bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Multipole expansion for static fields
Authors: Maggiore Michele 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
When a source is localized in a volume V of typical linear size d, and we are only interested in the field that it generates at distances r &lt;&lt; d, we expect, physically, that only the gross features of the source distribution will be important, rather than all its fine details. The tool that allows us to formalize this intuition is the multipole expansion. If the source is static, the multipole expansion is an expansion in powers of d/r. In this chapter we study the multipole expansion for static sources, both in electrostatics and in magnetostatics, identifying the electric and magnetic multipoles and studying explicitly the fields generated by the electric dipole, magnetic dipole and electric quadrupole, the energy of multipoles in an external field and the interaction energy between multipole moments.
Post-Newtonian expansion and radiation reaction
Authors: Maggiore Michele 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
This chapter is very advanced and discusses the relativistic corrections to the dynamics of the sources in the near zone, in an expansion in powers of v/c (that, borrowing from the nomenclature used in General Relativity, we call the post-Newtonian expansion). These corrections are obtained from a systematic expansion for small retardation effects and include both ‘conservative’ terms, that do not affect the energy of the system (the leading correction being expressed by the Darwin Lagrangian), and dissipative terms that reflects the fact that a system of accelerated charges emits electromagnetic radiation at infinity and therefore loses energy. This will manifest itself through “radiation-reaction” forces in the near region, expressed by the Abraham-Lorentz and Abraham-Lorentz-Dirac equations. In this context, we will also have to deal with divergences that appear for point charges. We will see that a conceptually clean treatment of the problem only emerges by using renormalization techniques, typical of quantum field theory, despite our purely classical context.
Electromagnetic waves in material media
Authors: Maggiore Michele 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In Chapter 9 we studied electromagnetic waves propagating in vacuum. In this chapter we study how electromagnetic waves are affected by the properties of the medium in which the propagate, described by frequency-dependent constitutive relations such as those studied in the previous chapter, or by non-trivial boundary conditions, as in the case of electromagnetic waves propagating in waveguides. We introduce the refraction index, the dispersion relations of electromagnetic waves in materials, phase and group velocity. We study the propagation of em waves in metals; we find transverse electromagnetic waves, which penetrates a metal up to a distance caracterized by the skin depth, as well as longitudinal waves at the plasma frequency, and we study the corresponding plasma oscillations. We then discuss the propagation of electromagnetic waves in waveguide and the corresponding TE, TM and TEM modes.
Punctuation and language history
Authors: Owens Jonathan 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Chapter 5 introduces 17+ case studies discussed in greater or lesser detail which serve as the basis for reconstruction based on contemporary sources. With two exceptions, the individual studies illustrate a fundamental point, namely that Arabic language history is characterized by a multitude of discontinuous isoglosses which can join contemporary dialects as disparate as Uzbekistan and that of the Lake Chad area (LCA). It is cautioned, invoking Lass’ (1993) principle, that non-contiguity does not bestow license to invoke parallel independent development, which is shown to be vastly overused as a historical linguistic concept in Arabic language history. To the contrary, in the default case non-contiguity provides evidence for a common source, with the different reflexes spread via populations diffusing in different directions.
Morphosyntax as an adapative mechanism I
Authors: Owens Jonathan 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Chapters 8 and 9 describe the much later contact between Arabic and the languages of the Lake Chad area which began about 1400. Chapters 8 and 9 open up new methodological ground in linguistics in general, in that the entire basis of comparison are two large oral corpora, one from the LCA, the other from Egypt, from where ancestral LCA derives. Chapter 8 discusses the dramatic manner in which the idiomatic structure of LCA Arabic which it inherited from its Egyptian Arabic parent has been all but replaced by an idiomatic structure characterizing languages of the Lake Chad area, Kanuri in particular. The idea of lexical realignment is introduced as an explanatory concept to model the significant shift of lexical matching implied in idiomaticity.
Toward a typology for historical linguistics
Authors: Owens Jonathan 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
To explicitly orientate this picture of Arabic within historical linguistics Chapter 12 compares Arabic with the history of two further languages, Icelandic and English, concentrating on morphology and nominal gender. As is well known, Icelandic, from the Old Icelandic period (ca. 800–1200) up to the present, has changed little. English, on the other hand, underwent a drastic change from the Old English period, when it was not in fact very different from Old Icelandic morphologically, to the end of the Middle English period (ca. 1500). This is illustrated with comparative paradigms. Icelandic is said to be “alinear”—it shows negligible change (or “development”) over a nearly identical chronological period as English. English is said to be “linear.” English gradually moves from one state to another over the defined period of time. Arabic has elements of alinearity, but is also multilinear, with elements of change distributed across many individual speech communities.
Why Arabic is special and special for historical linguistics
Authors: Owens Jonathan 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Arabic is a Semitic language, but there is a huge amount of historical linguistics which, at this juncture at least, can be understood only as a history of Arabic. Many aspects generalize over Arabic, but do not generalize to other Semitic languages. Once this is recognized, the contribution which Arabic can make to a broader comparative taxonomy of historical linguistics is enormous. The history of Arabic is complicated. Its Semitic patrimony illuminates, but only in part. It is not reducible to a simple dichotomy such as Old vs. New, is not limited to a history defined by scripts, cannot be trivialized into a dozen independent “Arabics,” is not explicable via a linguistic simplification process from Classical Arabic, not reducible to a development calibrated to interval time, and is not subject to repeated, independent innovations of the same process over and over in its extended geographical manifestations.
Foreign Policy and Security Strategy
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
As a matter of principle Martin Wight professed a lack of interest in defining practical prescriptions to deal with immediate strategic and foreign policy issues, notably in his lecture “What Is International Relations?” Despite his reputation as a scholar focused on historical and philosophical matters, he articulated noteworthy policy prescriptions in book reviews and scholarly studies on topics such as the balance of power; international order, including neutrality, nationalism, and community; nuclear weapons and international politics; interests, honour, and prestige in statecraft, including that of the British Empire and Commonwealth; disarmament and public opinion; and the United Nations. These writings have received less attention than they deserve, owing in part to Wight’s perfectionism. As the collection of works in this volume shows, he took distinctive positions on practical policy questions in his publications and in unpublished and obscurely published papers. He raised the question “Does Peace Take Care of Itself?”—as implied by Kantian principles—and concluded that it does not, and that purposeful action remains necessary. He asked, “Has Scientific Advance Changed the Nature of International Politics in Kind, Not Merely in Degree?” and delivered a qualified “no” in reply, in view of the continuing willingness of governments, including rulers of Western societies, to regard defeat in combat as a greater threat than nuclear war. The scope for constructive action via the United Nations is restricted by political and structural constraints, notably the veto held by the five permanent members of the Security Council.
The Balance of Power and International Order
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Except for perhaps one speech by Demosthenes, classical antiquity offered the Renaissance “no more than the simple rule of balancing your enemies off against one another.” Commynes in the fifteenth century provided “the first recognition that the rivalries within the states-system fall into a kind of chequer-board pattern, where contiguous states tend to be hostile to one another, and their mutual hostility can be a restraint upon both.” The coalition against Philip II provided “the beginnings of the grand alliance, the master-institution of the balance of power.” During the two centuries from the treaty of Utrecht at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession in 1713 to the beginning of the First World War, “the balance of power was generally accepted among diplomatists and statesmen as the constituent principle of European international society.” Many publicists and statesmen respected propositions associated with the balance of power, including the aim of “reconciling international order with the independence of the several members of the community of states.” The champions of collective security in the League of Nations sought to give “the system of the balance of power a legal framework, to make it more rational, more reliable, and therefore more effectively preventive. … The failure of the League of Nations was the most decisive occurrence in international history since the Peace of Westphalia.” Yet “since 1945 a decline in theoretical concern for international order has paradoxically coincided with a balance of power that has defied pessimists by its durability.”
Nationalism and World Order
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Wight observed that “the word ‘nation’ is almost interchangeable with ‘power’ or ‘state’ and equal to a member of international society; and the sense is illustrated by the phrase ‘the law of nations,’ and survives in the adjective ‘international’ for which we have no synonym at all.” Owing to “the principle of national self-determination,” applied within and outside Europe since 1919, new nations are “being admitted to the U.N. at an average rate of one a year.” Proponents of the “majority view … assume that it will sort itself out, that the new nationalism will run its course and reach an equilibrium. … We argue that there is a world-wide international society with demonstrable institutions in the U.N., that the material and technological unification of the world is bound to speed its cultural unification, and that in the long run we may look forward to the evolution and acceptance of common (perhaps mainly Western) institutions, ideas, and standards. The minority view, on the other hand, holds that it is possible that the process of decolonization, the rise of new nations in Asia and Africa, is analogous to the barbarian invasions, the self-assertion of peoples outside our own civilization. In this case, we may see the world-wide international society as entirely superficial and concentrate our attention on the winding-up of European hegemony and the contraction of Western society within its proper frontiers as within a besieged castle.”
Has Scientific Advance Changed the Nature of International Politics in Kind, Not Merely in Degree?
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In this paper Wight investigated the consequences of scientific advance, especially the development of nuclear-armed ballistic missiles, for international politics. A Great Power must be able “to fight a great war, to establish and maintain men and supplies on enemy soil, to endure a prolonged battle of attrition. And this implies not only the decisive weapon and industrial power, but today perhaps more than ever in the past, geographical extent, size of population, and morale.” In modern Europe, Wight observed, there have been few examples of depugnatio, violent fighting to extinction. “Hitler in 1945 wanted to annihilate the German people and destroy the foundations of their existence, but [Albert] Speer and others refused to carry out his orders. (Is this a precedent for conditions of nuclear war?) It seems that, in Western international politics, resistance has seldom if ever been carried beyond a point at which it was still possible to change policies and make a formal capitulation instead.” The examples of depugnatio in antiquity of Melos, Carthage, and Jerusalem led Wight to conclude “that in so far as it is thought possible that governments might in certain circumstances choose nuclear war rather than the alternative, a new situation has come into international politics; or, that certain precedents for political behavior that have had no importance since before the Christian era may now again have acquired some relevance.” Governments, including that of the United Kingdom, continue to express preparedness for nuclear war rather than submit to defeat by foreign Powers.
The Political Consequences of Nuclear Weapons
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Nuclear weapons have not ended war as an instrument of policy. Most members of international society at any time have been Small Powers. Their neutrality has been violated in peace and war by Great Powers. Their deepest conception of war has not been to impose their wills on others, but to have sufficient resistance to prevent the Great Powers from imposing their wills on them. The argument that nuclear weapons have made a decisive change in international politics would be greatly strengthened if it were possible to show that governments and peoples now fear war more than they fear one another. Were this the case, international relations would indeed be revolutionised. But all evidence seems against it. The assumption of every foreign policy and the great mass of every electorate still seems to be that the potential enemy is more to be feared than nuclear war. War is still generally believed to be in certain circumstances the lesser evil, and to that extent still presents itself as a possible “rational” alternative. There has been a change in degree, not in kind, in the role of nuclear weapons. The logic of armed resistance has been carried to a new step, to the point where death may be reasonably regarded as preferable to submission—even collective, national death. But this does not enter a new moral climate. It is a manifestation of the heroism that we are accustomed to admire. Thermopylae, the Alamo, and Khartoum were not “irrational.”
Arms Races
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Wight argued as follows: “Since disarmament is part of the cant of popular politics, disarmament proposals are part of political warfare. Governments in putting forward disarmament proposals are concerned, first, to make a good impression on their own constituents, and secondly, to enhance their own influence and perhaps embarrass their opponents in international affairs. The arms race described by Montesquieu, with some ironical exaggeration, took the form of augmentation of troops by rival monarchs. But the arms race was given a sinister propulsion by a triple development that became apparent during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. The first was the mechanization of war, which produced an independent momentum of technical innovation in armaments. The second was the growth in Western countries of a public opinion about foreign policy. This has chiefly taken a nationalist and militarist form, concerned that the defenses of the country for which it spoke were being outstripped by rival Powers. But we may remember that there has also been a steady current of pacifist and internationalist opinion, giving rise to an international peace movement of lofty aims and negligible influence. The contemporary use of the word technology to mean not the theory of the practical arts, but the totality of applied science in itself, or the combination of scientific expertise and industrial production, seems to reflect the sense of the arms race as autonomous, a sorcerer’s apprentice over which the civilization that introduced it has no control.”
Interests of States
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In this paper Wight distinguished between state interests, vital interests, moral and ideological interests, and choices among interests in crises. In the seventeenth century, Puffendorf divided state interests into categories such as permanent and temporary. In the nineteenth century Metternich was perhaps the first to use the phrase “vital interests.” Wight suggested that “vital interests” are those that “a state deems essential to its security and independence, and for which it will if necessary go to war.” Such interests were originally formulated in legal terms: “interests which Powers wished to exclude from the scope of treaties of arbitration.” The Monroe Doctrine offers a classic example of an articulated vital interest protecting a sphere of influence. “The determining of vital interests is subjective” in that their effective content depends on the state’s ability to define, assert, and defend them. Moral and ideological interests include non-material and intangible factors such as appeals to “honour” and standards of righteous behavior. Religious and revolutionary doctrinal interests may in practice “become subordinated to considerations of raison d’état.” In crises “the mountain range of vital interests stands out momentarily clear above the haze or mist of routine policy.” Outcomes may vary fundamentally, depending on circumstances: “An indubitable vital interest may in fact not be defended. … A vital interest may be defended by the wrong means, or at the wrong time.” In practice, Wight concluded, “There is no sharp distinction between vital interests and non-vital.”
The United Nations General Assembly
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In September 1947 the US proposed revisions in the veto power of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. The Soviet Union rejected these suggested revisions. Washington also proposed that the General Assembly establish an Interim Committee on Peace and Security. (The General Assembly founded such a committee on a temporary basis in November 1947 and then on an indefinite basis in 1949, but it has not met since March 1951.) There is a single crevice in the mausoleum of the Charter through which the UN might grow towards light and sanity. That is Article 51 of the Charter, which allows collective security in anticipation of action by the UNSC. But the veto is not the only question. It is arguable that the UN would be more dangerous if it worked than it is impotent. It is a quinquevirate which, given unanimity, possesses despotic and irresponsible powers. If the five can agree about the exercise of the “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security,” there are no legal limits to their power, and the rest of the United Nations are compelled to carry out their directions. The UN has in no case consented to a definition of its own jurisdiction; it has tended to encroach upon domestic jurisdiction and to override treaties. The September 1947 U.S. proposals try to rectify the veto, but they do not touch the decision of Dumbarton Oaks, where the Western Powers agreed to an organisation built on a quasi-totalitarian principle.
Two Blocs in One World
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Owing in part to “improvements in communications,” Wight wrote, “the number of Great Powers … is getting smaller and smaller. … In 1919, for example, there were seven Great Powers: the victorious Big Five of the Peace Conference, America, Britain, France, Italy, and Japan; and then Germany, whom they had defeated, and Russia, whom Germany had defeated, both in a state of collapse, but both expected to resume their place as Great Powers in due course. … Now, today, only Russia and America would have any chance of being able to stand against the world without any allies at all. … Beneath the vertical conflict, so to speak, between the two blocs, there is a horizontal conflict throughout the world between the two ideologies. … On the Russian side this is seen negatively, in the extreme precaution taken against such penetration, … the care with which the Soviet citizen is screened from Western ideas, the persecution of bourgeois tendencies among Soviet artists.” … The United Nations has nonetheless become a forum to expose “the fundamental inconsistency of principle between Russia and the West on the question of whether displaced persons were to be treated as individuals with human rights or as the property of the government of the state from which they originally came.”
Review of David Mitrany, A Working Peace System, An Argument for the Functional Development of International Organization, fourth edn with a new Introduction (London: National Peace Council, 1946)
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
As the collection of works in this volume shows, Martin Wight took distinctive positions on practical policy questions in his publications and in unpublished and obscurely published papers. He raised the question “Does Peace Take Care of Itself?”—as implied by Kantian principles—and concluded that it does not, and that purposeful action will be necessary. Wight wrote, “This is a useful essay, but an essay in political theory rather than political science. Everything that has happened since the first edition, particularly the history of U.N.R.R.A. [United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration] and of the specialized agencies of the United Nations, suggests that the functional development of international organization cannot eradicate or by-pass conflicts of interests: it presupposes their absence.”
Review of Frances Perkins, US Secretary of Labor from 1933 to 1945, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Viking Press, 1947; and London: Hammond, Hammond & Co., 1947)
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In Wight’s view, “This is the best book that has yet been written about Franklin Roosevelt, and it will remain a major authority. Miss Perkins was his Secretary of Labor. … Her central theme is the spiritual evolution of the tall and arrogant young patrician of 1910, with ‘a youthful lack of humility, a streak of self-righteousness, and a deafness to the hopes, fears and aspirations which are the common lot’ (p. 14), into the Roosevelt of the New Deal. The largest part of the book is naturally concerned with his social policies. … There are also important chapters on the War President, his energizing effect upon the war effort, and the simplicity (unless Miss Perkins here failed to probe the subtleties of his mind) of his Soviet diplomacy. But it is not for evidence on these matters that the book is most important, but for its picture of how the man’s mind worked, and his policies were formed. Miss Perkins describes him with affectionate and critical detachment. He was ‘the most complicated human being’ she ever knew (p. 9), with his intelligence and naivety, humility and boyish vanity, his ‘four track mind’ (p. 305), his opportunism that was an artistry in political construction, his dependence on non-political friendships, his generous hatred of the callousness of the rich. … It is Roosevelt’s greatness that he could inspire the loyalty of such a colleague while he was alive, and such a book as this when he is dead.”