bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Cleavage Politics
Authors: Knutsen Oddbjørn , Scarbrough Elinor 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter assesses the plausibility of claims about the changing dynamics of mass politics in Western Europe, by contrasting the ‘cleavage’ and ‘values’ models of voting behaviour. These represent the disintegrative and integrative functions of political affiliation. The article then sets out a model of party choice that is empirically tested against voting statistics for the period from the early 1970s to 1990. The findings, while mixed, point to the general conclusion that the basis of party choice is more stable than has been suggested by ‘new politics’ accounts.
Perspectives on Value Change
Authors: Van Deth Jan W. , Scarbrough Elinor 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter offers a general assessment of the extent to which the foregoing chapters have helped achieve the objectives set out at the start of the book. The general conclusion is that while changing value orientations are certainly affecting the attitudes and priorities of governments, they are themselves being changed by the political environment to which they contribute. While the tasks of government are becoming more complex, there is no evidence to support the view that the countries of Western Europe are becoming less governable in consequence.
Social Justice and Environmental Goods1
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDavid Miller grapples with the sustainability question in the context of liberal theories of justice. He believes that environmental goods are as appropriately related to theories of justice as any other type of good, but that no systematic attempt has been made to do so. He reaches this conclusion after examining the work of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. Miller argues that some environmental goods can be regarded as Rawlsian primary goods, and that others may possess sufficiently universal value to present few problems of justice. Where conflicts do occur, Miller suggests that a modified form of cost‐benefit analysis can be used to resolve disputes.
An Extension of the Rawlsian Savings Principle to Liberal Theories of Justice in General
Authors: Wissenburg M. L. J. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMarcel Wissenburg makes a close analysis of John Rawls's ‘savings principle’ as articulated in Political Liberalism, and argues that, properly understood, it is a necessary condition for the survival of liberal democracy. If so, then liberalism and sustainability are more compatible than is often claimed. Much depends on what savings the present generation is obliged to make, and Wissenburg generates a ‘restraint principle’ that enjoins any given generation not to destroy goods unless unavoidable, to replace with identical ones if not, to replace with equivalent ones if identical ones are not available, and to offer compensation as a last resort. Much depends on what ‘unless unavoidable’ means, and this will be a normative as well as a technical issue.
Sustainable Development and the Accumulation of Capital: Reconciling the Irreconcilable?
Authors: Benton Ted 
Published: October 2003

AbstractHere Ted Benton gives a guarded welcome to the normative intentions of sustainable development, arguing that its commitment to the poor as well as to the meeting of future generations’ needs are worth building on. He exposes, though, the deep tensions between these normative commitments and the key tendencies and features of the global economy. In his view, there is a ‘dynamic tendency’ in market systems for over‐exploitation. This can be counteracted, he suggests, by using the normative foundations in sustainable development to argue for radical changes in economic organization and ideology. Benton also argues for a reconceptualization of the idea of ‘need’, suggesting that it take account of demands made on behalf of non‐human nature.
Big Bills Left on the Sidewalk: Why Some Nations Are Rich, and Others Poor
Authors: Olson Mancur 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The idea is advanced that it is the rationality of individuals in societies that makes them achieve their production potential rather than their per capita productive resources, and that the low‐income countries of the Second and Third Worlds are poor mainly because they are much further below their potential incomes than are rich countries. If these countries were to improve their governance and institutions sufficiently, there would be huge gains from foreign investment and advanced technologies, which are for the most part, available at relatively modest cost to poor countries. The evidence for this view is taken from studies of the borders of countries and the flows of labour (migration) and capital that cross them, and data on per capita income in relation to population density.
Justice and the Environment
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Environmental sustainability and social, or distributive, justice are both widely regarded as desirable social objectives. But can we assume that they are compatible with each other? This book analyses the complex relationship between these two pressing objectives. Environmental sustainability is taken to be a contested idea, and three distinct conceptions of it are explored and described. These conceptions are then examined in the context of fundamental distributive questions. Among whom or what should distribution take place? What should be distributed? What should the principle of distribution be? The book contains a critical examination of the claims of the ‘environmental‐justice’ and ‘sustainable‐development’ movements that social justice and environmental sustainability are points on the same virtuous circle, and suggests that radical environmental demands involving the preservation of ‘nature’ are only incompletely served by couching them in terms of justice. The conclusion is that inter‐generational justice is the context in which distributive and sustainability agendas are most closely aligned.
‘Critical Natural Capital’ and Social Justice (Part I)
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExplores the relationship between the first conception of sustainability and distributive justice, and examines the compatibility between them. The key sustainability question is ‘what is to be distributed?’ and the answer in this first case is ‘critical natural capital’. Concludes that compatibility will only ever be contingent, since sustainability is about preserving or conserving natural capital while justice is about distributing it fairly.
‘Critical Natural Capital’ and Social Justice (Part Ii)
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

AbstractContinues the examination of sustainability as the maintenance of critical natural capital, and its compatibility with the objective of social justice. Suggests that the tendency of justice to deal in substitutability (e.g. through compensation) works against the tendency of sustainability to eschew it (nothing can compensate for the loss of critical natural capital in this first conception of environmental sustainability).
‘Natural Value’ and Social Justice
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExamines the third conception of sustainability, involving the maintenance of ‘natural value’ into the future, for its compatibility with social justice. Substitutability is wholly rejected, as the original is to be preferred to any substitute, procedural justice is likely to be only very contingently compatible with the objective of sustaining natural value, and views of justice that are impartial as to views of the human good may often be at odds with sustaining natural value, as this objective is driven by a view of the good. All this explains why environmental activists and justice activists seem sometimes to speak past—rather than to—each other.
Conclusion
Authors: Dobson Andrew 
Published: October 2003

AbstractEstablishes that discourses of sustainability and justice may be related in three ways: the environment as something to be distributed; justice as functional for sustainability; ‘justice to the environment’. Eight theses on the relationship between justice and sustainability are developed. Two contrasting approaches to developing an overarching theory of justice that will be compatible with as many conceptions of environmental sustainability as possible are discussed: Peter Wenz's ‘concentric circles’ and Bryan Norton's ‘intergenerationalism’. A modified version of the latter is regarded as the best way of bringing social justice and environmental sustainability into discursive compatibility.
Political Economy and the Politics of Virtue: US Public Philosophy at Century's End
Authors: Galston William A. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
A public philosophy is rooted in, and addressed to, a particular public in a specific historical situation. One of the most important tasks before us is to restore the public’s confidence in government as the instrument of their purposes rather than as what it now appears–an alien, intrusive, unresponsive power. While few question the appropriateness of the recognition of long-denied rights, some public intellectuals are now expressing doubts about the general “culture of rights” to which it has given rise. A liberal democracy should be prepared to allow wide though not unlimited scope for diverse group practices, with the understanding that membership in certain groups may involve the voluntary renunciation of certain otherwise enforceable individual rights. If we go farther, if we press too hard on moral ideals such as liberal autonomy, democratic individuality, or direct participation in public affairs, if we require subgroups to reorganize their internal affairs in accordance with liberal democratic principles, we run the risk of exacerbating the conflicts we set out to abate.
Civic Republicanism and Civic Pluralism: The Silent Struggle of Michael Sandel
Authors: Connolly William E. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Abstractly drawn to William Bennett’s invocation of national unity, civic virtues, and the reformation of mediating institutions, Sandel skates too lightly over the connection between Bennett’s quest to reinstate old unities and his conversion of republican virtues into contemporary weapons of cultural war in the domains of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexuality. If Sandel, in the early pages of Democracy’s Discontent, pursued pluralist reservations about the republican vision he expresses in the last chapter, he would be required to rework significantly his history of the republican impulse in America. Sandel concedes that the court’s civic concerns for the welfare of the family and heterosexual normality previously functioned to criminalize homosexuality, but a voluntarist defense of legalization, as Sandel reads it, supports sexual freedom in private without interrogating the larger cultural tendency to demean homosexual unions. Contemporary civic pluralism needs citizens who affirm comparative elements of contingency and contestability in those identities–those “encumbrances”–that define them most dramatically; who establish relations of agonistic respect with faiths, even those of a philosophic and non-theistic bent, that challenge their own sources of moral inspiration; who cultivate critical responsiveness to surprising social movements that propel new identities into being out of old injuries, differences, and energies; and who acknowledge the state to be but one site of political identification among several others in the late-modern age. The silent struggle of Michael Sandel between civic republicanism and civic pluralism is more fundamental than the explicit debate he stages between republicanism and voluntarism, for the most urgent task of political thought today is to pursue the agenda Sandel belatedly sets in the last chapter: to articulate a vision of civic pluralism appropriate to the distinct conditions of contemporary life.
Fusion Republicanism
Authors: Rosenblum Nancy L. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
“Fusion republicanism” is a fluid mix of democratic ideology, potential militancy, and invocation of civic virtue prevalent in American political life, a conglomeration of disparate elements of political thought and practice, manifest in many quarters of political life: it is institutionalized in “our localism,” for example; it is latent in the conduct of juries with their potential for nullification; and it is overt in self-styled citizen militias permanently poised for armed resistance. Perhaps the most important question raised by Sandel’s stance as an advocate of a public philosophy is what responsibility he has to acknowledge the spectrum of related ideas, to recognize convergence between the republican high ground he stakes out and its dangerous, improbable expressions, and to draw sharp moral and political distinctions. Three recognizable themes provide points of convergence among advocates, and give fusion republicanism its emotional force: a perception of powerlessness, a perception of political demoralization, and a propensity for direct political action. Understandably, even leaders who indulge in republican charges against their political opponents do not want to be held to account for excesses and abominations committed in the name of democratic discontent. We should not permit ourselves the comforting assumption that fringe groups are responsible for the climate of hostility that transforms democratic discontent into anti-government hatred; “extremists” are the beneficiaries of a diffuse climate of hostility and of widespread agitation to correct the sense of disempowerment.
Federalism as a Cure for Democracy's Discontent?
Authors: Tushnet Mark 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Federalism holds out the possibility of mutually profitable economic and cultural exchanges that gradually erode differences over fundamental interests, and that, given enough time, people may come to see that the benefits of those exchanges outweigh the incremental changes in fundamental interests that accompany each exchange, until the incremental changes accumulate into a larger transformation in fundamental views. The Court rejected the possibility of using centralized national power to protect religious communities as locations of value pluralism, once in 1990 when it abjured the use of its own centralized authority, and again in 1997 when it barred Congress from using its authority. Professor Sandel sees federalism as a valuable institution not because it promotes or protects value pluralism as such but because it offers the possibility of a transformation of values from those we do not approve into universalist values of which we do approve. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution’s Preamble set the nation on a course to realize something that can be summarized somewhat inaccurately as a set of universal human rights justified to other people by reason. This account makes American universalism distinctive, to the extent that it connects that universalism to a project with roots not in the abstract philosophical theorizing that Professor Sandel argues cannot motivate appropriate citizen behavior, but in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and more generally in the working out of the project of American constitutionalism through the course of United States history.
Reply to Critics
Authors: Sandel Michael J. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
There are reasons to doubt that the civic aspirations of the republican tradition will be realized in our time, but there are equally compelling reasons to reject the alternative: a public life that gives up on the project of freedom as self-government, that abandons the aim of calling economic power to democratic account, that fails to form in citizens the qualities of character that equip them for self-rule. Of the two versions of republicanism–the modest, instrumental one and the strong, intrinsic, Aristotelian one–the second seems most persuasive. Unless citizens have reason to believe that sharing in self-government is intrinsically important, their willingness to sacrifice individual interests for the common good may be eroded by instrumental calculations about the costs and benefits of political participation. The republican tradition has long considered an excessive preoccupation with consumption a moral and civic vice, inimical to self-government; from the standpoint of procedural liberalism, what matters is fair access to the fruits of consumption. Since imagining ways of reorganizing the relation between family and work so that the distinctive goods of each are accorded the social recognition and prestige they deserve requires explicit social choices about the place of family and work in a good life, it is unlikely to be advanced within the terms of procedural liberalism. The best response to the intolerance that fuels the culture wars is not to deconstruct the identities of the combatants but to challenge the economic forces and cultural tendencies that enervate citizenship and erode the dispositions that equip us for self-rule.
Integrity, Opportunity, and Vulnerability
Authors: White Stuart 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter advances a conception of justice that serves as the basis of discussions on the rights and obligations of economic citizenship. First, there is commitment to respect and protect citizens’ integrity interests and to maintain a scheme of basic liberties and securities adequate to this task. Second, there is commitment to prevent discrimination, and prevent, correct, or compensate for significant forms of brute luck disadvantage. Third, there is commitment to protect citizens from market vulnerability, and the exploitation and abuse that it spawns.
The Contributive Obligation
Authors: White Stuart 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter addresses the question of what citizens must do to fulfil their contributive obligation as a matter of fair reciprocity. This obligation should be understood in terms of the citizen’s duty to meet a basic work expectation: a minimum number of hours and years of paid employment, adjusted for specific care work responsibilities. The supply of capital is also a form of productive contribution, and will require adjustment of the citizen’s work expectation.
Basic Income
Authors: White Stuart 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter considers the debates over unconditional basic income (UBI). Debates over welfare reform rage between advocates of welfare contractualism and supporters of UBI. When judged against standards of non-ideal fair reciprocity, there is good reason to be wary of both types of policies on their own. Policymakers guided by the distributive aims to fair reciprocity and legitimate paternalistic considerations should consider the combination of the two.
Basic Capital
Authors: White Stuart 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter explores the idea of basic capital – that the state endow each citizen upon maturity with a generous capital grant. It presents the right to basic capital as the centrepiece of a new, formed model of social inheritance. Under this model, the basic capital grant is linked to the support of productive participation in the community, i.e. that the relevant funds be available for purposes such as education, training, setting up a new business, or moving to a new job.
Conclusion: The Politics of Fair Reciprocity
Authors: White Stuart 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter addresses the question of whether a politics of fair reciprocity, aimed at enacting the civic minimum, would be feasible in capitalist societies such as Britain or the United States. It contests two versions forms of feasibility scepticism: globalisation scepticism and populist scepticism. It then presents some closing comments about intergenerational equity, international equity, and the civic minimum.
The North As/and the Other: Ecology, Domination, Solidarity
Authors: Haila Yrjö 
Published: October 2003

AbstractArgues that the holistic notion of the ‘whole earth’ as a protectable entity is too insensitive to, and remote from, real human life‐worlds. It works as a poetic vision but not as a framework for sound environmental policy. The examples of Russian colonization of Yakutia in eastern Siberia and of Spanish colonization in Central and Latin America illustrate the conceptual dangers that attend such an ‘objectifying’ attitude. The chapter cites stages in Western philosophy depicting the ‘otherness’ of the natural world as a domain to be conquered, and suggests that a more sympathetic understanding of humanity's place in it is required. This in turn requires greater mutual respect between human beings.
Nature in Spiritual Traditions: Social and Cultural Implications for Environmental Change
Authors: Egri Carolyn P. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Concerns spiritual discourse as a means of constructing and reconstructing humankind's relationship with the natural environment. After a brief historical review, the chapter explores the spiritual and philosophical lessons implicit in ancient and modern accounts of relationships between humankind and nature. Focusing on humankind's need to find modes of social organization that allow it to survive with nature, it shows how different cultures have searched out and constructed different meanings and purposes for nature. It discusses the ways in which spiritual communities and religious organizations have worked to further environmental causes and how ecological consciousness has evolved in consequence. Finally, it discusses the implications of spiritual discourse for such organizations working at a global level; these involve the development of a more pluralistic recognition of the need to respect diversity of outlook.
Mapping Complex Social‐Natural Relationships: Cases from Mexico and Africa
Authors: Taylor Peter J. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFocuses on the levels of complexity underlying the construction of environmental issues and on the ways in which scientific techniques tend to simplify reality in an effort to control them. To demonstrate how such simplifications take place, it explores the cultural politics involved in constructing scientific knowledge in this field. It presents two case studies: firstly, a political–ecological description of an analytical study of soil erosion in the Oaxaca region of Mexico; secondly, of a computer‐based model of ecological and social arrangements in nomadic pastoral regions in sub‐Saharan Africa. These examples illustrate the process of simplifying abstraction at work and how investigative practice can itself affect policy‐relevant outcomes. The chapter concludes with recommendations for a more explicit approach to the assumptions and choices that simplifying abstractions can involve and shows how such an approach could enrich the understanding of socio‐natural phenomena under investigation.