bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Gunmen And Evangelicals
Authors: Bruce Steve 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
WHAT in an ideal world do Ulster unionists want? Of all the imaginable futures, which ones are they prepared to swallow? One way of trying to answer those questions, used often enough, is the survey. A random sample of unionists—that is, people who wish to maintain the union between Northern Ireland and Great Britain—is chosen, a list of fixed questions put to them, their answers coded and analysed. There are obvious problems with this. First, our views about complex but important matters can rarely be expressed sensibly by picking one of four choices of answer to a question asked of us by a complete stranger. The prevalence of outdoor toilets is an issue for which surveys are well suited. The feeling of being lost in a world one does not understand is not.
The Changing Effects of Social Protection on Poverty
Authors: Nolan Brian , Hauser Richard , Zoyem* Jean-Paul 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
One of the principal concerns of this volume is the extent to which institutional differences across countries with respect to the labour market and social protection are a significant factor mediating the relationship between labour market precocity and social exclusion. This chapter focuses on the effectiveness of cash transfers, the central element of social protection systems, in alleviating the effects of unemployment on income poverty.
Unemployment and Cumulative Disadvantage in the Labour Market
Authors: Layte Richard , Levin Henrik , Hendrickx John , Bison Ivano 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The general rise in unemployment and labour market instability experienced by most OECD countries since the late 1970s masked large differences within and between countries as to the groups effected. A number of explanations have been put forward to explain such differences in vulnerability to unemployment. Within countries, industrial restructuring and sectoral change have meant that skilled and unskilled manual occupations have become both less numerous and more unstable. It also has been argued (Averitt 1968; Galbraith 1969; O’Conner 1973) that OECD economies have been dividing into ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ sectors, the ‘core’ sector having greater employment stability because of the predominance of larger, unionized organizations.
Lone Mothers’ Poverty and Employment
Authors: Pedersen Lisbeth , Weise Hanne , Jacobs Sheila , White Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
All European countries have experienced a rise in the number of lone mothers and several analyses have pointed to their exposed position in the society (Lewis 1997; Bradshaw et al. 1996). The crucial dilemma of the lone mother is her situation as a sole caregiver and a sole breadwinner. Variations in welfare state regimes may lead to significant divergence in the employment possibilities and income poverty of lone mothers in Europe. The classification of four types of welfare regimes would point to the universalistic regime, with high level of cash benefit, as a regime that offers lone mothers protection against poverty.
The Middle East, the Great Powers, and the Cold War
Authors: Halliday Fred 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The international conflict known as the Cold War was the dominant issue in world politics from the late 1940s until the late 1980s. It involved competition, on a number of levels, between two rival blocs: if it was often focused on military rivalry, nuclear and conventional, it also involved rivalry for political influence, for diplomatic advantage, and for economic goals. To a considerable extent it was a conflict between two ways of life, two variant, competitive, and incompatible definitions of modernity. For many commentators, during and after the Cold War, the conflict was little different from other periods of rivalry between Great Powers and was, in essence, another chapter in the competition of such powers for domination on the international scene.
Egypt
Authors: Sha Adeed Dawi 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
That the Cold War had an impact on Egypt’s domestic and international behaviour is without doubt. After all, no behaviour occurs in isolation, and Egyptian leaders could hardly pursue their policies without being influenced consciously or subconsciously by the world beyond their borders. Thus, Egypt’s policies, like the policies of any other state, are determined at least as much by its own needs and the opportunities it is able to grasp as by the constraints imposed on it by the international system, the main feature of which was the Cold War.
Decontamination of former military bases in eastern Germany
Authors: Lehmann Karl , Escher Reiner 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In what is today the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) an area of approximately 950 000 hectares (ha) is used or has been used for military purposes. Close to one-third of the federal state of Brandenburg was used by the military. Four groups-the German Army (Bundeswehr); the Allied forces and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); the National People’s Army (NVA) and the Frontier Troops (GT) of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR); and the Western Group of the former Soviet Army (WGT)-each used approximately one-fourth of the area.
Postwar destruction of chemical weapons in the former German Democratic Republic
Authors: Lobs* Karlheinz 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is well known that during World War II Germany made preparations for chemical warfare and was, indeed, substantially ahead of the Allies in its research and development and in some cases in its production of chemical weapons. Documentation from the 1945-46 Nuremberg War Crime Trials and postwar research in Germany and elsewhere have abundantly substantiated this.1 Additional evidence was presented at various conferences in 1989-92.2 All give strong testimony to the complexity of the task of doing away with chemical weapons in the decade immediately following World War IL Too often those responsible for demolition did not have adequate knowledge about the type, the capability or the manufacturing history of the weapons with which they had to deal. In the postwar period the primary weapon disposal problem in Germany was lack of information.
Introduction
Authors: Freedman Lawrence 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The study of coercion in international relations remains dominated by work undertaken in the United States during the cold-war period and distorted through the preoccupation with deterrence. In the context of the sharp East-West divide during the four decades following the Second World War the most pressing strategic problem for the United States was to contain Soviet power. This involved a very specific form of coercion, one state dissuading another from initiating hostile acts, in a very specific form, involving the two superpowers and the threat of nuclear war.
Constructing a Democratic Developmental State
Authors: White Gordon 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
If the 1980s saw the rise of a new orthodoxy about the develop¬ mental role of states in Third World societies, the early 1990s saw the rise of a new orthodoxy about the developmental role of political re¬ gimes. Buttressed by neo-classical economic theory, the former criticized the developmental states of the post-colonial era for excessive economic intervention, advocating a reduction in their role and a freeing up of markets and private enterprise along neo-liberal lines. The latter extended this to a critique of political dirigisme, emphasizing the eco¬nomic as well as political costs of authoritarian regimes and advocat¬ ing a transition to democracy along conventional liberal lines.
‘Fiddling with Democracy’ Translating Women’s Participation in Politics in Uganda and South Africa into Gender Equity in Development Practice
Authors: Goetz Anne Marie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Has political liberalization in developing countries enhanced women’s participation in politics, and the representation of their interests in development policy-making? In some currently democratizing countries, the answer to the first part of this question is increasingly positive. There is nothing in democratic institutions or processes per se which favours gender equity, indeed, democratically constituted govern¬ments have long been able to deny women equitable participation (let alone the vote). But gender-sensitive cultural and structural changes in the institutions of rule can bring more women into politics, as is be¬ing demonstrated today in both Uganda and South Africa, which now rank above many developed countries in terms of women’s numerical representation in national legislatures.
British—West German Relations, 1945—1972
Authors: Deighton Anne 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The rhythms of the histories of West Germany and Britain between 1945 and 1972 have been strikingly different, and the day-to-day pattern of their relations over this period has been uneven. It is hard to analyse a bilateral relationship that developed during a rapidly changing period of history, but it is possible to discern threads of continuity in AngloGerman relations in the context of European integration. The continuities can be best understood first in the context of the different approaches to power politics adopted in Britain and West Germany, and second, through the wider pattern of interstate relations as they developed in this period. After a brief account of the changes in the fortunes of the two countries between 1945 and 1972, these two themes will be developed, followed by snapshots of Anglo-German relations at two critical junctures, 1954—5 and 1958—63. If the story is one of success for the Federal Republic, the opposite is true for Britain.
Britain and the GDR: Political and Economic Relations, 1949—1989
Authors: Larres Klaus 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Official political and economic relations between Britain and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) were only established in early 1973—almost twenty-five years after the founding of the East German state in October 1949. However, due to Britain’s important and jealously guarded position as one of the four occupation powers in Berlin, London never ignored the developments in the eastern zone of Germany. Both before and after 1973, British governments of all persuasions remained deeply distrustful of the unelected East German government and opposed to its authoritarian and undemocratic political system. In particular, during the 1950s very little contact existed between Britain and the GDR. In April 1954, after the Soviet Union had declared the GDR a sovereign country, Britain, France, and the United States felt the necessity to publicly reiterate the western world’s strategy towards the GDR. They announced that they would ‘continue to regard the Soviet Union as the responsible Power for the Soviet Zone of Germany’ and were thus not prepared to ‘recognise the sovereignty of the East German regime which is not based on free elections’. The three allied powers did ‘not intend to deal with it as a Government’. Moreover, they were convinced that this view would ‘be shared by other states who, like themselves, will continue to recognise the Government of the Federal Republic as the only freely elected and legally constituted government in Germany…’.
Britain, Germany, and the Deepening of Europe: The Role of Domestic Norms and Institutions
Authors: Buller Jim , Jeffery Charlie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The parallel Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs) on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and Political Union which culminated in the Maastricht Summit in December 1991 produced the most significant extension of the scope of European integration since the Rome Treaties. This in part continued the impetus established by the Single European Act and the 1992 Single Market Programme it spawned, with further steps in economic integration. In particular EMU came to be seen as necessary to consolidate the Single Market and maintain Europe’s competitiveness in an increasingly internationalized economic environment. In addition, the end of the cold war, and German unification in particular, added a new slant to the integration process. The end of the cold war ‘unbound’ a German ‘Gulliver’1 hitherto tied down by the sclerotic nature of cold war international relations. This image of an unrestrained Germany revived one of the founding philosophies of the European integration process: integrate in order to bind German power into multi-lateral structures.
The Political Culture of the Russian ‘Democrats’
Authors: Lukin Alexander 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Political Culture of Russian Democrats examines the origins and development of the world view of those who call themselves ‘democrats’ in Russian in the last years of the USSR. The book develops a distinct approach to the study of political culture and applies it to a specific social group-members of the democratic movement in Soviet Russia. The author examines the emergence of the ideas of Russian ‘democrats’ during the Gorbachev era in Soviet politics, and traces the development of those beliefs in the post-Soviet era. The book argues that the liberal and democratic terminology of western politics were assimilated by Russian political culture, with the terms acquiring a different meaning.
The Bi-polar World: Soviet Totalitarianism and Western Civilization
Authors: Lukin Alexander 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The majority of Russian ‘democrats’ saw the world as divided into two parts: the zone of ‘democracy’ and the zone of ‘totalitarianism’. Society in the countries of the ‘democratic’ zone was also defined as ‘Western’, ‘normal’, or ‘civilized’, these terms usually being used as synonyms. In contrast, societies in the ‘totalitarian’ zone were linked to ‘dictatorship’, ‘despotism’ (or ‘oriental despotism’), ‘Communist regimes’, ‘partocracy’, etc.
Austria: The End of Proportional Governrnent?
Authors: Bullmann Udo 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Austria is a federal republic with a population of some 8 million people; it comprises nine independent Lander (federal states): Burgenland, Karnten (Carinthia), Niederosterreich (Lower Austria), Oberosterreich (Upper Austria), Salzburg, Steiermark (Styria), Tirol (Tyrol), Vorarlberg, and Wien (Vienna). The Austrian constitution is founded on a number of other fundamental principles: federalism, democracy, republicanism, and the rule of law. Any new legal provision which has a bearing on any of these priniciples could be implemented only by means of an amendment to the constitution and ratified by referendum.
The Netherlands: Reinventing Tradition in Local and Regional Democracy
Authors: Hendriks Frank 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Towns and municipalities have played a key role in the history of state formation in the Netherlands. ·within the wider association of the Holy Roman Empire, towns and municipalities enjoyed more or less autonomous status. Under the Burgundians and Spanish Hapsburgs, there were various attempts at centralization, but they were ultimately unsuccessful. In the years after 1568, towns and municipalities in the northern Netherlands became increasingly independent from Spanish-Hapsburg rule. The Republic of the Seven United Provinces was declared in 1588. This republic, which existed until 1795, was a highly decentralized federation with a weak government. Sovereignty lay with the provinces, de facto and de jure. The provinces in their turn were highly dependent on local administrations, especially the western provinces. The governing culture of the republic was one of improvisation, horizontal consultation between partners who were very dependent upon each other. Both ‘priest’ (referring to the dominant Calvinist ethos) and ‘merchant’ (referring to the Dutch spirit of commercialism) were influential in this political culture. Cooperation between the public and private sectors was tried very successfully in the Republic.
Towards Partitioned Cities in the Netherlands? Changing Patterns of Segregation in a Highly Developed Welfare State
Authors: Kempen Ronald van 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Dutch society in general and Dutch cities in particular are quite unlike those of many other western European countries and the United States. In the Netherlands. long-standing state policies in the field of welfare, social security, and housing have blurred the relation between household income and one’s place of residence. Especially in the large cities. socially homogeneous areas are rare, certainly at the lower end of the scale. Ethnically homogeneous neighbourhoods do not exist in the Netherlands, nor do neighbourhoods without a substantial number of Dutch natives.
From Egalitarian Cities in Theory to Non-egalitarian Cities in Practice: The Changing Social and Spatial Patterns in Polish Cities
Authors: Węclawowicz Grzegorz 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This chapter forms part of a set of contributions on the spatial effects of the post-communist transformation in former eastern Europe (see also Wę clawowicz 1992; 1996). The concern here is with the effects on the urban areas in Poland. The main issue is the pattern of disparities formed in urban space under communism and in the post-communist period after 1989. It is shown here how the inherited pattern of the socialist city, together with the new processes introduced by the post-communist transformation became the sources for the formation of a new intra-urban pattern in Poland. While the legacy of the past is still the most important explanatory element of current socio-spatial disparities, the new market forces are rapidly gaining importance, resulting in a growing polarization between different areas within the city in terms of income.
Institutionalizing Post-war Japanese Political Economy: Industrial Policy Revisited
Authors: Kume Ikuo 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Political economists have been focusing on the interaction of ‘state’ and ‘market’. ‘Whereas powerful market forces in the form of trade, money, and foreign investment tend to jump national boundaries, to escape political control, and to integrate societies, the tendency of government is to restrict, to channel, and to make economic activities serve the perceived interests of the state and of powerful groups within it.’1 The conflict between state and market has been one of substantial driving forces behind modern history. Thus, many political economists, not only Japan specialists but also comparativists, have tried to find the reasons for Japan’s post World War II rapid economic growth by focusing on the interaction between state and market.
State Capacity in the RoC and PRC: A Comparative Perspective
Authors: Wu An-Chia 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This chapter will first try to define the term ‘state capacity’ so as to propose criteria in comparing state capacity in the Republic of China on Taiwan (RoC) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and then examine the national development strategy and goals of the two sides and the obstacles they may confront in the process of pursuing their goals.
Alfred Stepan maintains that a ‘state’, being more than a ‘government’, is the continuous administrative, legal, bureaucratic, and coercive systems that attempt not only to structure the relationship between civil society and public authority but also many crucial relationships within civil society as well. Stepan defines states as actors or government officials who enjoy great internal organizational strength through existing state organizations and also enjoy a unified sense of ideological purpose about the desirability of using state intervention to ensure political order and promote national economic development.
State Control and Social Control in China
Authors: Bakken Børge 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Wang Shaoguang and Hu Angang’s definition of state capacity refers to the ability of the state central government to transform its will and purposes into reality. They operate with four categories of state capacity: financial extraction; control; legitimation; and coercion. Wang and Hu concentrate on financial extractive capacity as the most important aspect and the foundation for the realization of the other aspects of state capacity. In this chapter I will touch on the effects of reforms for the control apparatus, and I will put greater stress on control capacity and coercive capacity and practices, than on the economic aspects as such. Legitimacy flows not only from the regime’s ability to mobilize economic resources and to achieve growth, but also from the success the regime has in implementing order in society. The problem is summed up in the Chinese Communist Party slogan about material and spiritual civilization, and I see material civilization as a code word for growth, and spiritual civilization as a code word for order. The aim of the regime is to establish legitimacy through growth and order. I will look at policing and control during the reforms and the state’s ability to mobilize resources of society in this respect. Wang and Hu, in stressing their point about financial extraction have a tendency to see the other types of capacity as mainly economic entities.
Globalization, Sovereignty, and Transnational Regulation: Reshaping the Governance of International Migration
Authors: Overbeek Henk 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Today’s international ‘regime’ covering the trans-border movement of people is inadequate in the face of the challenges posed by the new forms of migra tion of the past two decades. The legal framework for dealing with refugee movements was essentially a product of the Cold War, reflecting the world’s experience with the (European) refugee problems of the 1930s and 1940s caused by Nazism and Stalinism. Policies dealing with labour migration and related issues of family reunification etc. are constructed in strictly national frameworks. Immigration is treated by most states as a threat to their national security or to their socio-economic stability.
Political Recruitment and Elite Transformation in Modern Portugal 1870–1999: The Late Arrival of Mass Representation
Authors: Mag-One José M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
While the first forms of parliamentary institutions in Portugal can be traced back to the early thirteenth century, a modern form of parliamentary representation based on universal suffrage and full party competition was only established in 1975. Most of the history of Portuguese parliamentarism is characterized by regime discontinuity, patrimonial forms of representation, and last, but not least, lack of professionalization and routinization (Magone 1997a). The executive, thanks to its dominance over the parliamentary institution, played a major role in the control of access to parliamentary institutions until the Revolution of Carnations on 25 April 1974. The methods of control varied from the establishment of a sophisticated electoral machine, as happened in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, and to violent means of coercion, as in Salazar’s authoritarian regime. The composition of Portuguese parliaments between 1822 and 1975 was heavily influenced or even fully defined by the respective ruling executive. Clientelism and patronage, together with nepotism and frequent cases of family inheritance, led to a high level of continuity of parliamentary personnel under the constitutional monarchy between 1870 and 1910. During the First Republic (1910-26), parliamentary elites were, on the contrary, to experience a greater discontinuity due to the high levels of political violence and governmental instability leading repeatedly to early elections.