bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Authoritarian Alternative: ‘Anti‐Politics’ In the Popular Sectors of Lima
Authors: Panfichi Aldo 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExplores the emergence and success of President Alberto Fujimori as the dominant political figure in Peru during the first half of the 1990s. It is particularly concerned with explaining the support of a broad sector of the urban population of Lima for an authoritarian, personalistic leader. It attributes Fujimori's rise and success to the conjunction of three factors in a specific historical moment: (1) the dramatic worsening of a long‐term economic crisis and consequent generalized sense of insecurity and despair; (2) the discrediting of democratic institutions and the whole range of established political parties across the ideological spectrum combined with the indiscriminate violence of guerilla insurgents; and (3) the emergence of personalistic and authoritarian leaders from social sectors marginal to the political system who offer hope for a better future. Fujimori's background as an unknown Peruvian of Japanese descent and his ability to use his ‘outsider’ status to articulate a symbolic connection with the Peruvian popular classes and a critique of the political establishment were crucial to his political and electoral success.
The Quetzal Is Red: Military States, Popular Movements, and Political Violence in Guatemala
Authors: Yashar Deborah J. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractContemporary political discourse in Guatemala reflects a deep historical division over popular political participation. From the perspective of military and economic elites, social mobilization is potentially subversive and destabilizing. The transition to democracy in the 1986 did not overcome this antagonism between state and society. Comparing the democratic transition in October 1944 with the 1986 transition, this study argues that a democratic change occurred in 1944 when there were divisions within and between military and civilian elites. In contrast, in 1986, the military had the support of a united elite. This second transition represented a more limited political liberalization rather than a full return to democratic politics. The flourishing organization of popular sectors remained at the margins of the political regime. Fear of state repression drove citizenship ‘underground’ and therefore disconnected from the formal political process. The continued practice of exclusion and mistrust perpetuate the tensions between state and society, and threatens to undermine Guatemala's fragile democracy.
Political Violence and the Grassroots in Lima, Peru
Authors: Burt Jo‐Marie 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn the early 1990s, the rural‐based Maoist guerrilla organization, know as Shining Path, held Lima virtually under siege. The capture of the movement's leader by the Fujimori government in 1992 effectively undermined the movement's activities. The question remains, however, as to why Shining Path generated so much support in Lima's shantytowns. Are poor people more willing to support violent political alternatives? This study argues that subaltern groups in Peru continually negotiate relationships with a range of political actors, from populist presidents to leftist organizations. It looks beyond Shining Path's use of terror and intimidation to its provision of material and symbolic goods. Within the shantytowns, the absence of state services, extreme poverty, growing crime, and insecurity and weak local institutions to mediate conflict made Shining Path's tactics seem as an effective means of restoring social order and imparting social justice. The group failed to develop long‐term political ties. When the state targeted the shantytowns with increased services and provided a security, Shining Path lost support among popular sectors.
Rethinking Economic Alternatives: Left Parties and the Articulation of Popular Demands in Chile and Peru
Authors: Roberts Kenneth M. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractHow have left parties responded to the challenges of neo‐liberalism, the debt crisis, and the decline of socialist models, and how have they adapted their economic projects? In Peru, the left went from serious national contender in the 1980s to political also‐ran in the 1990s under Fujimori's neo‐liberal reforms, while the Chilean left was able to return to power in the 1990s with a moderate economic programme following Pinochet's authoritarian neo‐liberal transformation of that country. This comparative examination of left parties’ responses in Chile and Peru argues that structural changes in capitalism have helped consolidate social democratic reformism on the left even as two structural constraints undermine the possibilities for redistributive social democratic reforms: namely, (1) the internationalization of economic competition and capital markets, and (2) the structural weakness of labour and social fragmentation of civil society.
Putting Conservatism to Good Use? Long Crisis and Vetoed Alternatives in Uruguay
Authors: Filgueira Fernando , Papadópulos Jorge 
Published: October 2003

AbstractUruguay was able to resist many aspects of neo‐liberal reform that took hold in Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, despite economic crises, a fundamental change of Uruguay's position in the international market, and pressures from international financial institutions. By examining the limited change in social security, the patterns of labour organization and negotiation, and finally the limits on privatization of public enterprises, it shows how political factors, more than economic or social ones, brought about resistance to those changes, and a more egalitarian response than in other countries. Uruguay's institutionalized pattern of political incorporation allowed new popular actors to effectively participate, and the consensus styles of leadership built on clientelistic parties‐forced changes limited the sharpening income divisions common in other countries. The experience poses the question of whether Uruguay is an outlier or a possible alternative path.
The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico
Authors: Fox Jonathan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDemocracy requires elections, but elections do not always guarantee the organizational autonomy that citizenship requires. Clientelism stands in opposition to autonomy, and its change from an authoritarian form, where compliance is gained by threats of coercion, goes through many stages before arriving at full autonomy for groups. This study examines a series of three Mexican rural development programmes from the mid 1970s through the 1980s, with an emphasis on the rural Solidarity funds. These show change, but many obstacles, yielding a new form of popular linkage to politics, here called semi‐clientelism, distinctive because compliance is gained by the threat of withholding benefits rather than coercion, while organizations still have no right to autonomy. As a result of bargaining among three key actors, social movements, authoritarian elites, and reformist state managers, voters are less coerced, but still limited.
Prescriptive Language
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Following an introductory classification of prescriptive language that emphasizes the parallel between imperatives and moral language, this chapter distinguishes between the indicative and imperative moods of language (sentences that are called ‘statements’ and ‘commands’ respectively). It then dismisses various attempts to account for imperatives, particularly their reduction to indicatives as well as expressivist theories like Ayer's and Stevenson's.
Inference
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Hare argues that one exception to the rule that no imperative conclusion can validly be drawn from premises that do not contain at least one imperative are ‘hypothetical imperatives’ because their content, though of an imperative, is that of a statement implicit in the premises. He then argues that no ethical theory can be a ‘Cartesian’ moral system, i.e. consist of particular duties derived from self‐evident principles alone. Finally, three arguments are given why description can never be prescription, and thus that no imperative can be inferred from indicative alone.
Commending and Choosing
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Value‐words have their peculiar combination of descriptive and prescriptive meaning, Hare argues, because they are used for a specific purpose—to commend. To commend is not, however, to say something about a particular class of objects, but to make known to someone a standard for judging objects in this class in general—i.e. to guide her choice about objects in this class. Put in terms of Part I, to commend is to teach or decide on principles of choosing between objects of a certain class. Consequently, value‐judgements share the characteristics of universal imperative sentences.
‘Ought’ and ‘Right’
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Hare argues that, though some philosophers have drawn a rigid distinction between ‘good’ and ‘right’ or ‘ought’, these words are logically related. Thus, ‘right’ or ‘ought’ is equally supervenient on non‐evaluative properties but not entailed by any non‐evaluative statements, and have descriptive as well as evaluative meaning—the latter arising from their use for prescription. Like in the case of ‘good’, ‘ought’‐judgements do not, however, express a singular imperative (‘press this button’), but teach or decide upon a universal principle how to act in particular circumstances. The difference between hypothetical and categorical imperatives thus lies not in the meaning of ‘ought’ but merely in the sets of principles referred to.
An Analytical Model
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Hare clarifies the relation between value‐words and the imperative mood by showing how, through the combination of non‐evaluative words and the imperative mood, we can establish an artificial terminology that could fulfil the same function as our value‐words do now. He does so by first defining the artificial concepts ‘right’ and ‘better than’ (which is substituted for ‘good’) in terms of the word ‘ought’, and then defining an artificial concept ‘ought’ in terms of the imperative mood, enriched so as to be capable of framing sentences in all persons and all tenses. This artificial concept ‘ought’ is then shown to fulfil the prescriptive function of the value‐word ‘ought’, though it is not capable of also fulfilling all its descriptive functions.
‘Ought’ and ‘Can’
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Discusses the thesis that ‘ought’ implies ‘can’. A sense in which ‘ought’ implies ‘can’ is developed in kinship to remarks by Strawson on the existential presuppositions of definite descriptions. The question of what it is about the human situation that gives rise to the need for a prescriptively charged language leads to a discussion of the problem of freedom of will. It is argued that our requirement for a prescriptive vocabulary is explained by our having free will.
Ideals
Authors: Hare R. M. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Establishes that aesthetic judgements are universalizable and addresses the problem of delimiting moral from aesthetic and evaluative questions. It is argued that there are at least two kinds of grounds on which someone might claim to know what the best thing to do is: interests and ideals. The question of ideals is elaborated in the subsequent discussion. It is argued that when interests are not concerned, conflicts between ideals are (unproblematically) not susceptible to much in the way of argument; conflicts between interests, if ideals are not involved, can be reconciled by means of the moral reasoning generated by the logic of moral terms.
The Course of Change in the Pay Structure
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter surveys the changes that have come about in pay structure in the course of time and, together with the next chapter (which surveys occupational pay structure in various types of economy), brings out the interconnection between pay structure and social structure that is formed by status and class. The different sections of this chapter are: Changes in the differential for manual skill; Changes in the relations between the pay for white‐collar and for manual occupations; Changes in the relative pay of occupations linked with particular industries; and The influence of trade unions on occupational differentials. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out six main points.
Differences of Individual Earnings Within an Occupation
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSo far in the book, only the average pay in each occupation has been addressed, but there is generally a wide dispersion of individual pay about that average. The examination of these differences in this chapter throws light on the factors affecting individual pay, in the presence of a given structure of pay by occupation. These factors are also explored by another approach in the next chapter. The different sections of the chapter are: The extent of the variance of earnings within particular occupations; Short‐period fluctuations of earnings; The variation of earnings with age; Differences in individual performance; Differences within local labour markets; and Differences of region and of unionization. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out three main points.
The Reformers' Inheritance
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The process of the democratization of a regime is best understood in terms of the dynamic between elites and civil society forces. Crucial in this is the context within which that relationship is played out. In the Soviet Union of the second half of the 1980s, that context was shaped by the Soviet legacy. This legacy comprised a unitarist political system which not only had little room for real popular participation but also had significant structural weaknesses; in particular, an economy which had declined to the point of stagnation and a multi‐ethnic state structure. Such a legacy imposed severe constraints on the possibilities for systemic reform.
The Attempt at Liberalization
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
On achieving power, Gorbachev initially sought to introduce a range of political and economic measures that would remedy the system's problems without fundamentally changing its structure. However, this process of reform became radicalized in the second half of 1986. The notions of perestroika, glasnost and democratisation signalled the attempted liberalization of political life. This radicalization of the programme provoked more determined resistance on the part of conservative opponents, which in turn stimulated further radicalization of the measures Gorbachev sought to introduce. This dynamic led to the adoption at the XIX Conference of the Communist Party in mid‐1988 of measures designed to revolutionize the political system. The programme of liberal reform had become a programme of systemic transformation, which paradoxically undercut the authority of the party and unleashed new political forces.
From Reform to Transformation
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Following the adoption of a programme for political transformation at the XIX Conference, Gorbachev and those around him set about trying to translate it into practice. But the effect of this programme was not only to open up the political system to mass involvement but also challenges by new elite actors from outside the Soviet elite. As a result, the group around Gorbachev found themselves facing opposition not only from conservatives who believed that change had gone too far but also from radicals who believed that change had not gone far enough. Against a background of increasing economic difficulty and heightened local and regional nationalism, declarations of sovereignty by republican governments led to the fragmenting of the system. In this situation, conservative Soviet elements mobilized and struck back, principally in the form of the 1991 putsch, which opened the way to the dismantling of the Soviet Union by Boris Yeltsin in alliance with other national leaders.
A Debilitated President
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The new constitution adopted in December 1993 was designed to subordinate the legislature to executive authority and minimize electoral uncertainty for the president. With the new Duma marginalized, Yeltsin ruled through what many called his “court”. This strategy created continuing tension within elite circles. This was not eased by the parliamentary election of 1995 in which the anti‐Yeltsin forces again did well and by the fraught circumstances of the 1996 presidential election. Although this returned Yeltsin to office, his physical frailty led to his increasing reliance upon his immediate entourage, especially the so‐called “family” of advisors and oligarchs. The resultant political vacuum could not be filled by an activist President Yeltsin, by a vigorous parliament, or by an independent prime minister, with the result that the Yeltsin regime headed into its twilight with, at its head, a debilitated president occupying a powerful presidency.
A Stunted Civil Society
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The course of Russian politics was structured by the political elites acting with little restraint by civil society forces. This was, in part, because of the weakness of those forces. The bourgeoisie did not emerge as an independent force, with significant sections of it remaining closely linked into and reliant upon elements within the state, the working class remained weakly organized with trade unions that could not bring effective force to bear upon the government, the peasantry remained impoverished and unorganized in the countryside and the urban middle class was weak and politically inert. With the exception of the Communist Party, political parties have been weak and ephemeral. The result of all of this is a civil society that is stunted and unable to impose significant constraints upon the elite, which has monopolized political decision‐making.
Conclusion
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
In both Gorbachev's Soviet Union and Yeltsin's Russia, elites were able to act relatively unconstrained by the populace at large. The Soviet legacy was not a fruitful one for the development of a powerful civil society. The economic difficulties of the post‐Soviet period and the resultant mass disillusionment posed a further barrier to such a development. In this context, politics has overwhelmingly been the preserve of the elites; an arena in which they fought out their interests. The result was that those elites had little incentive to build a system based upon real democratic principles, in which the populace has a decisive voice. In these circumstances, under Yeltsin, democracy in Russia proved to be stillborn.
Introduction
Authors: Webb Paul 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This introductory chapter describes the aim of the book and the scope and framework of the analysis it presents. It distinguishes three broad types of research inquiry into the performance and standing of political parties: (1) studies focusing on party connections with the electorate (e.g. partisan dealignment, electoral volatility, membership change); (2) studies examining the development of party organizations over time; and (3) studies investigating aspects of party performance on behalf of the wider political system. Accordingly, each of the country case studies in the following 13 chapters are divided into the same three sections, plus an introduction, and a conclusion. These three sections cover: the popular legitimacy of parties; party organizational strength; and the systemic functionality of parties—which addresses governance and political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication and education.
Political Parties in Britain
Authors: Webb Paul 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
For thirty years following the end of the Second World War, it was orthodox to regard Britain as having one of the most stable and party‐oriented political systems in the Western world—parties penetrated state and society so significantly that it was virtually impossible to conceive of political life in the country without thinking first and foremost of party political life. However, since the middle of the 1970s, old certainties have been challenged by a continuing and multi‐dimensional debate about the transformation of British party politics. This challenge is predicated on a number of interconnected developments, which include: the apparent growth of electoral volatility; the spread of partisan and class dealignment; the emergence of nationalist cleavages in Scotland and Wales, which have threatened to fragment the national political culture; the erosion of two‐party electoral domination; and the growing chorus of criticism levelled at the damaging iniquities of the electoral system and the adversarial ‘winner‐takes‐all’ political mentality that is closely associated with it. Despite this, the single‐member plurality (SMP) (first‐past‐the‐post) electoral system continues to ensure that single‐party majority governments remain the norm. This chapter looks at what such changes imply for the general status of parties in the country, and is arranged in the same three sections as the other country case studies in the book; these examine the popular legitimacy of British political parties, their organizational strength, and their systemic functionalities (in governance and political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication, and political participation).
Italian Parties
Authors: Bardi Luciano 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
For over forty years, Italy was seen as a ‘party government’ system, with a party system that was extremely fragmented, consisting of up to 10 national parties, at least seven of which could at any time be considered ‘relevant’. As a consequence of various factors that found expression in the results of two crucial elections in 1992 and 1994, all of this has abruptly come to an end. Party organizations have literally fallen apart after at least thirty years of successful adaptation to societal and political system changes, with all parties and other electoral competitors having been deeply affected, and a number of the traditional parties, including the three largest ones, suffering divisions and transformations. The transformation was the result of three sets of direct causes: first, there had been shifts in political demand for specific parties or even parties in general, resulting from greater potential voter mobility; second, there had been change in the political supply provided by the parties; and third, the new electoral law impacted directly on the parties’ parliamentary delegations; some of these factors are arguably still effective, and the transformation of the Italian party system is far from complete. The introductory section of the chapter discusses this changing structure of the Italian party system; the next three sections of the chapter cover the same topics as the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and party functionality (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and political participation).