bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Contemporary Public Management: A New Global Paradigm?
Authors: Hood Christopher 
Published: October 2003

AbstractReturns to the general question of what sort of science public management is or can be and how cultural theory can contribute to that science. Critically discusses the pervasive ideas of modernization and global convergence in a cultural‐theory framework, suggesting there are more forces for divergence and less common ground on what modernity means in matters of organization than is commonly recognized. It argues that modernization is a rhetorically successful idea because when the powerful but implicit metaphor of technological development that underlies it is carried over into human organization it is inherently ambiguous—so it lends itself to quite different and contradictory ideas about the wave of the future that fit with each of the world views identified by cultural theory. Further, it argues that a vision of global transformation of public management into a convergent modern style is likely to be exaggerated because it ignores powerful forces of path‐dependency and self‐disequilibration—i.e. the capacity of management reform initiatives to produce the opposite of their intended result. The main sections of the chapter are: Modern, Global, Inevitable? The Claim of a New Paradigm in Public Management; Public‐Management Modernization as Deep Change; Public‐Management Modernization as Irreversible Change; Public‐Management Modernization as Convergent Change; Public‐Management Modernization as Beneficent Change; and Modernization—or ‘Fatal Remedies’?
Taking Stock: The State of the Art of the State
Authors: Hood Christopher 
Published: October 2003

AbstractReturns to the general question of what sort of science public management is or can be and how cultural theory can contribute to that science. Concludes by taking stock of the cultural‐theory approach as a framework for analysing public management, surveying its strengths and weaknesses. It does not claim there are no problems with the approach—on the contrary, there are major gaps and ambiguities and some of the underlying logic needs attention, but in spite of such weaknesses, the claim is that a cultural‐theory framework has much to contribute to a way of thinking about the art of the state that is neither sham science nor mere craft. To assess the cultural‐theory approach, this concluding chapter discusses three sorts of objections to the cultural‐theory framework as a way of analysing public management. One possible line of criticism might be called the ‘nursery toys’ objection—the claim that cultural theory is too simple for sophisticated analysis and is therefore better suited for the elementary stages of understanding than for advanced or professional analysis; a second possible line of criticism might be called the ‘soft science’ objection—the claim that, whatever its level of sophistication or applicability to management, the theory is, even on its own terms, limited, ambiguous, and perhaps even unfalsifiable; a third line of criticism might be called the ‘wrong tool’ objection—i.e. the claim that cultural theory, however sophisticated, cannot be an adequate basis for a theory of management, because ultimately it has little to say about the central what‐to‐do questions of organization that management and managers need to be concerned with—and by this view, it is the wrong tool for the job.
Rights Beyond Borders
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Over the five decades since the establishment of the UN Charter and Universal Declaration of Human Rights, human rights issues have become a dominant feature of the international system, embracing new actors, eroding the traditional Westphalian concept of sovereignty, and leading to an acceptance that the treatment of individuals and groups within domestic societies is legitimately a focus of global attention. This book examines the effect of this normative evolution on individual, state, institutional, and advocacy network behaviour. Having described this normative environment, it assesses its impact on the relationships of key actors (selected non‐governmental organizations (NGOs), some national governments and the UN human rights institutions) with China, particularly in the period since the Tiananmen bloodshed in June 1989. The book seeks to trace how the various parts of the international human rights regime have operated in combination, and why democratic governments have sustained a human rights element in their policies towards China. It also examines China's responses—international and internal—to being the focus of global attention in this issue area. The book's theoretical concerns are to uncover the mechanisms through which international human rights norms influence especially the external but also the domestic behaviour of states. By examining Beijing, it explains why there has been some forward movement in China's participation in the regime, and why that level of participation has only reached a certain stage. The book has nine chapters. The first is an introduction, and the rest are arranged in two parts: One, The Setting (two chapters), and Two, The Process (five chapters, followed by a concluding chapter).
Introduction
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Starts by looking at the reality of the attitude of the global community to China (in view of its past human rights record) and shows how the normative concern for human rights has influenced the behaviour of key actors within the global system. It notes that, as the following chapters of the book will demonstrate, China has been drawn steadily into the discourse on human rights, but does not suggest that there has been a linear forward movement in China's discursive and behavioural practices since the early 1980s. The following (main) sections of the chapter discuss normative diffusion in the global system, and the global community in relation to China. The final section includes a brief overview of the contents of the chapters that are to follow. They are arranged in two sections, the first of which provides the broad setting for the global diplomacy, and the second (Chapters 4–8) adopts a chronological approach to the analysis.
The Evolution of the Global Human Rights Regime
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
During the 1970s, a time when the Beijing government was becoming more active internationally, the human rights regime reached a major turning point. In 1976, the two international human rights covenants, first introduced in 1966, came into force. Several democratic countries also introduced a human rights element in their foreign policies. Matters did not stand still after these innovations, and when the Chinese government began its final debate on whether to sign the two major international covenants, it must have been influenced by the knowledge that it was joining a group that, from June 1997, comprised 138 state parties to the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and 136 to the ICESCR (International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights), although neither covenant has any effective coercive means of ensuring implementation of its articles. However, considerable normative convergence has occurred and, therefore, this chapter focuses on participatory and rhetorical behaviour in this issue area, even while it notes that actual levels of protection have frequently fallen far short of the required standards. The different sections of the chapter are: Building the Human Rights Regime; The Renewal of Activity, (which started in 1965); The Contribution of Non‐Governmental Organizations; Human Rights and the Foreign Policy of States; The Post‐Cold‐War Era; and Conclusion.
The Generating of Attention, 1976–1989
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Over the 1976–1989 period of the Chinese leadership's exposure to the human rights regime, it received decidedly mixed signals about the levels of compliance required, suggesting certain trends but no clear conclusions about the strength of the obligations that would be incurred through participation. First, governments would often treat with leniency or understanding certain states with human rights records that deserved close scrutiny, such as China; second, the power of various subnational and transnational groups to generate global attention to human rights abuses inside China was growing, indicating to the Chinese government that its international political environment in this issue area was capable of undergoing significant change. Moreover, the forms of domestic unrest in China towards the end of the 1980s, together with the nature of the internal debate about the future of its political system, demonstrated the indivisibility of the external and internal spheres and that actors in both domains could work together to promote similar objectives. Thus, at this point, Beijing had discovered that, while greater global involvement could bring rich rewards, it could also reduce a government's ability to maintain control over both domestic and external realms. Information about the abuse of human rights in China became available in a halting fashion over this period from 1976 to 1989, and the global response was inconsistent, with the dominant reaction among governments being to offer understanding and suggest caution. This was based on various factors: strategic interest, the potentially promising socio‐economic changes inside China, Beijing's more cooperative stance in a number of major policy arenas, the fact that the external behaviour and public statements of the Chinese authorities themselves evinced a willingness to explore the area of human rights, and Beijing's participation in human rights bodies and signature of some of the international conventions. The different sections of the chapter are: Catalysts in the Mid to Late 1970s; Explaining Government Passivity; Washington's Leading Role: US Bureaucratic Rivalry and Institutional Constraint, 1979–1987; The Sharpening of Attention: 1987–1989; China's Response; and Conclusion.
Tiananmen and Its Aftermath, June 1989–November 1991
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Looks at the June 1989—November 1991 period of human rights history in China, following the government's authorization of the use of deadly force against peaceful demonstrators in Tiananmen Square on 4 June 1989, which accomplished in one stroke what unrest in Tibet, earlier student demonstrations, the arrests of political activists, and reports of torture had failed to achieve: global attention became sharply focused on human rights violations in China. The steady growth of activism in this issue area and the multiplication of information channels (including, as in this case, live television broadcasts), guaranteed such attention, where once such abuses probably would have gone unrecorded. In the early weeks and months of this human rights crisis, Western and Japanese governmental responses were reasonably well coordinated, aided by the unequivocal nature of the evidence of abuse. Multilateral sanctions of both a symbolic and material kind were imposed on China. This propelled the Chinese leadership along a path that began with denial, and the countering of the human rights norm with that of state sovereignty and non‐interference, but from early 1990, it resulted in some tactical concessions. Later still, China's behaviour indicated some softening of its strict definition of state sovereignty. However, despite this initial coordinated set of responses, mainly among major democratic states, there were several signs that multilateral accord would prove difficult to sustain; more significantly, the Gulf crisis of 1990–1991 provided Beijing with crucial diplomatic leverage, and many of the UN sanctions that had been imposed melted away, although the events of Tiananmen still ensured the regular attention of NGOs and of the UN human rights regime. The different sections of the chapter are: Early International Responses; The Shifting of Priorities; The Impact of the Gulf War; The Fate of the Human Rights Regime; The Evolution in China's Response; and Conclusion.
Betting on the Long Term, 1998–1999
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
All governments involved in the human rights struggle in China could claim certain policy successes by 1998: for the democracies, there was the release of a few Chinese dissidents, a visit to China by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, some reinforcement of the language of universality of rights and China's signature of the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), and the starting or restarting of dialogues. On Beijing's part, its efforts to publicize the new legal codes and punish those who failed to observe the legal changes demonstrated a willingness to tackle the problems associated with implementation, and it could reassure the more nationalist elements among its domestic public that UN condemnation would now cease, and that it would be engaged in mutual exchanges on human rights with its international counterparts. The Chinese leadership also appeared to have had some success in convincing various international actors of the need to correct the supposed imbalance in attention on civil and political rights, to one that focused more on the right to development and economic, social, and cultural rights. The fragility of this process was demonstrated far sooner than any had predicted, however, with a distinct chill in the Chinese political climate emerging by the end of 1998. Many Chinese, mostly academics, continued to publish and debate various aspects of the law and human rights and use international standards as a basis for their arguments, but more organized challenges were swiftly clamped down upon, especially 10 years after Tiananmen that encouraged reflection on the Party's record. These repressive acts exposed the shallowness of the roots of the new legal codes, the narrow limits of political tolerance, and the relative lack of importance that the state attached to human rights protection when Party control was at stake. They also uncovered the weaknesses in the bilateral dialogue route. Yet any concrete moves to respond directly to the political oppression via a condemnatory resolution at the UN Commission provoked a Chinese threat to break off the bilateral dialogues, and indeed China did break off its dialogue with the USA, partly as a result of Washington's decision to co‐sponsor (with Poland only) a resolution at the 1999 meeting of the UN Commission and more overtly as a consequence of the accidental NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. The overall cooling in relations with the USA for a large part of 1999 occurred as a result of this UN resolution, the failure to resolve the WTO entry issue, and the bypassing of the UN Security Council as a result of China's known disapproval of international intervention in Kosovo. NATO bombing of the province at the time of President Jiang Zemin's tour of Europe, together with the Belgrade embassy incident in May, led to a resurgence of Chinese rhetoric against the hegemonic USA interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign states on the specious grounds of a norm of humanitarian intervention.
Conclusion: Rights Beyond Borders?
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The book has sought to demonstrate via an examination of individual, state, institutional, and advocacy network behaviour that the human rights issue has become a dominant feature of the international system, and that the attention of these actors to human rights abuses inside states has led to the erosion of the traditional, Westphalian concept of state sovereignty, and a movement towards individual (rather than state) sovereignty. The consequences of the interaction between these global actors and China over the matter of its human rights record are summarized in this concluding chapter. The three main sections of the chapter look at the process of China's enmeshment in the human rights regime and in the discourse on rights, constraints on internalization in China, and China's own impact on the human rights regime.
Imitation and Instability
Authors: Casson Mark 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Some people have better information than others. Information can sometimes be inferred by observing the actions of other people who are believed to be better informed. On the other hand, people who know that they have a reputation for being well‐informed are aware that they can manipulate the beliefs of other people. This analysis is applied to innovation, imitation, and stock‐market bubbles.
The Historical Significance of Information Costs
Authors: Casson Mark 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExamines some of the long‐term changes in economic institutions that have been driven by changes in information costs. The costs of recording, storing, retrieving, and communicating information have all changed significantly over time, though at different rates over different periods. The switch from custom to contract, the rise and decline of bureaucracy, and other significant changes can all be explained in these terms.
Impartiality in Moral and Political Philosophy
Authors: Mendus Susan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe dispute between impartialists and partialists dominates much modern moral and political philosophy. This book is an attempt to investigate what is at stake between impartialists and their opponents, and to suggest a possible reconciliation. It begins by noting that, in political philosophy, impartiality is normally taken to reflect a belief in the equality of all human beings. However, in a world characterized by plural and competing conceptions of the good, not everyone accepts that all human beings are equal. Belief in equality is part of a comprehensive, and contested, conception of the good. Therefore, if liberal impartiality is to gain support, it must provide an alternative foundation: one which can demonstrate the priority of justice, but which does not depend upon acceptance of a particular conception of the good. I suggest that this foundation is to be found in a form of impartialism that gives centrality to the partial concerns we have for particular others. The fact that we care for particular others can provide a justification for impartialism and can also explain its motivational force.
Impartiality in Political Philosophy
Authors: Mendus Susan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractImpartialist political philosophy must show how and why the priority of impartial justice can be reconciled with a belief in the permanence of pluralism. Although the argument from epistemological abstinence explains the permanence of pluralism, it cannot explain why justice should have motivational priority. It delivers only, and at most, a modus vivendi defence of toleration. The way to attain a defence that is more than a modus vivendi is to ground political impartialism in moral impartialism.
Impartiality and Congruence
Authors: Mendus Susan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractArgues that a form of impartialism that is grounded in the partial concerns we have for others can be shown to be congruent with the good of the agent, and that such congruence does not imply commitment to a specific comprehensive conception of the good. If correct, this argument has important consequences for liberalism at the political level. It suggests that the defence of stability, which Rawls advocates in A Theory of Justice need not depend upon commitment to a comprehensive, and Kantian, conception of the good. Justice can be shown to have moral priority, while at the same time acknowledging the permanence of pluralism about the good.
Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies
Authors: Esping-Andersen Gosta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the emerging post‐industrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. This book takes a second, more sociological and institutional look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What stands out as a result is that there is post‐industrial diversity rather than convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that holds the key as to what kind of post‐industrial model will emerge, and to how evolving trade‐offs will be managed. Twentieth‐century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that now are invalid. Hence, to grasp better what drives today's economy, it is necessary to begin with its social foundations. After an Introduction, the book is arranged in three parts: I, Varieties of Welfare Capitalism (four chapters); II, The New Political Economy (two chapters); and III, Welfare Capitalism Recast? (two chapters).
Introduction
Authors: Esping‐Andersen Gøsta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractStarts by discussing the perennial welfare state crisis, making the point that the contemporary crisis differs notably from its forebears. Rigidity is an endogenous symptom of the crisis, and the various symptoms include demographic ageing, and the growing risks of poverty and social exclusion (which spring from the malfunctioning of the labour market and the family). The aim of the book is to come to terms with the new political economy—the post‐industrial economy—that is emerging. To do this it pursues a set of interlinked arguments: the so‐called welfare state crisis, in which debate has been too focused on the state, when it should be on the interaction between the component parts of contemporary welfare regimes such as labour markets, the family, and the welfare state itself; the fact that the real crisis of contemporary welfare regimes lies in the disjuncture between the existing institutional construction and exogenous change; and the fact that the emerging risks of post‐industrial society come primarily from the revolution that is unfolding in both labour markets and households. Four phenomena form the unifying theme of the book: equality, risks, jobs, and the new political economy. Risks and jobs are dealt with in separate chapters; the introduction discusses equality and the new political economy.
Social Risks and Welfare States
Authors: Esping‐Andersen Gøsta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter and the previous one revisit the political economy within which post‐war welfare regimes emerged, matured, and, now appear crisis‐ridden. Here, an analysis is made of social risks and welfare states. The post‐war welfare state was premised upon assumptions about family structure and labour market behaviour that, today, are largely invalid. Risks that in the 1950s or 1960s were assumed away are now becoming dominant, and vice versa. The post‐war welfare state being the child of the 1930s Depression and the ‘workers question’, was moulded on a society in which the prototypical client was a male production worker, who is now rather hard to find. A first step towards an understanding of the contemporary welfare state crisis must begin with: (a) a diagnosis of the changing distribution and intensity of social risks, and (b) a comprehensive examination of how risks are pooled and distributed between state, market, and family. The different sections of the chapter are: The State in the Welfare Nexus—the misunderstood family, and the welfare triad of state, market, and family; The Foundations of Welfare Regimes: Risk Management—family and market ‘failures’; and The distribution of risks and models of solidarity—class risks, life‐course risks, intergenerational risks, de‐commodification, and familialism and de‐familialism.