bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Europeans, Fijians, and the Neo-Traditional Order in the Crown Colony System
Authors: Lawson Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Lord Carnarvon’s recommendation that a ‘Crown Colony of a rather severe type’ was the only type of government suitable for the new colony of Fiji had been adopted without reservation. In essence, Crown Colony government meant that the responsibility of government was centred exclusively in the Governor of the colony. The Governor was in turn responsible only to the Crown which meant, in effect, the cabinet in London.1 The prerogative of the Crown was therefore supreme and legislation was by Imperial Order in Council and gubernatorial proclamation.2 The Governor was assisted by an executive council nominated by the Crown, although the members were consulted only at the Governor’s discretion and no responsibility of government devolved on them.3 In most Crown Colonies, Legislative Councils were added to this structure, but again these were nominated bodies and the Governor retained the right to veto legislation.4
Towards Independence: Institutional Change and the Emergence of the Party System
Authors: Lawson Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At the beginning of the 1960s, at a time when the political institutions of the colony, as well as the attitudes of the politically dominant groups, had scarcely changed for a considerable period of time, it would have been impossible to foresee that, just ten years later, Fiji would become an independent nation. Like the idea of common roll, the thought of independence was anathema to the Fijians, many of whom continued to hold strongly to the belief that the British Crown Colony system constituted the only viable defence against the perceived threat of political domination by the Fiji Indians. Influences external to Fiji, however, had been mounting for some time. Colonial powers were coming under increasing pressure, particularly from the United Nations and its special committee on decolonization, to hasten the process of de colonization and Britain, under a Labour government, ‘was making the first moves towards liquidating a no longer viable empire’.1
Political Parties and the Party System in Independent Fiji
Authors: Lawson Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Fiji became an independent nation in October 1970, the basis of a two-party system of government and opposition had been firmly established. The political and institutional development of the Colony of Fiji had determined that the party system would be demarcated, not on the basis of ideology in terms of labour versus capital, or on reformism versus conservatism, but largely (although not exclusively) on the basis of race. This was despite some attempt by the NFP to present itself as the champion of Fiji’s lower socio-economic classes regardless of race. The Alliance, on the other hand, and Mara in particular, consistently referred to race as ‘a fact of life’ and argued that the means by which the fullest opportunity for political participation and the realization of people’s various aspirations was through continuing recognition of that fact and institutional provision for its expression.1 However much both parties would have liked to project images with appeal across the racial spectrum, they remained the products of and heirs to what Durutalo aptly describes as the colonial racial politics of ‘divide and rule’.2
The Test for Democratic Politics in Fiji
Authors: Lawson Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The party system retained its essentially racially oriented form until the emergence of the Fiji Labour Party in 1985. In that year a combination of social and economic problems, a general perception of growing arrogance on the part of the Alliance, which had imposed a wages, prices, and dividends freeze without reference to the Tripartite Forum,1 and the declining ability of the moribund NFP to challenge or criticize unpopular government policies in any effective way, led to a new groundswell of discontent which found practical expression via the multi-racial Fiji Trade Union Congress (FTUC). This body moved quickly to set up a Labour Party as a new opposition force.2
Twenty Years of Retrenchment, 1970-1990
Authors: Parnell Martin F 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Grand Coalition’s major measures, the Three-Phase Programme, the Coal Adaptation Act, and the creation of the unitary company, the Ruhrkohle AG, were all intended to put West German coal production on a new and sound footing. A consistent continuation of government policy towards the industry was more or less guaranteed by the SPD remaining in power after the 1969 general election and, in particular, by the continuing presence in office of Professor Karl Schiller as Federal Economics Minister. But the prospects for the West German hard-coal industry at the beginning of the new decade could hardly have been less favourable. On the basis of no state support, the ECSC possessed, at best, a viable total output of 100 million tons. More realistically, only 50 million tons could be produced profitably by the British coal industry and none on the Continent. During the period 1956-70, the share of hard coal in West German p.e.c. had declined from 71 per cent to 30 per cent.
Delegated Legislation
Authors: Borthwick R L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Delegated or secondary legislation is an inescapable feature of modern States but one which poses considerable problems for parliamentary bodies. The problems of scrutiny and control in this area are arguably even greater than for primary legislation. Part of the problem is volume, part timing, and part the complexity of what is contained in the variety of creatures gathered in the delegated legislation zoo. Some delegated legislation requires a positive decision from Parliament before it becomes operative, that is it needs an affirmative resolution from each House. Some comes into effect unless a negative resolution (a prayer) is passed by either House to annul the proposed legislation.
Private Members’ Bills
Authors: Natzler David , Millar Douglas 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In this chapter we examine private members’ bills in the House of Lords in the 1988-9 session, both those originally introduced in the Lords and those passed by the Commons and sent to the Lords. Table 6.1 suggests that the session was not entirely typical as regards the number of Commons private members’ bills reaching the Lords. The session seems to have been more or less typical of recent sessions as regards the number, content, and ultimate fate of private members’ bills introduced in the Lords. As Table 6.2 illustrates, the number of such bills introduced has been dropping sharply, and with it the number-although not the proportion-subsequently receiving royal assent. Within this decline, the most significant element is the substantial reduction over the past decade in the number of Lords private members’ bills defeated on second reading in the Lords, withdrawn, or not proceeded with.
International Society and the Study of Regimes A Reflective Approach
Authors: Hurrell Andrew 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This chapter seeks to place the growth of the undoubtedly US dominated literature on regime theory within the broader tradition of thought on the existence of international society. This tradition was in many ways a distinctively European one whose central expression lay in the emergence of ideas about the role and function of international law. More recently it has come to be associated with the work of such writers as Martin Wight and Hedley Bull. This chapter addresses three questions: First, what does regime theory tell us about co-operation in international life that theories of international society do not? Second, to what extent can ideas about international law and society illuminate some of the weaknesses of regime theory? And third, to what extent, if at all, does this analysis suggest areas for further research?
Party Members in Context
Authors: Whiteley Paul , Seyd Patrick , Richardson Jeremy 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Conservative party has been recruiting members for a very long time, and it is often claimed to have had the largest member ship of any such party in a liberal democracy (Von Beyme, 1985; Katz and Mair, 1992). It has been recruiting members since the time of the great Reform Act of 1832, when local Conservative associations first began to be formed. The aim at the time was to mobilize the new middle-class voters and attract their support. Further expansions of the franchise in 1867 and 1883 provided an additional stimulus to the recruitment of Conservative supporters by local associations.
Before the Fall
Authors: Moynihan Daniel Patrick 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Having remarked how near at hand the events which shaped the twentieth century really are, it is curious how remote the immediately preceding age has become. It seems clear enough that Great Britain entered the First World War with no particular designs on the Ottoman Empire.1 By 1915, however, a kind of imperialist imperative imposed itself. Crazy Lord Kitchener and Company got engaged in a new Great Game of establishing a vast new Afro-Asian British dominion, to be governed either from Simla in the East or, preferably, Khartoum in the West. That the Czar would finally have The Porte seemed clear enough. By 1916 things still were not going well and the French had to be brought in on the deal, as provided by the Sykes-Picot agreement. But by 1917 this whole way of life was beginning to look antique.
The Corporate Benefits of Lobbying: The British Case and its Relevance to the European Community
Authors: Sargent Jane A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
I would like to discuss lobbying in the European Community from the perspective of business pressure groups’ members namely the companies they exist to represent. We cannot reach a meaningful understanding of the role of interest organizations in the European Community until we understand the pressures exerted on them by their members. We all know that pressure groups do not exist in isolation from their members and that they are not their members’ only channel of representation in EC matters. But what does this mean in practice? What does it mean, for instance, for a trade association official hoping to influence EC policy-making? Conventional wisdom states that in relation to policy-making, trade bodies can deliver only collective goods benefits which apply equally to their members and nonmembers-to those who have championed a cause as well as to those who have not. For this reason, trade associations try to attract members by promising additional selected benefits which are available only to members, for instance preferential insurance policies, legal advice, etc. (see Ch. 7
Working for Benefits: Rational Choice and Work-Welfare Programmes
Authors: King Desmond , Ward Hugh 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The last decade has witnessed a shift to ‘work-welfare’ programmes in a number of advanced industrial democracies, notably the United States and Britain, though they are not the only practitioners. Under these programmes the recipients of welfare or unemployment benefits are required to undertake a work or training activity. It is a condition of receipt of the benefit that this exchange be agreed and the activity discharged. These programmes are not identical across countries but their aims are similar. In specification such programmes can reflect a policy either of deterrence (the purpose being to extract an exchange from the recipient to deter his or her application for benefits) or assistance (the purpose being to assist the recipient to acquire skills or competences necessary to enter the labour-market). Examples of the former are found in several US states under the Community Work Experience Program; the latter is exemplified by Swedish policies.1 Such programmes reflect the integration of employment and welfare policy during the last decade. Our interest is with the former sort.
Party Competition in Interlinked Political Markets: The European Union and its Member States
Authors: Maor Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The institutional development of the European Union (EU) will affect the interplay of government and opposition in each of the Member States. The interplay—par excellence one of interaction—is a feature of party systems. Surprisingly, it is entirely absent from the literature on systemic properties used to characterize and differentiate party systems. Party systems are characterized by the number of parties and their relative size, the extent of polarization, movement in party support, and societal cleavages as they are reflected by the parties. These characteristics do not necessarily reveal the nature of government-opposition interaction, although the extent of polarization in the party system may be an approximate guide.
Rational Decision in International Crises: A Rationalization
Authors: Nicholson Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Decision-making in international crises has been widely discussed for thirty years and is a perennial topic of interest for students of foreign policy decision-making. This is not surprising. Wars are often preceded by crises and why some crises result in wars and others do not is not clearly understood despite much study. Furthermore, crises can be looked at as a reasonably self-contained phenomenon as compared with most issues in international relations and hence one for which one might hope to formulate a reasonably simple theory.
The Buck in Your Bank is not a Vote for Free Trade: Financial Intermediation and Trade Preferences in the United States and Germany
Authors: Schonhardt-Bailey Cheryl , Bailey Andrew 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This chapter examines the relationship between asset holdings and trade-policy preferences. We examine the interests and the incentives of share owners, who are the residual owners of firms that are directly affected by trade policies, to act collectively. Specifically, we examine characteristics of share ownership that affect the propensity of investors to form interests, around which they may mobilize, and in particular the institutional framework of national financial markets and the incentives embedded (accidentally or deliberately) in government policy.
The Dismal Vision
Authors: Bruce Steve 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE dual purpose of this book is to assess loyalists’ thinking about their position and to offer a corrective to much of our thinking about loyalists. To lay the foundations for what follows in this chapter, I want to begin by establishing what the rest of the chapter then attempts to explain: the extent of loyalist unhappiness with the recent past and the present. To do this I will draw attention to what seem the most significant facts from the loyalist world of 1993: the high level of loyalist paramilitary violence and the strength of the DUP vote.
Talks
Authors: Bruce Steve 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE previous chapter was intended to explain what the world now looks like to working-class loyalists, to the unionists of the DUP, and to an increasing number of Ulster Protestants beyond those two circles. I now want to examine in some detail the political situation of the period from l991 to the end of 1993—a time when the increasing tempo of political murder stimulated a revival of political debates and initiatives.
Since 1986 the British government has been looking for some internal progress in Northern Ireland to complement the Anglo Irish accord and to break the deadlock of the unionist boycott. In 1988 Secretary of State Tom King held a series of meetings with party leaders to talk about what it would take to make them talk. These were continued by King’s successor, Peter Brooke. Despite the SDLP being none too keen to negotiate an alternative to the accord and the unionists refusing to talk except in the context of replacing the hated agreement, the parties agreed to begin formal talks in the spring of I991.
The Politics of Ethnic Identity
Authors: Bruce Steve 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
MOST social-science writing on Northern Ireland fails to convey the bitter nature of the conflict and ils residues. There is a good and a bad reason for this. The good reason is that social scientists are trying to illuminate and explain, not to shock. If we want a sense of what it feels like to hate and be hated, to threaten and feel threatened, then we should tum to fiction or to more journalistic accounts: Beanie’s We are the People is a good example. But there is a bad reason for 1he bloodlessness (and I choose that term deliberately) of much academic writing about Ulster and that is that many authors are committed to particular explanations of the Northern Ireland conflict which either play down sectarianism. or make it a property solely of loyalists, or both. In this chapter I will argue for the deeply sectarian nature of the conflict, consider the weaknesses of some popular approaches to the problem, and then offer an alternative and more realistically dismal portrayal of the Troubles.
The Historical Setting: Dialogue and Conflict between Two Nationalist Movements
Authors: Ma’oz Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Jewish-Zionist national movement, which launched its activities in the early 1880s, aroused vehement opposition among most Arabs in Palestine from the turn of the century onwards. At about the same time, however, Arab leaders in Syria, the emerging centre of the Arab national movement, conducted talks and reached agreements with the Zionist movement which indicated their recognition of Jewish national aspirations in Palestine.
Israel Confronts the USSR, the USA, and the UAR
Authors: Ma’oz Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Indeed, since late 1956 Ben Gurion and Dayan were becoming more and more concerned about the growing military threat from Syria, not only in conjunction with Egypt, but also in view of increasing Soviet military assistance to Syria, as well as to Egypt. Moreover, they were worried not merely about the continued supply of modern Soviet weapons to Syria, but more particularly about the possibility of the direct involvement of Soviet troops, disguised as volunteers, in a Syrian/ Arab attack on Israel.
From War (1967) to War (1973)
Authors: Ma’oz Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The further intensification of the Syrian-Israeli conflict following the June 1967 war planted inter alia the seeds of the October 1973 war between Egypt and Syria, and Israel. Israel, faced with continued Syrian belligerency and influenced by domestic pressures, abandoned its initial flexible post-1967 policy advocating the return of the Golan in exchange for a peace treaty, in favour of a status quo line: keeping the Golan and establishing new settlements there. Syria, meanwhile, attempted to undermine and destroy this status quo by means of Palestinian guerrilla warfare, mainly through Lebanese territory, and subsequently also by preparing its army for another war against Israel. Other factors which contributed to the aggravation of the Syrian-Israeli dispute and indeed to the outbreak of the 1973 war were Soviet and American backing of Syria and Israel respectively, and, crucially, the failure of Israel and Egypt to reach a political settlement despite American and United Nations diplomatic efforts.
Asad’s Strategic Design
Authors: Ma’oz Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Since coming to power, Asad has been gripped, perhaps obsessed, by the need to achieve a balance of power with Israel. Apart from his declared ideological commitment to fight and destroy the ‘Zionist entity’, Asad’s practical political attitude towards Israel has largely derived from his strategic thinking. Considering the Jewish state as a predominant regional power, Asad has sought to counterbalance Israel’s superiority as a pre requisite for either a military confrontation or a political settlement between the Arab world/Syria and Israel. As he stated in 1981: ‘If the military balance is needed to liberate the land and repel the aggression, it is equally needed to implement a just peace ... peace could never be established between the strong and the weak.’
Syria, Israel, and the Peace Process
Authors: Ma’oz Moshe 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Whereas Israel persisted in its status quo policy regarding Syria and the Golan until mid-1992, from 1988 Syria revived and expanded its strategy of achieving a political settlement of the Arab/Syrian-Israeli conflict, albeit on its terms, and without renouncing its military reinforcement. Indeed, in certain respects this policy represented the continuation of the two-track strategy that Asad had initiated since his rise to power in 1970, and particularly after the 1973 war, the simultaneous development of military option and the use of diplomacy in order to regain the Golan Heights as well as other occupied Arab territories, and also implement the national rights of the Palestinian people.
Conclusion and Prospects
Authors: Randall Vicky 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The central issue running through this study has been the meagerness of child daycare provision, especially of publicly run or funded provision, in Britain—both the why and the how. Successive chapters have examined the historical legacy, the development of policy in the postwar period to the transition from Conservative rule in 1997, the demand from mothers for childcare and the feminist response, and the experience of childcare policy in other western democracies. This concluding chapter will firstly try to draw together the strands of the argument up to this point in order to suggest some of the main reasons why childcare policy in Britain has been as it has. Second, it will consider the policy changes, in some respects quite remarkable, under the Labour government from 1997, drawing on the earlier analysis to assess their significance and likelihood of success. The final section will argue that for all its complexities and ambiguities, the issue of childcare remains crucial for equality in this country, both gender equality and equality amongst women.
The Gang of Three
Authors: Crewe Ivor , King Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Members of the Labour party expected a period of acute controversy following the May 19 79 election defeat. What they got was more like civil war. No one in the party who lived through the years 1979–81 remembers them with pleasure. The struggle between right and left, fought without mercy on either side, was passionate, relentless and sometimes degrading. to the right, the left wing of the party seemed a hate-filled lynch mob. To the left, the right wing, especially MPs and former ministers, were traitors, men and women who, out of a mixture of cowardice, dishonesty and incompetence, were undermining both the party and the socialist cause. In an atmosphere of unreason, words changed their meanings, former colleagues became sworn enemies, and every issue, however trivial, became a test of socialist virtue. The few who refused to throw in their lot with either side were viewed with ntempt by both. The SDP broke away in March 1981 in the midst of this tumult, but Labour’s civil war continued.