bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Glubb’s Ouster and Its Aftermath’
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On 1 March 1956, King Hussein dismissed Lieutenant General John Bagot Glubb, chief of the general staff of the Arab Legion.1 With him were dismissed Glubb’s closest assistants, Colonel W. M. Hutton, his chief of staff, and Colonel Sir Patrick Coghill, director of General Intelligence. Also, eight British commanding officers were suspended, apparently those who had been most active in suppressing the riots in January. The British government ordered all the remaining British officers in executive positions to relinquish their commands immediately.
The Crisis of April 1957
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On the evening of 8 April 1957, the First Armored Car Regiment of the First-Amira ‘Aliya-Brigade Group left its camp at Zerqa and took up positions that controlled access to Amman.2 The commanding officer of the regiment, Captain Nadhir Rashid, with his aide the only hadari in a beduin unit, told his men that they were to check the serviceability of their vehicles. Hussein, on finding Basman Palace under something close to siege, heard from Abu Nuwar that he had ordered a security check on traffic from and to the capital. Hussein angrily ordered the regiment back to base and was obeyed.
The Crisis of July 1958
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The crisis through which Hussein, and the Entity with him, passed in July 1958 lacks the public drama of that of April 1957 or, for that matter, of Black September 1970. However, it was unique in two respects: it was the one emergency in Hussein’s perilous career in whose timing he had no part, and as far as we know, it was the one that brought him to the brink of giving up. As far as Hussein was concerned, the crisis did not begin with the coup in Baghdad on 14 July. Rather, it had begun almost two weeks earlier, on the receipt of urgent information from the U.S.
Relaxation
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the political history of Jordan, the period between the crisis of summer 1958 and the call for the first Arab summit in December 1963 lacks the dramatic unity that characterized the preceding three years. There are common denominators: qawmiyya was still the dominant ideology of the Arab world, and it still considered the Jordanian Entity to lack legitimacy. Abdel Nasser remained the embodiment of qawmiyya, and thus Hussein continued to regard him as the major threat to his existence. But the drama had been diminished in the denouement of 1958.
Fresh Storms and Tense Interludes
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The end of 1959 saw the beginning of two processes that, in retrospect, were milestones on the road to the Six-Day War. On 18 November 1959, the Israeli government announced that it would give top priority to the diversion of Jordan water from Lake Tiberias to the Negev-that is, the National Water Carrier project, on which Israel’s development was to depend in decades to come, with all that this implied for the absorption of mass immigration, advance toward economic independence, and pride in the Zionist achievement. Because the carrier project was to originate in Lake Tiberias, Syrian (and Lebanese) water reserves would not be affected.
The Breakup of the UAR and After
Authors: Mayers David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Syrian army coup of 28 September 1961 and the breakup of the union between Egypt and Syria in its wake took Hussein as unawares as it took anybody outside the circle of conspirators immediately involved. Hussein’s fear of this spectacular enhancement of Abdel Nasser’s power had been known from the first. Hussein had never bothered to disguise it, and whenever his relations with Abdel Nasser reached yet another low, he and the Jordanian official media called on the Syrian people to rise up against its alien oppressors.
Introduction
Authors: Fass Paula S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By the early twentieth century, the appeal of schooling was already irresistible in the United States. Philosophers proclaimed its unparalleled importance, sociologists integrated it into the basic institutions of their analysis, reformers called upon its aspirations for improvement, and politicians were becoming adept at invoking its name as part of the rhetoric of democratic promise. In fact, schooling was then only marginally a factor in social life, more an incanted ideal than a strategic part of national experience. Since then, schooling has become a familiar part of the American dialogue about the meaning and fate of democratic society. Indeed, our attention to schooling, our discussions, and our dissatisfactions have helped to define us as a people in the twentieth century. Today, schooling does matter, and education as a massive enterprise has become an integral component of the economy, culture, and state. While Americans in high places still incant schooling as part of the liturgy of American ideology, the experience of almost all Americans has made the school part of their own intimate past and vital to their children’s future. The domestication of schooling, from the realm of inspiration to the ghettos of daily life, has been part of the social transformation of the twentieth century.
“Americanizing” the High Schools: New York in the 1930s and ‘40s
Authors: Fass Paula S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By the 1930s the children and grandchildren of the progressive-era migrations were filling the classrooms of American cities. This was not unprecedented; drawn or driven, the children of the masses had been attending school in America since the nineteenth century. New, however, was the degree to which the children of immigrants were moving into the higher educational reaches, attending high schools and even colleges. In the nineteenth century, high schools had occupied an ambiguous place in American education-sometimes merely feeders for colleges and universities, sometimes academies in their own right, often no more than stopping places
Worldviews of Regret: A Literary Framework
Authors: Landman Janet 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
How we experience regret has, I believe, much to do with personal and cultural values that are deep and fundamental, though often tacit and unexamined. Just as the text of life cannot be reduced to a single universally agreed-upon text, but supports multiple possible meanings, interpretations, or constructions, regret cannot be reduced to a single unitary concept or phenomenon but requires a many-dimensioned analytic framework. In this chapter I begin an exploration of regret within the framework of the literary categories of romance, comedy, tragedy, and irony-as illustrated in Dickens’s Great Expectations, James’s The Ambassadors, Dostoev­ sky’s Notes from Underground, and Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway, re­ spectively. In addition, I examine a more modern exemplar of regret in a mixed mode (romantic and ironic) as found in Breathing Lessons by Anne Tyler.1,2 Finally, I take a look at literary metaphors for regret emerging from within each of these worldviews. I shall be returning to these novels and their corresponding modes of regret in later chapters, combing through them for whatever they can contribute to an understanding of the substance, antecedents, occasions, sequelae, and transformation of regret.
Regrets I’ve Had a Few: What We Regret Most
Authors: Landman Janet 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Okay. So you overslept this morning. You had no time for break­ fast. You missed one bus by seconds and had to wait a half hour for the next in a driving rain. Your work bores you to tears. Your kids are sassy and your spouse preoccupied. If only aging didn’t mean creeping weight gain and physical afflictions. You should have gotten that degree. In other words, you’ve had a few regrets.
Personal Roots of Regret
Authors: Landman Janet 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
What really plays the dickens with us is something in ourselves. Something that makes us go on doing the same sort of fool things, however many chances we get. The tragic and ironic worldviews have in common the assumption that most human conflict and misery are due to personal or internal failings and ambivalences or to uncontrollable external forces. The tragic flaw in the character of the literary hero, which brings about the downfall of the hero, exemplifies this assumption. The romantic and comic worldviews share the assumption that external and controllable forces are what get in the way of human happiness and stability. Likewise, whenever we are called upon to con­ sider the question “What caused X to do Y?” our answers fall for the most part into the same two categories: internal (personal) and external (situational) reasons.i Accordingly, I have divided the question of what “causes” regret into two chapters, first exploring some of the personal characteristics of individuals and then some of the characteristics of circumstances that help explain when and why we regret.
Occasions of Regret
Authors: Landman Janet 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Although we commonly think of emotion as bubbling up from the most private wellsprings of the individual, external circumstances significantly shape emotion as well. External, or situational, factors influence the quality of regret, how intensely it is experienced, and when it is experienced and expressed. Moreover, because emotion consists of a transaction between a person and his or her circumstances, it does not really make sense to try to separate them. In the interests of analytic clarity, in this chapter I am treating external circumstances as separable, but I do so in an “as-if” manner. The comic and romantic constructions of regret view controllable, external factors as primarily responsible for frustrating human happiness, and the exercise of reason and action as the primary antidotes. Among the external, situational factors shaping regret are the large influences of culture and the more minute influences having to do with the context of decisions, the antecedents of decisions, and the regretted outcomes themselves.
Transformation of Regret
Authors: Landman Janet 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
How is regret transformed over time?As mentioned earlier, empirical research on regret has only recently made its debut. Investigations of regret as a historical, dynamic process-investigations capable of answering the vital question of how it is transformed-are nonexistent. Although in principle autobiographies might serve as valuable sources of such material, with the exception of T. E. Lawrence’s Seven Pillars of Wisdom (with its equal parts of regret and guilt), I am unfamiliar with autobiographies that illuminate regret as temporal process.
Introduction
Authors: McFadden David W 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The origins of the complex and multifaceted relationship between Soviet Russia and the United States of America long predate the nuclear age and the conventional beginnings of the Cold War. The diverse dimensions of conflict, and efforts to resolve differences, date from the very beginnings of Bolshevik power: November 7, 1917. Far from there being a clear and unambiguous policy on either side, the first years of the relationship comprised a series of experimental attempts to come to terms with each other. These efforts occurred at a time of enormous pressure and change for both societies. Woodrow Wilson had only recently reversed course and committed the United States to the defeat of Germany in World War I, the first-ever commitment of American ground troops to a European war. Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks looked into a totally unknown future, heading a government that they firmly believed could not survive without the assistance of revolutionary uprisings in Germany and elsewhere in Central Europe. In the course of the ensuing three years, the two leaders and their societies faced war, revolution, economic chaos, Red Terror, and Red Scare. And, in the process, a wide variety of people in both countries groped for means and ways to work out some relationship with each other, exploring opportunities in a bewildering array of on-the-spot diplomatic encounters, in Petrograd, Moscow, Stockholm, Paris, and New York.
Lenin’s American Policy
Authors: McFadden David W 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
V.I. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party’s policy toward the United States in the three years following the October Revolution remained remarkably consis tent, yet reflected a maturing recognition of the realities of denied Bolshevik hopes for world revolution coupled with the continued survival and strength ened position of Soviet Russia. In its broad outlines, it meshed perfectly with the evolving policy of the Soviets toward the West in general and toward Britain and France in particular. But in some important respects, it diverged from this more general strategy by treating the United States as a special, and often favored, case.
Judson, Trotsky, and Bolshevik-American Military Collaboration, 191 7-1918
Authors: McFadden David W 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On December 1, 1917, less than a month after the Bolshevik seizure of power in Petrograd, Brigadier General William V. Judson, chief of the American Military Mission in Russia, met with Soviet Foreign Commissar Lev Trotsky in an effort to influence the terms of the Soviet armistice with Germany. This meeting marked the first substantive political or military contact between any United States official representative and responsible authorities of the new Soviet government.2
The Vietminh, the French, and the Americans: 1946-1950
Authors: Schulzinger Robert D 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Relations between France and the Vietminh deteriorated in 1946, and full-scale war broke out between them in December of that year. In the beginning the United States looked on as a spectator. Washington followed its practice of considering Indochina a distinctly secondary region. Europe took first place in the estimate of U.S. planners; in Asia, Americans looked first to China and then Japan to fulfill their national ambitions. Officially the United States argued that the issue of the future of Indochina concerned France, but later, high-level American officials began to take a more active interest in the future of Southeast Asia. The growing American concern for France’s success in its war against the Vietminh coincided with, and represented a part of, the development of the Cold War.
The Cold War emerged in the six months after World War II as a combination of conscious planning and day-to-day interactions between the United States and the Soviet Union. Both powers had expressed suspicions of the other’s motives during the Second World War, but the events of the period after August 1945 hardened these concerns into fear and mistrust. By 1947 little room for accommodation existed.
From Support to Intervention: 1961–1963
Authors: Schulzinger Robert D 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The new administration of John F. Kennedy vastly expanded the U.S. commitment to support the Republic of South Vietnam in its war against the National Liberation Front. Kennedy, along with most foreign affairs experts of the late 1950s and early 1960s, believed that the Cold War was a global struggle: events were interconnected, and weakness in the face of communist adversaries’ moves encouraged aggression elsewhere. Furthermore, many of the more assertive American Cold Warriors believed that a languorous President Eisenhower had underestimated the growing threat to U.S. interests posed by revolutionaries supported by the Soviet Union and China. Soviet Communist Party General Secretary Nikita Khrushchev’s promise at the beginning of 1961 to offer material support for revolutionaries waging “wars of national liberation” reinforced these foreign affairs experts’ sense of peril to the United States.
President Kennedy and his principal foreign affairs advisers considered the communist-nationalist insurrection in South Vietnam part of this global competition. Himself an early member of the American Friends of Vietnam, the young President considered Vietnam and all of Southeast Asia a key arena in the contest between communism and the West. By themselves the National Liberation Front and North Vietnam posed no threat to the United States. But they challenged the legitimacy of the Republic of Vietnam, a friendly government created largely by American actions.
Crack-up: 1967-1968
Authors: Schulzinger Robert D 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The war in Vietnam overwhelmed the United States in 1967 and 1968. When President Johnson escalated American involvement of ground personnel in 1965, General Westmoreland optimistically promised that the United States and its South Vietnamese ally would turn the tide of the war in 1966. Mopping up would occur in 1967 and the war would effectively be won in 1968. These estimates proved wildly out of line. The number of U.S. troops in Vietnam surpassed four hundred thousand in 1967 and the resistance of the nlf and the North Vietnamese remained intact and powerful. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara’s doubts about the effectiveness of bombing the North caused him finally to conclude that “the war in Vietnam is acquiring a momentum of its own that must be stopped.” Further escalation “could lead to a major national disaster.” The growth of anti-war sentiment had a vast impact on the thinking of top officials of the Johnson administration. The intellectual leadership of the country, supportive of presidential action in foreign affairs since the Second World War, turned against deeper U.S. involvement in Vietnam.
Anxiety and Remorse
Authors: Tanner John S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
“O Conscience, into what Abyss of fears / And horrors hast thou driv’n me; out of which/ I find no way, from deep to deeper plung’d!” (10.842-44). These are the final cries from Adam’s remorseful lament that splits the “still Night” after the Fall. Similar words introduce Satan’s lament atop Mt. Niphates: “Now conscience wakes despair / That slumber’d, wakes the bitter memory / Of what he was, what is, and what must be / Worse” (4.23-26). Clearly, both Man and Devil have consciences; both experience the pangs of remorse. But within this similarity remains a crucial difference: Conscience plunges Adam and Eve deeper and deeper into regret for evil until remorse finally gives way to genuine self reproach and repentance. Satan, by contrast, attempts to turn his con science inside out. Thus his lament, which begins expressing anguish for evil, ends explicitly beyond remorse, embracing evil: “Farewell Remorse: all Good to me is lost; / Evil be thou my Good” (4.109-10). These contrasting existential positions may be summarized as follows: for Mil ton’s human sinners, evil always remains evil-that which they loathe; for Milton’s demonic sinners, evil becomes defined as good-that which they love, or at least attempt to love.
Anxiety and Salvation
Authors: Tanner John S 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Upon returning a manuscript copy of Paradise Lost to Milton, the young Quaker Thomas Ellwood reportedly quipped: “Thou hast said much here of ‘Paradise Lost’; but what hast thou to say of ‘Paradise Found’?” Ellwood credits his pleasantry with having inspired Milton to write Paradise Regained.’ Be that as it may, his witticism suggests that Ellwood had either not read or not understood Paradise Lost-especially its conclusion, which explicitly moves the story from despair to hope, loss to salvation. Paradise Lost (never mind its sequel) coordinates Adam’s transgression with Christ’s triumph, developing the familiar Pauline parity between the first and second Adam. Also like Paul’s epistles, the poem’s conclusion stresses the need for a “better Cov’nant” of faith (12.302) owing to the insufficiency of both the Mosaic law and, more broadly, legalism. Kierkegaard’s treatise on the Fall observes similar dynamics in its conclusion. Its final chapter redirects the focus from sin to salvation, particularly salvation through faith. Like Paul and Milton, Kierkegaard lays special emphasis on the inadequacy of legalism as a means of redemption. In addition, however, Kierkegaard asserts that to be saved through faith is necessarily to be educated in anxiety. He calls his final chapter “Anxiety as Saving through Faith” (CA, 155). In my final chapter, I, too, turn from despair in order to explore the conjunction in Paradise Lost and The Concept of Anxiety between anxiety and salvation.
The Rise of the Know Nothings
Authors: Anbinder Tyler 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In about 1850, Charles B. Allen of New York City founded a new secret society similar to the other nativist fraternal organizations already in existence. Yet this new group, the Order of the Star Spangled Banner (OSSB),1 differed from previous nativist groups in a number of ways. Organizations such as the Order of United Americans (OUA) and United Sons of America had been only “semi-secret.” Meetings were closed to the public, but adherents could admit to membership, which became public anyway because they participated in parades and organized public lectures. Members of the OSSB, on the other hand, could not reveal anything about their organization, not even the fact that it existed. While the older nativist groups charged significant dues and required members to purchase expensive uniforms, it cost nothing to join the new group. The goals of the OSSB, however, were nearly identical to those of the existing nativist organizations. OSSB members pledged to use their votes and personal influence to reduce the political power of both immigrants and the politicians who purportedly pandered to them.
The Know Nothings and Republican Ascendancy, 1857-1860
Authors: Anbinder Tyler 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The American party continued to decline precipitously after the presidential canvass of 1856, contesting its final election in 1859. Under ordinary circumstances, the swift and predictable demise of a third political party would merit minimal attention. But because scholars agree that the flow of Fillmore voters into the Republican party carried Abraham Lincoln to victory in 1860 (and thus helped precipitate the Civil War), they have thoroughly scrutinized the dissolution of the American party. Two widely divergent interpretations have emerged concerning how the Republicans managed to convert the Americans. One emphasizes Republican endorsements of nativism. Historians espousing this view point to Republican enactment of voting restrictions and church property laws as the quid pro quo with which the Republicans attained the support of former Know Nothings.
Boundaries of Power
Authors: Mccurry Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Sometime in the fall of 1855 near Adams Run in Colleton District, Ralph Elliott, the son of a very wealthy planter, and a yeoman neighbor named Price came to blows over Price’s relationship to the slaves on Elliott’s PonPon plantation. Convinced that the “vulgar” Price had been engaged in illegal trading with the PonPon slaves, Elliott had “knocked him down,” an insult Price had answered with two pistol shots in Elliott’s face that were “so close as to burn him with the powder” but that missed their mark and “shot through his hat.”1 The yeoman Price had refused to play slave to Elliott’s master.
Unequal Masters
Authors: Mccurry Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Domestic dependencies had public meanings in the South Carolina Low Country. In the complex world outside the fence where masters met on no man’s particular land, yeomen’s masterly identity engendered quite contradictory meanings, committing them to independence and the public assertion of their social and political rights even as it wedded them to the relations of power and domestic dependency that supported it.1 The defense of their own independence implicated yeoman farmers in the political defense of the state’s “peculiar” domestic relations.