bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Problems of Communitarian Politics
Authors: Frazer Elizabeth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractOffers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.
Communitarianism, Philosophical and Political
Authors: Frazer Elizabeth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe ideal of community has been prominent in practical politics since the 1970s. Explores the tenuous links between the philosophical communitarian critique of liberalism and more recent elaborations of ‘political communitarianism’, although other intellectual and political sources for political communitarianism are also traced. Political communitarianism is analysed using a technique of discourse analysis, and some theoretical problems in the discourse—in particular, with inferences that are commonly drawn from its conceptual structure—are discussed.
The Concept ‘Community’
Authors: Frazer Elizabeth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractContrasting approaches to the political philosophical technique of ‘conceptual analysis’ are discussed. The concept community as it is constructed and deployed in recent social and political theory is analysed by way of examination of the examples of ‘community’ therein, by the contrasts explicitly or implicitly drawn, and by using an interpretive method and representing in diagrammatic form the elements of and the structure of the concept. The intention here is not to provide a definition but rather to illustrate the concept's indefinition; not to legislate for the concept, but to show why it is contested.
Communitarianism, Interpretation and Politics
Authors: Frazer Elizabeth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractCommunitarianism in political theory has been connected with interpretivism and the hermeneutic tradition: the nature of this relationship, epistemological, metaphysical, methodological, and ethical, is explored. Disputes about the method of interpretation, and about issues of validity, are discussed. Communitarians have tended to emphasize the theme of ‘agreement’ and co‐membership of community as the ground for interpretation. An alternative analysis of interpretation emphasizes disagreement and indeterminacy, and the role of political power. Thus it is suggested that there is a pronounced tension between communitarianism and interpretation.
Community, Locality, and Politics
Authors: Frazer Elizabeth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractCommunitarian politics has emphasized the importance and the value of locality and in spite of recent acknowledgements that local relationships can be problematic from the point of view of justice and efficiency, an emphasis on locality constantly creeps back into communitarianism. The same contradictions and problems recur in public policy initiatives focused on locality and community. The value of locality, therefore, needs to be critically analysed in detail.
Divided Government in Finland: From a Semi‐Presidential to a Parliamentary Democracy
Authors: Paloheimo Heikki 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDivided government in the case of Finland has resulted not just from its ‘semi‐presidential’ division of power between the president and the government, but also from the frequency with which the electorate has failed to return decisive majorities. The frequency of minority governments and the qualified majorities who needed to pass legislation have often made it necessary to establish a ‘cohabitation’ arrangement between the government and the legislature.
Order, Globalization, and Inequality in World Politics
Authors: Woods Ngaire 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Defines inequality and traces its changing position on the world political agenda. Traditional conceptions of world order tend to entrench inequality as a necessary concomitant of stability, but the 1970s saw the emergence of a normative challenge based on economic justice and a growing awareness of global poverty. With the advent of globalization in the 1990s, the problem of inequality has acquired new dimensions, requiring solutions that threaten to intrude on domestic jurisdictions. The present dilemma for powerful states is whether to accept the loss of some of their power in order to gain the benefits of stronger international institutions, or to maintain traditional power hierarchies even at the cost of threatened instabilities.
Sovereignty and Inequality
Authors: Kingsbury Benedict 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Elaborates on the way in which inequality is entrenched within the existing international order, examining the way in which sovereignty and inequality are inseparably linked in international law. The principle of state sovereignty has long relieved international lawyers from having to think about inequality, by adopting a mask of formal equality and leaving actual inequalities to be treated as the responsibility of individual states. Begins by examining the relations between sovereignty and inequality within the mainstream tradition of international law. It then assesses the extent to which challenges of globalization, democratization, and privatization have forced adaptations of the traditional concept of sovereignty, and whether the mounting criticisms of that concept might soon lead to the replacement of its present normative basis by a functional basis, speculating on the possible consequences for the management of inequality. Concludes that a radical change in the international law concept of sovereignty will be hazardous if not accompanied by development of adequate alternative means to manage inequality.
Resources, Environmental Degradation, and Inequality
Authors: Redclift Michael , Sage Colin 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Identifies four critical dimensions of inequality that are relevant to any consideration of environment and resource degradation: first, the unequal distribution of historical responsibilities for environmental change, notably climate change; second, the fact that global changes have unequal impacts on different regions and peoples of the world; third, the degree to which inequalities of interest promote different environmentalist agendas; fourth, the extent to which distributive problems lie at the heart of the failure to undertake effective and concerted action of the type envisaged at 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. Begins by exploring the way in which environmental problems are constructed, both through structural processes, such as trade and technology transfer, and through attachment to cultural ‘models’ of development, disseminated on television screens and illustrated by new patterns of consumption. This social construction of environmental problems forms the backcloth against which the chapter analyses global inequality and the effects of economic globalization on the environment.
Globalization, Liberalization, and Inequality: Expectations and Experience
Authors: Stewart Frances , Berry Albert 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Explores the effects of moves from dirigiste to laissez‐faire policies (liberalization) on income distribution within countries, and also to consider briefly its impact on inter‐country inequality. The emphasis is on inequality within countries because this is where world inequalities have been most exacerbated over the past two decades. In itself, this represents an important change in inequality in world politics. The gap between rich and poor has long been the major source of inequality among people in the world. Yet this gap has, if anything, closed slightly over the past couple of decades. In particular, the chapter demonstrates that over the 1980s inequalities within countries generally tended to worsen—more so than in any previous post‐WW2 decade—and argues that if intra‐country distribution had remained the same over the 1980s, inter‐country inequalities would have been reduced.
Justice and Global Inequality
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Argues that the mere demonstration of inequality (e.g. the difference in average life expectancy between West Germany and Uganda) is not of itself sufficient to prove injustice. One needs to go further, examining why the inequality has occurred and clarifying the moral basis for condemning it as unjust. Not all inequality in international relations can be so described, and this chapter criticizes two of the prominent types of arguments used to demonstrate that existing inequalities are unjust. First, it dismisses the idea of a ‘global community of states’ in which equality implies recognition and respect. Second, it rejects arguments based on a notion of an equal right to natural resources. Instead, the chapter offers two alternative reasons for regarding inequalities as unjust: first, were they do actually involve the violation of ‘basic rights’, and second, where the inequalities have arisen from ‘exploitative’ transactions based on inequality of bargaining power.
Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis
Authors: Klingemann Hans‐Dieter 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Down and Down We Go: Political Trust in Sweden
Authors: Holmberg Sören 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
In Scandinavia, as demonstrated by the analysis of the World Values Survey in Ch. 2, people remain highly positive towards the political community and democratic principles; nevertheless, support for the remaining three levels of measure—regime performance, political institutions, and politicians—is more problematic. This chapter therefore focuses on how trust in politicians has evolved over the last twenty to thirty years in Scandinavia (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Netherlands, Sweden, and Finland all established, parliamentary, multi‐party, unitary, welfare state democracies. The analysis starts at the bottom level—trust in politicians—since that is where the greatest change over time might be expected, and where there is access to some of the longest measured time‐series in the Scandinavian countries. Subsequent sections of the chapter analyse support for Swedish political institutions (parties, elections, the Rikstag, and the Cabinet), and democratic processes too. Considers explanations for trends in trust in politicians and regime institutions over time.
The Democratic Culture of Unified Germany
Authors: Fuchs Dieter 
Published: October 2003

AbstractTaking the example of unified Germany, this chapter examines how a democratic culture can develop among people who have lived for decades in an autocratic state. The first section outlines the theoretical framework, starting with the concept of political support, and going on to consider various normative models of democracy in order to understand what type of democracy people in West and East Germany ultimately prefer. Discusses the formation of democratic attitudes within state‐socialist systems, comparing demonstration and socialization hypotheses on the influence of the social structure on political attitudes. On this basis, expectations about attitudes towards democracy among the East German population are formulated. Develops the empirical analysis further by examining trends in democratic attitudes among West and East Germans—including the commitment to democratic values and principles, support for democratic institutions, and satisfaction with democratic performance. The conclusion summarizes the most important findings and considers their consequences for the prospects of democracy in a unified Germany.
Tensions Between the Democratic Ideal and Reality: South Korea
Authors: Rose Richard , Shin Doh C. , Munro Neil 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.
The Economic Performance of Governments
Authors: McAllister Ian 
Published: October 2003

AbstractA major conclusion of this book is that there are few consistent trends in popular support for the political community but there is high and perhaps even growing support for democratic values and declining support for regime institutions and political leaders. Earlier chapters have traced these patterns with respect to democracy worldwide, and, in particular, regions of the world. This one focuses specifically on the role of public policy in shaping popular support for democratic institutions among OECD countries. The data are aggregate indicators across twenty‐four of the twenty‐nine member countries of the OECD in 1997, as well as individual‐level data from the same twenty‐four countries based on the 1990–1 World Values Survey. The different sections of the chapter are: Explaining Institutional Confidence; Evidence for Trends in Institutional Confidence; The Role of Democratic Experience; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Macro Analysis; Policy Outputs and Confidence: A Micro Analysis; and Discussion and Conclusions.
Postmodernization Erodes Respect for Authority, But Increases Support for Democracy
Authors: Inglehart Ronald 
Published: October 2003

AbstractPresents an analysis of the reasons for the post‐modern shift to declining respect for/deference to authority among the publics of advanced industrial societies, and of the accompanying growing support for democracy. The early sections discuss: the changing emphasis on key aspects of life during the shift from modernization to post‐modernization; the authoritarian reflex that occurs in periods of rapid change and insecurity—in contrast to the greater emphasis on individual autonomy and diminishing deference to authority under conditions of prosperity and security that occurs in the post‐modern shift; and declining confidence in hierarchical institutions in post‐modern societies. The later part of the chapter examines predicted and observed changes in cross‐national norms concerning the authority using data from the three waves of the World Values Survey (1981–1997). Using these same data, it also examines the decline of confidence in the most hierarchical institutions of the survey countries over this time period—i.e. the armed forces, the police, and the church, and looks at support for strong leadership in relation to percentage priority to post‐materialist goals.
Justice and Punishment
Authors: Matravers Matt 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis book attempts to answer the challenge of showing that morality is not a confidence trick or a fetish. It does so by arguing that moral norms are those that rational, self‐interested people could accept. The problem is approached by asking by what right some people punish others, and by comparing recent developments in theories of distributive and retributive justice. The first part of the book considers retributive, utilitarian, and mixed theories of punishment. In the second part, recent theories of distributive justice, especially those of Rawls and Gauthier, are examined. It is argued that these theories cannot give an adequate account of punishment. In the final part, an argument is offered for a genuinely constructivist account of morality—constructivist in that it rejects any idea of objective, mind‐independent moral values and seeks instead to construct morality from non‐moral human concerns; genuinely constructivist in that, in contrast to Rawls, it does not take as a premise the equal moral worth of persons. The conclusion is that a genuine constructivism will show the need for, and justification of, punishment as intrinsic to morality itself.
Retributivism II: Resentment, Guilt, and Censure
Authors: Matravers Matt 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe recent revival of retributive theory has been led by Michael Moore's claim that retributivism has moral worth, and by communicative and expressive theories of punishment that emphasize guilt and censure. It is argued that retributivism captures an important truth about punishment's backward‐looking nature, but that no retributive theory can adequately answer the question of by what right some people punish others.
Justice as Mutual Advantage
Authors: Matravers Matt 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
‘Justice as mutual advantage’ theorists argue that moral norms are those that rational, self‐interested persons would accept in regulating the pursuit of their self‐interest. Taking David Gauthier's theory as an exemplar of this approach, it is argued that justice as mutual advantage cannot close the gap between morality and self‐interest. The conclusion is that the value of morality cannot be only that it furthers self‐interest, although this is an important part of any moral theory that is to have an adequate account of moral motivation.
A Constructivist Theory of Moral Norms
Authors: Matravers Matt 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe argument is that agents have reason, although not a decisive reason, jointly to make the existential commitment needed to ground morality. These reasons appeal to psychological evidence about well‐being. There are important sources of well‐being that cannot be tapped without making the commitment to live together with others on moral terms. The nature and scope of the moral community understood as the product of such joint commitment is examined.
The Moral Community, Justified Coercion, and Punishment
Authors: Matravers Matt 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Having established the nature of the moral community, this chapter examines the part played in that community by punishment. The right to punish is shown to be justified as intrinsic to morality itself. Punishment is shown to secure the conditions of moral flourishing, to communicate to the offender the wrongs that he has done to his victim and to the community, and it tries in so doing, to reinforce in the offender his commitment to morality. Punishment is thus shown to be needed for its consequences, but also to be of an offender for an offence.
Reinterpreting the Resource‐Capability View of the Firm: A Case of the Development‐Production Systems of the Japanese Auto‐Makers1
Authors: Fujimoto Takahiro 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAn analysis is made of a firm's evolutionary capabilities using the car industry in general, and Toyota in particular, as an example. The resource view of the firm is extended to look in detail at how capabilities change over time, and attempt to explain inter‐regional and inter‐firm differences. However, instead of applying the concepts of resource‐based theories or capability theories on the firm as a unit, the analysis is applied at the operational level. In the process, the author makes an argument for not only interpreting capabilities as something directly affecting the level of competitive performance and the improvements of performance but also as the accumulation of these static and improvement capabilities; in other words, successful firms are not only competitive and know how to improve to stay competitive, they also know how to sustain these skills over time. The chapter goes on to explore, in some depth, this novel interpretation of evolutionary capability as a firm‐specific ability to acquire both static and improvement capabilities, and includes a table summarizing the evolution of selected production–development capabilities at Toyota, to accompany the discussion in the text.
Localized Technological Change and the Evolution of Standards as Economic Institutions1
Authors: Antonelli Cristiano 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Argues that localized technological change cannot be seen in isolation from national systems of innovation and the firm itself. It is shown how the often‐misunderstood role of standards as economic institutions plays an important part in the dynamics of technological change. Far from being only something of a public good, the adoption of standards poses a dilemma for an individual firm: should it stick to the local, monopolistic position built on proprietary knowledge or should it adhere to standards for better dissemination? There is also a cost for the firm associated with adopting standards. The author incorporates the emergence of standards into a formal model of a standardization club with both switching costs and network externalities, which then yields incentives for cooperative behaviour among firms for the adoption of standards.