bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Some Wavelet Algorithms For Turbulence Analysis and Modeling
Authors: Liandrat J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is well recognized that the physics of transition and turbulence in shear flows is associated with nonhomogeneous data fields due to the occurrence of localized phenomena. For example, intermittency related to high frequency components in fully-developed turbulence, turbulent spots in some transition processes, coherent structures of various types in turbulent shear flows are indeed classical concepts in fluid mechanics. Their analysis, understanding and modeling remain, however, one of the current active topics of research. In all these examples, the definition of local phenomenon is never clear, mainly because of the lack of a good analytical or computational tools suited for their study. For similar reasons, the dynamic (i.e. time-dependent) analysis of these phenomena is still an open problem.
Wavelet Analysis Of Fractals: from the Mathematical Concepts to Experimental Reality
Authors: Arneodo A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Fractal and multifractal concepts (Mandelbrot 1977, 1982; Halsey et al. 1986; Paladin & Vulpiani 1987) are now widely used to characterize multiscale phenomena that occur in a variety of physical situations (Stanley & Ostrowski 1986, 1988; Pietronero & Tosatti 1986; Guttinger & Dangelmayr 1987; Feder 1988; Aharony & Feder 1989; Vicsek 1989; Family & Vicsek 1991). In its present form, the multi fractal approach is basically adapted to describe statistically the scaling properties of singular measures (Benzi et al. 1984; Yul et al. 1984; Halsey et al. 1986; Badii 1987; Collet et al. 1987; Feigenbaum 1987; Jensen et al. 1987; Paladin & Vulpiani 1987; Mandelbrot 1989a; Rand 1989). Notable examples of such measures include the invariant probability distribution on a strange attractor (Halsey et al. 1986; Collet et al. 1987; Rand 1989), the distribution of voltage drops across a random resistor network (Stanley & Ostrnwski 1986, 1988; Feder 1988; Bunde & Havlin 1991), the distribution of growth probabilities on the boundary of diffusion-limited aggregate ( Feder 1988; Meakin 1988; Vicsek 1989) and the spatial distribution of the dissipation field of fully developed turbulence (Mandelbrot 1974; Pal adin & Vulpiani 1987; Frisch & Orszag 1990; Meneveau & Sreeni va.san 1991).
Conflict in the Churches
Authors: Jenkins Philip 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The “abuse crisis” was not inevitable. The individual cases could have been interpreted in a manner more sympathetic to the institutional churches, and the media need not have accepted the extremely high estimates of clerical misconduct advanced by certain authorities. The atmosphere of belief and acceptance had to some extent been created by the general concern over child abuse during the previous decade, but specific concerns about the churches were enhanced by the vigorous debates then in progress within the religious bodies themselves, and especially the Catholic church. In the furor over abuse by Catholic clergy, several major themes emerged recurrently: the authoritarian nature of the church and its hierarchy; the special privileges accorded to priests; the apparent neglect of the interests of children and women; and an ambiguous and hypocritical attitude toward sexuality. As Jeffrey Anderson argued, “The real scandal is not that there’s exploitation by clergy. It’s the mendacity, the duplicity, the complicity, the ignorance and the indifference of the hierarchy.”‘ All these issues and allegations had been under intense discussion within Catholic circles for two decades before the Gauthe case, from which they now acquired an urgent focus. At precisely the time that the abuse cases came to light, the Catholic church was embroiled in a series of bitter struggles about such matters as the balance of lay and clerical power in the church, the power of the hierarchy and the special role of the clergy, and gender concerns.
Meanings and Directions
Authors: Jenkins Philip 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The construction of the clergy-abuse problem can be approached in a number of ways. The issue’s origins can be traced to the interplay of various interest groups, who made effective use of opportunities arising from developments in the mass media and the legal environment. However, the whole affair also illustrates deeper structural changes in American society that have had a profound impact upon religious thought, and the effects are likely to continue in future years. Perceptions of a crisis over clergy abuse suggest how far the particular charges violated powerful new sensibilities and value systems. Public outcry reflects a fundamental shift away from traditional attitudes toward religious authority, in the direction of secular standards more in keeping with liberal and feminist beliefs. The specific instance of clergy abuse may thus foreshadow other problems and crises that will be experienced by American churches in the next decade or so. In terms of the Catholic church, the practical and ideological effects are likely to be devastating for traditional structures.
From Penitence to Charity
Authors: Diefendorf Barbara B 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Between Penitence and Charity analyzes female penitents and the revival of Catholic institutions and spirituality that produced a stunning burst of religious construction during the French wars of religion. Diefendorf argues that the spiritual imperatives of self-mortification and renunciation of will that lay at the heart of this penitential piety profoundly influenced not just those with religious careers but also the behavior of devout lay women.
Women in the New Jerusalem
Authors: Diefendorf Barbara B 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In later life, Barbe Acarie was wont to reminisce about her experience in Paris during the six-year period when the city, having rebelled against its king, was dominated by the ultra-Catholic coalition of the Holy League. Referring specifically to the spring and summer of 1590, when the royal army of Henri de Navarre held Paris under siege, she called this period “a golden age, when people didn’t think about eating or drinking but only about turning to God.” “She had never been happier,” she recalled, “or felt more contentment.” Most people recalled the siege in very different terms. Memoirist Pierre de L’Estoile described a horrifying descent into famine and fear, a time when bones from the city’s cemeteries were ground into flour to stretch the insufficient grain, when the poor ate the raw flesh of dead dogs they found in the streets or chewed on the hides of mules that had been sold for meat. L’Estoile even claimed that, two or three days before the siege was lifted, soldiers in the city, crazy with hunger, began to chase after little children in the streets and slaughtered and ate three of them.
The Contemplative Revival
Authors: Diefendorf Barbara B 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The founding of the Carmelite, Capucine, and Ursuline convents marked the beginnings of a new enthusiasm for religious life that touched off a blaze of construction in Paris. Between 1604 and 1650, at least forty-eight new religious houses for women—more than one a year—were erected. Some began and remained small and poor, particularly among those founded in the late 1630s by nuns fleeing cities endangered by the Thirty Years War, but others were large and prosperous foundations that cost hundreds of thousands of livres. Along with the approximately two dozen religious houses for men established during the same period, these new congregations transformed the urban environment of Paris and its spiritual geography as well. The circumstances surrounding their creation and the new opportunities they offered pious women form the subject of this chapter and the two that follow.
Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism
Authors: Nasr Seyyed Vali Reza 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Nasr examines the life and thought of Mawlana Mawdudi, one of the first and most important Islamic ideological thinkers. Mawdudi was the first to develop a modern political Islamic ideology, and a plan for social action to realize his vision. The prolific writings and indefatigable efforts of Mawdudi's party, the Jamaat-i-Islami, first in India and later in Pakistan, have disseminated his ideas far and wide. His views have informed revivalism from Morocco to Malaysia. Nasr discerns the events that led Mawdudi to a revivalist perspective, and probes the structure of his thought, in order to gain fresh insights into the origins of Islamic revivalism. He argues that Islamic revivalism did not simply develop as a cultural rejection of the West, rather it was closely tied to questions of communal politics and its impact on identity formation, discourse of power in plural societies, and nationalism. Mawdudi's discourse, though aimed at the West, was motivated by Muslim-Hindu competition for power in British India. His aim, according to Nasr, was to put forth a view of Islam whose invigorated, pristine, and uncompromising outlook would galvanize Muslims into an ideologically uniform and hence politically indivisible community. In time, this view developed a life of its own and evolved into an all-encompassing perspective on society and politics, and has been a notable force in South Asia and Muslim life and thought across the Muslim world.
The Islamic State
Authors: Nasr Seyyed Vali Reza 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At a glance, Mawdudi’s conception of the Islamic state and his views on the place of Islam in politics appear to be a modernization of the classical doctrine of the caliphate. On closer examination, however, it appears that he was less concerned about the caliphate and more about the problems of enforcing the writ of the din while at the same time running a modem state. His principal intellectual challenge was to devise a state that would encompass his concept of the true Islamic community. For him, enforcement of the din and managing the state were ineluctably tied to one another.
Gestures
Authors: Dallek Robert 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
IN THE SPRING AND summer of 1937 Roosevelt felt under continuing pressure to cure the “disease” of war. British, French, German, Italian, and Belgian leaders separately urged him to take the initiative for peace. Such proposals came to him all the time, he told the press in July. Since there was nobody abroad who could provide effective leadership, people were looking “for somebody outside of Europe to come forward with a hat and a rabbit in it. \,,Yell,” he said, “ ... I haven’t got a hat and I haven’t got a rabbit in it.”Despite his admission, he felt obliged to respond. As during the first months of 1937, he continued to make suggestions, invite conversations, and entertain proposals that might reverse the downward trend. In April he had returned to his idea of eliminating all but defensive weapons, privately asking Berlin if it would have any interest in this plan. In June he had invited Neville Chamberlain, who had become British Prime Minister in May, to come to Washington for conversations which could “pre pare the way for a broader move to establish more healthy conditions in the world.” In Chamberlain, Roosevelt saw someone who would spare no effort for peace. Considered the “ablest and most forceful” of Baldwin’s Ministers, Chamberlain was known for his conviction that he comprehended “the whole field of Europe and indeed the world .... His all pervading hope was to go down to history as the Great Peacemaker; and for this he was prepared to strive continually in the teeth of facts, and face great risks for himself and his country.” Shortly after he wrote Chamberlain, Roosevelt played host to Belgian Prime Minister Paul van Zee land, who had requested the opportunity to talk with him about international problems. Urging van Zeeland “to draw the world’s attention to something quite new,” he expressed an interest in the Prime Minister’s further efforts to promote “those conditions which alone can lead to the establishment of permanent peace.”
Conflict and Compromise
Authors: Dallek Robert 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
FEW ISSUES GAVE ROOSEVELT more concern in the summer of 1940 than the threat to Latin America. As Hitler’s armies swept across Western Europe in May and June, Roosevelt received repeated warnings of Nazi subversion in Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Panama, and Mexico. Edwin C. Wilson, the United States Minister in Montevideo, described alleged Nazi plans for an uprising there which the Uruguayan Parliament made public in June. “It is commonly thought here,” Claude Bowers, now Ambassador to Chile, wrote from Santiago, “that the Germans, who are numerous, are thoroughly organized with the view of a coup d’etat.” By late May, Roosevelt had concluded that continued Nazi victories would lead Berlin to attempt the overthrow of existing Latin American governments and the transfer of Dutch and French possessions in the Western Hemisphere to its control. He also saw Germany’s likely acquisition of France’s Fleet and West African bases as a prelude to an attack on Brazil and the rest of South America. Though Roosevelt had been alive to these dangers for more than two years, he now saw an urgent need for a strong response. On May 23 he had approved a request to all the American Republics for secret military talks between United States and Latin American officers. Shortly there after, in response to State Department recommendations for a show of naval force off Brazil and Uruguay, he sent a heavy cruiser to visit Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo.
Alliance Politics
Authors: Dallek Robert 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE ONLY THING WORSE than having allies, Churchill once said, is not having them. When it came to de Gaulle, Roosevelt was not so sure. His continuing drive for political power after Casablanca seemed to jeopardize wartime and postwar goals: it created instability and the danger of civil strife in North Africa; it raised the possibility of a postwar dictatorship in France; and it threatened to bar the United States from a say in Dakar and Indochina, which Roosevelt believed essential to postwar security in the Americas and Asia. During the Trident Conference, Roosevelt and Hull had told Churchill that continued British backing of de Gaulle would cause serious friction with the United States. But Churchill, who appreciated that de Gaulle had wider French support than FDR believed and considered de Gaulle an indispensable symbol of French resistance and a potential ally against postwar Soviet expansion in Europe, asked Roosevelt to suspend judgment until de Gaulle and Giraud completed pending negotiations in North Africa. The de Gaulle-Giraud discussions in Algiers beginning on May 31, 1943, increased Roosevelt’s antagonism to de Gaulle. Though de Gaulle agreed to the establishment of a French Committee of National Liberation under his and Giraud’s shared control, he also demanded power over all French forces and the removal of Pierre Boisson, the Vichyite Governor General of \Vest Africa. Roosevelt at once advised Eisenhower and Churchill that he would not “remain quiescent” in the face of such developments. He might send troops and naval vessels to prevent de Gaulle’s control of Dakar, he declared, and he would not allow him to endanger Anglo-American forces in the Mediterranean by controlling the French Army in North Africa.
Reasons to Care: The Multiple Voices of Modern Society
Authors: Wuthnow Robert 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
0n February 13, 1429, a seventeen-year-old girl set out on a dangerous journey. Disguised as a man, she traveled for eleven days, crossing enemy territory to reach her destination. Upon arriving, she was immediately seized and subjected to three weeks of questioning by the authorities to ascertain her intentions and the purity of her motives. Eventually she was given leave to return home, her request having been granted. She had asked no less than the right to raise an army and to lead it in battle against the enemy. A month later, her army raised and sword in hand (the sword having appeared miraculously in a nearby church), she arrived at a besieged city just in time’ to join forces with its defenders and turn away the attacking forces. Wounded, she nevertheless seemed always to be at the right place at the right time, anticipating her opponents’ moves, and she inspired courage in her followers by her bravery and determination.
The History of Indian Epigraphic Studies
Authors: Salomon Richard 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The study of inscriptions was totally absent from the traditional curriculum of Sanskrit learning, so that the field of Indian epigraphy was born only with the beginning of European Indology in the late eighteenth century. While there is definite evidence that old inscriptions, particularly copper plate charters, were in ancient times sometimes studied for practical purposes, it is equally clear that really ancient inscriptions written in archaic characters that were no longer legible through direct comparison with current scripts were as mysterious to traditional scholars as they were to the Europeans who first encountered them in the modem era. This is witnessed by the well-known incident reported by the historian Shams-i Sirāj ‘Afif in which Firuz Shāh Tughluq (1351-88) attempted unsuccessfully to have the inscriptions on the Asokan pillars which he brought to Delhi (see 4.3.1.1.3 nn. 71 and 72) read by Brahmans.
Bandali Jawzi’s Hermeneutics
Authors: Sann Tamara 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Bandali Jawzi’s Min Ta‘rikh al-Harakat al-Fikriyyah fi‘l-Islam (“The History of Intellectual Movements in Islam; Jerusalem, 1928) is part one (“The Social Movements”) of what was intended to be a two-part work. It consists of five chapters, tracing the nature of Islamic social values and their fate at the hands of various regimes from the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid caliphates (661-750 C.E. and 750-1258 C.E., respectively) to the constitutional movement in Iran in the early twentieth century. Throughout, Jawzi characterizes Islam as a social reform demanding the end of oppression. The exigencies of power politics under the dynastic caliphates, according to his portrayal, vitiated and actually distorted that message, until it was virtually unrecognizable in any practical form. But Islam’s egalitarian spirit was kept alive, Jawzi argues, in various reform movements throughout Islamic history.
Jawzi focuses in particular on the Babakis, the Qaramatis, and the Isma’ilis. These µiovements were motivated, Jawzi argues, by demands for social justice entirely in keeping with Islamic principles. They chal lenged the caliphal authorities because of inequities in the imperial sys tem. Jawzi considers it perfectly natural that the official historians and heresiographers of the eras in question would condemn these movements as rebellious; those whose reports were promulgated and passed down through the ages to become the accepted wisdom of later scholars were actually spokespeople for the caliphal authorities. Just as naturally, reports sympathetic to the rebellious movements, such as their own manifestos, would be marginalized or suppressed.
Babak’s Movement and His Socialist Doctrine
Authors: Sann Tamara 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The movement of Babak al-Khurrami and his followers differed from previous revolutionary movements in two significant respects: its organization and the goals it sought. The organization of the movement is apparent, first of all, in its success, the speed of its spread, and the perseverance of its adherents in the face of armed enemies for nearly twenty-two years. It is also apparent in the unprecedented responsiveness of the people toward it and the active participation of great numbers of people from nations neighboring Persia-the Kurds, the Armenians, those in the Byzantine territories, and others from beyond the lower Caucasus. All this indicates some prior arrangement and shared feelings of common interest among them.
As I said, Babak and his followers stood firm against the armies of the caliph of Baghdad for more than twenty years, heroically defending themselves and their principles out of love of both country and freedom. Even though they were defeated in the end, they were nevertheless able to strike the enemy a severe blow, which almost destroyed both its material and spiritual power. For it has been said by historians that the downfall [of the ‘Abbasids] began in the final days of the caliphate of al-Mu‘tasim (r. 833-842 A.D.). He was indisputably one of the greatest.
The Isrna’ilis
Authors: Sann Tamara 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
We have said that the Babakis were defeated and died as a socialist party, although they lived on as a group until the days of the Seljuks. Since the legacy they left to the rulers of Khwarazm was a religious sect of only minor importance, the Baghdad government paid no attention to them. They [simply] put in charge of them religious leaders and writers of religious tracts who challenged their school and order, alleged lies against them, and at times incited ignorant and fanatical people against them. In this way they forced the Babakis to go into hiding, to conceal their call, and to spread it secretly, as every religion or social idea which is prohibited is suppressed. Accordingly, they became more of a threat to the government and to Islam than when they had openly called people to their principles. Far from becoming futile, their movement be came a source of great benefit: many people learned from it and from their mistakes. Most important among these were the Isma‘ilis, or Batinis, the people closest to the Babakis in dogma and goals, and most dependent upon socialist principles. This will be clear to all intelligent thinkers from the following discussion regarding the Isma‘ili movement and its doctrine, the works of writers of the East and West on the Batinis and Isma‘ilis, and the ideological relationship between these two groups.
The Qararnatis
Authors: Sann Tamara 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Qaramatis were the greatest of the Isma‘ilis. They differed from other divisions of this brotherhood scattered throughout the ‘Abbasid domain only in that they worked among the Arabs and their brothers, the Nabataeans of Iraq, Syria, and the Arabian peninsula; and that they worked in matters of secondary importance, concerning the methods of proselytizing only, and not on fundamental political issues. The reason for those differences was that the Qaramatis operated in a different land that had a different level of civilization. Most of its inhabitants, as we know, were Bedouins. Therefore, it seems to me that the Arab Qara matis were less radical in religious and moral issues than the Persian Isma‘ilis. Thus, some of the Persian customs, such as marrying sisters and other relatives forbidden by the Qur’an, were unknown among them, and there was no “night of the imam” or other such moral depravity rumored untruthfully about them. The same is true of the false statements in the book of the historian Ibn al-Jawzi, who said of them, “It is not permitted for any of them to seclude his wife from his son.” It appears to me that their antagonists interpreted the word “seclude” (hajaba) as “bar” or “prohibit” (mana‘a) or the like. It also appears to me that the Qaramati leaders who established that branch among the Arabs and Syrians did not know the major goals of their secret move ment.Either they had not reached the last stage of consecration or they were not allowed to know them, since only a few did.