bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Freedom and Legitimacy
Authors: Richardson Henry S 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
To examine the conditions of legitimate rule, we must consider the conditions of legitimate lawmaking. Presumably, lawmaking must be democratic; but I will need, over the course of the coming chapters, to articulate what conception of democracy follows from the basic normative demands we would make on politics. Only when we have firmly in view what is required of legitimate democratic government can we adequately address the challenge posed by the threat of bureaucratic domination. We should begin by asking why political rule must meet the burden of legitimacy. The fundamental reason is that government impinges on individual freedom. In the present chapter, I will look at this question two ways. First, I will consider the basic issue of impingement and the kind of burden of legitimation it imposes. Considering the question from this point of view will suggest a basic case for democracy. Next, I will look further at a specifically republican interpretation of freedom, which points up the general significance of the danger of domination. The Burden of Legitimation Government action comes under a burden of legitimation because it impinges on freedom. It does so in two ways. The liberal is rightly concerned about government action because it can undercut or violate fundamental rights. The republican is rightly concerned about government action because it can put us under new duties and may do so arbitrarily. Because of these threats to freedom, government decisions need to meet strong requirements of legitimation. When a local shop puts shirts on sale for half price, that does not enhance my freedom. When an airline cancels a cheap fare to Orlando, that does not diminish my freedom. We interact with other persons and institutions all the time, and they shift our incentive and opportunities, both on purpose
The Case for a Qualified Populism
Authors: Richardson Henry S 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
I have argued that a legitimate government must be democratic, republican, and liberal. It must be of the people-that is, democratic as opposed to aristocratic or monarchical, according equal consideration to each in its processes of decision. It must be republican, dispersing and checking power so as to prevent domination. And for its procedures really to achieve the republican aim of preventing domination, which exists where power may be arbitrarily exercised, it must be for the people, in the sense that its procedures must respect the fundamental rights and liberties of each and treat each as a free and equal citizen. This account of a liberal-republican democracy thus begins to exhibit some flesh on its bones. It at least gives a theoretical context for my question about bureaucratic domination. Yet there are important dimensions still missing. These characterizations of how the political process ought to treat citizens are, indeed, fine as far as they go. What needs to be added is not any further qualification of how it must treat us but rather a proper recognition, suitably free of mystification, exaggeration, or romanticization, that we are it: that democratic government is rule by the people.1 Hence, we need to broach the theme of populism, which will bring us, finally, to the value of autonomy. Whereas the combination of republican and liberal ideas that I have advocated has a long and flourishing history, both contemporary republican theorists and contemporary liberal theorists have sharply criticized the populist ideal of rule by the people. From the liberal direction, Riker’s book, Liberalism against Populism, portrays populism as a mask for coercion and majoritarian domination. Riker, as noted, took Arrovian social choice theory to cast doubt on the idea of the public good, which, according to populist ideas, is supposed to provide the focus or aim of the popular will. Believing that there is no proper object of the will of the people only endlessly varied ways to configure and constrain processes of majority decision, Riker emphasized the importance of ensuring that governments abide by
Democratic Rule Must Be Reasoned
Authors: Richardson Henry S 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
I have not yet integrated the idea of deliberative democracy into my account. This idea is currently popular and is taken by some simply to be obviously attractive. Others, reacting perhaps to the idea’s very popularity, deny its attractions. On both sides, there is vagueness and equivocation about what “deliberative democracy “ means. In part to avoid these confusions, I start instead with the term “reasoning.’’1 Those who engage in practical reasoning about what ought to be done are engaged in deliberation in a core or paradigm sense. I will argue that citizens in a democracy must rule by reasoning with one another. Collective self-rule thus must be reasoned. Hence, if you will, democracy must be strongly deliberative. The aims of this chapter will emerge more clearly if a limitation of the recent deliberative democracy movement is recognized, one that arises from aspects of that movement’s polemical context and from weaknesses in its philosophical development. Two features of the movement’s polemical context have tended to limit its vision. Some recent proponents of deliberative democracy have concentrated on opposing the sort of preference-aggregation approach shared, in various forms, by the public choice and social choice schools. Against these powerful intellectual constructs, advocates of deliberative democracy have insisted that a crucial function of democratic dialogue is to change preferences.2 Sometimes it is persuasive argument that does it, as in the case of Patrick Henry’s speech to the Virginia Assembly in 1775.3 Sometimes information is what does the trick; for instance, widespread publicity about endangered species has surely led people who otherwise would not even have heard about them to care about preserving them. Sometimes these two effects are mixed together: U.S. Senators who had not heard about the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge before the 2000 presidential campaign probably soon afterwards formed some view about whether drilling for oil should be allowed there. This point about preference change is a powerful one; I will build on it in chapter 11.
Equality in a Deliberative Democracy
Authors: Richardson Henry S 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The emphasis that a deliberative theory of democracy, such as democracy as democratic autonomy, lays on citizens’ reasoning with one another stands in some tension with the basic democratic ideal of equality. While each person can be given just one vote, people plainly differ in their reasoning and persuasive abilities. A theory of democratic reasoning must take account of this fact and must address the problem of political inequality that it raises. Thomas Christiano puts the point well: The quantitative equality secured by the principle of “one person, one vote “-whether in the electorate or the legislature-does not suffice; the process of democratic deliberation must also satisfy the requirements of “qualitative equality, “ which assure a fair or an equal chance of influencing debate, both within the legislature and the agencies and in the public domain more broadly.1 In this chapter I will give an account of the kind of qualitative equality that democratic procedures ought to afford. While the quantitative principle of “one person, one vote “ is just as important, it is less problematic. There are issues that arise about how to interpret that principle as well, and some of these come up in my discussion in chapter 14 of systems of election.2 Here, however, I will concentrate on qualitative equality. Threats to qualitative democratic equality can come from inequalities of power, of resources, or of persuasive ability. I will begin by concentrating on the first two sources of difficulty, reserving for later a discussion of persuasion and persuasive abilities. The first step will be to survey some of the difficulties facing any effort to spell out a principle of qualitative equality for democratic politics.
Candidate Approaches to Election Web Sites
Authors: Bimber Bruce , Davis Richard 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Does the Internet gain us votes? What is the best way to use the new capacities that the Internet provides? These questions were central to the campaigns in 2000, even as they committed many hundreds of thousands of dollars to developing and extending their Internet operations throughout the general election season.
These questions reflect an uncertainty on the part of candidate campaigns about how effective this new medium would be in helping secure electoral victory. Using content analyses and interviews with the staff associated with candidate campaigns, this chapter will look at how the various organizations attempted to answer these questions in the 2000 campaign. (For a discussion of our methodology, see the appendix.) We will examine candidate strategies and goals and how these were reflected in the content and functions built into their Web sites.
The Audiences for Election Web Sites
Authors: Bimber Bruce , Davis Richard 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Understanding the dynamics of campaigning online requires getting beyond the set of operating assumptions that had come into wide spread use by the late 1990s on the part of campaign professionals and candidates. As we saw in the last chapter, by 2000 campaigns were making quite sophisticated communication efforts based on the observation that supporters of the candidates compose the most important element of Web audiences. But the details of the audiences for political Web sites and how they react to their experiences with candidates’ online materials have remained almost a complete mystery both to researchers and political professionals themselves. In politics, like other endeavors, knowing how to target a message based on the specifics of an audience is very important. How many Americans actually saw George Bush’s site? What portion of Bush’s audience were women compared with Al Gore’s audience, and how favorably did men as opposed to women respond to these sites? What motivated people to visit Ralph Nader’s site compared with the sites of his major-party competitors? What kind of voters crossed over, so to speak, and voluntarily viewed the Web site of a candidate they did not support?
Introduction: The Age of the Oberpower
Authors: Hirsh Michael 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
In The Early Days after September 11, 2001, when the Pentagon and lower Manhattan lay smoking and it dawned on Americans that thousands of their compatriots had died because of something evil emanating from Afghanistan, the Department of Defense was in a state of confusion and fear. The heart of America’s economic and military power had been attacked. The terrible images from the twin towers, the caved-in facade across the way from Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s office, cried out for decisive retaliation. But the idea of launching a war in Afghanistan seriously worried a military brass still haunted by “Vietmalia” syndrome: a wariness of suffering U.S. casualties in out-of-the-way places like Vietnain and Somalia, where both the national interest and the exit strategy were unclear. Afghanistan was a nation fabled over the centuries for its ferocious resistance to invaders. With its treacherous mountain passes and jutting, knifelike ridges, the country was God’s gift to guerrilla warfare, the place where great powers sent their young men to die.
Navigating the Permanent Quagmire
Authors: Hirsh Michael 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Invited To The Oval Office shortly after the war in Afghanistan began in October 2001, U.S. senator Joseph Biden had a hearHo-heart with the leader of the free world, the newly engaged George W. Bush. After a white-knuckled month of terror, the mood of the two men was buoyant. America was striking back at last: Taliban and al-Qaeda forces would soon flee from the major cities, signaling the end of the bizarre fundamentalist regime that had harbored Osama bin Laden. The topic of discussion now was postwar Afghanistan. Biden, a garrulous Delaware Democrat who was then chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was delighted at what he was hearing from the president. America would do it right this time, Bush told him, not leave some hapless country in the lurch, sowing the seeds of future rage and discontent-and terror. Afghanistan would not be Somalia or Rwanda or even Afghanistan circa 1989, when America discarded the country like a used cartridge after years of supplying and encouraging the mujahideen, who were once our allies, in their successful war against the Soviets. Bush himself, two days later, would indirectly criticize his revered father, President George H. W. Bush, on that score.
What Is the “International Community”?
Authors: Hirsh Michael 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The International community illusory? Yes, it’s fairly fashionable to say so. But the international community is real. We Americans helped create it. And if we do a good job of helping it to grow, it could well prevent our children and grandchildren from ever having to hear a shot fired in anger. But first things first. Let’s understand what we’re talking about. To do so, let’s remove ourselves from the realm of academic abstraction and head straight for the real world. Come witness with me the creation of a new member of the international community.
The Argument from Hard Power
Authors: Hirsh Michael 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Lieutenant General Michael V. Hayden has the peculiar problem of running the world’s most secretive spy agency in the world’s most open society. Situated about midway along the busy industrial corridor between Washington and Baltimore, the National Security Agency is both visible and invisible. The “Crypto City” complex lies just a few miles off Interstate 95, one of the most traveled arteries in America. But thick, dark green-tinted windows guard its secrets, and at its gateway the NSA has prevented county officials from laying down a rubber traffic-counting hose to determine how many employees pass over the roadways.1 Hayden tries his best to bridge the parallel universes of secrecy and openness that he inhabits. Many of the NSA’s thirty-five thousand employees are forbidden from telling their spouses exactly what they do; yet the agency has its own website, with a “kid’s page” for aspiring young code breakers.
Rethinking Multilateralism
Authors: Hirsh Michael 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Richard Holbrooke is known in diplomatic circles as “the bulldozer,” and he looks the part. Six foot one and broad-shouldered, with a square jaw and a plowlike nose, Holbrooke naturally dominates any room he walks into. He is smart and supremely self-confident, with an uninflected, insistent way of talking that is like a verbal handcuff, captivating listeners whether they’re inclined to agree with him or not. An A-lister on the dinner-party circuit in New York and Washington, the career diplomat and sometime investment banker is a shameless cultivator of the media. (How many assistant secretaries of state get a full-length profile in Vanity Fair, as Holbrooke once did, albeit a negative one?) Holbrooke is also, like Madeleine Albright and the Bush neoconservatives, a fervent believer in the essential goodness of American power. And he’s happy to apply it unilaterally, if push comes to shove.
Origins
Authors: Dowbiggin Ian 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
How do we save civilization? physician William Duncan McKim asked rhetorically in 1900. A “gentle, painless death” for America’s drunkards, criminals, and people with disabilities was his answer. The only thing that stood in the way, McKim explained, was the “unreasonable dogma that all human life is intrinsically sacred.” The march of science, he concluded, dictated that Americans give up this long-standing religious belief.
McKim’s secular and scientific rationales for euthanasia in the early twentieth century signaled a revolutionary challenge to literally hundreds of years of Judea-Christian teaching about the dignity of human life. For centuries, euthanasia had normally been understood to mean the process whereby the relief of pain for the dying was the best way to ensure an “easy death.” However, that changed in the late nineteenth century when euthanasia acquired its modern connotation. For the first time in history, people began defining it as actual mercy killing.
Stalemate, 1940–1960
Authors: Dowbiggin Ian 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
When the 1940s dawned, many in the euthanasia movement believed it was only a matter of time before euthanasia became legal in the United States. The 1930s had been marked by a flurry of encouraging events, from headline-grabbing mercy killings to the founding of the Euthanasia Society of America and England’s Voluntary Euthanasia Legislation Society.
But euthanasia advocates were in for a surprise. At the very time they were lobbying to get a voluntary euthanasia bill introduced into the New York State legislature, the ground beneath them began to shift seismically. World War II broke out, and as Hitler’s war machine marched eastward across Europe in late 1939, news of Nazi atrocities against mental patients and handicapped children filtered back to America. Euthanasia defenders in the United States discovered to their horror that many Americans associated their movement with these murders. For a group that prided itself on its liberalism, humanitarianism, and progressive views, the stigma of Nazism was particularly embarrassing.
Amassing State and Gathering Storm
Authors: Marx Anthony W . 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Allegiance or obedience to political authority, which cannot practically be forced upon each individual, typically rests upon some constructed image of sameness. People are usually willing to sacrifice their money, lives, or liberty only to those with whom they feel a bond of similarity. Perhaps that bond is easier to imagine and forge in a small local community where similarities and mutuality of interest are more self-evident, although in such circumstances differences and distrust are also more immediately evident. But if the basis of cohesion and obedience is somewhat uncertain even in local settings, it becomes more so in larger contexts where supposed compatriots do not even know each other and where there is greater diversity. This is the quintessential political dilemma faced by every large-scale polity. Europe in the fifteenthh and early sixteenth centuries had not yet faced this dilemma. Strong states did not yet exist as larger scale, effective units requiring matching popular cohesion. Preindustrial economies were still largely based on localized agriculture. And power had long been held locally by nobles only loosely connected to monarchs, with central authority remaining weak. That authority was challenged by recurrent civil wars, pitting nobles against each other and against the crown, and by foreign powers. State bureaucracy was underdeveloped, with limited ability to draw taxes or to raise armies. Currency or legal systems had not yet fully developed.
A Backward Glance
Authors: Wharton Edith 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Fate Had Planted me in New York, and my instinct as a story-teller counselled me to use the material nearest to hand, and most familiarly my own. Novelists of my generation must have noticed, in recent years, as one of the unforeseen results of “crowd-mentality” and standardizing, that the modern critic requires every novelist to treat the same kind of subject, and relegates to insignificance the author who declines to conform. At present the demand is that only the man with the dinner pail shall be deemed worthy of attention, and fiction is classed according to its degree of conformity to this rule. There could be no greater critical ineptitude than to judge a novel according to what it ought to have been about. The bigger the imagination, the more powerful the intellectual equipment, the more different subjects will come within the novelist’s reach; and Balzac spread his net over nearly every class and situation in the French social system.
Introduction to the 1936 Edition of The House of Mirth
Authors: Wharton Edith 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
It seems like going back to the Pharaohs to try to re-enter the New York world in which The House of Mirth originated. The book was written only thirty years ago, and the circle I described in it was that in which I had lived since my eleventh year, and which, in all essentials, had remained unchanged in the interval between my childhood and the writing of the book. It is given to some novelists, even though they continue to ply their craft beyond middle age, to retain to the end an audience familiar with the life their tales depict, and still to a great extent leading that life. Thackeray and Balzac, for instance, were spared the difficulty of having to readjust themselves to any marked modification in the point of view and the social habits of their readers: whereas in Trollope’s latest novels one feels the effort, remarkable if not always successful, of a painter of social life to adapt his vision and its expression to conditions so abruptly modified that the resplendent Duke of Omnium of Framley Parsonage would have seemed an almost legendary figure to the society described in The Way We Live Now, and The American Senator.
Debasing Exchange: Edith Wharton’s The House of Mirth
Authors: Dimock Wai Chee 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Most Brutal moment in The House of Mirth dramatizes not so much the centrality of sex as the centrality of exchange. Sexual favors are what Gus Trenor wants, but his demands are steeped in—and legitimated by—the language of the marketplace, the language of traded benefits and reciprocal obligations. Odious as it may seem, Trenor’s speech merely asserts what everyone assumes. “Investments” and “returns,” “interests” and “payments”: these words animate and possess Wharton’s characters, even in their world of conspicuous leisure. The power of the marketplace, then, resides not in its presence, which is only marginal in The House of Mirth, but in its ability to reproduce itself, in its ability to assimilate everything else into its domain. As a controlling logic, a mode of human conduct and human association, the marketplace is everywhere and nowhere, ubiquitous and invisible. Under its shadow even the most private affairs take on the essence of business transactions, for the realm of human relations is fully contained within an all-encompassing business ethic. Some characters—Trenor and Rosedale, for instance—obviously speak the voice of the marketplace, but even those who hold themselves aloof (as Lawrence Selden does) turn out to be more susceptible than they think.
Backlash
Authors: Anderson Terry H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
“The Reagan Revolution,” declared U.S. News & World Report after the Republican nominee’s victory in the 1980 election. As the tall, handsome Californian rode into Washington, he and his supporters aimed to end the pessimism of the late 1970s and bring about a rebirth, sunshine, what Reagan called “Morning in America.” The campaign had been focused on the stagflation economy, which in 1980 suffered over 7 percent unemployment, 12 percent inflation, and a prime interest rate of 15 percent. Reagan promised to “move boldly, decisively, and quickly to control the runaway growth of Federal spending, to remove the tax disincentives that are throttling the economy, and to reform the regulatory web that is smothering it.