bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Nationality in the Divided State
Authors: Benner Erica 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The roots of Marx's thinking on national issues can be traced back to his pre‐communist critique of Hegel. Marx's early, radical republican concept of nationality was modified but not abandoned in his and Engels’ first accounts of their ‘materialist’ theory of history. The role of this concept in the action‐guiding theory sketched in the Communist Manifesto is essential for an understanding of Marx and Engels’ internationalist policies.
Explaining Nationalism
Authors: Benner Erica 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter questions the view that Marx and Engels dealt with national issues in an inconsistent or untheoretical way. Once we abandon the notion that any true ‘Marxian’ account must be framed in terms of an economic theory of capitalist development or a ‘ruling class’ theory of ideology, it becomes easier to identify elements of a distinctive political theory that informed their diverse writings on nationalism. This theory avoided many of the shortcomings attributed to most textbook ‘Marxist’ approaches.
Rescuing Internationalism
Authors: Benner Erica 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, Marx and Engels turned their attention to two developments that forced them to rethink their approach to national issues: colonial expansion outside Europe and the rise of working‐class movements displaying a variety of dispositions to nationalism. In revising their policies towards national movements in Ireland, India, and China, the two men upgraded the role of national self‐determination within their internationalist strategy. At the same time, their work in the First International led them to clarify distinctions between hegemonic and defensive nationalism, enlightened patriotism, and uncritical support for national leaderships.
The Revenge of Nations, 1870–?
Authors: Benner Erica 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter reconsiders the view that the bankruptcy of Marx and Engels’ national thinking was exposed by working‐class nationalism in the First World War, and revealed time and again by the superior appeal of national over class or internationalist loyalties. After reappraising their explanations of militarism and its effects on popular nationalism, the continuing relevance of their approach is assessed. Against critics who denigrate Marx and Engels’ refusal to explain nationalism as an independent political force and national identity as a source of intrinsic moral values, the book concludes that these features of their approach should be seen as strengths, not weaknesses.
A Political Theory of Rights
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This book presents a conception of rights as a type of political claim, justified by a Kantian ideal of autonomy. This justification provides a moral basis for rights independent of law and custom, and tied to an image of citizenship which is appropriate to the practice of pluralist liberal democracy. The book is divided into two parts. Part 1 discusses the concept of self-ownership and the proprietary conception of rights. Part II explores the concept of self-government and the political conception of rights.
What Is Self‐Ownership?
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSeveral writers have argued that there is flexibility in the meaning of property, which allows for a sense of proprietary rights or self-ownership, that is non-libertarian. This chapter argues against non-libertarian self-ownership. Libertarian self-ownership is favoured over other possible conceptions because any partial ownership is inadequate for the task of the doctrine, which is to deny us any ownership of each other. Self-ownership is not very impressive in its response to slavery or political despotism, and has become the main source of the current power problem — the distribution of effective equal power to be in command of our own lives.
Self‐Ownership and World Ownership
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter attempts to lessen the appeal of self-ownership by showing how it counters well-entrenched moral positions. It argues that welfarists should not believe that libertarianism offers either: a compelling case for dismissing welfare rights; or the possibility of an economic constitution which is consonant with the underlying impulse of welfarism. It examines various types of moral ownership of the natural world in relation to self-ownership, the two best known Lockian routes to individual acquisition of resources, and Steiner’s approach which combines self-ownership and equal distribution of raw resources.
Proprietary Rights and Self‐Command
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter discusses the conceptual inadequacy of the whole proprietary approach to rights. It argues that the concept of a right cannot be reduced to the conception of rights under capitalism, i.e., property conception. The proprietary conception cannot be the favoured interpretation of rights because it fails to explain the possibility of a transition from capitalism to a form of socialism that embeds individual rights in its social structure. A system of proprietary rights cannot be agreed upon by all in a modern democracy.
Constructing a Theory of Rights: Ideal Conversations
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter develops a method for assessing proposed schemes of rights. It argues that the way to get from some value or interest to rights to securing it should be viewed in terms of a process of social dialogue rather than social contract. Discursive argument must observe certain norms of discussion; the norms proposed by leading advocates of a discursive model of legitimation are not neutral norms of rational discussion. The liberal conception of the person which underlines what is called Ideal Discourse, Ideal Convention, or Constrained Conversation may be held in a non-perfectionist way by a political conception of this as a basis of voluntary political agreement in pluralist democracies.
Constructing a Theory of Rights: Building in Conversational Constraints
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The conception of autonomy described in the previous chapter yields interconnected norms of Equal Respect, Reasonableness, Generality, Symmetry, Secularity, and Universality. The interpretation of these norms is led by an understanding of autonomy which precludes the possibility of any conversation constrained by them concluding in favour of self-ownership and its proprietary rights. If autonomy is our moral and political ideal, we are committed to an expressivist rather than a modus vivendi view of politics.
Principles of Self‐Government
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe previous chapter identified various norms of autonomy-regarding conversation, and applied these to criticise the doctrine that proclaims self-ownership as the basis of the state. This chapter aims to replace the unsatisfactory principle of self-ownership with the principle of self-government. It argues that each individual is the morally rightful governor of her own person and powers, and is therefore free to make her own life as long as she does not engaged in acts that hinder others from pursuing their independent lives.
Conclusion
Authors: Ingram Attracta 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter presents a synthesis of the concept of rights against the state discussed in this volume. It argues that the difference between a libertarian and social-democratic liberal state is not merely the differences in the packages of rights associated with each. The content of each package differs in each case because the structure of rights is different. It is a mistake to defend self-ownership on the grounds of autonomy, since the two are incompatible.
1870–1914: On the Threshold of Organized Capitalism
Authors: Crouch Colin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractChanges in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1870, 1900, and 1914. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict, and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Organized Industrial Relations Between the Wars
Authors: Crouch Colin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractChanges in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1925 and 1938. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
The Post‐War Years
Authors: Crouch Colin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractChanges in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1950 and 1962. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Political Space and European State Traditions: The Religious Base
Authors: Crouch Colin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractA major conclusion to emerge from Part II was that the diversity of national industrial relations systems could be related to wider diversity in relations between states and societies. Some states 'shared’ public space with social interests; in other cases, clear lines had been established to distinguish the two. These differences, which had very different implications at different periods, can be related to diversity in patterns of state and nation formation, and finally to different relations between state and religion from the Reformation onwards.
Reappraising Political Theory
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The book—the second volume of my trilogy Political Theory and the Human Sciences—is divided into two sections. The first and shorter section (Chs. 1 and 2) deals with methodological and interpretive questions and advocates a methodologically `pluralist’ and `problem‐driven’ approach to the interpretation and reappraisal of works of political theory. The second and much longer section (Chs. 3–12), applying the method outlined and defended in the first, consists of a series of reinterpretations and reappraisals of thinkers, texts, themes, and topics in political theory.
Whither Political Theory?
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter traces the history of several trends and tendencies in political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It begins with the announcement of the `death’ of political theory and the `end of ideology’ in the mid 1950s, traces its purported rebirth in the 1970s, and its trajectory since then. The chapter concludes with several conjectures about the possible future(s) of political theory.
Machiavelli and Moral Change
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMachiavelli's conception of princely virtue—virtù—is entirely consistent with the brutal precepts and practices prescribed in The Prince, and for which his own and succeeding generations have roundly condemned him. Here, I recover and re‐examine Machiavelli's central concept of princely virtù and its place in his political thinking. My claim is that Machiavellian virtù shares some crucial conceptual affinities with the older Homeric conception of virtue (αρετη), or role‐related specific excellence.
Hobbes's Linguistic Turn
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Here, I examine and criticize the claim that Hobbes was a proto‐positivist precursor of the modern scientific study of politics. Against this view, I argue that Hobbes may be better viewed as a thinker acutely aware of the communicative constitution of human society. Because communicative distortion and breakdown are ever‐present possibilities, an all‐powerful `sovereign definer’ is needed to prevent or preclude the communicative breakdown that characterizes the Hobbesian state of nature.
Rousseau's Civil Religion Reconsidered
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
I ask and attempt to answer three questions. First, what role or place does Rousseau's scheme for a civil religion occupy in his political theory? Second, what were Rousseau's intentions—i.e. what was he attempting to do—in devising this scheme? And third, how might we account for its placement within the text of the Social Contract, viz. at the very end? Addressing these questions from a contextual as well as internal or textual perspective, I construct a new—and decidedly non‐totalitarian—interpretation of Rousseau's religion civile.
The Survivor and the Savant: Two Schemes for Civil Religion Compared
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter compares and contrasts the schemes for a civil religion advanced by Auguste Comte and James Mill, which contrasts the former's illiberal and priestly views with the latter's liberal and low‐church conception of the role of religion in a modern and largely secular society. The purpose of Mill's civil religion is pedagogical: it seeks to impart civically useful knowledge and to instil a sense of civic responsibility and restraint. This stands in stark contrast to Comte's civil religion, which seeks to stifle criticism, manipulate the emotions, and procure assent to an authoritarian and undemocratic system of priestly rule.
Benthamite Discipline and Punishment; Or, What Foucault Missed
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn this chapter, I show how James Mill reworks and recycles the argument of a classic text—viz. Plato's Republic—and uses Plato's theory of justice and just punishment to legitimize Bentham's plans for penal reform. Pace Michel Foucault, who views Bentham as the thoroughly modern doyen of the `surveillance society’, I argue that much modern political theory has classical roots and that we should therefore be wary of post‐modern genealogists’ claims about discursive continuities between discrete epistemes or systems of thought.
Utilitarianism, Feminism, and the Franchise
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.
Marx and Darwin: A Reconsideration
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMany commentators have claimed that Marx's materialist conception of history owes something to Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection. Why else, they ask, would Marx have offered to dedicate a volume of Capital to Darwin? I argue, to the contrary, that Marx never made such an offer and that it would have been surprising if he had done so. Claims about a connection, methodological or otherwise, between Marx and Darwin are chimerical.
Constitutional Interpretation: What's Wrong With ‘Original Intent’?
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter takes a fresh look at the interpretive strategy of `originalism’ or `original intent’ and shows that this strategy is defective for a number of heretofore unsuspected reasons. Chief among these is that a thoroughgoing originalism would require one to accept the once‐credible but now‐discredited or defunct theories and vocabularies within whose terms the Founders thought about politics and framed the Constitution.
The Myth of Adam and American Identity
Authors: Ball Terence 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This concluding chapter looks at a pervasive American myth—that of the American Adam—which holds that America was originally an Eden, and Americans like Adam before the Fall: fresh, innocent, and full of hope. As R.W.B. Lewis argues in The American Adam, this myth pervades American literature. I attempt to show that it pops up in other unsuspected genres as well. I illustrate this claim by looking afresh at three thinkers—John Rawls, Gerard O’Neill, and Richard Rorty—whose work, doubtless unbeknownst to them, embodies `Adamic’ themes and imagery.
Equality in Post‐Modern Times
Authors: Rustin Michael 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Michael Rustin examines Michael Walzer's theory of justice against the background of significant currents in modern socio‐philosophical thought. He argues that Walzer's attempt to revitalize the ideal of equality for contemporary industrial societies ultimately fails to establish equality as a moral goal of post‐modern societies. Rustin examines the extent to which a theory of justice rejecting abstract universality and historicist approaches can retain normative force.
Complex Justice, Cultural Difference, and Political Community
Authors: Carens Joseph H. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Joseph Carens argues that Michael Walzer's account of the moral autonomy of political communities is not true to our shared understanding of justice. Drawing upon a wide range of cross‐cultural examples, he argues that our understanding of justice requires us sometimes to criticize institutions and policies of political communities that are culturally different to our own communities. Focusing on issues of gender and democracy, he also argues that the ‘we’ who make these judgements does not always correspond to the members of a political community but can be either wider or narrower.
Spherical Justice and Global Injustice
Authors: Barry Brian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Brian Barry examines the idea that the demands of justice in a given society can be ascertained by interpreting the shared understandings of the meanings of the goods that are to be distributed. Focusing on Michael Walzer's claims regarding the meanings of such goods as money, health, and leisure, Barry argues that for meanings to determine the uniquely right distributions, the criteria of distribution need to be built into the meanings. He criticizes the implications of Walzer's theory for thinking about global justice.
The Empirical Study of Justice
Authors: Elster Jon 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Jon Elster surveys and classifies a wide range of literature that informs the study of justice. He positions Michael Walzer's theory of justice in relation to the three main categories into which he believes studies of justice fall: descriptive, explanatory, and normative. In comparing Walzer's and his own account of the relevance of empirical findings for normative analysis, Elster aims to show that the complexity of the relationship between the two is not accurately captured by Walzer.
Justice Across the Spheres
Authors: Gutmann Amy 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Amy Gutmann argues that a just society could not, pace Michael Walzer, distribute social goods in accordance with the standards of complex equality. To support this view, Gutmann points to conflicts between multiple meanings of goods, which require adjudication in accordance with moral considerations that cut across distributive spheres. Drawing on the several meanings of productive employment and medical care in contemporary USA, she concludes that justice is complex, but not specific to distinct spheres.
Politics and the Complex Inequalities of Gender
Authors: Okin Susan Moller 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Susan Moller Okin, drawing on a wide range of cross‐national data on politics and gender, examines the representation of women in political life in contemporary liberal democracies. She argues that Walzer's notion of complex equality can be used as a tool for feminist criticism. She suggests that women's representation can be increased if the sphere of family does not dominate other spheres of social life for women.
Complex Equality
Authors: Miller David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
David Miller explores and develops Michael Walzer's notion of complex equality as a way of bringing together the potentially conflicting ideas of distributive justice and social equality. He examines the empirical plausibility of the notion of complex equality and argues that Walzer's theory of the spheres of justice allows the construction of an understanding of distributive justice and social equality that is different from, and superior to, mainstream political philosophy.
The Sociology of Complex Equality
Authors: Swift Adam 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Adam Swift examines the ways in which sociology can inform the study of distributive justice and equality, focusing specifically on the question of whether sociological literature supports Michael Walzer's normative ideal of complex equality. He argues that there are relevant sociological lessons about the role of the state and the importance of citizenship that restrict the scope of Walzer's general claim about the injustice of the conversion of goods between distinct distributive spheres.
Introduction and Preview
Authors: Femia Joseph V. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAfter discussing the various definitions of democracy, the chapter laments the paucity and inadequacy of the literature on anti‐democratic thought. Hirschman's three categories of ‘reactionary’ thought—perversity, futility, and jeopardy—are then introduced and defended. The perversity thesis holds that progressive reformers will achieve the opposite of what they intended; the futility thesis claims that they will achieve nothing at all (owing to the refractory nature of reality); and the jeopardy thesis expresses the fear that any success they might have would be at the expense of cherished values. The chapter maintains that all anti‐democratic thought can be fitted into these categories, and that anti‐democratic arguments rely, in the main, on the idea of unanticipated consequences.
The Perversity Thesis
Authors: Femia Joseph V. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The perversity thesis (that democratic reform will bring despotism) is explored through a critical analysis of the thought of its main exemplars: Burke, Maistre, Hegel, and Tocqueville. The thesis is divided into two subcategories, encompassing: (1) those who despised democracy because it violated their romantic vision of an organic society, and (2) those who feared democracy because it would create an atomized, mass society. The latter group of thinkers were less ‘reactionary’, and more willing to compromise with liberal and democratic ideas.
The Futility Thesis
Authors: Femia Joseph V. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The futility thesis argues that power elites are necessary in society. Two different types of explanation are offered: psychological and organizational. The former is illustrated through a critical analysis of the ideas of Pareto; the latter, by exploring the thought of Mosca and Michels. The futility thesis is then updated through a discussion of how increasing social complexity impacts on democracy. It is concluded that the elitists were right to highlight a tension between democracy and modernity.