bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
France
Authors: Knapp Andrew 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
General Charles de Gaulle, founder of the Fifth French Republic in 1958, was a bitter opponent of the unchecked power of political parties, for which he blamed the failure of earlier Republics, but his vision of the future was as naïve as his diagnosis of the past was tendentious, for the problem of the Third and Fourth Republics was rather the weakness of parties. The main surprise of the Fifth Republic was the emergence, from 1962, of the secure parliamentary majorities that France had hitherto lacked; in addition, since 1965, when de Gaulle himself found that he needed party support to campaign for re‐election, the presidency itself has been a key stake in party competition. These two developments transformed the role of parties, and the party system of the Fifth Republic may now be described as one of bipolar multipartism. This contains two distinct and opposed sets of dynamics (pressures): bipolarity, (which is encouraged in important ways by France's political institutions), and forces in the party system pointing towards fragmentation and multipartism; these pressures exist in every party system, but the French case is unusual because they are so evenly balanced. The introduction discusses this situation; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength (finance and staffing, and activism, and parties in civil society), and party functionality (in political recruitment, governance, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication and education).
The Colour Purple
Authors: Deschouwer Kris 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Belgium and the Netherlands are often taken and presented together as the ‘Low Countries’, and there are good reasons for treating the two countries as part of a single category, since both are textbook examples of divided societies, which display the subcultural vertical segmentation that has travelled conceptually as verzuiling (desegmentation or pillarization) and share the well‐known features of consociational democracy. Being neighbours, moreover, Belgium and the Netherlands share much common history, although the border separating the two countries is highly significant, and explains a number of important differences between them. In both countries, the major parties can be grouped into three party families: religious (Christian), liberal, and socialist, and in both there has been party change since the 1960s, in which the losers have been the Christian and Socialist parties, and the Liberals have gained support; however, specific patterns have been quite different. Most symptomatic of the passing of the old politics has been the formation of the so‐called ‘purple’ governments, which exclude Christian Democrats, but draw together the ‘red’ socialists and the ‘blue’ liberals. The introduction discusses these changes (including depillarization and the erosion of consociationalism), and the differences between the two countries; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy (voter turnout, party membership, partisan identification, bridging the ‘gap’ between voters and office‐holders, and the Belgian legitimacy crisis), the strength of party organizations, and the systemic functionality of parties (in governance and recruitment, and linkage functions—participation, aggregation, and communication).
Spain
Authors: Holliday Ian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Spain has made a number of experiments with democracy, but only since the mid‐1970s has this been successful. At that time, strenuous efforts were made to ensure that political parties would come forward, and as a result the new democracy had two key aspects: the creation of synthetic parties (in the sense that they are supported more from above than below), and the building of a parties state. The introductory part of the chapter discusses these changes and also has a section looking at the institutional framework that had such a shaping effect on party politics; this discusses the electoral system, and the rules governing parliamentary group organization and party finance. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy (party membership, electoral turnout and volatility, popular assessments, party–voter ties, and evaluating party legitimacy), party organizational strength (parliamentary party organization, mass party organization, party finance, ‘goods in kind’ received by parties, and evaluating party organizational strength), and the systemic functionality of parties (governance, political recruitment and patronage, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, political communication and education, and evaluating the systemic functionality of parties). The concluding section assesses the viability of Spain's parties state and gives a comparative analysis of its experience of democracy.
Parties at the European Level
Authors: Hix Simon 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Since the 1970s, academic interest in ‘parties at the European level’ has gone full circle. The story began in the 1970s, in the wake of the decision to hold direct elections to the European Parliament (EP), with widespread expectation of the coming of transnational European parties, but in the 1980s, when it was apparent that European elections would not produce European parties, and that transnational party activity would be restricted to the ‘party groups’ in the EP, a period of scepticism towards transnational parties set in. Nevertheless, since the 1990s, with the ‘party article’ in the Treaty on European Union, the new role of ‘party leaders’ summits’ and the emergence of rival party‐political agendas for the single market, there is renewed discussion of the desirability and feasibility of Euro‐parties as a way of connecting voters’ preferences to the European Union (EU) policy process. The introduction discusses the roots of the contemporary European parties (which go back to 1972), and gives an outline of the new ‘Euro‐parties’ (Party of European Socialists (PES), European Federation of Green Parties (EFGP), European Liberal, Democratic, and Reform Party (ELDR), and European Free Alliance) and their common goals. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy (legitimacy via the European Parliament, and via the European elections), party organizational strength (organizational and behavioural cohesion, finance, staffing, members, and the media), and the systemic functionality of parties (governance, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, political recruitment, and political communication and education).
Still Functional After All These Years
Authors: Green John C. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The American party system has experienced considerable change since 1960, and the meaning of this change is the subject of much debate, at the core of which is a basic question: how functional is the American party system after four turbulent decades? Depending on the evidence considered, scholars offer different answers to this question, ranging from a loss of functionality due to party ‘decline’ to potential gains from party ‘revival’. Reviews these arguments and assesses changes in key aspects of the American party system between 1960 and 1996. It finds some merit in both the ‘declinist’ and ‘revivalist’ points of view. There is a brief introductory section to the current situation, and this is followed by two further introductory sections, which present a more in‐depth discussion of the American ‘two‐party’ (Republicans and Democrats) system, and of party decline and revival. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the popular legitimacy of American parties, the organizational strength of American parties, and the systemic functionality of American parties (governance and political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and encouraging political participation).
Political Parties in Australia
Authors: McAllister Ian 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Placed in a comparative perspective, the hallmark of Australian politics is the dominance of party: the vast majority of voters identify with and vote for one of the major political parties, and gaining election at the federal level is next to impossible without the benefit of one of three party labels (Liberal, National, or Labour). Within the legislature, party government operates in every sense of the word, with parties determining the legislative agenda and enforcing rigid discipline among their members. Perhaps more interestingly from a comparative perspective, Australia has seen little decline in the strength of the major parties in recent years, in contrast to Britain, the US, or many of the other advanced democracies. The explanation for the continuing strength of political parties in Australia can be traced to the origins and development of the country's political culture; Australia's split from Britain was imbued with the utilitarian ideas of Jeremy Bentham and his followers, and political parties are a necessary and important part of this utilitarian political culture. The introductory part discusses these factors, and also presents a separate account of the development of the party system; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy (turnout—voting is compulsory, party identification, party membership, and attitudes towards parties), organizational strength (party finance, and mass media), and systemic functionality (governance, interest articulation and aggregation, political recruitment, political organization, political participation, and political communication and education).
Paulinus Noster
Authors: Conybeare Catherine 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The heart of this book is a reading of the letters of Paulinus of Nola, aristocratic convert to Christianity of the late fourth‐century, and his correspondents, most notably St Augustine of Hippo. We begin with an analysis of letter writing in late antiquity; we investigate the letters as traces of fuller historical events, emphasize the importance of the letter carriers, and conclude that the letters have a sacramental function. The notion of spiritual community created and sustained by the letters is explored through discussions of Christian friendship, and of the patterns of imagistic thought which facilitate the spiritual interpretation of mundane events. Finally, we demonstrate how Paulinus’ notion of spiritual community leads to a novel conception of the self as truly relational. The impact of these letters, and of the epistolary mode, on the formation of Christian ways of life and thought is extraordinary.
Ipsae Litterae: The Actual Letters
Authors: Conybeare Catherine 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Using internal evidence from fourth‐century letter collections, this chapter explores the norms of composition for letters, the mechanics of delivery of letters, and their part in a wider nexus of communication. This nexus includes gift giving, exchange of books, and the verbal reports of letter carriers. The role of the letter carriers is shown to be particularly important.
Amicitia and Caritas Christi: Friendship and the Love of Christ
Authors: Conybeare Catherine 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The chapter begins from the Ciceronian notion of friendship as ‘nothing other than a benevolent and loving accord in all things, divine and human’, and shows how Christian letter‐writers revised the idea to make Christ the crucial element in true friendship. This leads to discussion of the terminology of Christian friendship: caritas or amicitia? In Christian friendship, the disadvantage of geographical separation is transformed into spiritual advantage – supported by the theological notions of unanimitas and Christians as membra Christi. Christian friendship is instantaneous; it is also inclusive – even, in theory, of women. Specific friendships of Paulinus are discussed: with Sulpicius Severus; with St Felix of Nola.
Imago Terrena and Imago Caelestis: The Earthly and the Heavenly Image
Authors: Conybeare Catherine 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
This chapter begins to explore the mechanics of how the spiritual is linked to the temporal in Paulinus’ thought. Paulinus’ descriptions of his building projects are imbued with symbolism; architecture and images serve as a starting point for spiritual meditation. Earthly images are inferior to spiritual reality – yet the spiritual is persistently expressed in figural language. The paradoxes of Christianity are thus more readily expressed; rich webs of imagistic association are established.
Homo Interior: The Inner Self
Authors: Conybeare Catherine 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The underlying notions of the self in these letters form the link between all the other chapters. We now investigate the vocabulary of selfhood, especially the development of the term persona. In fourth‐century ideas of the self, soul is superior to body, but, far from being dismissed, the bodily part of the self is taken very seriously – as is commensurate with an incarnational theology. We return to the role of the letter carriers: they, as well as friends, are described as ‘another self’. This leads to a climactic notion of the self as fully relational: a reading of Paulinus’ letter exchange with his former tutor Ausonius demonstrates how the ‘relational self’ is played out.
Nations and Sovereignty
Authors: Keating Michael 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The concepts of nation and state must be separated conceptually. Nation should be understood as a normative concept based on a claim to self‐determination. This does not mean the creation of a state, but rather the right to negotiate one's status within the state and constitutional order. State sovereignty, always a difficult concept, is being transformed by changes in the state and transnational integration. This opens up the possibility of shared and divided sovereignty as a way of reconciling nationality claims.
In Search of the Ancient Constitution: Historiography of the Nation
Authors: Keating Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractSelf‐determination claims are often based on historic rights. In this, they are no different from the claims made for the existing states. State historiography tends to provide a teleological vision in which consolidation of the state is part of modernity and associated with liberalism and democracy. Historiography of the minority nations has rediscovered traditions of shared sovereignty and pactism, and presented these as both liberal democratic in implications and more attuned to the reality of the modern state and international system.
Values and Discourse in the Politics of Adjustment
Authors: Schmidt Vivien A. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe chapter explores the role of values and discourse in the politics of welfare‐state adjustment. By focusing on moments of crisis or transition when values were generally made explicit in public debates, the chapter offers comparative insights not only into the values that remain central to polities’ notions of social justice but also into the discourses that appealed to values in their efforts to legitimize policy change. Moreover, it considers not only the substantive content of those normative discourses but also how the national institutional context affects the locus of discourse and the course of reform. More specifically, it demonstrates that in multi‐actor polities, the “coordinative discourse” that is necessary to achieve compromises among multiple policy elites may impede the effectiveness of the “communicative discourse” through which policy makers seek to legitimize change to the wider public. However, as comparative analyses of single‐actor polities demonstrate, single‐actor institutions do not guarantee, and multi‐actor constellations do not rule out, successful communicative discourses that gain public acceptance of painful but effective welfare‐state reforms.
Restructuring the British Welfare State: Between Domestic Constraints and Global Imperatives
Authors: Rhodes Martin 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn the UK, as in Australia and New Zealand, the ‘liberal’ post‐war welfare state was conceived as a minimal safety net under conditions in which full employment was to be ensured by (‘Keynesian’) macroeconomic policies. In the 1950s and 1960s, economic growth was constrained by stop–go policies trying to defend the pound as an international reserve currency in the face of inflationary wage pressures. After the dramatic failure of Labour economic policies in the crises of the 1970s, the (‘monetarist’) Conservative government of the 1980s succeeded in breaking the power of the unions and in stabilizing the currency at the expense of full employment, but did not fundamentally change the structure of the welfare state. After 1997, however, the ‘New Labour’ government set out to adjust the liberal welfare state to conditions in which government economic policies could no longer ensure full employment.
Internationalization and Two Liberal Welfare States Australia and New Zealand
Authors: Schwartz Herman 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
While the formal welfare states of Australia and New Zealand resembled the British model in the post‐war period, economic policies and industrial‐relations systems differed. As highly competitive exporters of agricultural products and raw materials, both countries had developed highly protected import‐substituting manufacturing industries to ensure full employment as a complement to the minimal protection provided by the ‘liberal’ welfare state. When this configuration ceased to be economically viable in the 1970s, both countries chose to liberalize their industrial sectors, attempting to achieve price competitiveness through government‐controlled wage‐setting procedures. In New Zealand, these efforts failed and its Westminster‐type government opted for radical neo‐liberal reforms in the 1980s that reduced welfare‐state protection and caused a steep rise of unemployment. In Australia, by contrast, unions were better able to cooperate with the government in defending international competitiveness, and federal and bicameral institutions did favour policy compromises that combined liberalization with the maintenance and even expansion of welfare‐state protection.
Switzerland Adjustment Politics Within Institutional Constraints
Authors: Bonoli Giuliano , Mach André 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Among ‘Continental’ welfare states, Switzerland had and has the highest per capita income and the highest employment ratio in the group of advanced welfare states included in this study. Its export‐oriented industries and services have remained highly competitive; its levels of taxation and welfare expenditures are low; and its labour‐market institutions are highly flexible. Nevertheless, Switzerland suffered severe job losses in the first oil‐price crisis and responded by introducing compulsory unemployment insurance. In the 1980s and 1990s, political pressures from export‐oriented businesses were successful in reducing the tariff and non‐tariff barriers, protecting the sheltered sectors of the Swiss economy, whose inefficiency was beginning to hurt the competitiveness of internationally exposed firms. However, when the demand for neo‐liberal reforms touched on the benefits provided by the — not particularly generous — Swiss welfare state, they were stopped not by the ‘social partners’ as in other consociational/ corporatist democracies, or by electoral shifts in governments, but by the direct democracy of the referendum system. As a consequence, limited retrenchment had to be combined with some important extensions of welfare coverage.
How Small Countries Negotiate Change Twenty‐Five Years of Policy Adjustment in Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium
Authors: Hemerijck Anton , Unger Brigitte , Visser Jelle 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Although Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium are so seemingly alike in their tightly coupled, consociational, and corporatist democratic structures and in the “Bismarckian” origin of their welfare states, they have had radically different experiences since the 1970s. While the Netherlands, which appeared in the 1970s and early 1980s to be afflicted with a terminal ‘Dutch disease’, has seemingly been cured, Belgium, with a similar initial profile, has been malingering and Austria has managed to avoid the crises from which the others are recovering. Since all three countries have internationally exposed and hence vulnerable economies as well as policymaking structures with plural veto positions, the success or failure of adjustment policies did depend on the ability of actors to adopt action orientations that emphasize common, rather than separate, interests. The Austrian social partners succeeded in maintaining this ‘encompassing’ perspective throughout the period under study; the Dutch had to relearn it after dismal failures; and in Belgium, the increasing salience of linguistic cleavages added to the difficulty of achieving, and acting on, convergent perceptions and interest definitions.
France Directing Adjustment?
Authors: Levy Jonah D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The Bismarckian welfare state in France is financed by social security contributions to an even greater degree than is true in Germany. During the oil‐price crises of the 1970s and early 1980s, job losses could be contained through an expansion of nationalized industries and subsidies to private firms. This changed with the end of dirigisme in industry after 1983. Thereafter, early retirement was expanded to absorb the massive job losses caused by industrial restructuring. Since rising non‐wage labour costs impeded job creation in the private services, the government has shifted part of the burden to a special income tax, whereas attempts by successive governments to reduce the generosity of welfare benefits were typically blocked by large‐scale public protests.
Italy Rescue from Without?
Authors: Ferrera Maurizio , Gualmini Elisabetta 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Italy's economic and employment problems were to a large extent home made, whereas external economic and political pressures did facilitate internal revitalization. While export‐oriented industries in northern Italy had maintained international competitiveness, overall employment rates were very low, and inflation was very high until the early 1990s. Since the clientelistic Italian state was not able to put the brakes on the spiral of wage and price increases that were automatically linked to all sorts of public and welfare‐state expenditures, public‐sector deficits were rising inexorably. After the collapse of the old party system, however, the unions were able and willing to enter into a series of accords with successive reform governments that not only facilitated price stability through wage restraint but that also legitimated significant welfare cutbacks that contributed to budget consolidation. The impetus for reform was a serious political commitment to meet the stringent Maastricht criteria in order to ensure Italy's membership in the European Monetary Union.