bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Austria: Away From Liberalism
Authors: Ignazi Piero 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThis chapter focuses on the transformation Austria’s FPO political party from a ‘liberalist’ into a right extremist. The party is placed much closer to right extremism rather than liberal-conservatism due to a number of factors. These include its constant de-legitimising of representative democratic institutions, disdain for liberal democratic procedures, distrust for the idea of equality of man, and the appeal to natural community and ethnicity against citizens’ rights.
Scandinavia: The Progress Parties Between Protest and Extremism
Authors: Ignazi Piero 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThis chapter explores the rise of extreme right political parties in Scandinavia. The parties that occupy the extreme right positions in the political sphere are the Fremskridtsparti and the Dansk Folkeparti in Denmark, and the Fremskrittsparti in Norway. The inclusion of these parties in the category of extreme right remains debatable and problematic. However, their features qualify for inclusion in this political family, although their anti-system profile is limited compared to that of their European counterparts.
Great Britain: A Case of Failure
Authors: Ignazi Piero 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThis chapter explores the lack of success of the extreme right in Great Britain. Fascist leanings were kept in check in the 1930s, when a fascist party was formed, and in the post-war years when right extremists tried to obtain political relevance. Right extremist parties never benefited from full political legitimacy, and their attachment to the traditional fascist mould precipitated their demise.
The Mediterranean Countries: Too Late for Nostalgia, Too Early for Post-material Protest
Authors: Ignazi Piero 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThe extreme right never took hold in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Their relatively new democratic regimes as well as socio-economic change eliminated the foundations of right-extremist values, and distanced the public from its traditional authoritarianism and neo-fascist heritage. Moreover, the extreme right did not provide sufficient organisational and political articulation for the populist anti-system protest during the mid-1980s, thus failing to attract a sizeable audience.
Extreme Right Parties: The By-product of a ‘Silent Counter-revolution’?
Authors: Ignazi Piero 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThe extreme right grew significantly in the last two decades of the 20th century, as evidenced by the advent of new parties, rise of formerly small and marginal organisations, and radicalisation of former ‘moderate-conservative’ parties. The most striking feature of the present ‘wave’ of right extremism is the dispersion of extreme right parties across Europe, compared to its concentration in Italy and Germany in the previous decades. Although majority of these parties reject any reference to fascism, their ideological core contains elements depicting a right extremist ideology or ‘mentality.’
Historical Forms of State
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractA summary of the stages through which the modern state has passed historically. It began as authoritarian and patrimonial in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it was the absolutist state. In the nineteenth century, it turned liberal and bureaucratic: the liberal state imposed the rule of law and assured civil rights. In the first part of the twentieth century, the transition to democracy was completed: it was the time of the liberal state, of elitist or liberal democracy, and, still, of bureaucratic administration. In the second part of that century, the state becomes social-democratic, and assumes a developmental character; democracy now is social or plural rather than just liberal. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state is aiming to become social-liberal and republican; democracy is aiming to become participatory or republican; and administration is aiming to become managerial, or inspired by the principles of new public management.
The Liberal State and Civil Service Reform
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractCitizenship rights are rights that have been won: they are always the outcome of a historical process in which persons, groups, and nations strive to acquire and assert them. The liberal state is the bourgeois state. First rises in the nineteenth century, after the French and the American liberal revolutions, under the principles of the rule of law, and of the civil rights. The nineteenth century was also the century of bureaucratic reform, through which the state apparatus eventually gained a fully modern or capitalist character. Civil service reforms are studies in Prussia, France, England, and the US.
The Transition to Liberal Democracy
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractTwo related historical facts welcomed liberal democracy or the liberal-democratic state. On one hand, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, social contract theory imposed a major setback to the divine legitimacy of political rulers. On the other hand, the capitalist revolution–embracing the mercantile, the industrial, and the liberal revolutions–changed the basic way of appropriating the economic surplus. This no longer depended on the state’s control but increasingly depended on the realization of profits in the market. For the first time in history, authoritarian regimes ceased to be a necessary condition for the ruling classes’ survival. Democracy turned gradually into synonym of the good state. Eventually, with the acknowledgement of political rights–specifically of universal suffrage––liberal democracy emerged. This process took one century–the time for the bourgeois ruling class to stop fearing expropriation by the poor who democracy entitled to vote.
The Global System and the State
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractGlobalization is a historical economic process that is creating a global system, an economic and political system whose central institutions, besides the classic nation-states, are the UN and the legal system built around it. While in the balance of powers diplomacy, which existed following the formation of the modern state and particularly following the Westphalia treaties, major nation-states disputed territories and viewed each other as enemies to be threatened with wars, in the new global system countries are economic adversaries competing in world markets. Globalization is the generalized competition for world markets among business enterprises, supported by their respective nation-states. Thus, although nation-states became more interdependent, they also became more strategic.
The Emergence of Republican Rights
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThe twentieth century was the century of democracy and of globalization. In its first part, it was the century of social rights; in its last quarter, the century of republican rights–the right that every citizen has that the ires publica, the public patrimony, be not captured by private interests. There are three types of public patrimony: the historical and cultural patrimony, the environment, and the economic patrimony or the public budget.
Republican Democracy
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractIn the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative democracy. Liberal democracy followed Schumpeter’s definition and was elitist. Social-democracy may also be called “plural” and “public opinion democracy”, in so far as electors’ general views become politicians’ central concern. Recently democracy is turning republican or participatory, as the public space becomes a reality and an increasing number of citizens seek to influence political decisions through civil society’s organizations either representing group interests or directly promoting the public interest. In the future, we may think in a deliberative democracy, as public debate gains density, political advocacy gains strength, and politicians’ accountability is enhanced. A short survey of the literature on participative democracy substantiates the argument.
Bureaucratic and Civil Service Reform
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractDiscusses the transition from bureaucratic public administration to public or new public management. Classic bureaucratic administration, based on the Prussian army’s administrative principles, resulted from a series of civil service reforms implemented in the second half of nineteenth century. It revealed a surprising historical persistence. Public management reform is the capitalist state organization’s second major reform. It emerged when globalization and the crisis of the state challenged the legitimacy of state bureaucracies and bureaucratic public administration. Margaret Thatcher launched public management reform in Great Britain, but in the end it was adopted by governments formed by political parties from across the political spectrum, including parties on the traditional left, most notably Labour governments in Australia and New Zealand.
Public Management Reform Defined
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThe basic idea is that activities that use state power should be within the state organization; the state should mainly finance social, cultural, and scientific activities involving externalities and dealing with basic human rights, and public non-state service organization should execute them. Additionally, public management reform is concerned with the democratic character of government officials’ decisions. Thus, while it emphasizes more autonomy for government officials in their decisions, given the complexity of the problems that government faces today and the speed required for some decisions, it demands, as a trade-off, greater transparency and accountability in the decision-making process. Finally, public management reform’s objective is not just to make the state organization more efficient but to build state capacity.
Devolution and Decentralization
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractBesides decentralization to executive agencies and social organizations, public management reform involves devolution to sub-national units of activities and the corresponding fiscal resources to finance them. It involves also making public managers more autonomous and more accountable. In synthesis, decentralization–delegating authority to lower levels–is crucial to managerial public administration. Decentralization is a public management strategy, but devolution is a political decision with managerial consequences. Decentralization is often decided top-down and is a strategy for increasing the head-offices’ capacity to achieve proposed objectives, but devolution is usually a response to demands for more local or regional autonomy to which government officials in the central government reluctantly accede.
Executive and Regulatory Agencies
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractExecutive and regulatory agencies are decentralized state organizations that implement policies. When the law clearly defines the policy, we have a state policy; when it leaves the precise definition to the incumbent administration, we have a government policy. Regulatory agencies are supposed to execute state policies and be more autonomous from the administration, whereas executive agencies will be less autonomous politically but equally independent in administrative terms. Policies introduced by executive agencies are supposed to change the moment that the opposition political party or political coalition wins an election and a new administration begins, whereas the policies introduced by regulatory policies do not change so easily. Government policies may be changed either by the parliament or by the executive, whereas state policies may be changed only by the parliament. Executive agencies are supposed to have administrative autonomy, regulatory agencies, decision autonomy, but policies are not or should not be their responsibility.
Social Organizations
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractSocial organizations are the prototype of public non-state service organizations. They are devoted to the public interest, but they are not part of the state apparatus, and do not have civil servants in their labour force. Social organizations are just one of the possible forms of public non-state service entities. They are typically service organizations, acting in the education, health care, culture, sport, and social assistance areas. They differ from public non-state social accountability or public advocacy organizations. The state essentially finances them , but they are stimulated to generate revenues and obtain donations. Dealing with a changing social environment, they may be more efficient because they are more autonomous.
Theoretical Approaches to New Public Management
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractNew public management–the new discipline that serves as an intellectual basis for public management reform–is far from constituting a unified intellectual field. New public management theoretical–ideological orientations vary also according to the different national realities that analysts face. We have, for instance, an Anglo-Saxon, a Continental European, and a Scandinavian tradition of approaching government and the state. It is possible to discern at least three orientations in the literature on managerial public administration, which I propose to the call ‘technical’, ‘economic’, and ‘political and sociological’ approaches. The political and sociological approach is the one that I adopt in this book. This approach founds inspiration rather in political theory and in the sociology of organizations than in rational choice theory.
The Democratic Constraint
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractBecause public management reform involves more autonomy and more accountability, it maybe successful only in democracies. On the other hand, there is not a trade-off between efficiency and democracy. Instrumental rationality and the consequent economic criterion are obviously important in capitalist societies, but, in democracies, there is a prior and more important criterion: the democratic constraint. Economists often use the word ‘constraint’ to mean the limitations that policy-makers face. They speak of an efficiency constraint. Another as important, if not more important, constraint faced by policy-makers is the democratic constraint: they cannot and should not ignore the voters’ will. And we should not forget the morality constraint. In political life, this is a central constraint.
Conclusion
Authors: Bresser-Pereira Luiz Carlos 
Published: March 2005

AbstractState capacity depends, most of all, of its democratic institutions. Only a strong and legitimate state will be able to provide good governance, individual and social justice, the guarantee of property rights and contracts, the protection to political and social rights, the defence of the national interests. An effective and efficient democratic state depends also on a good state organization and on competent government officials, able to make trade-offs between their legitimate personal objectives and the public interest. Public management reform is the contemporary form of assuring this kind state organization. In modern democracies, government officials–public managers as well as elected politicians–although also looking out for their own interests, are supposed to share republican virtues, to be committed to the general interest and to the protection of the public patrimony. Democratic institutions make them accountable for that.
Consciousness and its Objects
Authors: McGinn Colin 
Published: March 2005

Abstract
This book features collection of essays on consciousness. It is intended as a sequel to the author’s 1991 book, The Problem of Consciousness. Although the author has not modified his views in the last decade, he has included his position under the label ‘mysterianism’, in the canon of positions regarding the mind-body problem. Chapters 1-3 focus on the mind-body problem. Chapters 4-6 deal with the concept of matter. Chapter 7 features a dialogue on consciousness and cosmology. Chapter 8 discusses the problem of philosophy. Chapter 9 questions the first person authority theory. Chapter 10 analyses the objects of intentionality.
The Problem of Philosophy
Authors: McGinn Colin 
Published: March 2005

Abstract
The question of the boundaries of human understanding and the explanation of these cognitive limits is raised. Non-trivial epistemic limits are shown to be the implication of standard sensory, behavioural, and external theories about the nature of thought. The hypothesis of cognitive transcendence, the idea that certain philosophical questions are unanswerable given our epistemic capacities, is proposed, and it is claimed that the existence of such questions is just what theory would predict; but it is denied that what is transcended is thereby non-natural (‘transcendental naturalism’). A theory of the structure of our theoretical capacities is sketched in the light of Chomsky’s theses about our grasp of number theory, which McGinn calls the ‘CALM (Combinatorial Atomism with Lawlike Mappings) conjecture’: if something conforms to CALM principles we can understand it; we cannot understand what does not.
The Objects of Intentionality
Authors: McGinn Colin 
Published: March 2005

Abstract
A sketch is given of the view that there are non-existent intentional objects: such things as Pegasus and Zeus, which do not exist but which can be the subject of thought, which can be referred to, and to which true predicates can be applied. It is claimed that non-existent objects are the foundation of all intentionality: whenever there is intentionality towards an existent object, there is concurrent intentionality towards a non-existent one. The consequences of this view for perception and reference are considered. The question of reference to non-physical objects – abstract or mental entities – is raised and it is argued that this does not involve an accompanying reference to a non-existent intentional object, as is the case with reference to the physical.
Contributory Reasons
Authors: Dancy Jonathan 
Published: March 2005

AbstractConsiders the nature of contributory reasons, contrasting the contributory with the overall. Also considers attempts to characterise the nature of the contributory in terms of overall oughts, arguing that all such attempts fail. Also considers arguments that there can be oughts without reasons, and rejects these too. Concludes that reasons are best understood in terms of the relation of favouring.
Can Holism be True?
Authors: Dancy Jonathan 
Published: March 2005

AbstractConsiders various attempts to show that holism in the theory of reasons must be false. Distinguishes various forms of atomism, considers various appeals to notions of complete reasons and full explanations, asks whether moral reasoning is a form of inference and whether conceptual competence requires the existence of natural patterns, and ends by asking whether a particularist can allow that some moral considerations have a default relevance.
Principles of Rational Valuing
Authors: Dancy Jonathan 
Published: March 2005

AbstractConsiders the prospects of a form of holism in the theory of choice, which holds that the value of one alternative can be affected by the mere presence of others. Argues that this position (also know as the Indifference of Independent Alternatives) is true for independent reasons, though it is also congenial to particularism. The consequence is that there is no possibility of a Full Ordering of values.
Democracy Beyond Borders
Authors: Kuper Andrew 
Published: March 2005

AbstractGlobal organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously unaccountable to the people they claim to serve. How can we ensure that global leaders act responsively, and effectively, in the interests of the world’s people? In this lucid and provocative book, Andrew Kuper develops persuasive and practical answers.Democracy Beyond Borders criticizes conventional theories of justice and democracy that focus almost exclusively on the state and its electoral cycles. Kuper shows how non-state actors, such as corporations and civil society advocates, can be brought into multi-level government as partners with states. He presents an original theory of representation to answer the problem of accountability. At the core of this vision is a new separation of powers, in which different global actors check and balance one another in a complex harmony. This innovative framework complements electoral accountability and enables Kuper to recommend far-reaching reforms to the World Courts, the UN, and advocacy agencies including Transparency International.Democracy Beyond Borders stands at the forefront of a new generation of political thought, for which globalization is the challenge and deepening democracy the solution.
Why Deliberation Cannot Tame Globalisation
Authors: Kuper Andrew 
Published: March 2005

AbstractHow is it possible for individuals to exercise any control over a political order, i.e. supranational and multilayered? This is the key question in reconciling cosmopolitan justice with democracy. The most popular answer is that of Jurgen Habermas and other deliberative democrats. This chapter argues that deliberative democracy fails to take seriously both the problems and opportunities of large-scale societies, and so cannot provide adequate foundations for a deepening democracy. The participation requirements of Habermas’s normative theory can be met only by making assumptions about human cognitive capacities and institutional capabilities that are not remotely plausible in any large-scale society–faced with limitations of numbers, time, information, and understanding. Deliberative theorists turn to five conceptions of representation that are supposed to ‘mirror’ deliberation and thereby rescue the theory; but all of them fail. A stronger theory of representation is needed.
Transforming Global Institutions
Authors: Kuper Andrew 
Published: March 2005

AbstractHow can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.
Conclusion: Responsive Democracy
Authors: Kuper Andrew 
Published: March 2005

AbstractThe conclusion compares the theories of global justice and democracy developed by Rawls, Habermas, and Kuper. It does so along ten dimensions: (1) Sources of Normativity, (2) Moral Scope, (3) Political Scope, (4) Spheres of Governance, (5) Political Interests, (6) Constraints on Governance, (7) Political Judgement, (8) Political Discretion, (9) Political Participation, and (10) Sites of Governance. The chapter argues that Kuper’s theory of Responsive Democracy has advantages along all these axes. These advantages are due to, above all, deep differences in the three theorists’ assumptions about power, knowledge, and the role of ideals in politics.