bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Companions of the Garter, 1348–1461
Authors: Collins Hugh E L 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Despite the instability of English political life during the later Middle Ages, the Garter fraternity continued to occupy a central position not only in the life of the royal court, but also in the imagination of the English knightly classes. Encapsulating the purest aspirations of the chivalric code, the order was intended by its founder to act as an inspiration to the nobility for his wars in France.
Projections and Perceptions of the Garter
Authors: Collins Hugh E L 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Juliet Vale, in her essay on the origins of the Garter, concluded that the brilliance of Edward Ill’s foundation lay in its complexity, not least in its underlying political role as ‘a prestigious chivalric elite comprising representatives of every section of society that could aspire to inclusion-established noble families and allies abroad, as well as members of his own household and family-who were characterized first and foremost by loyalty to the order’s head.’
Terms and Conditions of Service
Authors: Aylmer G E 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
What Kind of administrative system England would have had in the later seventeenth century if the Republic had survived is, like other ‘might-have-beens’ in history, an unanswerable question. This was not to be; and that perhaps is that. It is, however, reasonable, and I hope of some interest, to ask ourselves how different things were after 1660 compared with what they had been before 1640-2. Did the upheavals of civil war, regicide, republic, and restoration leave any positive legacies, or merely generate a reaction, an urge to get back, to revive as well as to restore? Common sense suggests that the answer is likely to be, a bit of both. But this needs to be put to the proof in rather more detail. We shall look at some of the individuals and the kind of people who were crown servants, in greater detail, in the next chapter, but first we must consider the ways in which they were appointed and the conditions under which they served.
Origins, 1917–1945
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In 1917 the combined effect of the American entry into World War I and the Russian Revolution set in place much of the dynamics that would cloud the his tory of international relations for the remainder of the twentieth century. With the coming into power of the Bolsheviks in Russia, the foundation of the USSR, and the securing of the success of the Communist revolution, the Soviet Union came to represent a formidable challenge to prevailing assumptions about power and legitimacy. In Europe, the final collapse of the Central Powers was made possible by the belated US entry into the war that signalled the abandonment of America’s splendid isolation from the old continent. While it was hardly evident at the time, moreover, the Russian Revolution and the American entry into the war were harbingers of a long twilight struggle, pitting against each other not just two of the largest countries in the world-the United States and the Soviet Union-but also liberal capitalism and totalitarian socialism.
Decolonization And The Cold War
Authors: Hanhimäki Jussi , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The fall of the European colonial empires—a gradual process between the late 1940s and the mid- l970s-was, in part, a consequence of the Cold War. The imperial cent-es-weakened by World War II-were concentrating on the battle against Communism in Europe, and had lost much of the means, economically, militarily, and ideologically, to keep their empires together. The wartime victories of the Soviet Union served as an inspiration for socialist and radical nationalist movements in the colonies. Perhaps most importantly, parts of the elites in the European colonial powers realized-sometimes after being rudely reminded by the Americans—that the contradiction between defending freedom at home and continuing a colonial presence abroad did not hold up well, faced ,with a vigorous and global Soviet ideological challenge. By the late 1950s most Western policy makers had come to the conclusion that colonialism had to go if they were to pre serve any influence outside their own continents.
The Rule of Law Whose Slogan?
Authors: Russell Conrad 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
‘We maintayne that the king is king by an inhaerent birth-right; they say his kingly power is an office upon trust’. These words were written by the Royalist member of Parliament Sir John Strangeways, writing in his commonplace book, probably while in the Tower in 1647. They encapsulate as neatly as one quotation can, a view which has been argued ever since, that the Civil War was fought ‘between two clearly formulated ideas of government’. It is to a degree tautological to say that a civil war in which the king is on one side and his enemies on the other must be fought between rival theories of government: if they did not exist, it became urgently necessary to invent them. However, in introducing Strangeways’s words into a debate on the causes of the English Civil War, I have broken one of my strictest evidential rules, which is that the cause must precede the effect. Words written in 1647 cannot be any part of the causes of a war which began in 1642. This is done to fasten attention, at the very beginning, on the question whether two rival theories of government were a cause or a consequence of the English Civil War.
Why was there no Marxism in Great Britain?
Authors: Mckibbin Ross 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
IN 1906 Werner Sombart published a famous essay Why is there no Socialism in the United States? He was, in practice, asking not so much why there was no socialism as why was there no mass working-class party. His question was implicitly and explicitly comparative: what were the differences between the United States and Germany? He did not perform a similar exercise for Britain and Germany, partly because the contrasts were much less obviously striking. Yet no one in the pre-1914 international labour movement could miss them; the predominant British working class party, the Labour Party, was understood to be unique in Europe. It was admitted to the Second International by a contrived formula—that it and its attached unions objectively advanced the political interests of the working class—which was only just compatible with the Marxist or ‘rejectionist’ ideology shared by nearly all the major European working-class parties. The extent to which these parties could or should ‘reject’ the political systems in which they were compelled to work was, it is true, a matter of great controversy; equally, there were serious disputes within the Labour Party over the extent to which it was or should be ‘socialist’. Nevertheless, despite this, both the European parties and the Labour Party entrenched their ideological differences: the first reaffirmed their nominal rejectionism while the other continued to exclude a programmatic socialism and any candidate who ventured to stand as a ‘socialist’. They thus devised antithetical ‘resolutions’ to their ideological dilemmas.
The Economic Policy of the Second Labour Government, 1929-1931
Authors: Mckibbin Ross 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
THE second Labour government was once conventionally seen in terms of its fall. It came to office in 1929 after an election which gave no party a majority, and which left it dependent upon the support of the Liberals. It fell in August 1931 when its members were unable to agree upon a programme of budgetary economies that would satisfy both the Conservative and the Liberal Parties. The prime minister, Ramsay MacDonald, thereupon formed a ‘National’ government with representatives of the former opposition parties and three of his colleagues from the previous Labour ministry; the great bulk of the Labour Party opposed this new government. The ‘desertion’ of MacDonald caused great bitterness and generated a partisan history usually designed to justify the behaviour of one side or the other in the débâcle. The level of strictly economic content was usually not high. But with the release of public and private records on the one hand, and with the general acceptance of a developed Keynesianism on the other, historians have increasingly sought only to explain why the Labour government did not adopt economic policies which might appear to have been obviously the right ones. Why did it not, for example, attempt to reverse economic contraction by a programme of public works financed by budget deficits, or by tax-cuts, or—a policy less untypical of a socialist party—by a redistribution of income that might have raised demand? Why was the government apparently so inflexibly attached to existing monetary policies? Politically, the real contribution of Keynes was to suggest that governments did not have to stand helpless in the face of cyclical movements in a capitalist economy: thus the Labour government did not have to wait for ‘socialism’ — effective counter-cyclical techniques were available to them within the system.
Conclusion
Authors: Mckibbin Ross 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In the Preface to this book I attempted to describe how its concerns developed and I suggested that although the chapters were not written in the order they appear here the argument they propose is best represented as they have been published. But what is clear to the writer may be less clear to the reader and it seems wise, therefore, that the argument should now be made explicit. This is most easily done by restating the three main themes of the book—all of which are interrelated: the nature of working-class consciousness and culture, the role of the two world wars in the development of these and class relations more generally, and, finally, the role of the state.
From Commune to Signoria, 1100-1300: I Commercial Revolution, Trends and Counter-trends
Authors: Jones Philip 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
When Otto of Freising wrote it would certainly have required uncommon prescience to prophesy in any form a check to urban libertas, the resubjection of commune to hierarchy and monarchy, lordship (or signoria). In his day Italy-acclaimed ‘garden of delights’1-was in the midst of transformation, a further, revolutionary advance, unparalleled in Western Europe, of towns and trade, the urbanization and commercialization of economy, society, and, in growing measure, government. Between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, the era of Western expansion, Italy-and more especially now the North and Centre-became indelibly identified, to contemporaries and for posterity, with two subversive, ‘anti-feudal’ forces, republicanism and capitalism: of liberty and civility, ‘political man’, civic ethic, and po/is-mindedness (libertas in Italia sedem principalem eligit), and of commerce (mercatura), ‘economic man’, business ethic, and the embour geoisement of civil and political society (in Italia regnat populus). Trade and freedom drew together in creative but tense combination: from political and economic developed also cultural renaissance and deviation-Italy’s unmedieval culture, practical, secular, humanist-while from the relationship between them resulted all the innermost history of the Italian city states, of progress, crisis, and revolution from commune to signoria.
The Mid-Victorian Generation
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
This, the third volume to appear in the New Oxford History of England, covers the period from the repeal of the Corn Laws to the dramatic failure of Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. In his magisterial study of the mid-Victorian generation, Theodore Hoppen identifies three defining themes. The first he calls `established industrialism' - the growing acceptance that factory life and manufacturing had come to stay. It was during these four decades that the balance of employment shifted irrevocably. For the first time in history, more people were employed in industry than worked on the land. The second concerns the `multiple national identities' of the constituent parts of the United Kingdom. Dr Hoppen's study of the histories of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Empire reveals the existence of a variety of particular and overlapping national traditions flourishing alongside the increasingly influential structure of the unitary state. The third defining theme is that of `interlocking spheres' which the author uses to illuminate the formation of public culture in the period. This, he argues, was generated not by a series of influences operating independently from each other, but by a variety of intermeshed political, economic, scientific, literary and artistic developments. This original and authoritative book will define these pivotal forty years in British history for the next generation.
The Middle Sort of People
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The first inheritors of the new urban society were those who employed, organized, and sold, those who argued in the courts or tried (mostly without success) to cure the sick. They were, in other words, the great middle class. Despite much heated debate, it is perhaps most sensible to see class and class consciousness as phenomena of oscillating intensity. Like umbrellas during a shower they came out rapidly in times of hardship and were as rapidly put away again once economic sunshine reappeared.
Workers by Hand
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Four out of every five mid-Victorians were manual workers or the dependants of manual workers, their lives for the most part shaped by two related influences: industrialization and urbanization. By 1851 about 54 per cent of the people of England and Wales lived in settlements with more than 2,500 inhabitants. Fifty years later over half lived in places with more than 50,000. Between 1801 and 1891 the urban population increased sevenfold, the rural only by a quarter. In no other country did as high a proportion of people live in towns as in England, Scotland, and Wales. Urban conglomerations were beginning to form the conurbations characteristic of industrial societies. By 1881 Greater London had 4.77 million people, South-East Lancashire 1.69 million, the West Midlands 1.13 million. If some mid-Victorians mourned what had been lost, few denied the extent and permanence of the change. ‘We cannot’, a Birmingham manufacturer noted in 1869, ‘revert to rural felicity, to green fields, to rough and manly and ignorant squires, to independent yeomanry, to ill supported and superstitious and serf-like hinds.’
Parties, Governments, Policies 1846–185 5
Authors: Theodore Hoppen K 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The repeal of the Corn Laws in June 1846 marked a decisive step in the process of reform inaugurated by the franchise concessions of 1832. By its drama and parliamentary excitement it gathered to itself deep feelings of movement, transition, and order. It was, in short, the central rite of passage of mid-Victorian politics.
The Scottish Nobility and the Revolution of 1688—1690
Authors: Lenman Bruce P 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
To argue that the nobility was the most important single determinant of the timing, shape, and consequences of the Scottish response to the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in England is not to accept automatically a crassly over-simple view of the social structure of early-modem Scotland, one which sees in Scotland the simplest of two-tier societies with a mass of poverty-stricken peasants being ground down by an overbearing and tyrannical nobility. This is a seductive vision (for it spares commentators the burden of much thought about a complex reality resistant to generalization), and it has a long and distinguished pedigree. King James VI owed most of his considerable success as a ruler of Scotland to his capacity to co-operate with a Scots nobility most of whose members, not to mention their foibles, he knew intimately. Nevertheless, all his life he generated a continuous barrage of propaganda whose theme was that the Scots lords, left to their own devices, were a barbarous crew filled with what the king called in famous words their ‘feckless arrogant conceit of their greatness and power’.
Pastoralists and the Threshold of Change and Inequality
Authors: Spencer Paul 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The topic of social inequality was considered in Chapter 2 with reference to variation in polygyny as an index. In that context, the unequal distribution of wives among elders in the pastoral samples reveals a continuous distribution of prestige. Men do not automatically accrue wives with age, but there do not appear to be insurmountable hurdles holding back any elder with ability and a certain luck. The non-pastoral samples, however, are more likely to show a distinct discontinuity between a privileged elite and an underprivileged majority with breaks in the distribution of prestige. It is the difference between conditions encouraging a degree of social mobility and the hurdles of class difference impeding this.
The Shadow of Islam and the Spread of the Desert
Authors: Spencer Paul 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Pastoralism and agriculture are overlapping forms of adaptation that can be viewed as a phenomenon of history and, beyond that, as products of some major climatic shifts. Geological evidence suggests that savannah ecosystems evolved over millions of years, during which they became adapted to severe fluctuations in climate, including periods of glaciation when conditions were cooler and intensely arid. Around 12,000 BC in the Middle East and somewhat later in northern Africa, the most recent interglacial period brought warmth and humidity that lasted some 4,000-5,000 years. Archaeological evidence suggests that it was during this moister phase that cereals and livestock were first domesticated in various parts of the Middle East. These included sheep and goats, long-horned cattle, and then short-horned cattle, possibly through selective breeding around 7,000 BC. This was a period when the Sahara, which had previously been uninhabitable, became a grassland with lakes, streams, and fauna typical of the East African savannah today, and attracting human settlement. Over this period also, the lakes of eastern Africa rose to very high levels and supported large settlements based on fishing, possibly comparable with the earliest traditions of the proto-Chamus.
F
Authors: Toth A G 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Free Circulation Of Goods See Customs Procedures Freedom Of Establishment One of the fundamental freedoms forming the basis of the internal market, the purpose of which is to ensure the free movement of self-employed persons within the Community, as opposed to workers (i.e. employed persons) and providers and recipients of services, who are governed by different rules. (For the relationship between these three categories of persons and between the provisions of Community law applying to them, see further under Freedom to provide services and Free movement of persons).
Q
Authors: Toth A G 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Quantitative Restrictions Art. 28 EC prohibits quantitative restrictions on imports and measures of equivalent effect on imports between Member States, while Art. 29 EC prohibits the same restrictions when imposed on exports between Member States. The Court of Justice has held that ‘the prohibition on quantitative restrictions covers measures which amount to a total or partial restraint of, according to the circumstances, imports, exports or goods in transit’ (Case 2/73 Geddo [1973] ECR 865 at p. 879). This concept thus covers total bans (Case 34/79 Henn and Darby [1979] ECR 3795 at p. 3812) as well as import and export quotas. Plainly, this concept is considerably narrower than the related concept of measures having an equivalent effect.
The Protection of Minorities by the League of Nations
Authors: Thornberry Patrick 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The victorious Powers in the Great War did not entirely reject previous approaches to minority protection, though they sought revisions and improvements. The reconstruction of Europe and the attempt by the Powers to apply the principle of self-determination involved the further reduction of Turkish dominions, dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the creation of new States and substantial additions of territory to others. The nineteenth-century precedents were relevant on account of changes which, although they might diminish the minorities problem in extent, would not cure it. President Woodrow Wilson was active in pressing for international protection of ‘racial and national minorities’ and was conscious of the international repercussions which might arise from their ill-treatment. His second draft of the League of Nations Covenant contained the following article:
The Forces of Law
Authors: Waluchow W J 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In the preceding chapter we introduced Ronald Dworkin’s distinction between the grounds and the force of law. We noted his suggestion that whatever a legal-grounds theory identifies as law will almost always be conceived by its author as justifying the use of state coercion. This led us to examine Dworkin’s theory of interpretive conceptions of law and to draw several distinctions ignored in Dworkin’s account. We saw how value can enter legal theories in a wide variety of ways without their being turned thereby into attempts to justify coercion. In this chapter I wish to give further consideration to Dworkin’s distinction between the grounds and the force of law and argue that, while on the right track, it needs to be developed and fleshed out more precisely in ways apparently not contemplated by Dworkin. I shall expand upon the intuition that the question ‘What is the present law on this matter?’ is logically distinct from questions concerning how citizens and judges should, both morally and, in the case of judges, legally, respond with respect to that law. As will be seen, this is a distinction which applies not only in cases where the law is wicked and disobedience is called for; it also seems to apply in very ordinary cases in which judges depart from authoritative precedent.
Morals and the Meaning of Laws
Authors: Waluchow W J 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Inclusive positivism has now been shown to be a coherent, plausible descriptive-explanatory theory of law which accords political morality a role in determining the existence and content of valid laws. As inclusive positivism suggests, principles of political morality are among the possible, though by no means necessary, bases for determinations of law. There is nothing in the concept of law itself which requires that political morality serve a determinative role. If it does serve some such role, this is only because the community has, through its variable legal practices, made this choice, and that choice could have been and might yet be different. If all this is so, then a question naturally arises: Should our legal practices assign political morality the roles which inclusive positivism warrants as conceivable? Or should our practices be such as to make the existence and content of laws one thing, their merit or demerit another thing altogether? As noted earlier, Neil MacCormick advocates the latter option. He wishes not only to show that there is considerable merit in (exclusive) legal positivism.
Release Agreements
Authors: Amerasinghe C F 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Although the Respondent did not find that the Applicant’s ... claims were well-founded, it offered the Applicant an ex gratia payment in the sum of Rs. 13, 200, ... equal to four months’ salary in ‘full and final settlement of his claim against the World Bank... .’ ... 24. On May 7, 1986 seven months after the offer of the ex gratia payment was made, the Applicant wrote a letter to the Respondent, saying inter alia: