bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Climacteric I: ‘a Posture of Defence’
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the autumn of 1640 all three Stuart kingdoms were heading towards crisis. Ireland would come to the point of confrontation a little later than Scotland and England, but the waters of rebellion were already being stirred. All three countries, though they did not know it, were on course for a decade or more of intermittent war, which would bring varying degrees of subjection to Scotland and Ireland and a period of startling political convulsion to England. The coming twenty years indeed are apt to seem so anarchic in their complexity, so bewildering in their pace of change, that it may help to preface them with a rough chart of the shoals ahead.
Between Two Wars
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Between the last battle in the first Civil War and the first military action in the second, just over two years elapsed in which the British peoples licked their wounds and counted the cost of civil strife. Their experience naturally coloured their attitudes to the quest for a peace settlement and, when that quest failed, their animus against those whom they counted responsible for the renewal of war.
Enough has probably been said already about the unprecedented weight of taxation, the forcing of unwilling conscripts into a hard and dangerous service, the burden of free quarter, the commandeering of goods and horses, the unauthorized plunder by the soldiery of both sides, and the often oppressive demands made by the parliament’s county committees and by royalist commanders. Here is perhaps the place to take stock briefly of the toll that civil war had so far taken in human lives, in the scars physical and mental that it had left on the survivors, and in the lasting material damage that it had inflicted. The main emphasis will be on England and Wales, because they were the main theatres of war and their peoples took the heaviest casualties. Ireland’s agony still lay mainly in the future, and will be considered in its place.
The Commonwealth in Crisis
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The navy had a vital role to play in the defence of the Commonwealth, but it was not in a healthy state when the republic was first established. The second Civil War and the execution of the king had, as has been seen, alienated many captains and crews. In addition to those who openly declared for Charles II and joined Prince Rupert, many others, while stopping short of changing sides, felt a strong dislike for the New Model Army and for sectaries and radicals in general. Warwick, the Lord Admiral, had been openly opposed to the king’s trial and the abolition of the Lords; moreover he was 61, old for his age and in poor health. He had to be removed, but it was scarcely less necessary to get rid of the excessive personal authority and patronage that attached to his office. The navy needed to be brought more closely under the control of parliament and the council, so before discharging Warwick the Rump enlarged the powers of its Navy Committee. It dealt with Warwick simply by repealing, in February 1649, the act that had appointed him Lord Admiral, and then leaving that office in abeyance. The actual command of the fleet was entrusted jointly to three Generals at Sea, Robert Blake, Richard Deane, and Edward Popham, all former army colonels. Warwick had served the parliament well in his time and he suffered no disgrace, though he was unable to save his brother Holland, who had fought for the king in 1648, from execution. Warwick withdrew from public life for some years, but he was to support Cromwell as Lord Protector. He carried the sword at his second investiture in 1657, and a grandson of his was to marry Cromwell’s youngest daughter.
A New Order in Three Nations
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
With Barebone’s Parliament gone, nothing stood in the way of Lambert’s Instrument of Government; indeed there was no other practicable way of filling the constitutional hiatus, short of bringing back the king. The day after the resignation, Lambert summoned a large concourse of army officers—considerably larger, it appears, than the regular General Council—to the Council Chamber in Whitehall, where he himself read the Instrument to them. He asked for their assent so that it could be formally presented to Cromwell in the name of them all. Some raised objections to it, as Harrisons’s Fifth Monarchist faction was bound to do, but there may also have been a few uncompromising republicans among the unconvinced. Some may have remembered the many days spent in constitutional debate at Reading and Putney years earlier. But he persuaded the company that this was not a time for disputing over the document, for it had been under consideration for two months already, and it was important to keep the present Interregnum as brief as possible, with Feake and his brethren still ranting away and the cavaliers awaiting their chance. He secured the meeting’s concurrence in general terms, promising that any suggested amendments would be considered. Cromwell’s acceptance was already assured, for his title and other matters had been agreed in the course of close discussions with Lambert and his collaborators over recent days. A few details still probably remained to be settled, as did the important selection of the council, to which the constitution allotted a major role. But the new government was publicly inaugurated only three days after Lambert’s meeting with the officers, and Cromwell was solemnly admitted to the office of Lord Protector on 16 December 1653.
Unfinished Business
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Cromwell reopened parliament for its second session on 20 January 1658, it wore a very different aspect from the one it had presented when he last addressed it. It now consisted, of course, of two Houses, but the Commons themselves were transformed by two changes that were bound to make them harder to manage. In the first place the Petition and Advice ruled that no member could be excluded except by authority of the House itself, so all those who had been excluded by the council in 1656 were free to take their seats, and most did so. Secondly, thirty MPs had been nominated to the Other House, and they included many of the Protectorate’s staunchest and ablest supporters.
The Monarchy Restored
Authors: Woolrych Austin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is not often that historical turning-points fall on neatly memorable dates, but in a real sense the story of the Restoration can be said to have begun on 1 January 1660, for that was the day on which Monck’s army began its march on London. The return of the monarchy had been inevitable for the past two months or more, but how and when it would come about were wide open questions. Monck held the key to the answers. He alone now commanded a coherent and obedient army, partly because he had recently purged and reorganized it, partly because his officers and men—those he had not displaced— felt a personal loyalty to ‘honest George Monck’ (their own name for him), and partly because he had shrewdly obtained enough money to keep them in regular pay, while Lambert’s and Fleetwood’s soldiers went penniless. Yet his intervention was not a foregone conclusion, for he knew perfectly well before he set forth that the Rump had already been restored, and the letter it sent to thank him for his support said nothing about marching into England. Haselrig and his party, now they were back in the saddle, would surely have much rather he stayed quietly in Scotland. He had indeed written to the Council of State on 29 December, promising absolute obedience to parliament’s orders, and saying that while he was ready to march ‘I shall attend your farther commands’.1
Landed Society
Authors: Pollard A J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The possession of land was the key to social dominance and political power in fifteenth-century England. Nobility of blood and legal privilege may have enhanced local authority, but, as the senior branch of the Nevilles discovered, without the material resources secured by land, power was diminished and influence curtailed. An analysis of the political elite of any region of the realm needs to start therefore with the question of who held the land. What was the distribution in north-eastern England between clerical and lay, and, within the laity, between peerage and gentry? How important was clerical wealth? What was the balance between peerage and gentry landholdings? These are the questions which first need answering in an examination of the social and political structure of the region.
The Triumph of Henry VII, 1485-1502
Authors: Pollard A J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Even if a question mark hangs over the continued commitment of the political elite of north-eastern England to Richard III at the end of his reign, there can be little doubt that in the event defeat at Bosworth left the king’s old affinity in disarray. Should those who had once so fervently followed Richard III continue to champion his cause, that of the white rose, in the name of the earl of Warwick, the earl of Lincoln, or even an impostor such as Perkin Warbeck? Or should they come to terms, accept that a brief interlude of exceptional royal grace had come to an end, and make what they could of the new situation? The lords and gentry of the north-east were uncertain, indecisive, and divided. Most sat on the fence to wait on events. The new king, too, was unsure of himself. He was eventually able to take advantage of the wariness of his new subjects to impose
A New Ireland
Authors: Connolly S J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At five o’clock on the evening of Tuesday, 13 December 1659, three soldiers from a company quartered in an outbuilding of the castle of Dublin approached the main gate of the fortress. The guard, who knew the three men, let them in. As soon as he had done so, he was overpowered, and the rest of the company, led by Colonel William Warden, rushed in to surprise the garrison. Inside the castle they took prisoner Colonel John Jones, the acting commander-in-chief of the Irish army. Soon after, in another part of the city, soldiers under Major Edward Warren apprehended the two commissioners who, with Jones, controlled the country’s civil and military administration. Meanwhile, parties of horsemen rode through the streets, breaking up any groups that attempted to come together. In less than two hours the operation was complete, and the government of Ireland had been bloodlessly overthrown.
2 [L] An Élite and its World
Authors: Connolly S J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Let us 1urn from events to context. This chapter seeks to describe some of the main features of the world in which the events just described and the continuing political, religious, and social conflicts that will be discussed in the chapters that follow took place. It begins with a short account, descriptive and then interpretative, of the economic system. Next it discusses the question, by no means as straightforward as appears at first sight, of who exactly made up the ruling elite of early and mid-eighteenth-century Ireland. Finally there is an attempt, brief but necessary, to account for some of the distinctive features of the social and cultural life of that élite. The other half of the picture, the relationship between the governing class and other ethnic, religious, and social groups within Irish society, will be explored in a later chapter.
‘Reasonable Inconveniences’: The Theory and Practice of the Penal Laws
Authors: Connolly S J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
We come, finally, to the penal laws. An account of the legal restnct10ns, political, religious, and economic, imposed on Irish Catholics in the period after 1691 is a standard set piece in textbook accounts of the eighteenth century. For some, indeed, the whole period remains the ‘penal era’.1 Against this background, the present chapter has two main purposes. The first is to make clear the extent to which the legislation concerned was the product of a particular political context and of a complicated and often muddled legislative process. Far from being a systematic ‘code’ reflecting a consensus among the Protestant elite as to how its security could best be preserved, penal legislation against Catholics was in fact a rag-bag of measures, enacted piecemeal over almost half a century. These were drawn up in response to a variety of immediate pressures and grievances and to the accompaniment of continual disagreement over both the principle and the detail of the measures taken. The second purpose of the chapter, taken up in the final section, is to ask to what extent the penal laws, despite the importance accorded them both by contemporaries and by later generations, can really be said to have made the Ireland of Queen Anne and the first two Georges a radically different society from what it would have been otherwise.
Charity
Authors: Harvey Barbara 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
SIR THOMAS MORE, in his retirement, defended monks as almsgivers, and he singled out for this purpose the almonry at Westminster Abbey. To the ‘dolehouse’ at Westminster, he wrote, the poor came in such numbers ‘that my self for the preace of them haue ben fayn to ryde another waye’. And he added: ‘as farre as euer I harde, the munkes vse not to sende awaye many vnserued’.
From Dangerous Partisan to National Possession: John Stuart Mill in English Culture 1873-1933
Authors: Collini Stefan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In a fine passage in his essay on Malthus, Keynes celebrates, with a nicely judged sense of pride in his own intellectual ancestry, what he calls ‘the English tradition of humane science’. It is a tradition, he suggests, which has been marked by an extraordinary continuity of feeling, if I may so express it, from the eighteenth century to the present time-the tradition which is suggested by the names of Locke, Hume, Adam Smith, Paley, Bentham, Darwin, and Mill, a tradition marked by a love of truth and a most noble lucidity, by a prosaic sanity free from sentiment or metaphysic, and by an immense disinterestedness and public spirit. There is continuity in these writings, not only of feeling but of actual matter. It is in this company that Malthus belongs.1
Community and Clergy Bristol and the Reformation C.1530ˉC.1570
Authors: Skeeters Martha C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This is a study of Bristol during the sixteenth century, when it was the third largest city in England and an important provincial capital. The local focus of the book belies the breadth and innovation it brings to the study of the English clergy, the Reformation, and the early modern city. Martha C. Skeeters examines the clergy of Bristol in its entirety - monks, friars, and the parish clergy - and integrates it into the urban context. Dr Skeeters demonstrates that by the early sixteenth century these various sorts of clergy had become co-operative rather than competitive, and formed a community which was a fundamental part of the city's collective identity. She explores the impact of the Reformation on the clerics of Bristol and its lay citizens in an original and scholarly account which has much to offer both ecclesiastical and urban historians.
Community and Conflict: The 1530s
Authors: Skeeters Martha C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When religious controversy erupted in Bristol in 1533, incited by the preaching of reformist Hugh Latimer, little did the participants know what dramatic changes in the Church and the clerical community it signalled. Latimer’s preaching turned out to be not a passing challenge to the status quo but one element among several that would decimate the local church and fragment the clerical community. Conflict in the 1530s demonstrated interaction among the various groups involved— the municipal authorities, the local clergy, the populace, the diocesan authorities, and the Crown—and placed the Corporation at the centre of events. The difficulties the local government had in dealing with religious conflict and the exacerbation of these difficulties by the independent action of some local clergy help to explain the lay elite’s response to the clerical crisis which developed during the Reformation. Struggling to assert their authority and to maintain order, they did little to stem the disintegration of the clerical community or the decline of the parish clergy.
The New Diocese and its Clerical Elite
Authors: Skeeters Martha C 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The establishment of the diocese of Bristol in 1542 signalled the creation of a new clerical elite in the city. Unlike their medieval counterparts, however, the cathedral clergy were not an integral part of a diverse clerical community nor did they enjoy independence from the lay elite. Their roles as clerical tax collectors and ecclesiastical judges separated them from the parochial clergy whose lives they regulated, while their superior educational qualifications and multiple preferments gave them more in common with the lay elite than with the lesser clergy, whose qualifications were declining. They were nevertheless subordinate to the lay elite, largely because of institutional realities. The new diocese, which could not have been erected without local lay support, was poorly endowed and its existence continuously threatened. Its clergy were extremely vulnerable to local lay influence except during the reign of Mary when new personnel relied on the Crown. Although canons were required by the cathedral statutes to preach and to maintain a grammar school, lay-controlled institutions lessened the cathedral clergy’s influence in these areas.
Richard II and the Higher Nobility
Authors: Given-Wilson Chris 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The nobles who exercised the greatest individual influence on the politics of Richard reign were his uncles-especially John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster and Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Gloucester: it is worth noting, for example, that when a ‘continual ‘ council was established at the 10-year-old king ‘s coronation in July 1377, the three royal uncles were empowered to ‘surveye and correcte the defautes of them that were appointed for to be of the kingis counseil ‘. Kinship ties remained crucial. It was Gaunt ‘s relationship with his nephew which above all wrought division in political circles during the first nine years of the reign, and Gloucester ‘s during the next eleven. Richard never fully trusted either of them. (His third uncle, Edmund of Langley duke of York, may have been trustworthy, but he was a political lightweight.) This may be why Richard strove to augment the power and status of other kinsmen such as his half-brother John Holand, his nephew Thomas Holand, and his cousin Edward earl of Rutland.
Richard II and the Wider Realm
Authors: Bennett Michael J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the spring of I 399 Richard II set in train his second expedition to Ireland. Though not as large a force as he had taken five years earlier, it was still a right royal expedition. His host included about a dozen English peers, no less than six English bishops, and the abbot of Westrninster. Foreign visitors joined the expedition, anticipating great deeds and merriment. From the outset the undertaking was made to appear portentous. While provisions and men were being assembled at Milford Haven, the king held court at Windsor, where he made his will, ‘very prejudicial to the realm ‘, on 16 April, held the traditional feast for the Order of the Garter on St George ‘s Day, and bade fond farewell to his child-bride, kissing her forty times and offering her the curious consolation that she would eventually follow him to Ireland. There were other signs that the king intended more than a brief show of arms in the lordship.
The Breakdown of Equilibrium in the West, 1908 —1912
Authors: Stevenson David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In Western as in Eastern Europe, until the Agadir crisis of 19II, diplomatic and military lines of tension still coincided only partially. As Habsburg armaments efforts remained directed against Italy and Serbia rather than against Russia, so German rivalry with France on land remained less acute than German rivalry with Britain at sea. Competition between the two great Continental military blocs · proceeded in slow motion. This chapter will focus on the events of 19u, and the extent to which they marked a watershed in armaments policies. It will concentrate especially on Germany’s reorientation of priorities from the naval to the land race, which became manifest in 1911-12 although its origins dated back further. Already before Agadir the German navy was losing the initiative against Britain; and the army was beginning to revolt against the constraints placed on it while the capacities of its potential enemies grew.
Vials of Wrath, I913 —I914
Authors: Stevenson David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This book began with two questions: what caused the pre-war arms race, and did the arms race cause the war? The analysis thus far has concentrated on the former. By 1913 the transformation of European armaments competition was complete, and it was dominated by the confrontation between the two alliance blocs, the rivalry between the Habsburg Monarchy and its Balkan neighbours supplying an additional incendiary ingredient. There remains the interconnection between this evolution and the outbreak of war. The first half of this chapter will take stock of the position in early 1914. It will readdress the underlying pressures for armaments expansion, the balance between the central and the peripheral arms races, and examine the stage that the central race had reached. The second half will turn to military preparedness in the July crisis.
Richelieu And Reform
Authors: Briggs Robin 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Among the letters of congratulation which greeted Richelieu on his appointment to the council, that by the future surintendant d’Effiat stands out for its harsh realism about the state of France. In a remarkably succinct analysis he pointed out the decline in royal authority, the divisions of the church, the Protestant problem, the behaviour of the grandees, and the results of the sale of office. Justice was venal, merchants were leaving trade to invest in office, and France was unable to trade on equal terms with her neighbours; in consequence the people were poor, revenues did not match expenditure, and the problems were made worse by the need to pay pensions to the grandees.
III-timed Approaches, 1804-1808
Authors: Ingram Edward 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Soon after the British deprived the Qajars of a future as the most western outpost of Wellesley’s Indian Empire, they offered them the alternative role of Great Britain’s necessary ally in the Middle East. In the years leading up to the second embodiment of the Persian Connection-the preliminary treaty of Tehran, negotiated by John Malcolm’s great rival, Harford Jones, in the spring of 1809-the British began an argument about where to find their enemy and what to expect of him. Should the Qajars be asked to limit Russian expansion in the Middle East, close the overland routes to India against a French force marching eastwards from Poland, or, by coming to terms with Russia, help Great Britain to bring down the Napoleonic empire in Europe? Nor could the British decide whether Persia might play the role of necessary ally most effectively merely by standing as a strategic barrier between the Indian Empire and the European states system. Nothing need be asked of the Qajars, because the best Persia could offer was supplied by her turbulent political and social structure, her harsh climate, and her barren terrain.