bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
If He Had A White Face
Authors: Mills Dorothy Seymour , Seymour Harold 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
While black ball players in the South were passing under the yoke of segregation, in the North, where the lot of Afro-Americans was only marginally better, some black professionals were gaining admission to Organized Baseball. During the period 1883-1898, fifty-five of them, according to an indispensible register laboriously compiled by Merl F. Kleinknecht and colleagues, gained entrance to some twenty of Organized Baseball’s leagues. Limited and short-lived though this essay at integration proved, it is nevertheless memorable not only on its own account but because failure to continue and nourish the experiment provides an uncomfortable reminder that discrimination exacts a price not only of the victims but of the society that practices it.
Two Strikes Called Before You Bat
Authors: Mills Dorothy Seymour , Seymour Harold 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s in art, music, and literature brought pulsating black cultural life to the attention of many Americans. to some whites this cultural outpouring revealed that blacks had particular talents; but to most it merely established a new black stereotype--the exotic African, the uninhibited, emotional, irrepressive, immoral, alarmingly phallic stranger. Nativism became a major force, and the Ku Klux Klan revived. One Klavern even tried to get the owner of the Cincinnati Reds to declare Sunday, July 20, 1924, Klan Day at the park and permit the Klan, 40,000 strong in the county and 100,000 in the area, to publicly present flowers to the managers and players of the two teams.
Dog Days
Authors: Stampp Kenneth M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
“Today is the fourth of July!” wrote a patriotic Texas editor, the anniversary of the day, eighty-one years ago, that brought “to each lover of liberty the hope for the world’s redemption.” Although it was a day of feasting and celebration throughout the land, a Virginia editor urged his readers to spend it soberly “as the Great National Sabbath,” consecrated to the memory of the Revolutionary fathers. “Let us, in grateful remembrance,” he advised, “cherish the emotions which this day awakens.” The spirit of the day seemed to inspire most Northerners and Southerners, momentarily transcending their differences, to acknowledge their common heritage, history, and nationality, and to share feelings of pride in all they had achieved.
Flush Times and an Autumn Panic
Authors: Stampp Kenneth M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On the first day of autumn Robert C. Winthrop, descendant of John Winthrop, conservative Whig politician, and gentleman scholar, sat at his desk in his comfortable Boston home and considered the state of the Union. For almost a month, no doubt, he had been reading daily accounts in the local press of a series of economic calamities that had startled the country and produced a condition of near business paralysis: a sharp decline of prices on the New York Stock Exchange, merchants in distress, banks in dire peril, railroads facing bankruptcy, land values collapsing, factories reducing their operations or shutting down, the ranks of the unemployed steadily growing.
Northern Politics: The Parties in Equipoise
Authors: Stampp Kenneth M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By mid-November, affairs in Kansas had become so critical that the highly political national press was devoting an increasing amount of attention to territorial news and less space to news of the economic recession. In contrast, before the renewal of the Kansas controversy, a series of important autumn gubernatorial and legislative campaigns in the northern states had met with considerable public apathy. George Templeton Strong, who had filled his diary with political commentary the previous year, ignored the New York campaign until a terse entry on November 2: “State election comes off tomorrow. Nobody cares.
Politics as Farce: The Lecompton Constitution
Authors: Stampp Kenneth M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On the seventh of September delegates to the Kansas constitutional convention, elected by the small proslavery minority the previous June, were to meet at Lecompton, the drab little territorial capital overlooking the Kansas River. That was just two weeks after the shocking failure of the Ohio Life and Trust, when the financial panic filled the columns of the press and was foremost in the public mind. Yet, even then a conservative Philadelphia editor believed that the panic was a more transitory event than those he feared would soon occur in Kansas.
Introduction:Rip Van Winkle’s America
Authors: Wood Gordon S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
During the second decade of the nineteenth century, writer Washington Irving developed an acute sense that his native land was no longer the same place it had been just a generation earlier. Irving had conservative and nostalgic sensibilities, and he sought to express some of his amazement at the transformation that had taken place in America by writing his story “Rip Van Winkle. “ Irving had his character Rip awaken from a sleep that had begun before the Revolution and had lasted twenty years. When Rip entered his old village, he immediately felt lost. The buildings, the faces, the names were all strange and incomprehensible. “The very village was altered—it was larger and more populous, ” and idleness, except among the aged, was no longer tolerated. “The very character of the people seemed changed. There was a busy, bustling disputatious tone about it, instead of the accustomed phlegm and drowsy tranquility “—a terrifying situation for Rip, who had had “an insuperable aversion to all kinds of profitable labour. ” Even the language was strange— “rights of citizens—elections—members of Congress—liberty . . . and other words which were a perfect babylonish jargon to the bewildered Van Winkle. ” When people asked him “on which side he voted ” and “whether he was Federal or a Democrat, ” Rip could only stare “in vacant stupidity. “
The Jeffersonian West
Authors: Wood Gordon S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Alexander Hamilton always faced east, toward Europe. By contrast, Thomas Jefferson faced west, toward the trans-Appalachian territory and even the lands beyond the Mississippi. Although Jefferson himself never traveled beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains, he was obsessed with the West. He always had, as he said in 1781, “a peculiar confidence in the men from the Western side of the mountains. “1 Only by moving westward, Jefferson believed, could Americans maintain their republican society of independent yeoman farmers and avoid the miseries of the concentrated urban working classes of Europe. Indeed, an expansive West was capable of redeeming the nation if its Eastern sections should ever become corrupt. “By enlarging the empire of liberty, ” said Jefferson, “we multiply its auxiliaries, and provide new sources of renovation, should its principles at any time degenerate in those portions of our country which gave them birth. “ Jefferson was the most expansion-minded president in American history, a firm believer in what might be called demographic imperialism. As early as 1786 he thought the United States might become “the nest from which all America, North and South, is to be peopled, ” creating what he referred to more than once as an “empire of liberty. ” “Empire ” for him did not mean the coercive domination of alien peoples; instead, it meant a nation of citizens spread over vast tracts of land. Yet the British Empire had given enough ambiguity to the term to lend some irony to Jefferson’s use of it.
Law and an Independent Judiciary
Authors: Wood Gordon S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In 1801 the Republicans had taken control of two-thirds of the federal government—the presidency and the Congress—but the judiciary remained in the hands of the Federalists. The Federalist grip on the judiciary more than rankled Jefferson and his Republican colleagues; it enraged them. Most extreme Republicans never liked the judiciary anyway. It was the least popular part of both the state and federal constitutions and the institution relied upon by those who most scorned and feared the people. Most judges were appointed, not elected by the people, and often, as in the case of the federal judges, with tenure during good behavior. With its robes, court ceremonies, and elevated benches, the judiciary seemed to be the branch of government that was essentially unrepublican. Consequently, some of the most rabid Republicans would have liked to do away with the judiciary altogether.
Love and Toil
Authors: Ross Ellen 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The history of the British working classes has until recently been written with a focus on the workplace or on such male organizations as clubs, unions, or national political parties. This study of mothers in London before the First World War stresses the distinctiveness of their experiences from those of other classes, and of the post World War I period, and demonstrates the ways in which mothers and their domestic choices were essential to the survival and cultural perpetuation of the working classes.
“A Gamble You Have to Take”:Marriage
Authors: Ross Ellen 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Wedlock “happened” to most people in London’s industrial districts, but these marriages seem decidedly embattled: cemented together by powerful forms of material interdependence but pulled apart by gender divisions and hostilities. Family life provided the settings for some of the sweetest moments in the hard lives of London workers, and cockney humor softened marriage’s harsh edges. But sexual antagonism was an openly acknowledged party to the contract. Husbands’ authority in their households was a wobbly fixture, one that was always on the verge of breaking down. Wives could easily be found who were neither ladylike nor deferential, and their husbands had to struggle, often violently, to maintain their authority over them.
“I’ll Bring ‘Em Up in My Way” Child Rearing
Authors: Ross Ellen 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
For aristocratic English women early in the nineteenth century, motherhood had meant mostly the painful act of giving birth to heirs to their husbands’ estates. Later, childbirth anesthesia obliterated the pain (or its memory), while many aristocratic and upper-class women were coming to view motherhood in a new way, as a tender and enriching emotional experience. For working-class women of our period, the transmission of blood and property were not central issues, and the pain of childbirth was seldom openly voiced. Motherhood mainly meant labor, not only in giving birth, but also in sustaining the child’s life. Some London mothers were nurturing, some affectionate, and some playful, but these were only incidental qualities of good mothers. A good mother was mainly a good worker.
Marriage, Family, Sexual Ethics, and Crime
Authors: Deak Istvan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The ideals of medieval chivalry demanded that the knight be chaste or, if married, that he spend long spells away from hearth and home in pursuit of some noble goal. Nineteenth-century officers liked to subscribe to these ideals and often compared the corps to the ancient fighting orders, but like most knights of old, they had little desire to live according to these precepts. Yet dire necessity and army policy held down the number of marriages and caused thousands of officers who did attain marriage to live a nomadic existence, not unlike that endured by the medieval knight.
The marshall plan and return to private life
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The European Crisis
The Truman Doctrine did not give the administration the power to cope with what Acheson now realized was a great European crisis —a crisis of economy, society, polity, and confidence. Everyone had misjudged the difficulties of reestablishing productive capitalist economies. Postwar planners knew helping Europe would be necessary, but Americans thus far had failed to meet the gaping deficits now exposed. The bleak winter of 1946 –47, succeeding a drought and followed by another, threatened to overwhelm people doing battle with the decay around them. Wrecked merchant ships barricaded harbors, and broken bridges and railroads impeded the simplest commercial traffic. Ragged men and women picked at debris looking for their next meal. Britain was bankrupt. Winston Churchill described the continent as “a rubble heap, a charnel house, a breeding ground of pestilence and hate.”
Acheson, the presiden , and the state department
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Introduction It had not been so long since all the employees of the state department could pose together on the front steps in annual pictures. By January 1949, however, five times as many people worked in its new building at Foggy Bottom as in the old State-War-Navy headquarters on Pennsylvania Avenue. The department employed a little over 600 people in the early 1920s, nearly 1,000 by the eve of World War II, and almost 6,000 by 1948. In 1947, it had approximately 12,000 Americans working abroad; in 1950, the figure was nearly 16,000. From 1938 to 1948, the staff of the office of the secretary of state rose from 21 to 186 and workers in the geographic and political offices from 112 to 318. The United States was served by 737 career diplomats in 1936, 1,217 in 1950. Around the world in 1951, the department ran 59 embassies, 14 legations, and 196 consular offices, and people on the State payroll helped run the occupation regimes in Germany and Japan. Department appropriations rose from $2.6 to $33.7 million from 1938 to 1948, money that paid for a rising tide of communications —by 1950, 25,000 incoming and outgoing telegrams and 250,000 memos and other official messages.
Looking for chances in china, 1949
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Introduction: Acheson’s Effort and Failure in Asia Dean Acheson inherited a thick Asian diplomatic record that added up to something like a strategy. General Douglas MacArthur, following Washington’s instructions, was reforming the Japanese state, George Marshall had vainly attempted mediating the Chinese civil war, and the army was overseeing the creation of a state in South Korea. Washington had supervised the advent of Philippine independence. After first accepting continuation of Dutch imperialism in Indonesia, it moved to end it. It had urged Britain to resolve the festering dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. And it was beginning to give Paris unwelcome advice about reestablishing order in Indochina.
Neither wood nor ivory: checkm ated in china, 1949 – 1950
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Acheson once remarked that chess masters played with “wood or ivory” pieces, but “in the game we play, they are alive, people move on their own; it’s the human character.” The Chinese proved the truth of this by moving around the board without regard for his wishes. Mao Zedong’s imminent victory in the summer of 1949 put the issue of diplomatic recognition in the foreground, but Acheson had become wary following attacks on the White Paper and some turbulence within the administration itself. Truman’s hatred of the Chinese communists tended to cancel out his contempt for Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalists. Acheson sought purchase while being crisscrossed by divergent presidential, military, and state department views. His objectives, however, remained constant. He hoped Washington could adjust to the new Chinese realities, untie its strategy from the long romance with Chiang, and encourage Chinese independence of Moscow. Hoping to focus on Europe, in a surge of confidence near the end of the year he staged a showdown with the Pentagon for Truman’s loyalty. The “win” he gained would quickly vanish.
Real diplomacy, in europe, 1949 – 1950
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Behind the writing of NSC-68 was the deflation of the bullishness created by the 1949 Council of Foreign Ministers meeting in Paris. Reasons for the deflation ranged from the atomic test in the USSR to the first explosions of McCarthyism in the United States. American plans for Europe again seemed stalled. European economies still dragged, hurting the U.S. economy, too, as well as its foreign policy. Acheson wondered about the allies’ willingness to fight and accept West Germany in their camp. Most U.S. officials—most of the time—viewed Moscow’s strength as rising rather than receding. When the UN failed to surrender Chiang Kai-shek’s Security Council seat to the Chinese communist regime, the Soviets walked out of the council in protest. This move, along with Moscow’s nuclear breakthrough, rattled nerves throughout the west.
Evil days
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The 1950s strife over communism and anti-communism exposed Americans as their own worst enemy. “We have met the enemy, and he is us,” Walt Kelly famously had Pogo say. Dean Acheson’s rash defense of Alger Hiss put him in that number, too. The frenzy over communists “boring from within” coincided with a hard renewal of Soviet espionage, as station chiefs of the KGB (Moscow’s secret police) in March 1950 moved toward winning over ordinary U.S. citizens. As Chinese armies poured over their American foes in Korea, the McCarthyite attack on the administration became pitiless. The biggest prize the “primitives’” wanted to bag was Acheson himself, plus anyone working for him having anything to do with Asia. Acheson himself survived and achieved most of his goals, but he paid a price in somewhat reduced effectiveness and a far higher one in personal abuse. Fighting back, he leaned precariously into the hostile winds, not “broken under fire,” said one observer, but “bent considerably.” He surrendered one significant hostage, John Stewart Service, and came to realize his defense of Hiss had redoubled the troubles of worthier men. His own travail led to more caustic views of his congressional foes, their media allies, and with redeeming qualifications, of the people and democracy, too.
In the cockpit
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In daylight savings season, the wristwatch on a person in Korea will read thirteen hours later than the watch on a man or woman in Washington, D.C. The war that began in Korea at 4 a.m. on Sunday, 25 June 1950, started at 3 p.m. on Saturday the 24th in the U.S. capital, where the thermometer approached 96 degrees. President Harry Truman was flying at that moment for his first weekend in Independence in six months after making a stop to dedicate Baltimore’s new Friendship Airport. Army chief of staff, General Joseph Lawton (“Lightning Joe”) Collins, was relaxing at his beach house on the Chesapeake. Both Secretary of the Air Force Thomas K. Finletter and Warren Austin, ambassador to the United Nations, were vacationing in New England. Louis Johnson of the defense department and General Omar Bradley, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, had landed a few hours earlier from a tour of Asia, carrying General Douglas MacArthur’s message on the need to keep Formosa out of communist hands. Dean Acheson, whom one historian would dub “The Commissar of the Cold War” for his leadership in the crisis about to occur, had left D.C.’s heat for the weekend at Harewood Farm in Maryland. There it was as quiet “as that haven could then be” when McCarthyite “crank mail” had led to around-the-clock shifts of guards pacing around his place.
Prodding evolution with action: german rearmament
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Some of the loudest repercussions of the war in Korea came in Europe, where shrapnel punched holes in the still rickety walls of the western alliance. Before Korea, the U.S. government was unsure how best to defend western Europe and had only fitfully tried to overcome the fear and complacency blocking effective action by its allies. Americans thought the demonstration of Soviet willingness to use outright military aggression would activate the fear enough to eliminate the complacency. By now, virtually all U.S. leaders thought a large and long-term U.S. role in European defense was inescapable. But—again fitfully, and gradually —they also began to believe a West German renewal could lessen the American burden. In the middle of 1950, however, they did not yet see how to make this goal acceptable to both the Germans and their neighbors. Except for a few flinty military planners, Europeans shivered at the memory of jackbooted Soldaten in their midst.
Captives of war
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Shooting MacArthur through the Heart Besides a titanic contest between general and president, the MacArthur imbroglio was the last chapter of six years of tension between general and secretary of state. As Acheson said afterward: “It always seemed that whenever General MacArthur made a statement that embarrassed anybody I was the fellow who had to reply to it,” a history begun in 1945 when he chided MacArthur for thinking he made his own Japanese policy. In a sign of how distant MacArthur was from what was going on back home, he had reacted to the news of Louis Johnson’s firing in September 1950 by predicting that Acheson would topple next. When MacArthur himself fell, Acheson spoke discreetly for the record but described him in a letter as a victim of a “disastrous manic depressive tendency.” In 1970, he switched to Truman-speak and called him a “jackass.
Jousting with mosadeq, waiting for nasser
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Jousting with Mosadeq Muhammad Mosadeq led the endeavor to free Iran of outsiders’ domination. Often ailing and given to fainting and weeping spells, he habitually lay in hotel or hospital beds, robed and beslippered, talking to diplomats or reporters. Such eccentric conduct was misleading, for this Persian was a man of parts. Not London’s hated lunatic, he was a formidable leader feared by Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi. Born in 1882 in a landholding family, he studied in France, took a doctorate in law in Switzerland, and returned to Iran imbued with both rationalist and nationalist values. Serving as both a finance and foreign minister and helping establish the National Front in 1949 was part of his hope to bring Iran into a modern age, but these did not stop the Shah’s father, Reza Shah Pahlavi, from briefly throwing him in prison. First as legislator and then as prime minister, he pursued an ambitious agenda to improve ordinary Iranians’ lives and develop democratic and constitutional institutions at the Shah’s expense. He hated British imperialism, and Britons in turn despised him. But Americans often took pleasure in his company. George McGhee talked to him twenty odd times and thought him “a delightful fellow,” spending half their time “laughing at his jokes.” But he also thought Mosadeq was unrealistic about how far the United States would go to retain Iranian oil for the west.
Conclusion: power for a purpose
Authors: Beisner Robert L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
A “Spacious Environment” Modern American strategy emerged with the dawn of the cold war more than a half century ago. It involved both new instruments and new uses of power. Power allows one nation to get another to do its wishes, whether enemy or ally. It comes from many sources—geography and natural resources, an ingenious and relatively large population, allies among other states, and large and effective military forces. Using this power to achieve one’s purposes is what strategy is about. After 1945, Americans’ objective was to found and uphold a world order compatible with their own values and institutions.