bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
International Justice and the Environment: Global Warming and Biodiversity
Authors: Beckerman Wilfred , Pasek Joanna 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIt is argued that although there may be some case, on economic grounds, for international cooperative action to deal with the threat of climate change or an excessive depletion of biodiversity, the advantages of participation in such action are probably not very great for most rich countries. Furthermore, some of the ‘ethical’ arguments advanced in support of the view that the rich countries should shoulder most of the burden of international action are weak. Nevertheless, there is a case for the richer countries to do so both on grounds of a moral responsibility to assist very poor people and on grounds of the need to look at international cooperation in a wider framework that takes account of the dependence of cooperation from different groups of countries in dealing with a host of other international problems.
Conclusions
Authors: Beckerman Wilfred , Pasek Joanna 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIt is recalled that serious doubts can be raised concerning the status of theories such as those pertaining to the rights of future generations, or the constraints imposed on us by theories of intergenerational justice. At the same time, we do have moral obligations to future generations. But these must be based on an appraisal of what are likely to be the main interests that future generations will have and which of these are most likely to be under permanent threat. These, it is argued, will be in the field of human relations rather than in the field of the environment. It is concluded, therefore, that the most important bequest we can make to future generations is to leave them a society in which there is a greater respect for basic human rights than is the case today throughout most of the world. And since the best way of bequeathing a more decent society to future generations is, of course, to improve the respect for human rights today, there is no conflict of interest between the present generation and future generations. Hence, theories of intergenerational distributive justice are not only untenable but are also unnecessary.
The Rise of New Labour
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).
The Electoral Success of Thatcherism
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe authors focus on the principal aspects of the Thatcherite economic reform programme and assess to what extent they were accepted by the British electorate. The analysis shows that the electorate accepted the Conservative reforms on privatization and trade union legislation and that, during her time in office, Margaret Thatcher won public backing for the changes. But in two other respects, Margaret Thatcher failed to carry the country with her; once the problem of inflation was solved at the beginning of the 1980s, the electorate wanted the government to pay more attention to the high level of unemployment and did not appear to accept Thatcherite policies in this area. The electorate showed no enthusiasm for the Thatcherite philosophy of reduced government spending on public services. The analysis of the Thatcherite economic reform programme gives support to the thesis that a political party does not need to be closely in tune with the electorate's policy preferences in order to win an election.
Margaret Thatcher's Nationalism
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractHeath, Jowell, and Curtice analyse Margaret Thatcher's distinctive form of British nationalism that embraced a range of issues such as strong defence, vigorous pursuit of British interests in Europe, the protection of British sovereignty, and the maintenance of the Union. They discuss how Thatcherite the electorate was on these issues. As on the economic front, Margaret Thatcher tended to be more extreme than the electorate, both on nuclear defence, where the electorate did not share her enthusiasm for the deployment of American nuclear Cruise missiles in Britain, and on the maintenance of the Union, where the electorate progressively moved away from her brand of British nationalism. On Europe, the Conservatives were closest to the electorate but the disunity of the party over the issue gave out confusing signals to the voters, and the Conservatives proved vulnerable to the Referendum Party created in 1995 with the aim to campaign on the preservation of British sovereignty. The results from the analysis are consistent with the ‘top‐down’ theory of voting behaviour, according to which parties may be able to influence how voters see issues and can themselves shape their supporter's attitudes.
The Changing Social Basis of Party Support
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether these changes can be described as processes of class dealignment or class realignment. The authors conclude that, from 1979–1997 there has been continuity in the Conservatives’ social basis of support and that almost all variations in Conservative support (apart from the regional one) took the form of swings that affected all social groups alike. There was also continuity in the image of the Conservative party in terms of the groups it represented—in 1997, the Conservatives continued to be seen as a highly sectional party concerned with the interests of the social groups that constituted its traditional core. This was not the case with the Labour party—in 1997, New Labour had very substantially reduced its sectional character, was no longer distinctively associated with any particular social group, and it had successfully become a catchall party. There was a change not only in the image of New Labour but also in the character of Labour's voters—under Tony Blair New Labour's moves towards the centre, involved larger than expected electoral gains in the salariat than among Labour's traditional sources of support in the working class. However, despite these changes Heath, Jowell, and Curtice conclude that even under New Labour the usual pattern of party support continued—it was simply muted. This gives support to the thesis of class realignment according to which the changes in the social bases of party support are due to particular groups shifting their support from one party towards a different one and not due to a blurring of class boundaries and a weakening of the social cleavages (class dealignment).
Were Traditional Labour Voters Disillusioned with New Labour?
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.
Party Policies and Voter Choices
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe authors offer a multiplicative model that provides a comprehensive framework to place the main findings of the volume. The model is based on the standard ‘expected utility maximization’ model of the economists, which can be applied for understanding election outcomes. The idea is that the voter weights the utility of a given policy by the probability of its being implemented, sums this across the different policies, and then votes for whichever party gives the greatest expected utility. However, Heath, Jowell, and Curtice emphasize the fact that the rational choice model needs to be expanded to include some of the ‘non‐rational’ processes observed in their research such as the possibility that voters’ preferences may be shaped by the political parties and should not to be treated only as independent factors. The model should also be modified to take account of other sorts of processes such as social interaction, social conformity and what the authors have termed the ‘forked‐tail’ effect related to the generalization of the disillusionment from a specific party policy into a general disillusion with the party's competence.
Investigating Knowledge Itself
Authors: Kornblith Hilary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Philosophical investigations in general, and epistemological investigations in particular, typically begin with conceptual analysis. It is argued that an analysis of our concept of knowledge is no more relevant to epistemology than an analysis of our concept of gold would be relevant to the proper conduct of chemistry, for knowledge, like gold, is a natural kind. The role of intuition in philosophical theory construction is discussed, and a naturalistic account of the practice of appealing to intuitions is presented and defended.
Knowledge and Social Practices
Authors: Kornblith Hilary 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn some views, knowledge cannot exist except against the background of certain social practices. Thus, in Davidson's view, there are no beliefs, and thus no knowledge, except in creatures that use and interpret language. In other views, such as Brandom's, belief, and thus knowledge, cannot exist except in creatures that have a social practice of giving and asking for reasons. Finally, there are views in which it is possible to have beliefs without social practices, but it is not possible to have justified beliefs, and hence knowledge, without some relevant social practice, such as holding individuals responsible for the beliefs they have. These views are examined in detail. It is argued that knowledge does not require social practices of any sort whatsoever.
Democracy and Development
Authors: Hadenius Axel 
Published: October 2003

AbstractStarts with a survey of the waves of democratization in the twentieth century. The matter of explanation is then addressed. Different socio‐economic theories are scrutinized: the modernization argument and the capitalism and class arguments. Thereafter the relationship between institutions and democratic development is clarified more precisely. Most important are (1) a legacy of pluralism, (2) instruments of power sharing, (3) a rule‐governed state apparatus.
Breakdown and Continuity
Authors: Hadenius Axel 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDemonstrates how medieval institutional tendency could be continued in certain countries in the modern era, while autocratic backlash was the pattern elsewhere. England, Sweden, the Netherlands, and North America represent the former trend. Russia, Prussia, Spain, and France illustrate the latter. These different paths, which were conditioned by military and geographic constraints, strongly affected the prospects for democracy in modern times.
States and Development
Authors: Hadenius Axel 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMakes a broad historical account of the specific mode of development in Europe, involving unique progress economically, militarily, and democratically. In disagreement with the economic approach launched by Moore, and the state system theory championed by Hintze, it is argued that it was the introduction at an early stage of a special form of state – the interactive state – that made this development possible. This institutional innovation gave Europe the edge, as it stimulates, at the same time, effective governance and economic development.
The UNHCR at 50: State Pressures and Institutional Autonomy
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
For the past half century the UNHCR has been central to the international debates about human rights, conflict resolution, sovereignty, intervention and preventative action, and the role of international organizations in world politics. A central theme is change and continuity in the international political and security systems, in the refugee regime, and in the UNHCR. Contemporary refugee crises are placing the UNHCR under growing pressure regarding both its functions and identity. From focusing almost exclusively on protection and humanitarian relief for refugees in host countries, the UNHCR has progressively taken on additional responsibilities that involve it in a myriad of activities for refugees and non‐refugees alike.
The Emerging Independence of the UNHCR Under Auguste Lindt
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Two political events at the centre of world politics in the mid‐ to late‐1950s—the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent intervention by the USSR and the Algerian War of National Independence against France—transformed the UNHCR. The roles played by the second UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Auguste Lindt, in both refugee crises resulted in fundamental changes in UNHCR's orientation and its international reputation. The crises in Hungary and Algeria constituted a bridgehead leading to future institutional growth and autonomy for the UNHCR. The UNHCR also expanded into the developing world through programmes assisting refugees from The Peoples Republic of China in Hong Kong and Tibetan refugees.
‘The Good Offices’ and Expansion into Africa Under Felix Schnyder
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The 1960s brought fundamental changes to the UN system of refugee assistance and protection. The developing world replaced Europe as the central focus of the UNHCR's world. The expansion of the UNHCR under the third High Commissioner, Felix Schnyder, coincided with the decolonization and the ensuing emergence of newly independent states in Africa and Asia. Using his ‘good offices’, Schnyder undertook a de facto expansion of the UNHCR's refugee definition and through the development of rural settlement schemes and ‘zonal’ development, progressively increased the range of the services UNHCR provided both to refugees and to host governments.
The Global Expansion of the UNHCR Under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.
The New Cold War and the UNHCR Under Poul Hartling
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
During the 1980s the global refugee population expanded rapidly as a result of regional conflicts and refugee crises in Indochina, Afghanistan, Central America, Horn of Africa, and southern Africa. Huge care and maintenance programmes were established in nearby asylum countries under the auspices of the fifth High Commissioner, Poul Hartling. The global refugee total tripled and the UNHCR's budgets and programmes quintupled. The emphasis on aid delivery also reflected Western governments’ desire to assist refugee warrior communities fighting Soviet‐backed regimes, resulting in most refugee problems in regions of superpower conflict becoming protracted. At the same time asylum crises arose in Western Europe and North America.
The UNHCR's ‘New Look’, Financial Crisis, and Collapse of Morale Under Jean‐Pierre Hocke and Thorvald Stoltenberg
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
To relieve the costs that long‐term care for protracted refugee populations imposed, donor governments began in the mid‐1980s to promote alternative approaches to the refugee problem, particularly repatriation. The sixth High Commissioner, Jean‐Pierre Hocke, advocated a new strategy that required the UNHCR to deal not only with asylum countries but also with countries of origin and the root causes of refugee exoduses. Cold war politics continued to paralyse diplomatic initiatives to break the deadlock of regional conflicts in most of Africa, Asia, and Central America. Donor governments became disillusioned with the UNHCR, leading to a major financial crisis for the agency with which the seventh High Commissioner, Thorvald Stoltenberg, had to deal.
The Post‐Cold War Era and the UNHCR Under Sadako Ogata
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The 1990s ushered in a new era in which humanitarian issues played a historically unprecedented role in international politics. Refugee movements in northern Iraq, Somalia, former Yugoslavia, and Haiti were the subject of increasing discussion in political and military fora such as the UN Security Council and NATO. Forced displacements were also at the centre of crises in the African Great Lakes region, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Albania, Kosovo, and East Timor. The eighth High Commissioner, Sadako Ogata, initiated changes within UNHCR that permitted it to respond to internal displacements in ongoing civil wars as well as to promote mass repatriation movements to countries of origin in Central America, Southeast Asia, and Africa. These events have significant implications for the protection of refugees and for the future of humanitarianism.
Toward the Future: The UNHCR in the Twenty‐First Century
Authors: Loescher Gil 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
A key focus is the organizational culture and effectiveness of UNHCR as the principal protection agency for refugees. UNHCR functions with an imperfect mandate, under circumstances necessitating competition with other agencies for limited resources, and in political environments that are inhospitable to crisis management and refugee protection. Because of its financial vulnerability and dependence on donor governments and host states, the agency's actions are clearly shaped by the interests of governments. The UNHCR finds it difficult to learn from past mistakes and it lacks strong policy research and strategic thinking capacities. The author offers policy recommendations aimed at making UNHCR more effective and accountable in its central function of protecting refugees.
Eternity and Immortality
Authors: Nadler Steven 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExamines Spinoza's account of the eternity of the mind in Part Five of the Ethics. Argues that this doctrine amounts to a denial of personal immortality. For Spinoza, virtue consists in the pursuit and acquisition of knowledge, and its benefits lie in this lifetime. There are no post‐mortem rewards or punishments. What survives the death of a human being is not a personal soul but simply a set of eternal ideas.
The Life of Reason
Authors: Nadler Steven 
Published: October 2003

AbstractLooks at the broader moral and political aspects of Spinoza's denial of immortality. This includes his ideas on religion, superstition, ecclesiastic influence in political affairs, and especially the passions of hope and fear that the doctrine of immortality feeds. The denial of immorality is central to Spinoza's overall philosophical and political project. There is also a discussion of Spinoza's approach to the theodicy question and the way in which his denial of immortality is a critique of one particular way in Jewish thought of approaching the problem of evil.
Immortality on the Amstel
Authors: Nadler Steven 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDiscusses the context in seventeenth‐century Jewish Amsterdam for Spinoza's ban and the ways in which the issue of immortality was central to the concerns of the community's rabbis and leaders in that period. Uriel da Costa's heretical views on immortality are examined, as are the particular views of the rabbis. Argues that, even at the time of Spinoza's ban, many years after the Da Costa episode, it was an important question to Amsterdam's Jews.
Social Protection and the Formation of Skills: A Reinterpretation of the Welfare State
Authors: Estevez‐Abe Margarita , Iversen Torben , Soskice David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractOutlines a new approach to the study of the welfare state. Contrary to the emphasis on ‘decommodification’ in the current literature, it is argued that important dimensions of the welfare state—employment protection, unemployment protection, and wage protection—are designed to make workers more willing to invest in firm‐ and industry‐specific skills that increase their dependence on particular employers and their vulnerability to market fluctuations. Workers will only make such risky investments when they have some insurance that their job or income is secure; otherwise, they will invest in general, and therefore portable, skills. In turn, because the skill composition of the work force constrains the set of product‐market strategies that firms can pursue successfully, employers will support social protection that facilitates the set of skills that they need to be competitive in particular international product markets. It shows that the argument is consistent with observed clusters of social protection and skill profiles among OECD countries, and that these clusters are associated with very different distributional outcomes and patterns of gender‐specific labour market segmentation.
Firms and the Welfare State: When, Why, and How Does Social Policy Matter to Employers?
Authors: Mares Isabela 
Published: October 2003

AbstractWhen and why have employers supported the development of institutions of social insurance that provide benefits to workers for various employment‐related risks in the areas of unemployment insurance, accident insurance, and early retirement? This paper challenges the dominant explanations of welfare state development premised on the assumption of business opposition to social insurance. It examines the conditions under which firms support the introduction of a new social policy and specifies the most important variables explaining the variation in the social policy preferences of employers. The model is tested in three episodes of social policy development in Germany, relying on a collection of archival sources and policy documents submitted by business associations to bureaucratic and parliamentary commissions.