bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Economy and Society in the 1960s and 1970s
Authors: Beinart William 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Many opponents of apartheid in the 1950s and 1960s argued that it was not only morally unjust but economically inefficient. Yet the first two decades of Nationalist rule were distinctive as a period of rapid economic growth-in particular of new manufacturing industries. From the late 1960s, a new generation of radical historians and social scientists attempted to reassess the relationship between apartheid and economic growth. Elements of this reinterpretation have been discussed in preceding chapters, but it is worth summarizing here. It was a debate of the high apartheid years and, although analyses are more fluid now, a good deal of academic literature was influenced by it.
Farms, Homelands, and Displaced Urbanization, the late 1950s to the 1980s
Authors: Beinart William 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In 1948, when the Nationalists came to power, South Africa was still, demographically speaking, a predominantly rural society. The previous century had witnessed vast movements of popula tion in the region, which greatly modified its distribution but had not finally changed its balance. True, the people classified as white, Indian, and coloured were becoming fundamentally urban: at around 78, 78, and 65 per cent respectively in the 1951 census. It is also true that the epicentre of political conflict between white and black was moving to the cities. But to a significant degree white power still lay in the countryside and the small towns. About half of the urban Afrikaners lived in smaller towns and, politically, faced the country as much as the cities. Most import ant, perhaps three-quarters of the African population were still rooted in the rural areas, some 39 per cent in the reserves, and 35 per cent on the farms. This surviving rurality, it has been argued, had important implications for an understanding of social change, African political responses, and the nature of the state at the time.
Crime, Culture, and Reconciliation in the New South Africa
Authors: Beinart William 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Post-apartheid South Africa had a president who was globally recognized as a moral leader, but who himself found it difficult to understand the slippage in personal morality and the escalation of crime over which he presided. It had one of the most liberal constitutions in the world, but many people could not enjoy basic rights. Legal protection for women, and a high proportion of female members of parliament, seemed to have little impact on the incidence of rape and personal violence. On the one hand, it was a society brimming with the energy and optimism of reconstruction; on the other, the media dwelt on corruption and inefficiency in public life. It was a society that seemed to evince simultaneously an optimistic openness and frankness, but increasingly reflected pessimism in swift changes of public mood.
The Great Disorder
Authors: Feldman Gerald D 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
This book presents a comprehensive study of the most famous and spectacular instance of inflation in modern industrial society—that of Germany in the years during and following World War I. A broad, probing narrative, this book studies inflation as a strategy of social pacification, economic reconstruction, and mechanism for escaping domestic and international indebtedness. The Great Disorder is a study of German society under the tension of inflation and hyperinflation, and it explores the ways in which Germany's hyperinflation and stabilization were linked to the Great Depression and the rise of National Socialism. This wide-ranging study sets German inflation within the broader issues of maintaining economic stability, social peace, and democracy and thus contributes to the general history of the twentieth century and has important implications for existing and emerging market economies facing the temptation or reality of inflation.
The Vicious Circles: From Galloping Inflation to Hyperinflation, January–July 1922
Authors: Feldman Gerald D 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
While the chief sources of the German inflation were endogenous, the catalyst of inflationary development between the spring of 1921 and the summer of 1922 was reparations. Expectations with respect to the currency both at home and abroad were profoundly affected by the status of the reparations issue. When demands were made upon Germany which the Germans and substantial portions of the outside world felt were un fulfillable, the consequence was a loss of confidence in the mark abroad and a surrender to inflationary tendencies at home. When reparations obligations were reduced, or even when the prospect of relief and external assistance appeared on the horizon, the exchange rate improved and the will to combat inflationary tendencies on the German domestic front increased. Thus, although the inadequacies of the German domestic efforts to fight inflation are incontestable, their extent certainly is more open to debate than some critics of German theory and practice have suggested. The role of the reparations issue during this period cannot be downplayed.
“Let Us Conquer Space”
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
THE Fourteenth Congress, convening amid prosperous peace in December 1815, was filled with enterprise-minded lawyers elected amid wartime despair with a mandate for vigorous measures. Its youthful leaders had first come to Washington from the boom’s interior beachheads to take up arms for threatened honor and interrupted bonanza. In saving the republic from the military ineptitude of penny pinching, old-fogy Republicanism, they embraced the Northeast’s entrepreneurial vision. To realize it, they were now anxious to exercise with wartime vigor the peacetime power of an activist capitalist state. Never has a Congress turned the United States more sharply in a new direction.
God and Mammon
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Under peaking market pressures in the 1820s and 1830s, Americans found religious salvation more compelling than political salvation. With a Second Great Awakening doubling the 18oo rate of church affiliation, diaries and letters of ordinary folk breathed an everyday spiritual preoccupation that politics interrupted only sporadically. Hope for God’s grace and a better world to come sustained them through this world’s tribulations. Only by headlong flight into domesticity, benevolence, and feeling could they tolerate the market’s calculating egotism. Their pessimistic piety belies our historical mythology of capitalist transformation as human fulfillment Unitarianism reshaped Christianity most fully to the market mentality. Emerging around Boston, where Puritan rationality had long fused Calvinist calling with arminian effort, it engaged the new Brahmin elite of intermarried Cabots, Lowells, Appletons, and Perkinses. Having risen from the outports by rational calculation, these enterprising merchant princes no longer found credible the trinitarian Christian God who mystically blended a divine Son with Father and Holy Ghost. Amid commercial boom and nascent industrialization at the turn of the century, the most fashionable urban congregations were taken over by believers in a unitary, remote, and benign creator-God. Their God endowed people with enough rationality and prudential morality to win for themselves-if they tried the salvation of earthly happiness.
Politicians ‘Reapply Principles’
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Decisive struggle over American destiny took shape in the semicentennial year, as the temperance movement rose to spearhead the market’s cultural offensive while rising democracy threatened the political economy of capitalist development. At the 1826 jubilee of the Declaration of Independence, its aged co authors proclaimed the clashing fears and hopes of a dividing republic. Clinging to life for the Fourth off July, John Adams, ninety, and Thomas Jefferson, eighty-three, poured their last energies into scrawled valedictories.
Millennial Democracy
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Jacksonians hailed the “triumph of the great principle of self government over the intrigues of aristocracy” as ushering in a democratic Millennium. Jubilant multitudes turned out in homage along the hero’s route to Washington and, “like the inundation of the northern barbarians into Rome,” flooded the capital from five hundred miles around for his inauguration. “They really seem to think,” marveled Daniel Webster, “that the country is rescued from some dreadful danger.” Huzzas from fifteen thousand throats drowned out the new President’s in augural promise of vaguely specified “reform.” Then the sovereign people thronged the White House in such a “Saturnalia . of mud and filth” that tubs of punch had to be carried outside to save the furnishings from destruction and the President from suffocation. To Justice Story “the reign of King ‘Mob’ seemed triumphant.”1 Yet the democratic Millennium got off to an inauspicious start. A capital seething with Calhoun/Van Buren rivalry and the importunities of office-seeking politicians greeted a bereaved President-elect seething with anger. Several weeks before Jackson left home, he had buried his beloved Rachel in the Hermitage gar den. “This dear saint” had long since retreated from the scandal of their adulterous beginning into pious self-effacement. Distraught over its revival in the recent campaign, she had expired in dread of the public ordeal awaiting her in the White House. “Those vile wretches who have slandered her,” the general rasped at her grave, “must look to God for mercy.”
The Bourgeois Republic
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Two-Party politics could tame farmer/worker radicalism because bourgeois/ middle-class ethos and politics pervaded centers of enterprise to cut deeply into the producer class. Ever since the onset of market revolution, the northeastern commercial gentry had been mustering cultural authority against democratic challenge to their political authority. The American bourgeoisie enlisted conservative clerics and the emerging professional/ intellectual elites of lawyers, doctors, professors, writers and artists to school all classes in a pansectarian middle-class culture of effortful “character” and self-improvement. Cultural capital Philadelphia was hobbled in this effort by Quaker privatism and denominational/party strife, while booming but equally divided New York City neglected “elegant & useful science” for “eager cultivation & rapid increase of the arts of gain.” Primacy in the capitalist surge-cultural as well as entrepreneurial and technological-passed to New England, where Puritanism sanctified effort and Bible-reading literacy, while topography brought water power almost to seaboard and agrarian crisis honed both labor and enterprise for manufacturing. Arminian/ antinomian polarities energized rival wings of the Yankee cultural offensive. Boston’s arminian Brahmins consolidated their commercial profits for industrialization and their Unitarian institutions for cultural preeminence through family marriage alliances, testamentary trusts, and generous endowment of Athenaeum library, Massachusetts General Hospital, Lowell Institute for public lectures, Massachusetts Historical Society, North American Review, and preeminently Harvard College.
The Great Contradiction
Authors: Sellers Charles 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Capitaust market took off for global conquest by first propagating and then repudiating slavery. Enslaving some ten million Africans, racist mercantile capital extorted by shackle and whip the New World riches that prepared it for industrial wage-labor exploitation. “Slavery is the pivot of our industrialism today as much as machinery, credit, etc.,” Karl Marx observed in the 1840s. “Without slavery you have no cotton, without cotton you have no modern industry.” But because industry also required free labor and juridical equality, he understood, “liberty and slavery constitute an antagonism.” Consequently market revolution made slavery the great contradiction of the liberal American republic. Northern liberal capital turned against the anachronistic planter capital impeding its political economy, and the antinomian doubts impeding its cultural hegemony were quelled by vanguard abolitionism. Yet only by enlisting free-soil Negrophobia would the northern bourgeoisie finally sanctify in fratricidal blood a racist bourgeois republic. Capitalism inflicted ancient slavery’s “social death” on unprecedented numbers with unprecedented severity. The freedom of slaves was most totally denied when capitalist liberalism absolutized masters’ freedom of property and labor exploitation. Moreover, as Marx understood, slave production “for a world market dominated by the capitalist mode of production” was “conducted by capitalists” and rigorized by capitalist competition.
Professionalization German Style
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In the spring of 1933, most German professionals rushed to curry favor with the new Nazi government. On March 26, the prominent Lawyer Association (Deutscher Anwaltverein, DAV) “welcome[d] the strengthening of national thought and will which has taken place in Germany.” It vowed “to concentrate its energy on serving the recovery of the nation and the empire, on making the state secure and on unifying the people across classes and occupations.
Democratizing the Professions
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The outbreak of the First World War rudely interrupted the evolution of the German professions. Because the fighting seemed like a heroic adventure after two generations of peace, professionals enthusiastically welcomed “the present world war, forced upon the ‘German Reich.”1 Thousands rushed to the colors in August 1914 while their remaining colleagues waged the war on the home front.
The Breakdown of Liberal Professionalism
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
When the July 1932 election made the NSDAP the strongest party, professionals were forced to take notice of the Nazi challenge. Denouncing the “many undisciplined Jew-boys” in the lawyer chambers, Wilhelm Kube, the Nazi president of the Prussian Landtag, complained that “the majority of practicing attorneys has repeatedly demonstrated ethics which run fundamentally counter to the German sense of honor.
The Illusion of Reprofessionalization
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The nazification of the professions was surprisingly swift. In October 1933, attorney leader Dr. Walter Raeke marveled about the successful ‘‘coordination of the entire German legal profession, including economists, consultants as well as judicial and legally trained officials, in the BNSDJ after the Nazi revolution.” Adolf Hitler had personally charged the lawyers’ league with “implementing the great future tasks of creating a German law and reforming the legal order.
‘‘ Germanizing’’ the Professions
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Professional life under Hitler has left a series of contradictory images. The initial self-portrait of success is colored by impressive uniformed demonstrations of ‘‘the unity of the legal profession and the idea of law in the Nazi Reich.” This propaganda version is enhanced by powerful mass testimonials ‘‘that the front of German educators stands united and remains unshakable” and by ritualistic self-congratulations on the achievements of German technology through the “loyalty and cooperation of engineers.
Deprofessionalization in the Third Reich
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
‘‘The die has been cast! The German people are rallying for the struggle of right against wrong,” Hans Frank justified the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939: “The Fuhrer has left no stone unturned to help justice triumph peacefully. Now it must be won by arms.” To bring the implications home to each practitioner, he added: “The aim of your fight during the Nazi revolution has turned into the German nation’s struggle for survival. I expect everyone to do his duty where the leadership of the NS Reich puts him.
Le Monde des Fabricants
Authors: Johnson Christopher H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
An explanation of the growing bitterness of class relations in the Languedoc woolens district during the July Monarchy must begin with an assessment of the business activities and social power of its industrial bourgeoisie. A great deal has already been said about the industrial evolution of the key cities of Lodeve and Bedarieux and Figure 2-1 presents the precise figures for the two. We should, however, broaden the discussion briefly in order to set the detailed analysis that follows in context. The southern woolens industry, according to the estimates of T.J. Markovitch, declined from roughly one-fourth of the total national production to less than one-fifth from 1815 to 1851.
1848
Authors: Johnson Christopher H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Second Republic marked the turning point in the industrial history of lower Languedoc. But the reversal arose less from forces inherent in the regional economy itself or in its relationship with national and international markets than from the political consequences of class conflict. Unlike much of the rest of the nation, the economy of the coastal departments, and the Herault in particular, did not suffer significantly from the Revolution itself. But welling antagonisms formed in the battles of the 1840s found expression in political radicalism that took a violent turn when met with the re pression of 1849–51.
A “Harnessed Revolution”
Authors: Cobb James C 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Recognizing the Delta’s potential as a perpetually fenile plantation paradise, ambitious antebellum planters had envisioned vast fields of head-high cotton tended by legions of servile blacks while projecting themselves as members of an omnipotent white gentry whose affluence allowed them to live as graciously and extravagantly as they chose. The destruction of slavery interrupted this dream for whites but created a new one for blacks, that of a rich cotton region where demand for their unfettered labor might provide them with opportunities for significant progress toward independent land ownership and facilitate their social and political advancement as well. Noting the scarcity of labor in the Delta in 1866, plantation manager Henry T. Crydenwise predicted that with every passing year more blacks would take advantage of demand for their services to gain access to “the means of setting up for themselves.” The ultimate result, Crydenwise believed, would be a subdivision of the plantations into smaller tracts and a move toward something resembling “our northern mode of farming.” Crydenwise underestimated the difficulties that blacks would encounter as they sought to become independent farmers, but, however wishful, his prophecy largely anticipated the strategy pursued by blacks in the postbellum Delta.
New South Plantation Kingdom
Authors: Cobb James C 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
As a booming plantation kingdom, the turn-of-the-century Delta shrouded the ruthless efficiency and ambition of the New South in the romantic, laid-back, precapitalist imagery of the Old. Having long since abandoned the dream of populating the Delta with small farmers, officials of the Illinois Central Railroad marketed the Delta in 1910 as the Old South reincarnate: “Nowhere in Mississippi have antebellum conditions of landholding been so nearly preserved as in the Delta.” The railroad’s brochures described magnificent plantations “several hundred to several thousand acres in extent” worked by blacks who performed their duties in an atmosphere of Tara-like contentment: “The Negro is naturally gregarious in instinct, and is never so happy as when massed together in large numbers, as on the Delta plantations.” Many of the Delta’s plantations were indeed large, but in their modes of operation they more closely resembled modern factories than Old South estates, and despite their earnest efforts to emulate the lifestyle of Ashley Wilkes, big-time Delta planters showed a clear preference for the management style of Andrew Carnegie. Meanwhile, for the masses of blacks who toiled on the great estates of the Delta, the first quarter of the twentieth century was a period of unrelenting frustration during which the inverse relationship between their own socioeconomic and political status and that of their prosperous white employers became inescapably apparent.
“The Deepest South”
Authors: Cobb James C 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
By the 1930s the Mississippi Delta’s distinctive economic and cultural identity had attracted the attention of observers well beyond the boundaries of Mississippi. In 1935, for example, Rupert Vance identified the “cotton obsessed, Negro obsessed” Delta as “the deepest South,” a region where one found “the highest economic range the South, with its peculiar social organization of black and white, may be expected to attain without industrialization.” To Vance, however, the Delta was above all a land of contrasts. He was struck by both the “mansions” and the manners of the region’s planter aristocracy “affable and courteous with equals, commanding and forceful with inferiors”-but he noted as well that the Delta the “Negro” was “to be found at his lowest level in America.”
“A Man’s Life Isn’t Worth a Penny with a Hole in It”
Authors: Cobb James C 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Although Delta planters had managed to preserve their way of life even as the New Deal and World War II brought significant changes in the way they made their living, close observers realized that the remarkable caste based society that sustained the Delta’s grossly unbalanced and exploitive plantation economy might soon become an indefensible anachronism in the face of the social and political changes that seemed to be sweeping across the nation and the world in the wake of World War II. Writing in 1935, David Cohn noted that “disturbing ideas crawl like flies around the screen of the Delta ‘but’ they rarely penetrate.” Describing the Delta as a land of “almost complete detachment,” Cohn added, “Change shatters itself on the breast of this society as Pacific breakers upon a South Sea reef.” On the other side of the war, how ever, Cohn found a different Delta. Writing in 1947, he perceived that the people of his native region were no longer immune to “the changes and fears of the world.” Beyond that, they were also subject to “special stresses” arising from the Delta’s unpredictable economy and its racially imbalanced society where, as Cohn explained, the “Negro question” was “almost without counterpart in the United States.”
“A Testing Ground for Democracy”
Authors: Cobb James C 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Visiting the racially tense Mississippi Delta in the mid-19 50s, Tris Coffin marveled at the way his planter hosts managed “to hold the conversation rigidly on small matters that no one cared about” as they sipped their mint juleps, seemingly oblivious to the escalating racial tensions that gripped their state and region. The Delta remained a bastion of Citizens’ Council defiance as the 1960s began, but its gentry refused to let mounting evidence of a forthcoming assault on their way of life prevent them from making a great show of enjoying that way of life to the fullest. Ostentatious parties, famous for their “the devil with the cost” extravagance, were still the order of the day.