bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Three‐Dimensional Model of Changing Internal Structure in the Firm
Authors: Hagström Peter , Hedlund Gunnar 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Looks at the limits of hierarchy in the internal structure of a firm and suggests an explanation as to why the concept of a simple hierarchy has been so readily accepted and is so seemingly successful. The authors argue that the historically successful hierarchy has actually hidden a different underlying structure that is only now being revealed. Hierarchy ensures relative efficiency in a known, stable situation, but these are hardly the salient characteristics of the modern competitive environment, and firms are found to experiment with ways to deal with these new pressures in changes that range from ad hoc measures to radical structural transformations. The fundamental trade‐off here is one of (flexible) efficiency today and of positioning for tomorrow; one‐dimensional hierarchy could achieve that yesterday. The authors conclude that, in effect, there are, and always have been, three structural dimensions at play, namely position, action, and knowledge; these dimensions have coincided (or misalignments have not been apparent) in the past, but that is seen to be less and less the case nowadays, and nowhere is this more apparent than in the modern multinational corporation; this theoretically and historically derived three‐structural‐dimensions model is tried out on an illustrative firm case (Oticon A/S in Denmark).
A Theory of the Firm's Knowledge‐Creation Dynamics
Authors: Nonaka Ikujiro , Takeuchi Hirotaka 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The thesis that the apparent success of Japanese firms rests on their ability for creation of organizational knowledge is explored. The Japanese experience is taken as a launching pad for a proposed more general theory of how knowledge is, and can be, created in organizations. Two simultaneous knowledge spirals are identified as evolving over time: first, knowledge is created and expanded through the social interaction between tacit and explicit forms of knowledge in a process that is called knowledge conversion—the different modes and requisite enabling conditions that maintain this knowledge spiral are traced; second, another spiral describes how knowledge created at the individual level is transformed into knowledge at the organizational level through a phased process. As the spirals interact over time, innovation is seen to emerge. Clearly, there is a certain normative bent to this view of knowledge creation, and it implies some important lessons for non‐Japanese firms.
Dynamics of Overlapping Networks and Strategic Actions by the International Firm
Authors: Mattsson Lars‐Gunnar 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Stresses the embeddedness of the individual firm in the network of firms with which it necessarily has ties; this ‘markets‐as‐networks’ approach interprets the generic governance structure for production systems to be multidimensional exchange relationships between actors, typically firms. A key notion here is one of coordination and interdependence in these long‐term—but by no means static—relationships, but in turn, it is argued, there are dynamic, indirect, and direct interactions between such relationships, and in a fundamental way, the relationships determine the constraints and opportunities under which the firm operates. The markets‐as‐networks approach is thus designed to incorporate both change and stability. The issue of different types of overlap between networks is singled out for scrutiny, especially as it relates to the international context. Applying these constructs, the author finds the approach to be especially well suited to improve understanding of the dynamic interaction between the international firm, and the international markets and industries.
The Globalization of Technology: What Remains of the Product Cycle Model?
Authors: Cantwell John 
Published: October 2003

AbstractTwo of the central hypotheses associated with earlier versions of the product life‐cycle model are called into question. First, on the basis of 100 years of US Patent Office data on the patents granted to large European and American industrial firms, the author rejects the hypothesis that innovations almost always originate in the home country of the parent company; internationalization of industrial research is found to be neither insignificant nor a new phenomenon. The second hypothesis, that international investment is led by technology leaders, fares better, being consistent with the data. However, the author makes an extended interpretation in order to take account of more recent trends toward a much wider range of firms being engaged in internationalization, suggesting that technology leaders are now ahead in the globalization of technology, and that these firms would be most competent in exploiting the locationally differentiated potential of foreign centres of technological excellence. Technology leadership can then be said to manifest itself in superior management of internal international networks with multiple locations for innovation, rather than just in a wider geographical dispersion of investments.
An International Political Economy Perspective
Authors: Strange Susan 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Embraces a broad canvas of political economic issues, first offering a timely reminder that, in our attempts to assess the consequences of globalization on the role of national governments, we should not neglect its wider implications for the global economic system. Second, in a discussion of the notion of power, the author argues that although economic wealth has become less concentrated in the hegemonies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this does not mean that the power that remains is of no consequence. However, she envisages that the structural sovereignty of the nation state—the freedom of national governments to pursue independent lines of action—is likely to be eroded as a result of deepening cross‐border integration (globalization), and illustrates this contention by referring to three areas of macroeconomic management (counter‐cyclical policy, monetary stability and the financing of state budgets), and three of macro‐organizational management (industrial and competition policy, labour relations, and crime protection). Strange goes on to assert that, although most consequences of globalization are favourably viewed by firms (and particularly by MNEs ), others (notably the instability of the international finance system and exchange rates) are not. Last, she suggests that, to most people, the effects of globalization are more ambiguous than those facing firms or governments, as they embrace a range of social and ethical, as well as economic issues; she outlines three such issues often neglected by scholars—family life and flexible working systems, consumer protection, and provision for retirement and old age.
Australia
Authors: Hill Hal , McKern Bruce 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This case study on the impact of globalization on Australia is organized into six main sections. Sect.1 and Sect. 2, provide a general overview of Australia's international integration from a comparative perspective. Sects. 3–5 place Australia's growing internationalization in context. The policy reforms of the 1980s are described and assessed in Sect 3, and related to a range of macroeconomic performance indicators in Sect 4; these two sections provide essential background information since the reforms were crucial in shifting Australia towards a much more international orientation, and the macroeconomic setting (in particular the country's low saving rate) is important, for it has the potential to nullify many of the significant reform achievements. Sect 5 develops the internationalization theme further by examining trends in equity capital flows and technology effort, and Sect 6 provides another building block in the argument by analysing the development of ever stronger ties with East Asia. Sect 7 takes a more microeconomic perspective by examining the impact of the major changes discussed earlier on business enterprises.
8 The Class Politics of Swedish Welfare Policies
Authors: Svallfors Stefan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe second Scandinavian chapter picks up on the emphasis on the welfare state. The main interest here is in class divisions in attitudes to welfare redistribution. It finds that the changes that appear to have occurred in the region do not appear to have led to other cleavages becoming more important than that of class. Again, politics is emphasized as the key to understanding the social bases of partisanship rather than vice versa.In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate about class politics takes on a very different form to that in the West: it concerns not whether class divisions have declined with the transition from industrialism to post‐industrialism, but whether they have increased as the former communist countries—with their former ideology of classlessness—undergo the uneasy transition from command economy to free market democracy.
9 The Politics of Interests and Class Realignment in the Czech Republic, 1992–1996
Authors: Mateju Petr , Rehakova Blanka , Evans Geoffrey 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe first chapter studies a relatively ‘Western’ country, the Czech Republic during the early‐ and mid‐1990s. Over a four‐year period there is clear evidence of class‐based political polarization along the ‘classic’ left‐right axis. The differential costs and benefits of marketization would appear to have become increasingly apparent to classes within the Czech electorate.
The Road To Maastricht
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractStructuralist explanations have dominated attempts to explain the process of European integration. However, as the negotiation of Economic and Monetary Union shows, policy leadership has been critical in launching, shaping, and sustaining this process. This leadership goes beyond policy entrepreneurship in setting the agenda to include the management of institutional venues in the pursuit of particular objectives.The Franco–German relationship emerges as a key venue that defines the scope and limitations of policy leadership and that was crucial in binding in the Bundesbank and EU central bankers to the process. At the domestic level, the political drive from Kohl and Mitterrand was decisive. Delors was a key driving force, at certain stages, both within the European Commission and as chair of the Delors Committee. Together, they acted as animateurs and ingénieurs of Economic and Monetary Union. The strategic aspect of leadership in the cases of Britain and Italy was altogether different. The Thatcher and Major governments repeatedly misjudged the commitment of their partners to proceed, and the inflexibility of their positions prevented them from building countervailing coalitions. For Italy, EMU was a test of external credibility: domestic weakness limited her overall influence on the progress of the initiative, whilst EMU was seized upon by a small leadership group as a new vincolo esterno (external constraint) to secure otherwise difficult domestic reforms. This latter strategy was replicated more widely as member states endeavored to meet the entry criteria for participation in the single currency.The outcome of the Maastricht Treaty was an imperfect agreement that generates serious future challenges for policy leadership. These challenges include cognitive gaps in EMU, institutional innovation, and imperfect legitimation.
Introduction: An Historical Overview
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe negotiation of EMU is situated in an historical context, notably the mounting tensions in the post‐war Bretton Woods system, the Hague Summit of 1969, the eventual collapse of Bretton Woods and the creation of the European Monetary System in 1978–79. An account is given of the relaunch of EMU in 1988, of the start of the detailed negotiations, of the nature and significance of the Maastricht Agreement, and of the end game in 1991.
Challenging the ‘D‐Mark Zone’: Agenda‐Setting on EMU and the Strategy of Indirection Under Mitterrand, 1981–1989
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMitterrand's beliefs about Europe and EMU and his governing style are analysed. The history of his engagement with this issue is traced from the ERM crisis of 1983 and the issue of reconciling socialism to the ERM through to the Balladur Memorandum and the French management of the Delors Committee in 1988–89. The hesitations of Bérégovoy are examined, alongside the role of presidential leadership in taking an active role after the Delors Report, especially through Guigou.
Negotiating EMU Around the German Model: Agenda‐Setting Under the Kohl Chancellorship, 1982–1989
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractKohl's beliefs about EMU and governing style are examined, along with the policy ideas of Stoltenberg and the power of the Finance Ministry and of the Bundesbank over EMU. Particular attention is paid to attempts to fend off challenges to develop the EMS. Crucial to this account is the role of Genscher and then of Kohl in preparing the Hanover European Council and in sustaining the political initiative by binding in the Bundesbank through Pöhl's role in the Delors Committee. The role and impact of German unification was central to the reframing of EMU in 1989–90 and to Kohl's leadership role.
Italy and the IGC: Negotiating External Discipline, Avoiding Exclusion, 1990–1991
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractItaly's maximalist negotiating positions—of a binding timetable, strong central institutions for the transition, and flexible entry conditions—were soon confronted in 1991 by the realization of a bargaining weakness. The latter stemmed from the domestic economic position, but also from the shift of the Mitterrand administration towards the negotiating positions adopted by the German–Dutch policy coalition. This context explains the successes and failures of the Italian negotiators in the IGC. Some technical influence was achieved. There was little scope for them to obtain a more favourable outcome, given that they were outside the Franco–German axis and an alternative coalition was not available. Above all, Italian negotiators had to avoid the risk of exclusion from EMU, which would have constituted a profound domestic shock.
The British Political Tradition and EMU: Policy Legacies, Beliefs, and Co‐Ordination
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFew issues have caused as much domestic turbulence for so long in recent decades as those associated with Britain's role in the European integration process. EMU challenged traditional concerns of British policy on Europe: nationhood, sovereignty, and gradualism. It also conflicted with core Thatcherite policy beliefs about the sensitivity of monetary policy to market conditions. EMU appeared on the agenda as the Conservative Government wrestled with the question of ERM entry, and a cleavage appeared between ‘Europhiles’ and ‘Eurosceptics’. Mrs Thatcher was intent on asserting a more strident leadership on ‘Europe’, whilst her Chancellor was acting as a policy entrepreneur. Her government was thus ill‐prepared strategically for the EMU negotiations. After the surprise of the Delors Committee outcome, the Whitehall machine established tight policy coordination. Given the political context, however, it remained vulnerable to a narrowness of vision.
John Major: Between the Party and the IGC
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractWith the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.
Jacques Delors as Policy Entrepreneur and Ingénieur of the EMU Negotiations: Agenda‐Setting and Oiling the Wheels
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDelors policy beliefs and strategy for EMU are analysed, in particular his role as animateur and ingénieur of the negotiations. His leadership before and during the Delors Committee is seen as central, especially in producing a unanimous report that bound in the EU central bank governors. Thereafter, his role is less significant. His role is considered in the context of his larger vision of European unification and his past experience as French Finance Minister. Within the European Commission, EMU is a case of informal presidentialization.
The Amsterdam Treaty: The Blueprint for the Future Institutional Balance?
Authors: Falkner Gerda , Nentwich Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe 1996‐97 intergovernmental conference (IGC) aimed, inter alia, at solving the most pressing institutional issues in order to prepare the ground for the next wave of enlargement. The paper first contrasts this IGC's mandate with the outcome of the Amsterdam Treaty. It then analyses the four most significant reform steps with a view to democratic governance at the EU level: they concern the issue of ‘appropriate representation’ in the European Parliament; the appointment of the Commission President; the latter's powers concerning the internal organization of the Commission; and, finally, the new powers and competences of the EP. The authors conclude that the incremental institutional changes during the two decades since the first direct European elections amounted to a fundamental reform and that, in the future, this new inter‐institutional balance would be refined rather than fundamentally challenged.
The Slow March of European Legislation: The Implementation of Directives
Authors: Azzi Giuseppe Ciavarini 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe job of the EU in the years ahead is likely to consist more of implementing existing policies than of creating new ones. In addition, the future enlargement of the EU will entail problems of implementation for the new member states. In this context, we need to ask two crucial questions: How effectively are Community directives being implemented? And how effective is the control exercised by the Community institutions? Political science has rarely considered these questions together, and while a number of multidisciplinary studies have been carried out on these subjects, they need to be qualified. This chapter attempts to do so. To that end, questions about the implementation of directives in the EU member states are raised. For example, the member state must first take the necessary measures to transpose the directive, and these must then be notified to the European Commission. Is there effective monitoring? How does monitoring work? The chapter offers extensive empirical material on these issues. In concluding, recommendations for policy implementation based on the instrument of directives, especially with a view to enlargement, are offered.
Beyond Amsterdam: Regional Integration as Social Process
Authors: Kohler‐Koch Beate 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.
Executive Selection in the European Union: Does the Commission President Investiture Procedure Reduce the Democratic Deficit?
Authors: Hix Simon 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDiscusses the issue of accountability. Argues that the holders of political power in the EU institutions must be made more accountable. The so‐called ‘permissive consensus’, in which Europe's leaders can build a European polity without requiring a priori consent from their voters, no longer exists. The challenge for the EU institutions is that a central element of the practice of democracy in all political systems is the ability of citizens to ‘throw out’ the holders of executive office through the process of competitive elections. The EU has, however, a ‘dual executive’. On the one hand, national governments possess long‐term executive power; on the other hand, in the everyday making of EU social and economic policies, the EU Commission exercises considerable executive power. In the exercise of these powers, moreover, whereas the Council is a true ‘collegial executive’ with a rotating president, the Commission is more like a national cabinet, where the Commission President is the primus inter pares, the ‘first among equals’. Prior to the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties, neither of these branches of the dual EU executive was accountable via the classic indirect or direct methods. In concluding, the chapter suggests that the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties have increased the democratic accountability of at least one part of the EU executive. However, critical questions remain to be addressed, e.g. has this quasi‐parliamentary model of EU executive selection really allowed Europe's voters to choose the EU executive? Can European citizens throw out the Commission President? Or is more fundamental institutional reform needed?
Political Representation in the European Union: A Common Whole, Various Wholes, or Just a Hole?
Authors: Neunreither Karlheinz 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExamines the peculiarities of political representation in the EU. Who represents whom in the European Union? Member States are represented via their governments in the Council, the peoples of the same Member States are represented in the directly elected European Parliament, the regions in the Committee of the Regions, and finally various economic and social groups in the Economic and Social Committee. But is there a political representation of the EU as a whole? The article argues that this is not just a purely theoretical question, but has important practical effects, among others in differentiated integration including the Eurozone arrangements. The European Parliament is directly affected by this situation in which several scenarios are possible. A forward EP strategy would consist in defending its right to represent the whole of the EU, not just its composing parts. This would be close to a federal option. Other scenarios include a strengthening of national parliaments, or––in the worst case––a weakening of political representation both in the Member States and the EU with possible substantial damages for the existing democratic systems.