bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Church and politics, c.750–c.1100
Authors: Byrne F . J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
while copying the text of the gospel of Mark into the manuscript known as the Book of Armagh (T.C.D. MS 58) at Armagh, a young scribe added in the margin the name ‘Kellakh’. He used the fanciful mixture of Greek and Latin script that he had employed previously, when completing the gospel of Matthew ‘in feria Matthi’—on the evangelist’s own feast-day. He used this decorative script again to record his own name, Ferdomnach, and that of Torbati, the heir of Patrick at whose dictate he and his two companions were compiling a book that was to contain the New Testament, the Life of St Martin, and the Epistles of Patrick himself (St Martin’s nephew, as some thought, and certainly his emulator)
Visual arts and society
Authors: Richardson Hilary 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
From then onwards the golden age of art in Ireland began to unfold. It was a time when Irish craftsmen reached a point of excellence never surpassed in the history of the island. Works produced then, such as the Tara brooch (pl. 64) or the Book of Kells (pl. 65), are of world-wide renown, themselves the hallmark of what is generally identified as Irish art. Between the seventh and the twelfth centuries the full range of Irish art was at its best. It was a period of astonishing activity. There is no doubt that this span of time included a phase so brilliant that it equates in Irish terms with the Florence of the renaissance, or the Paris of more recent days.
The archaeology of Ireland’s viking-age towns
Authors: Wallace Patrick F 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Summaries of the excavations undertaken at Waterford, Wexford, and Limerick, as well as the publication of the first half-dozen or so volumes of reports of the National Museum of Ireland’s excavations in Dublin, have already appeared. An interim report appeared on one of the Wexford sites as well as a valuable synthesis for Waterford, and relevant documentary references have been assembled in the case of Cork. Most recently, a general comparison of the physical attributes that survive in the archaeological record—location, layout, defences, and building types—shows that the later Viking-age towns shared many traits, that there was such a thing as the Hiberno-Norse town, and that the Dublin excavations, impressive though they are, need no longer be stud- ied in isolation.
High-kings with opposition, 1072–1166
Authors: Gan Marie Therese F lana 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This ensured that Brian Bóruma’s immediate successors failed to match his achievements in pursuit of the high-kingship of Ireland. Tadg was slain at the instigation of Donnchad in 1023, but his removal did not terminate Dál Cais dynastic dissension since Tadg’s son, Toirrdelbach, took over his father’s ambition to be king of Munster. A decisive factor in the struggle between uncle and nephew was the alliance concluded between Toirrdelbach and Diarmait mac Má na mBó, king of Leinster (1042–72). In 1063 Toirrdelbach succeeded in deposing Donnchad, who was to die in exile in Rome in 1064.
Progress and Piety: Liberal Hostility
Authors: Blackbourn David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
To the liberal mind Marpingen was symptomatic of Catholic superstition and credulity. At the same time, resistance to the measures taken by the state confirmed many liberals in their view that Catholics were fractious subjects, led by their clerical masters (and by French example) into disloyalty. In this double set of responses we can see the liberal view of the Kulturkampf in microcosm. For the Kulturkampj, often depicted as a rather arid squabble between church and state, was actually much more than that. The term itself was coined by RudolfVirchow, the doctor, pathologist, scientific popularizer, and left-liberal politician. It means literally ‘struggle of civilizations’, and liberals certainly saw it as a decisive encounter that would shape Germany’s future. It was, for them, a conflict between progress and piety, in which material advance, science, and moral improvement were pitted against backwardness, ignorance, and superstition. The terms in which liberals denounced events in Marpingen give a clear picture of their world-view during the 1870s, and their ferocity shows what they felt to be at stake. The enthusiasm with which many, National Liberals in particular, applauded the coercive methods used in the village also gives a measure of the ambivalent relationship between liberal goals and Bismarckian methods.
The German Lourdes? Marpingen in the Twentieth Century
Authors: Blackbourn David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the 1870s Marpingen was the focus of extraordinary attention as the would-be German Lourdes. Then, for two generations, it became simply a village like many others in the Saarland. The pell-mell growth of the coalfield turned Marpingen into a village of pitmen: by 1910 two-thirds of the population depended on the earnings of 400 miners, a dependence that made them vulnerable during the bitter strikes of 1889–93 and the lay-offs that followed Mining became not only the principal source of family income, but the axis on which social and recreational life turned; even the physical appearance of the village changed as one-storey miner-peasant houses sprang up along the roads and paths leading out of Marpingen. With the dominance of mining came renewed clerical complaints about excessive drinking, dancing, and late-night unruliness, behaviour that new church-fostered organizations and a popular mission failed to tame. In all of this Marpingen was fairly typical of the experience of Saarland mining villages in the decades before the First World War. The militancy during the strike years was in line with the greater militancy shown by miners from the northern peripheral zone of the coalfield in 1889–93.
The West
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE Western borderlands of Soviet Russia were the nearest to Moscow of all frontier regions, yet they were relatively neglected by historians and travellers alike.1 Even by 1926 party contacts between the capital and Smolensk were to remain mostly at the written rather than at the human level. Arnold Toynbee once argued that it is the ‘barbaric’ vital periphery that finally topples a declining civilization, but this maxim does not hold for the Russian Revolution. The political centre suffered a series of heart attacks from 1905 onwards, of which the body of society as a whole was only to become fully aware after 1928. Despite Lenin’s theory of national self-determination, the new Soviet Union still embraced the great bulk of the old imperial domains, including minorities like the Georgians and the Ukrainians who had been civilized for centuries before the denizens of what was to become Muscovy. After the Civil War Bolshevik control expanded easily from its bastion which had been reduced to the size of medieval Muscovy. The Tambov revolt and other peasant disturbances were soon contained and squashed.
Cultural Crossroads in Petrograd
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The fate of Petrograd as the supreme source of high political action for over two hundred years had been sealed from the moment when the Bolsheviks took the decision to move the government to Moscow in March 1918. The party leaders and their infant administrative machine were far from being the only drain on the city’s human resources. Most of the aristocracy and all the Tsarist bureaucracy had vanished, and with them had gone the large number of foreigners whose money and connections had permeated the economic life of the city for so long. The labour vacuum created by the swift departure of the political, social, and economic elites was enormous. In 1910 about 200,000 people had been employed by government offices or private persons alone, that is roughly as many as were then working in the city’s factories. Scholarly accounts of the depopulation of Petrograd in the years 1917-21 have paid scant attention to the factors just mentioned. Much more has been made of the exodus to the countryside by all classes due to the shortage of food and fuel and to disease.
Political Reflections on Society 1922-1926
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Although Moscow did not have a monopoly over cultural controls at the start of NEP, it was certainly all-powerful with regard to political and economic decisions. Moreover the balance in the cultural sphere was tilting away from Petrograd, marked by the move to Moscow of several groups of intellectuals. The old capital was therefore of supreme importance on account of the interaction of its political, economic, and cultural elites which constantly brought out new ideas on how to manage society at large. Far too often in previous histories of the early Soviet period these ideas have been considered in a geographical vacuum. Theories were formulated by Soviet leaders with insufficient regard to realities outside Moscow. All the more reason, then, to investigate this dichotomy and the reasons for it. There was even a lack of precise knowledge about areas under the politicians’ noses, as will be seen in the next chapter, dealing with the changing conditions of the Moscow working class between 1922 and 1926.
The Proletariat in Theory and in Practice
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This is the last of four consecutive chapters devoted to the political heights of Soviet society in NEP. In Bolshevik theory and aspiration the party should have been joined by the proletariat, its favoured class, in the deliberations and man cruvres surveyed in these pages, but in reality it has scarcely merited any attention so far. It would be inconceivable, however, to neglect the changing condition of the working class up until 1926, since it still remained the social springboard from which the plunge into heavy industrialization was to be taken. This future was heralded by the programme adopted at the Fourteen th Party Congress in December r 925. Yet as of r 926 only approximately one out of every thirty citizens of the Soviet Union could be classified as a worker of any kind. Thus the allotment of even one chapter out of seven (the other six being concerned with peasant-dominated localities) is out of all proportion to the proletariat’s numerical strength in NEP. It was only from 1927 onwards that its political weight was to have more impact on the party than the crushing burden of the peasantry. What follows here focuses mainly on the influential Moscow proletariat in r 926, though its ramifications in time and space are also considered in order to highlight its special political significance in the overall working-class scene around mid-NEP.
Smolensk Guberniia in 1926
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
We now plunge back into the mainstream of social life. We return to it via the same river we first entered into it in 1922. Yet, as with a river, some things are the same in the Smolensk area, others changed by the waters of time which move history on. The territory of Smolensk guberniia in 1926 included the same area and had the same administrative arrangements as in 1922. This situation was to continue until 1929. However, the boundaries of the Belorussian Republic just to the west were only finally established in 1926. This delay was due to the upheavals of the Revolution and the Civil War which had split the Belorussians up and handed them out to differing nations. By 1926 11 per cent of all Belorussians lived outside the boundaries of the newly formed Republic. Quite a few of these lived in the Smolensk guberniia, though some were to be found as far away as Siberia.1 Nearly 45 per cent of the national rate of increase of the rural population in Belorussia emigrated to towns in the Republic between 1923 and 1927.
Tver Guberniia
Authors: Pethybridge Roger 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Moving north-east from Smolensk guberniia, a travelling kustar in 1926 would cross into Tver guberniia. Both provinces abutted on Moscow guberniia. Whereas Smolensk connected the capital via the railway to Western Europe, the city of Tver lay on the line to Leningrad. The north and east of Tver guberniia were on the route to nowhere in particular, and the hinterland was so densely forested as to provide a natural barrier to good communications and enlightenment of all kinds. The 1926 census shows the population of Tver guberniia to be 2,242,350,just 50,239 less than Smolensk. Nearly all of them were Great Russians (unlike Smolensk), though there was a small group of 140,567 Karelians. Those living in Tver city totalled rn8,413, whilst the rest of the inhabitants were dispersed over a scattered firmament of small-scale settlements: no less than 263,503 of these existed in an area larger than the whole of Holland or Switzerland. Tver city lay near the more densely populated southern edge of the guberniia, looking towards Moscow.
Rites of Blood
Authors: Evans Richard J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
A German execution in the early modern period usually began with a formal meeting of the court, held in the town hall or the representative building of the sovereign authority, to announce the verdict to the offender. In the south German town of Dillingen, for example, the rules for this occasion, drawn up in 1716, laid down that the offender had to be brought in chains to the town hall and released to stand before the two judges and five ‘honest citizens’. Here a summary of the confession would be read out. All present had to sign it, including the prisoner, who could of course append a cross or mark if unable to write. At this point the prisoner was formally handed over from the representative of the princely authority under which Dillingen fell, to the town council, whose duty it was to make the necessary arrangements for the execution. The presiding official then told the offender:
Farewell Songs and Moral Speeches
Authors: Evans Richard J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On his visit to Munich in 1781, the writer Friedrich Nicolai was horrified to find that ‘death sentences are printed in numbered editions alongside the Urgicht or confession of every condemned criminal’ and were sold on the streets ‘in their thousands’. The ‘moral speeches’ which accompanied them were, he complained, ‘miserable doggerel’:
People believe in a simplistic way that they ought to deter robbers and improve the morals of the common people. They contain idiotic reflections and disgusting, horrible descriptions, which are repeated in a different manner for each death sentence and are necessarily bound in the end to render the people insensitive to feeling.
The Revival of Abolitionism
Authors: Evans Richard J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
As the political climate began to relax a little after the departure of Bismarck and the ending of the Anti-Socialist Law in 1890, opposition to the death penalty began to revive. It was fuelled by the sharp increase in the number of executions that took place in the early years of this decade. The issue of capital punishment had been effectively dormant since the early 1870s. But now the left-liberal opponents of the death penalty began to raise their voices in protest once more. Many of their arguments were familiar ones. They continued to believe in the ameliorative theory of punishment. The left-liberal Berliner Tageblatt declared in 1907: ‘Capital punishment is reprehensible from a human and a Christian point of view because it prematurely destroys the inner developmental potential of the condemned person.’
‘Healthy Popular Feeling’
Authors: Evans Richard J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By the beginning of 1932 it was widely expected that the minority Prussian cabinet led by the Social Democrat Otto Braun, assailed on all sides and weakened by the electoral success of the National Socialists, would be replaced by a conservative government willing to implement the death penalty. So, in a classic example of the way in which conservative civil servants managed to undermine, or disregard, the authority of left-of-centre governments in the Weimar Republic, officials in the Ministry of Justice began refusing to forward clemency cases to the Prussian cabinet. This left a number of prisoners on death row in a state of considerable uncertainty about their eventual fate, a situation which few officials in the judicial bureaucracy found very satisfactory.
The Adventures of Reason, or From Reason to the Supreme Being
Authors: Vovelle Michel 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Are we certain that we know what the Cult of Reason in Year II really was? Put as bluntly as this, the question appears paradoxical. Received ideas and clichés have been well preserved: the memory of the 20 Brumaire ceremony at the cathedral in Paris has come down to us, as has that of the similar events at Strasbourg, Nevers, Nancy, Bordeaux, and elsewhere. Late nineteenth-century local historians provided detailed descrip tions of what happened in various places. But for many of them, even to the present day, the prevailing image has been of the triumphant atheism of a handful of extremists, illustrated by the presence of living goddesses, traditionally believed to have been prostitutes or girls from the Opera. To remain at this level would be to ignore all the historical writing devoted to this subject with such good effect at the tum of the century. In his seminal 1892 article, Alphonse Aulard discussed the Cult of Reason and the Cult of the Supreme Being; in 1895 the Abbé Sicard published ‘In Search of a Civil Religion’; in 1905 Albert Mathiez dealt with the origins of the revolutionary cults.
Introduction: The Old Dispensation
Authors: Vital David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On 18 December 1744, in the wake of the siege and occupation of Prague in the course of the War of the Austrian Succession and the suspicion (unfounded, as it later turned out) that the Jews of Prague had given aid and support to the Prussians, Maria Theresa of Austria decreed the total and immediate expulsion of the distinguished and long-settled Jewish community of Prague. It was to be carried out almost immediately. It was to be followed in short order by the expulsion of all Jews from all of Bohemia and Moravia. Gzeirot (punitive decrees) of this and other kinds were familiar enough to Jews everywhere throughout their history. The fortunate knew them as a permanent possibility. The less fortunate knew them as a palpable menace. The rule was to do whatever could be done to have them revoked; if not revoked postponed; if not postponed watered down; and if that could not be managed then so far as possible circumvented. What was understood by all, high and low, was that if all else failed, the Jews upon whom the gzeira fell would have to learn to live with it if it was possible to do so and to move on to other lands if it was not. There were no real choices. Outright (for example, armed) resistance was out of the question. Gzeirot, it was necessary to recognize, were characteristic, and in the long term unchanging and unchangeable features of the Exile itself. They might take the form of an increase in the burden of taxation so sudden, steep, and extortionate as to be barely sustainable, or fresh restrictions on-or, worse, an absolute prohibition of-residence in, or temporary entry into, a designated town or territory.
Denmark: The Sociology of Accusations
Authors: Johansen Jens christian v. 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE earliest cases of Danish witchcraft legislation are found in Section 7 of the Scanian Church Law and Section 11 of the Sealandian Church Law, promulgated about 1170; both mention sorcery, although only in connection with homicide. The secular Jutlandic law of 1241,2 on the other hand, contains no mention of sorcery in its original version, whereas a manuscript from the fifteenth century includes a section (book m, chapter 69) providing a detailed description of procedures to be adopted in cases of witchcraft and sorcery.
Introduction
Authors: Hitchins Keith 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The evolution of modern Rumania took place over some two centuries, between the latter half of the eighteenth century and the end of the Second World War. Discernible in this long process were two stages, each with its own distinct characteristics. The first was one of transition as the Rumanians of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia moved away from the patriarchal traditions of the Byzantine-Orthodox South-east toward the dynamic innovations of the West. During the second stage currents of change already manifest coalesced, and modern Rumania, in the strict meaning of the term, came into being. The critical date separating the two stages, to the extent that a single year may represent such a division, is 1866.
The Rumanians Outside Rumania
Authors: Hitchins Keith 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Many Rumanians in the second half of the nineteenth century continued to live outside the borders of the United Principalities and the Rumanian Kingdom. As of 1900, there were approximately 2,.785,000 in Hungary (the historical principality of Transylvania and the adjoining regions of the Banat, Crişana, and Maramure ş), 230,000 in Bukovina, and 1,092,000 in Bessarabia. In some ways their course of development under Hungarian, Austrian, and Russian administration, respectively, was similar. They were unable to participate in political life as distinct ethnic communities, and their cultural life was under constant pressure from an unsympathetic government bureaucracy.
Politics, 1919–1940
Authors: Hitchins Keith 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The main issue in Rumanian political life in the inter-war period was the contest between democracy and authoritarianism. The prospects for the consolidation of a parliamentary system based upon Western European practice seemed bright in the early 1920s. The enactment of universal manhood suffrage held out the hope that government by oligarchy would soon be a relic of the past. The leaders of the Rumanian National Party of Transylvania and the Peasant Party of the Old Kingdom, which had broad support, were committed to the full participation of all citizens in the political process and to genuine consultations with the voters through fair elections. Both the Peasantists, who were otherwise wary of following Western models, and the Europeanists, who were certain that Rumania was destined to follow the Western path of development, were committed to parliamentary government. Among the general population, too, there was at least latent support for a democratic political experiment. When given the opportunity to express their preferences freely, as in the election of 1928, they voted overwhelmingly for those parties which stood for democracy. Formidable obstacles stood in the way of political change.
Foreign Policy, 1919–1940
Authors: Hitchins Keith 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The primary objective of Rumania’s foreign policy throughout the inter-war period was to maintain the frontiers drawn at the end of the First World War. All Rumanian political parties, except the Communist, were consistent supporters of the Versailles system, a stance which dictated the choice of allies and provided continuity with the foreign policy pursued in the years immediately before the outbreak of the war. Rumanian politicians regarded France and, to a lesser extent, Britain as the chief guarantors of the peace settlement and relied upon them to counter threats to the territorial status quo in Eastern Europe from the Soviet Union, Germany, and the lesser revisionist states, Hungary and Bulgaria. Rumanian governments also sought to preserve the Versailles system by other means.