ‘profane’, and ‘public’ and ‘private’, employed by modern authors in talking of these two forms of commensality? An investigation of these points seems to me to be required for a better understanding of the system of meals in the city. In order to attempt this, I shall swiftly recall the conclusions of work on the sacrificial banquet and the symposion, and then take two well-defined instances from the Archaic city, from two types of source, pottery and poetry, in order to discuss the different forms of commensality; and finally, I shall draw from these a number of more general conclusions on the specific nature of collective practices in Archaic societies.
The Chronology of the Perachora Hestiatorion and its Significance
Authors: Tomlinson R A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By the end of the fifth century BC, rooms which were built specifically as feasting-or dining-rooms are an established feature of Greek architecture. They can be found, to take examples from Attica, in private houses ( the Dema house of about 420), in public places ( the South Stoa I in the Agora), and in sanctuaries (the Asklepieion and, of course, the Propylaia). In this development, in public rather than private architecture, the eleven-couch room emerges as.a standard, three couches and the foot of an adjacent couch to each wall, with one couch omitted from the front wall to allow for the inevitably off-centre door.
Symposion Furniture
Authors: Boardman John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The principal item of furniture for a banquet or symposion is the kline, couch or bed. It is essential, apparently, for the formal symposion, and both the formalities and the architecture associated with a symposion seem determined by it. It is not, however, an obvious piece of furniture for a feast, and it may be that study of its origins and variant uses could tell us something of interest about the symposion itself. I say it may be, because I am not convinced that in the present state of our knowledge it can. And possibly there is no problem at all, and it was simply a matter of the Greeks, at some time in the seventh century, picking up from the East the idea of reclining at a feast and using for it their best bedroom furniture, until the point was reached at which the furniture was made specifically for the feast rather than for sleeping, and accommodation for it specially created within the house or sanctuary or public building where feasts were held.
The Meal at the Hyakinthia: Ritual Consumption and Offering
Authors: Bruit Louise 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At the end of a study of ‘the city as cooking and sharing’, which was a review of La Cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, edited by M. Detienne and J.-P. Vernant, N. Loraux noted that ‘the ritual of the sacrifice always ceases at the moment of consumption’. The remarkable absence of the feast from Greek descriptions of the alimentary-type blood-sacrifice, the thysia, is matched by an emphasis on distribution: ‘there is no sacrifice without carving’.2 It may be true that it is the prime function of sacrifice in the city to ensure by distribution the proper distance from the gods on the one hand and the proper place for the individual in the city on the other, ‘but eating is human’. Thus the thysia appears as an opportunity to delineate and define the relations between the divine world and the human, while at the same time being the starting-point of the human social world. But fit necessarily precedes and in some way authorizes the meal, the meal itself seems to belong wholly to the human and social dimension.
Outlines of a Morphology of Sympotic Entertainment
Authors: Pellizer Ezio 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
From the point, more than twenty years ago, when Bruno Gentili led me to reflect, during lively discussion amongst friends, on the importance of the symposion as a privileged occasion for the expression and communication of a considerable part of Archaic and Classical lyric poetry, much time has elapsed, and it would appear not to have been wasted time. In the course of the 1970s, slowly at first, then with growing momentum, in Italy and elsewhere, numerous scholars have turned their attention to the Archaic and Classical symposion, and the results have not been slow to materialize. Today L. E. Rossi-who held, in Oxford in fact, a seminar on the symposion-can write, without causing any particular controversy: ‘I have been persuaded for some time that all Archaic poetry composed for solo delivery, that is to say monodic poetry, was in origin intended for the symposion.
Sympotic Ethics in the Odyssey
Authors: Slater W J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
No one normally looks at the Odyssey for symposia, because there are strictly speaking no symposia there; none the less, the fact is that there is more prominence given in that work to the decencies of eating and drinking together than almost anywhere else; these correspond to the values ofl ater society, and justify my treating the Odyssey as a work of ethical value in relation to the symposion. An archaizing Homer could have known the habits of the Classical symposion and deliberately concealed them; I should think that a likely but unprovable hypothesis. Again, in a sense sympotic ethics reflect the ethics of society as a whole. Both Murray and 1 have used a fragment of Solon to illustrate the general point that the symposion was considered to be a microcosm of the polis; the morality of the small gathering is mutatis mutandis that of the larger society; indeed there hybris and dike manifest themselves with even greater immediacy.
Imitatio: Catullan Poetry from Martial to Johannes Secundus
Authors: Gaisser Julia Haig 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Catullus’ first Renaissance readers searched his text for tags to ornament their own writings and correspondence, but their successors were more ambitious. By the first decade of the fifteenth century poets (or would-be poets) were attempting to write their own versions of Catullus’ poems; by mid-century, Giovanni Pontano, the major poet of the age, had produced two remarkable collections of poetry in the style of Catullus, and within a few years Catullan poetry was established as a recognizable and popular genre.
What is Polis Religion?
Authors: Sourvinou-Inwood Christiane 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The attempt to reconstruct, and make sense of, a religious system to which we have extremely limited access, and which is very different from those which have conditioned our own understanding of the category ‘religion’, demands a methodology which, as far as possible, prevents our own-culturally determined-assumptions from intruding into, and thus corrupting, the investigation. We also need to discard the layers of earlier interpretations which form distorting filters structuring the data on the basis of the assumptions and expectations of scholars of earlier generations, when it was not fully realized that all reading and interpretation, and all ‘common sense’, are culturally determined. Here I present highly compressed versions of selected parts of my arguments, to define the parameters within which, on my analysis, polis religion operated in the classical period.
The Barbarian Enters Myth
Authors: Treggiari Susan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Passages dealing with the creation of affinitas and the motive for marriage which it constitutes often give some indication of who took the initiative. The senior male was often regarded as the main agent-so, for instance, Augustus or P. Crassus. But this may reflect chiefly his power of taking the final decision and does not exclude an initial approach by the junior man or the sui or. So Lysiteles offers for Lesbonicus’ sister, although he uses his own father as his intermediary and acts in the absence of Lesbonicus’ father.
Dos
Authors: Treggiari Susan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Marriage had legal implications in two important areas: in the production of legitimate children who were in the father’s patria potestas and took his status, and in property. (Between the spouses themselves, it produced obligations of mutual respect, a theme not given much prominence by the jurists.) Although in marriage without manus the wife might have substantial property of her own, the property which we shall examine here is that which was transferred to the husband for at least the duration of the marriage, the dos. Dos cannot exist without marriage.’ It is not true, however, that marriage cannot exist without dos. But Plautus attests the feeling, probably familiar to his audience, that marriage without dowry was undesirable and disreputable and that the transfer and acceptance of dos indicated that legal marriage rather than concubinage was intended by both parties.2 How far the poorest members of the population could afford this sentiment, or afford to get married at all, is uncertain. Documents from Egypt later attest quite small dowries, and the jurists speak of relatively poor women who put all their property into their dowry and of slave-women, precluded from legal marriage, who nevertheless transferred a quasi-dos to their mates.3 In short, there are indications that dowry was firmly entrenched among all classes.
Res: Property—Separation and Mixing
Authors: Treggiari Susan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Apart from dowry, legally his and potentially hers, a husband and, if not in manu, a wife would usually have separate property.1 The husband was not expected to endow his wife by making a pre-marital settlement. A donatio from husband to wife before or, later, during, marriage, balancing dos (donatio ante or propter nuptias), comes in only in during the fifth and sixth centuries.2The Romans were aware that in some societies husbands gave a bride-price.’ But in the classical period, at the beginning of a marriage, capital was usually transmitted from the bride and her family to the husband and perhaps his family.
Divorce
Authors: Treggiari Susan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
A matrimonium was dissolved in various ways.’ Jurists and people making arrangements about dowry took account of the possibility of the death of either partner and of divorce, as well as the more remote hazard that a change in the status of either-capture in war, enslavement, or judicial dep.ortation-would remove the capacity to be married.Dirimitur matrimonium divortio, morte, captivitate, vel alia contingente servitute utrius eorum.
Rhythm and Tempo
Authors: West M L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is conventional, in writing about ancient Greek music, to voice a lament that ‘the music itself is almost entirely lost. So far as its melodic lines are concerned, this is true: we have only a few dozen specimens to represent a thousand years’ music, and of these few dozen, most are tattered fragments with scarcely a line complete, and nearly all are from compositions of post-Classical date. Of music from before the last decade of the fifth century BC we have not a single note.
Theory
Authors: West M L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
From the earliest times, we may suppose, practitioners and teachers of instrumental playing possessed a certain amount of technical terminology and lore connected with their instrument: a system of nomenclature for strings, notes, and tunings, formulae for changing from one lyre-tuning to another, traditions and legends concerning past players, their inventions and innovations. But from the late sixth century Be, and possibly earlier, we can see the beginnings of more developed forms of theoretical inquiry into the foundations of music.
Notation and Pitch
Authors: West M L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By the middle of the third century Be, at latest, an agreed system of musical notation was in use among professionals. It is employed consistently in the surviving papyri and inscriptions, which extend from that time down to the late third century AD, and also in tables and examples in several of the later writers. It is still to be seen in the medieval tradition of Mesomedes’ songs, though its use by practising musicians probably ceased around the fourth or fifth century. Our understanding of the system is derived principally from Alypius’ extensive tables of the notes available in each of the fifteen keys and in each genus.
Introduction
Authors: Cameron Averil , Hall Stuart G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Life of Constantine (Vita Constantini, henceforth VC) is the main source not only for the religious policy of Constantine the Great (ruled AD 306-37, sole Emperor 324-37) but also for much else about him. It is attributed in the manuscripts to Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea (d. AD 339), who was also the author of the first history of the Church (Church History, Historia Ecclesiastica, HE) and many other works of biblical scholarship, Christian apologetic, and contemporary religious debate.1 The VC is divided into four books, with chapter headings by a later editor (see below, p. 24, § 5). The title by which it is generally known is somewhat misleading, in that while the work certainly has biographical elements, it is better described as an uneasy mixture of panegyric and narrative history (see below, § 6). Many of the details which it records are to be found only here, and since the VC presents a view of Constantine that is not only extremely pro-Christian but also, as we can see from comparison with some of his other works, particular to the interests of Eusebius himself, it is not surprising that it has proved extremely controversial. Some scholars are disposed to accept its evidence at face value while others have been and are highly sceptical(§ 2).
Translation
Authors: Cameron Averil , Hall Stuart G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It was but recently the whole human race celebrated various ten-year periods for the great Emperor with festive banquets. It was but recently we ourselves hymned the conqueror with praises for his twenty years, taking the floor at the Council of God ‘s ministers. Just now we wove garlands of words also for his thirty years, in the very palace hardly yesterday to crown his sacred head. (2) But today our thought stands helpless, longing to express some of the conventional things, but at a loss which way to turn, stunned by the sheer wonder of the amazing spectacle. Wherever it casts its gaze, whether east or west, whether all over the earth or up to heaven itself, every way and everywhere it observes the Blessed One present with the Empire itself. (3) On earth it perceives his own sons like new lamps filling the whole with his radiance, and himself powerfully alive and directing the whole government of affairs more firmly than before, as he is multiplied in the succession of his sons. If previously they still shared the honour of Caesars, now that they have put on his whole mantle of God fearing virtue, they have been declared Imperatores Augusti, singled out with their father ‘s honours.
Children of Freedmen (and Freedwomen)
Authors: Weaver P R C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
We begin at the ‘House of the Bicentenary’—in Herculaneum, at the grandest ‘casa’ in town. There, some half a century ago, emerged a file, or rather chest, of eighteen documents, dating from AD 74 and 75, on the case of ‘the woman who calls herself Petronia lusta’. That she was the child of a freedwoman was not disputed: her mother, Petronia Vitalis, was indeed the former slave of Petronius Stephanus and Calatoria Themis, a couple who had jointly (it appears) manumitted her. What was at issue was when Vitalis’ child was born.
Justa was claiming that she was freeborn (i.e. that she was born after the manumission of her mother), despite the fact that she could not produce a birth certificate to prove it and that she was admittedly illegitimate-she called herself in fact ‘Petronia Sp(urii) f(ilia) Iusta’ (Tab. Herc. XIV. 5.5)—that is, her father was either not in a formal marriage (‘in conubio’) with Vitalis or unknown.