bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Virtue, Dialogue, and the Common School
Authors: Callan Eamonn 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMoral dialogue in schools would seem necessary if we are to cultivate the respect for reasonable differences, as well as the consensus on matters of basic justice, that a liberal political education requires. This chapter shows how the fact of reasonable pluralism creates insuperable difficulties for the practice of moral dialogue in schools if dialogue is modelled on Noddings's ethic of care or Mill's conception of the marketplace of ideas. Rawls's notion of reasonable agreement as the object of politico‐moral dialogue is shown to represent a better alternative to Noddings or Mill, albeit one that makes dialogue a difficult and delicate endeavour that may be beyond the competence of many teachers.
The Formation of Econometrics
Authors: Qin Duo 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis book traces the formation of econometric theory during the period 1930–1960. It focuses upon the process of how econometrics was formed from mathematical and scientific processes in order to analyse economic problems. The book deals with the advances that were achieved as well as the problems that arose in the course of the practice of econometrics as a discipline. Duo Qin examines the history of econometrics in terms of the basic issues in econometric modelling: the probability foundations, estimation, identification, testing, and model construction and specification. The book describes chronologically how these issues were formalized. Duo Qin argues that, while the probability revolution in econometrics in the early 1940s laid the basis for the systematization of econometric theory, it was actually an incomplete revolution, and its incompleteness underlay various problems and failures that occurred in applying the newly established theory to modelling practice. Model construction and hypothesis testing remained problematic because the basic problem of induction in econometrics was not properly formalized and solved. The book thus links early econometric history with many issues of interest to contemporary developments in econometrics. The story is told from the econometric perspective instead of the usual perspective in the history of economic thought (i.e. presenting the story either according to different schools or economic issues), and this approach is clearly reflected in the classification of the chapters.
The Probability Foundations of Econometrics
Authors: Duo Qin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractRecords the fundamental event of the probability revolution in econometrics. Focuses upon how probability theory was brought into econometrics in relation to the main econometric modelling issues, such as estimation, identification, and testing, and shows that this laid the basis for the formalization of those issues, which is reported in later chapters. The first section sketches the eve of the probability revolution. An introduction to probability methods follows in the second section, and the third section is dedicated to the ‘Haavelmo revolution’: the thorough adoption of probability theory in econometrics. The following section turns to alternative approaches to the adoption of probability theory, and the final section discusses the after‐effect and especially the incompleteness of the probability revolution.
Model Construction
Authors: Duo Qin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter recounts the evolution of econometric models up to the 1940s, discussing the common criteria and principles used for model choice, and the generalization of model construction as econometrics focused on the structural modelling procedure. The first section reviews the pre‐model period, and the second looks at the emergence of models and the structural method of model construction. The initial generalization (formalization) efforts of the model‐building strategy and criteria are dealt with in the third section. Concludes with the establishment of the structural modelling procedure (the maturity of simultaneous‐equations model formulation).
Testing
Authors: Duo Qin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAddresses the issue of testing, and reveals some intrinsic problems pertaining to hypothesis testing beneath the achievements of formalizing econometrics. Theory verification through applied studies forms one of the main motives for formalizing methods of model estimation and identification, and the statistical theory of hypothesis testing was accepted without much dispute quite early as the technical vehicle to fulfil this desire. However, during the adoption of the theory into econometrics in the 1940s and 1950s, the achievable domain of verification turned out to be considerably reduced, as testing in econometrics proper gradually dwindled into part of the modelling procedure and pertained to model evaluation using statistical testing tools; in the applied field, empirical modellers took on the task of discriminating between and verifying economic theories against the model results, and carried this out in an ad hoc and often non‐sequitur manner. Describes how the desire to test diverged into model evaluation in econometric theory on the one hand, and economic theory verification in practice on the other, as econometric testing theory took shape. The story begins with the early period prior to the formative movement in the first section of the chapter; the following section looks at the period in which the theme of hypothesis testing was introduced, and the first test emerged in econometrics; the last two sections report, respectively, on how model testing in applied econometrics and test design in theoretical econometrics developed and moved apart.
Model Construction Revisited
Authors: Duo Qin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractLooks at problems associated with econometric model construction for the period immediately after the formative phase, and tries to link up the previous chapters and to show what has been left unsolved in the formation of econometrics. The structural modelling procedure explained only how to estimate and identify a priori given structural models, while many of the empirical studies involved searching for the appropriate structural models from the given data. This mismatch of the two sides gave rise to many problems and disputes, mostly in connection with the roles that modellers attributed to individual tools of testing, identification, and estimation in the integrated process of empirical model construction, as the procedure and the associated techniques spread and formed the core of orthodox econometrics. Revisits the issue of model construction with particular respect to the roles of testing, identification, and estimation, depicting how controversies arose as econometricians were swung back to more data‐based positions, away from the emphasis on a priori considerations; back to statistical results, away from reliance on economic theory; and back to dynamics, away from concerns over contemporaneous interdependency. The first section looks at modelling issues associated with hypothesis testing; the second examines problems about model formulation with respect to identification; the third turns to the estimation aspect of modelling; and the fourth leads the discourse to the focal issue of the probability approach underlying established econometrics by illustrating that most of the problems could be viewed as due to the incompleteness of the probability approach (as suggested in Chapter 1).
The Practice of Power
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
In its reconstruction of evolving US positions on key issues in the relationship with China, this book is able to explain the change in American–Chinese relations after 1949 from hostility to rapprochement, and to the full normalization of ties in 1979. The author then goes on to examine the relationship after normalization, a period when the United States has come to view China as less of a challenge, but still resistant to certain norms of the current international order. After an introductory chapter, the next three chapters of the book examine US efforts to build, and then maintain an international and domestic consensus behind its China policy, noting the steady erosion of support in both policy arenas. The next four chapters look at changing US perceptions of China’s capabilities, and show how US officials came to have a deeper appreciation of the overall restraints on Beijing’s power, especially as a result of the Sino-Soviet rift and the failure of policies associated with the Great Leap Forward. Finally, in the last chapter, it examines the effects on the relationship of China’s fuller exposure after 1979 to the ideas and values that predominate in the global system. Whilst many previous explanations of US relations with China have given primacy to the conditioning influence of the strategic triangle, this book recognizes the need to embed an understanding of American–Chinese relations within a wider structure of relationships at the global and domestic levels.
US Hegemony and International Legitimacy: The Chinese Representation Issue at the United Nations
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This is the first of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power, and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. It presents an analysis of the evolution of the American position on the representation of China at the UN. This started as a determination to exclude the People’s Republic of China (PRC) when it was first proclaimed as an independent state in 1949, in favour of retaining the pro-American Republic of China (Taiwan). The period from 1951 to 1960 was one when the US managed to block debate on the question of PRC representation; after this, until 1971, the UN gradually enlarged and US interests became less guarded, so that in 1971 the PRC was finally admitted to the UN. The different sections of the chapter examine, in turn, the PRC’s objectives in becoming a member of the UN, the American attitude to the PRC and the impact on this of the Korean war, and shifts in international attitudes to the US position on the PRC. The final section discusses the impact of China’s entry to the UN on America, and notes that while Washington’s PRC exclusion policy had first led the US to suffer serious erosion of its international legitimacy, that erosion did cease, and the presence of the PRC in the UN began to bolster certain American interests.
Trading With the Enemy: The USA and the China Trade Embargo
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This is the second of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power, and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. The topic addressed here is the changing status of American trade with China from the period before 1950 (when China had been a major post-war trading partner) until 1979. The first section of the chapter discusses the total trade embargo placed by the USA on trade with China in relation to the ‘China differential’ : the fact that international trade controls with China were harsher than those imposed on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The next section looks at the status of the American embargo in the period 1950–58 (the China differential was removed in 1957), and the following section at changing international and American policy on trade with China in the period 1958–1971, which culminated in Nixon’s decision in April 1971 to end the embargo on non-strategic sales to China. The last section of the chapter looks at trade patterns in the period 1972–79, which began with Nixon’s historic visit to China and the signing of the Shanghai Communiqu” in February 1972.
‘We the People’: US Public Opinion and China Policy
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This is the last of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. It presents a historical account of changing US public (domestic) opinion on the country’s China policy in the period 1949–79, and describes this as going through four main phases. There was an uncertain first phase from the last stages of the Chinese civil war until October 1950, when the mass public were indifferent, this was followed by the phase when China’s entry into the Korean war dramatically shaped attitudes, generating criticism of those in government who in an earlier period had failed to identify China as an implacable enemy. In the next ‘transitional’ phase, the late 1950s to the mid-1960s, doubts about the rigid quality of America’s policy towards the People’s Republic of China (PRC) surfaced, articulated most strongly within Congress, but also among the wider public and at various levels within the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. From then on through to the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979, there was a widespread consensus that China should neither be left in ‘angry isolation’ nor diminished through a Soviet attack; thus, for reasons of world order and American political and security interests, many in the USA came to believe that Beijing needed to be brought into the international community.
The Politics of Nuclear Weapons: China as a Nuclear Power
Authors: Foot Rosemary 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This is the third of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It presents an assessment of America’s perceptions of China as a nuclear power, discussing the new complexities that this brought to the Sino-American relationship and to their respective broader foreign-policy agendas. The different sections of the chapter look at the process of China’s acquisition of the atomic bomb (the first atomic device was exploded by them in October 1964), the US response to this, US and international assessments of China’s nuclear power and the impact on non-proliferation, and US assessments of China’s nuclear weapons programme.
A System of Rights
Authors: Martin Rex 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The justification of political authority (the authority of the state) is one of the long‐standing issues of political philosophy, and one that persistently defies satisfactory solution. This book sets out to provide an original justification by establishing a background framework for dealing with the problem.
The book begins (in Ch. 1) by identifying the main elements of authority, arguing that they need to be linked in order to create a political authority that can be described as justified. It then sketches a framework—–a sample system of political institutions and conceptions that are internally coherent—to link these elements.
The rest of the book fills in this outline. Chs. 2–5 argue that rights are established patterns of acting or of being treated and are hence essentially institutional in character. The institutions that tend to be the most reliably supportive, and productive, of individual rights are, the book argues, democratic ones, and the central section of the book (in Chs. 6 and 7) is devoted to the connection of rights with majority rule, democratic political institutions, and conceptions. From this nexus, secondary lines of connection are traced to political obligation (or allegiance), in Ch. 8, and to an eligible justification for using punishment to enforce the rights of individuals (in Chs. 9–11).
The final chapters of the book return to the issue of the justification of authority raised in the introductory chapter. Here, the book looks first at internal political justification (in Ch. 12). Then, after the question of the justification of political authority, on the grounds of internal coherence, has been canvassed within confines set out in the book to date, the book turns, last of all (in Ch. 13), to the difficult subject of the possibility and character of an ultimate and nonpolitical vindication for what has been called a system of rights.
Thus, the book's overall analysis forms a distinctive and systematic approach to one particular style of governmental institutions and ideas.
On the Logic of Justifying Political Authority
Authors: Martin Rex 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Three elements of authority are identified—a government's rightful title to issue rules, a reasonable expectation of compliance with them, and the propriety of using coercive enforcement to back them up—and the book argues that these elements need to be linked together in order for one to speak of political authority as justified. It argues, further, that the connection of these elements requires us to move to a background theory, which is itself a sketch of an internally coherent system of political institutions and conceptions (in the case at hand one that centres on rights). All this is set out in deliberate contrast to what might be called ‘external grounds of justification’, as found, for example, in what might be called the ‘obligationist tradition’ (e.g. social contract theory). Thus, an introduction to the character of this book and an overview of its main themes is provided in the book's first chapter.
Human Rights
Authors: Martin Rex 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The chapter first discusses the different ways in which human rights are moral rights. The notion of valid claims (initially discussed in Ch. 2) has more purchase as an account of human rights; for one thing it provides a clear sense to what one means in saying that a human right is a moral right: one means that the right follows from, or comports with, accredited normative moral principles or with accredited procedures for moral reasoning. Nonetheless, three points are raised in challenge to the idea that human rights are essentially morally valid claims: (1) a valid claim can be normatively sound as regards its justification, but without widespread acknowledgement or affirmation, it won’t function as an effective right; (2) what the right requires must be conformed to by second parties, the duty holders—otherwise it’ll be at best a merely nominal right; (3) it isdesirable for ‘rights’ to have the same sense when we talk either about human rights or about legal rights.
The really controversial part of the chapter is the claim that human rights hold principally against organized societies (and their governments); the job of governments here is to respond to these moral demands by formulating what is being demanded as civil rights, rights of all persons in that society, and then by enforcing these rights. A putative right that lacked these things would slip back into being a merely valid moral claim; thus, full‐bodied human rights are ways of acting or ways of being treated that have sound normative justification, that have authoritative political recognition or endorsement, and that are maintained by conforming conduct and, where need be, by governmental enforcement.
Democratic Institutions
Authors: Martin Rex 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
It was argued earlier that active civil rights require agencies to formulate, maintain, and harmonize them; the question arises then, whether there are any kinds of governmental agencies that would be apt to produce and enforce rights. It could plausibly be argued that democratic institutions—universal franchise (on a one‐person, one‐vote basis), regular and contested voting operating at two distinct levels (the level of parliament and the level of general elections), and majority rule—can effectively perform this job and thus provide the setting required by civil rights. Democratic procedures are a stable and relatively reliable way of identifying, and then implementing, laws and policies that serve interests common to the voters or to a large number of them, presumably, at least a majority.
This key argument is deeply ambiguous; it covers several disparate options. We do not want to eliminate any of them from the list altogether; the best solution, then, would be to try to rank these options in some definite order. The chapter concludes by laying out the idea of a ranking procedure that would be acceptable to all the voters: the theme advanced here is that we should go to the basic practice itself (as outlined in the three democratic institutions and their various rationales, as found in Condorcet and Duncan Black and others) to try to establish an internal ground, one that can be located in the practice itself, for deciding on a ranking; the resultant ranking of options, if it could successfully be achieved, would thereby become part of the very justification for having and relying on democratic institutions.
Democracy and Rights
Authors: Martin Rex 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Arguments are developed here that allow us to rank the relevant disparate options. This ranking involves two main steps: (1) putting option (a) ahead of option (b) – that is, putting (a) policies and laws that are in the interests of each and all ahead of (b) policies and laws concerned with things that are in the corporate or collective interest, such as GDP, though these things are not necessarily in the interests of each person there; and then (2) putting options (a) and (b) ahead of option (c), putting them ahead of policies and laws that help mere majority interests or even hurt minority interests (with the proviso added that allowed instances of (c) must be compatible with the first two options—otherwise they are simply excluded).
Thus, where democratic institutions stay in line with that which justifies them, they will in fact tend to produce civil rights laws and they will not act so as to supersede such rights. There is a deep affinity between the idea of civil rights as justified and that of justified democratic institutions; the two are mutually supportive; accordingly, they can form a coherent system. In this system, democratic institutions must, where they stay true to their own justifying rationale, be constrained so as to observe the established priorities; taking such an approach has implications for institutional design (it can, for example, provide for a justification of judicial review that is compatible with democratic ideals).
The chapter concludes by considering certain troubling problems that arise for democratic theory: problems such as cyclical majorities and strategic voting; these problems are not negligible but they can be dealt with given the resources of a democratic system of rights.