bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Civil and Political Justice
Authors: Caney Simon 
Published: April 2005

AbstractHaving argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines claims that there are universal principles of civil and political justice, that is, those principles that specify what rights people have to what freedoms, and argues for universal human rights to certain civil and political liberties. It is arranged in 13 sections: Section I presents an analysis of human rights, since this term plays a central and important role in a plausible account of civil and political justice; Section II puts forward a general thesis about justifications for civil and political human rights; this is followed, in Sections III–VII, by an analysis of four cosmopolitan arguments for human rights that criticizes three of them but defends the fourth; Section VIII considers an alternative non-cosmopolitan approach to defending civil and political human rights, presented by John Rawls in The Law of Peoples (1999b); the next three sections (IX–XI) of the chapter explore misgivings about civil and political human rights, including the objections that such human rights are a species of imperialism and do not accord sufficient respect to cultural practices (IX), produce homogeneity/uniformity (X), and generate egoism/individualism and destroy community (XI); Section XII considers a further objection—the realist charges that foreign policy to protect civil and political human rights is in practice selective and partial and a cloak for the pursuit of the national interest. Section XIII summarizes the overall case made for civil and political justice.
Distributive Justice
Authors: Caney Simon 
Published: April 2005

AbstractHaving argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines what universal principles of distributive justice (if any) should be adopted. It is arranged in 14 sections: Section I presents a conceptual analysis of the nature of distributive justice; Section II makes some preliminary points about the nature of cosmopolitan accounts of distributive justice and the general nature of the reasoning underlying these; Sections III–V then analyse three types of arguments for cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, and Section VI reflects on these, and suggests and defends four principles of cosmopolitan distributive justice; Sections VII–VIII consider objections (counter-arguments) to cosmopolitan concepts of distributive justice, some of them outlined by John Rawls in his account of international justice and others by nationalist political thinkers such as David Miller; Sections IX–XI examine three nationalist claims about the nature of distributive justice, all of which emphasize the moral relevance of persons’ membership in nations, while Sections XII–XIII investigate two realist claims (XII–XIII). Section XIV sums up the findings of the chapter.
Political Structures
Authors: Caney Simon 
Published: April 2005

AbstractHaving argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.
Strategy, Economic Organization, and the Knowledge Economy
Authors: Foss Nicolai J. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis book examines the impact of the knowledge economy on the knowledge production of management studies. It highlights the important parts of theorizing that have emerged within the strategy and organization fields to accommodate those tendencies thought of as characterising the knowledge economy. It seeks to resolve existing tensions between ‘competence’ and ‘governance’ approaches to organization and strategy.
Knowledge‐based Views of the Firm
Authors: Foss Nicolai J. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter argues that the theory of the firm put forward in Nelson and Winter (1982) is less about bounded rationality than it is about socially held tacit knowledge. Attempts to combine the two are likely to be unsuccessful, with one driving out the other. The absence of a clear behavioural foundation for the organizational-capabilities approach is the main cause of difficulties that the knowledge-based views of the firm has in illuminating the key organizational economics issues of the internal organization and boundaries of the firm.
Strategy, Resources, and Transaction Costs
Authors: Foss Nicolai J. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractTransaction cost economics (TCE) has been criticized by management scholars and knowledge-based theorists, using their critiques of TCE as the starting point for their own approaches to the firm. It is argued that TCE has the potential to add to the very core of strategic management research — value creation and appropriation. This chapter also draws on the economics for property rights to link the discussion to the resource-based view and knowledge-based view.
Cognitive Leadership and Coordination in the Knowledge Economy
Authors: Foss Nicolai J. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter argues that coordination games provide important lessons for studying organizational phenomena and help illuminate aspects of strategy in a networked knowledge economy. It presents a notion of leadership linked to cognitive notions of leadership, wherein the ‘inculcation of beliefs’ is central, but is founded on rational-choice methodology and draws upon simple ideas in game theory. It suggests that leadership is an important member of a set of institutions for resolving coordination problems.
‘Sweet Fiction and Sweet Truth’: Theology and Narrative in The Pilgrim's Progress
Authors: Davies Michael 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
The theological frame of The Pilgrim’s Progress is one defined not by election and reprobation but by Bunyan’s covenant theology. Through characters such as Christian and Faithful, Despair and Ignorance, Bunyan’s soteriological concerns are centred in law, grace, and faith, rather than in predestination, as well as in the need for believers to understand and interpret the Word ‘gracefully’. Christian’s progress is a one of spiritual understanding, as well as of learning to avoid questions about one’s soterial status. This text also instructs the reader in interpretation. Bunyan’s choice of medium — allegorical dream vision — serves ideally to draw attention to interpretive practices and to privilege ontological over epistemological concerns. Bunyan’s use of marginal notes and of folk-tale motifs is discussed as limiting the reader’s imaginative indulgence in the allegory and its tendency towards ‘romance’.
Redundancies, Unemployment, and Migration
Authors: Knight John , Song Lina 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter examines the effects of the Chinese government’s redundancy policy on the urban labour market and migrant employment. The policy caused widespread job losses, with 19% of households experiencing a retrenchment. Employees with the highest risk of being retrenched were those in urban collectives and local state-owned enterprises. Workers with low educational and occupational skills, and in poor health were at risk within enterprises. The rise in urban redundancy and unemployment reduced the employment of migrants in the urban formal sector.
Immobility and Segmentation of Labour
Authors: Knight John , Song Lina 
Published: April 2005

AbstractThis chapter examines the immobility and segmentation in the Chinese labour market. It argues that the hampering of market-equilibrating wage movements has delayed the progress towards a fully functioning labour market. When there is excess labour supply, undercutting of wages does not occur and enterprises support their long-standing employees. When there is excess demand, there is too little voluntary mobility of labour for employees to use wage policy as a recruitment device.
1 Early Modern Origins: The Rise of Popular Conversion Narrative
Authors: Hindmarsh D. Bruce 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Puritan teaching and practice during the late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries formed a matrix within which spiritual autobiography would eventually flourish in England. Puritan pastoral theology, such as that of William Perkins, taught that the first use of the law was to intensify the pangs of introspective conscience on the part of the unregenerate, in fact to lead them to despair, and the crisis this induced was the centre of all the various ‘morphologies’ of conversion that appeared during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries among Puritans, Pietists, and evangelicals of various sorts. This theology was reflected first in diaries and then in the full expression of narrative identity, the self-interpretation of the entirety of one’s life in terms of conversion. While Richard Kilby offers an early example of Puritan spiritual autobiography, the formal occasion for oral narrative appeared in the requirement of the gathered churches for evidence of personal conversion, a requirement that emerged in the mid-seventeenth century and then became widely adopted. Still, throughout the seventeenth century and well into the eighteenth, a special motive to publish spiritual autobiography was required—especially specimens from ordinary folk without any social standing—and this motive was most often found in the need to defend oneself or the sense that the times were epochal or indeed apocalyptic.
5 ‘Poor Sinnership’: Moravian Narrative Culture
Authors: Hindmarsh D. Bruce 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
The narrative culture that emerged among English Moravians out of the original undivided revival movement in the 1730s bore witness to a different view of conversion. Consequently, among the Moravian laity we are able to observe a sub-genre of the evangelical conversion narrative, one in which soul-distress under the preaching of the law (the Pietist Busskampf) was replaced by the ideal of self-abandonment and childlike trust in the love of the bleeding Saviour. Moravian conversion narratives differed from the Methodist narratives in three principal ways: they were more quietist and less agonistic; they were more preoccupied with devotion to the bodily suffering of Christ than with monitoring inner emotional states, a devotion that passed over into responding to Christ as a wounded lover and bridegroom; and their narratives were more shaped by liturgical rhythms. These emphases looked back to Zinzendorf’s own formation and his distinctive theology and are well illustrated in the case of the English convert Martha Claggett.
2 The British Prime Minister: Much More Than ‘First Among Equals’
Authors: Heffernan Richard , Webb Paul 
Published: April 2005

AbstractReviews a wide range of evidence to demonstrate three things. First, election campaigns have become more candidate-centered, with parties offering leaders greater prominence in their election campaigns and the media devoting greater attention to them. This development seems to have taken place since 1960, which coincides with the spread of mass access to television in Britain, and the erosion of class politics. Second, today’s major-party leaders are in significant ways more strongly placed to exert intra-party power than they were in 1980, much as we might expect of electoral-professional organizations. Third, and perhaps most important, it seems likely that the potential for prime ministerial power within the state’s political executive has been enhanced because of structural changes that have generated a larger and more integrated ‘executive office’ under his or her control since 1970.Of course, these developments have occurred in the context of a highly partified form of parliamentarism. Thus, it is not contended simply that Prime Ministers have become completely indistinguishable from Presidents, but rather, that a number of changes have occurred that are mutually consistent with the working logic of presidentialism.
7 Denmark: Presidentialization in a Consensual Democracy
Authors: Pedersen Karina , Knudsen Tim 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Even though structural causes of presidentialization such as the growth of the state, the development of a modern mass media, the erosion of cleavages, and the Europeanization of politics, all exist in the Danish case, the logic and reality of consensus politics means that domestic politics is still not heavily presidentialized. Presidential trends within parties are limited to a discernible strengthening of party leaders in respect of the resources available to them and their potential to influence the candidate-nomination process. In regard to the electoral process, some presidentialization is seen especially in relation to media coverage. Perceiving the way in which the media seek to personalize their coverage of politics, the parties have sought to accommodate this in their campaign strategies. The presidentialization process seems stronger in the governmental arena with a growing longevity of Prime Ministers in executive office, increasing frequency with which the premiers reshuffle their cabinets, the growing use of cabinet committees as means of executive coordination, the gradual growth of the Prime Minister’s Office, a new system by which media relations are coordinated by the Prime Minister’s staff, and the Prime Minister’s larger role in international affairs due to Europeanization. On the other hand, the Prime Minister does not enjoy any formal rights of patronage and, most significantly, prime ministerial power in Denmark is still kept in check by consensus politics. The tradition of minority and multiparty government makes this a necessity, and consensus culture does not generally call for strong personalized leadership.
9 Canada: Executive Dominance and Presidentialization
Authors: Bakvis Herman , Wolinetz Steven B. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractA parliamentary democracy based on the Westminster model, Canada does not qualify formally as a presidential system: The prime minister and other members of the political executive are responsible to a popularly elected House of Commons. Nonetheless, the Canadian prime minister enjoys wide-ranging powers that in practice are far more extensive than those enjoyed by prime ministers in other Westminster systems. The nature of the leadership selection process, strict party discipline and a fragmented opposition, help ensure prime ministerial dominance over both parliament and cabinet. So too do strong central agencies. While personalization and popularization of prime ministerial leadership is not as pronounced in Canada as in the UK, it is nevertheless an important factor. Prime ministers are beholden to very few interests in their parties, which they dominate. In the Canadian system, one finds many of the characteristics of presidentialization without any of the formal attributes. Federalism and the strength of the provinces act as the major constraint on prime ministerial power. In important respects, Canadian prime ministers are more powerful than presidents in some presidential systems.
11 Finland: Let the Force Be with the Leader—But Who Is the Leader?
Authors: Paloheimo Heikki 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Since the early 1980s, the regime type of the Finnish political system has gradually mutated, because of the complementary processes of de-presidentialization and re-presidentialization. The former entailed the erosion of the formal prerogatives of the President and a switch from a semi-presidential towards a parliamentary type of executive. This process culminated in the coming into force of a totally new constitution in 2000. Re-presidentialization, in turn, consists of the growing power of the Prime Minister within the newly parliamentarized political executive. Most of the causes of the de facto ‘re-presidentialization’ of Finnish politics are structural rather than contingent. The internal activities of political parties have declined as they have transformed themselves into modern electoralist organizations, and the autonomy of the leaders from their parties has increased. Partisan dealignment and ideological convergence between the parties has made space for the personalization of politics. The personalization of politics, in combination with the declining role of party organizations, enhances the autonomy of party leaders within their own parties. In contemporary Finland, the leaders with the strongest presidential capacities contest the premiership rather than the presidency.
13 The Failure of Presidential Parliamentarism: Constitutional versus Structural Presidentialization in Israel's Parliamentary Democracy
Authors: Hazan Reuven Y. 
Published: April 2005

AbstractIn no parliamentary democracy has the presidentialization of politics achieved such magnitude as in Israel. In 1992, the Israeli parliament adopted a law that altered not only the electoral system but also Israel’s political framework. According to this law, Israel became the first parliamentary democracy in which the Prime Minister was directly and popularly elected. This development produced a unique political system in which a ‘presidentialized’ Prime Minister was grafted onto an essentially parliamentary democracy. This chapter addresses the following questions: First, did the political reform in the 1990s reflect a de facto change that had already taken place? In other words, is it appropriate to speak of a phenomenon of presidentialization occurring within Israel’s parliamentary democracy prior to the 1990s? Second, what were the causes and consequences of presidentialization? How did this unique system affect the political parties, electoral competition, political representation, legislative behaviour, legislative-executive relations, and other associated factors? Third, how does Israel’s experience of the presidentialization of politics compare with other modern democracies? Were the political and electoral attributes of leadership powers amplified by factors flowing from the formal change? Finally, how does Israel’s rather extreme experience of the presidentialization of parliamentary democracy contribute to the assessment of this phenomenon?
14 The Semi‐Sovereign American Prince: The Dilemma of an Independent President in a Presidential Government1
Authors: Sergio Fabbrini 
Published: April 2005

AbstractSince the 1960s, the electoral process in America has undergone a pronounced process of personalization. Candidates for the presidency have grown increasingly independent of the traditional party organizations. There has arisen a highly personalized process of selecting the presidential candidate. However, this personalization of the electoral process has not been matched by an equivalent personalization of the system of government. There are both structural and contingent reasons for this circumstance. The structural ones have to do with the nature of the American system of government, which is a system of separated government. The contingent reasons have to do with the progressive institutionalization—especially since the 1980s—of a divided government within the separated government. Thus, having conquered the presidency on the basis of his personal resources, the President finds that he lacks the instrument essential for him to exercise that office to the fullest extent, namely, a party able to link him with Congress. The difficulty of governing with a divided government was exacerbated by the end of the Cold War, because it deprived the President of a crucial reason for asserting his leadership in the institutional system. The dramatic terrorist attack of 11 September 2001 reaffirmed the need for presidential leadership, but it could not resolve the problems that had led to the institutional weakening of the presidency.
Equity, Natural Law, and Common Grace
Authors: Helm Paul 
Published: April 2005

Abstract
Takes up again the question of our natural knowledge of God. Is there for Calvin a natural knowledge of God's law? Was Calvin a Divine Command Theorist in ethics? It is argued that he was not, except in possibly a rather secondary sense, but that he broadly followed the contours of the mediaeval natural law outlook. However he is less sanguine than, say, Aquinas, on how much natural law delivers without the help that Scripture gives. It is argued that there is no incompatibility between what he says on natural law and equity and his emphasis on 'common grace'.
How We Act
Authors: Enç Berent 
Published: April 2005

AbstractAttempts to answer the question of whether it is possible to understand agency as realized within a world construed ‘naturalistically’, that is, in terms of causal relations among events and states of affairs, or whether an adequate ontology requires sui generis acts that are essentially voluntary, such as volitions or agent-causation. Berent Enç defends the possibility of naturalizing agency via a causal theory of action (CTA). In doing that, he develops his key notion of basic action (Chs 2 and 3); he offers a ‘general and original’ solution to the problem of causal deviance (Ch. 4); and, he attempts to answer the objection that CTA removes the agent from the picture altogether by offering a purely causal model for the deliberative process that underlies practical reasoning (Ch. 5). Furthermore, the book discusses objections to volitional theories (Ch. 1), intentions and intentional action (Ch. 6), and the compatibility of Enç’s CTA with attractive accounts of autonomy and freedom (Ch. 7).