bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Campaigns in the Milyas
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Termessus occupies a strong and secure position at the head of a valley on the southern flank of the defile through which passes the road out of Pamphylia to Isinda and Cibyra—-the main road to the valley of the Maeander. That would be enough to explain the strategic importance of Termessus. There is something more. The defile is also an exit from Pamphylia into central Anatolia. Emerging west of Termessus into open country near Isinda the main western road meets a natural route of communication northwards through Milyas in the direction of Phrygia. The River Taurus (the istanoz su), changing its course below Isinda, wanders along a wide plain and loses itself in the marshes to the south of Lake Kestel: it traverses a fertile region which preserves abundant traces of settlement in prehistoric times. From Lake Kestel a series of long flat valleys, bounded but not unduly constricted by mountains on either hand, leads northwards, stopping not far short of the shore of Lake Ascania (Burdur). From this point there is passage through the hills, either direct to the lake, or, north-eastwards, into the plain below Sagalassus. That city naturally diverted the route. Armies or travellers in transit would tend to go by Sagalassus. But the valley of Sagalassus is enclosed by a great mountain on the north separating it from the plain of Baris and Seleucia.
The Taurus Tribes
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
IF Strabo’s references to contemporary affairs one of the most valuable is his account of the Cilician tribe of the Homonadenses in relation to Amyntas, the last king of Galatia, and to the Roman general P. Sulpicius Quirinius. The campaigns and the fate of Amyntas are otherwise unrecorded, and only Tacitus preserves a reference to Quirinius’ war. It has a bearing upon certain historical problems that have not always been examined in the proper perspective or sequence. Strabo’s principal sources were written sources—few of them very recent. From time to time the geographer interrupts the process of copying and transmuting and makes an effort to bring his information up to date. The results are not always happy and harmonious. Many of Strabo’s insertions are brief phrases, easily detected and easily detached from their context. The larger additions that have been worked into the structure of the narrative also betray their origin in one way or another.
The Augustan Colonies
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
AucusTus in the Res Gestae affirms that he planted colonies of veterans in Pisidia; Pliny attests the status of Antioch, ‘colonia Caesarea’; and Strabo, besides Antioch, furnishes another name, Cremna. Coins and inscriptions add four more—Comama, Olbasa, Parlais, and Lystra. It is generally conceded that Antioch was founded in or shortly after 25 B.C. when the new province of Galatia was being organized by the first Roman governor, M. Lollius (cos. 21 B.C.): there is no reason for going down as far as 19 B.C.Antioch seems primordial as well as pre-eminent among the Pisidian colonies. A strong persuasion regards the other foundations as a homogeneous group and puts them nearly twenty years later.
Pontus in the Time of Augustus
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The interval between Tiberius’ departure to Rhodes and his full reinstatement, with adoption by the Princeps, is the dark decade of Augustan history.’ It begins in 6 B.C. The historical sources dry up—only Velleius flows on, a poisoned fountain. Most evident and most deplorable are the gaps in the history of the northern frontier region. The eastern lands have also suffered. Some record has survived of the expedition of C. Caesar, Agrippa’s eldest son whom Augustus adopted, but it is meagre and partial. Other transactions of the period have all but passed from knowledge—or can be recovered only by the accidental aid of coins and inscriptions. The kingdom of Paphlagonia was annexed in 6 B.C., and, a few years later, the territory of three cities in Pontus.
The Legacy Of Mesopotamia
Authors: Dalley Stephanie , Reyes A T , Dalley Stephanie , Pingree David , Salvesen Alison , McCall Henrietta 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Influence from Mesopotamia on adjacent civilizations has often been proposed on the basis of scattered similarities. For the first time a wide-ranging assessment from 3000 BC to the Middle Ages investigates how similarities arose in Egypt, Palestine, Anatolia, and Greece. The development of writing for accountancy, astronomy, devination, and belles lettres emanated from Mesopotamians who took their academic traditions into countries beyond their political control. Each country soon transformed what it received into its own, individual culture. When cuneiform writing disappeared, Babylonian cults and literature, now in Aramaic and Greek, flourished during the Roman Empire. The Manichaeans adapted the old traditions which then perished under persecution, but traces persist in Hermetic works, court narratives and romances, and in the Arabian Nights. When ancient Mesopotamia was rediscovered in the last century, British scholars were at the forefront of international research. Public excitement has been reflected in pictures and poems, films and fashion.
After the ’Big Bang’-What? or Minoan Symbols and Shrines beyond Palatial Collapse
Authors: Peatfield Alan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Beginning or ending, any Big Bang implies a fragmentation, a scattering of elements previously bound together in a structural form. This analogy is surely applicable to the end of the palatial system of Minoan Crete. There we can see the breakup of political and economic structures; this breakup is equally apparent in the religious dimension, and this article examines it on two levels, a dis integration of shrine relationships, and a significant reformulation of one of the key symbolic belief elements of Minoan religion-the iconography of the Minoan Goddess.
Placing the Past: the Bronze Age in the Cultic Topography of Early Greece*
Authors: Antonaccio Carla M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The aim of this paper is to make a contribution towards understanding the development of one type of social landscape, the sacred landscapes of the protohistorical Greek Iron Age. This phase presents opportunities in some ways similar to those for Iron Age Europe; for example, in reconstructing the complex interplay of factors in a period strongly conditioned by the past and fundamental for the future. The Greek Iron Age requires different treatment from either the Bronze Age or the historical Archaic and Classical phases, however, as will become apparent. From the beginning, the study of sanctuaries has always held a privileged position in classical archaeology. Focusing on the recovery and reconstruction of major monuments (a concern that persists to the present), votive offerings made at sanctuaries have been scrutinized to various ends, including identifying the cult, or the votaries. While new frameworks of enquiry and interpretation have been constructed, for example the class and gender of worshippers, most studies have remained within the confines of these traditional approaches, many of them grounded in some version of formal analysis.
The Evolution of a Sacral ’Landscape’: Isthmia, Perachora, and the Early Corinthian State
Authors: Morgan Catherine 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In La Naissance de la cite grecque, Frarnçois de Polignac described the creation of networks of sanctuaries and shrines as a direct and conscious response to the immediate social and political needs of newly emerging poleis. He thus saw it as an essentially eighth- and seventh-century phenomenon. Whilst recognizing the importance of city-centre shrines as focal points for the expression of community identity, de Polignac laid particular stress on the emergence of sanctuaries situated in marginal or border locations, and especially on their role in cementing relations between town and country and in focusing and defining the inherently ambiguous relationship between the community and its human or divine ’neighbours’. Since these sanctuaries embodied all the relations essential to the polis (linking town and country, human and divine, citizen and non-citizen), for de Polignac their creation represented the ’acte constitutif’ of the polis itself.
Horace, Odes 4. 5: Pro Reditu Imperatoris Caesaris Divi Filii Augusti
Authors: Quesnay I M Le M Dc 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the late summer of 1 5 BC Augustus wrote to Horace from Gaul and requested a poem to commemorate the magnificent victory which his stepsons, Tiberius and Drusus, had won over the Vindelici. The care that was being taken over the representation of this victory and its significance is revealed by the choice of 1 August as the day of victory, the fifteenth anniversary of the fall of Alexandria in 30 BC.2 The Gallic campaign also provided a focal point for a further refinement and redefinition of the role of Augustus. The war had been conducted under the auspicia or Augustus by Tiberius and Drusus acting as the legati. Since Augustus had secured through his pictas and his special relationship with the gods the divine support without which there would have been no victory, it was Augustus, not Tiberius or Orusus, who was acclaimed as imperator for the victory. The importance attached to communicating effectively this carefully nuanced relationship between Augustus and his legati is reflected in the coinage of this period.
Horace and the Aesthetics of Politics
Authors: Fowler D P 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE attitude of Horace to the Augustan regime ‘Horaz und Augustus’ —is one of the perennial themes of Horatian criticism. As E. Doblhofer commented in his book Dil’ AugLJstuspancgyrik des Horta in formalhistorischer Sicht, critics have often divided on national lines: Der deutsche Untertan mit seinem Respekt vor der Obrigkeit und der Staatsmacht, der individualistische, angelsachsische Demokrat und der Italiener der neuen Republik, der es Augustus buBen lassen mochte, daB der Faschismus seinen Duce mit dem Princeps gleichsetzte—sie haben wohl alle ihre Spuren auch in der Horazinterpretation hinterlassen und das Bild gefarbt, das man sich von dem Verhaltnis Horazens zu Augustus machte.
Seduction and Repetition in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria 2
Authors: Sharrock Alison 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Ars Amatoria is a poem about sex and poetry, and poetry as sex. Witty and subversive, it is a poem of seduction about seduction: the seduction of the `implied' reader being initiated into the art of love, and ourselves, as we are seduced by the poet into the act of reading the poem. This book offers a new and sophisticated critical assessment of the poem, based on the close analysis of certain passages, whilst at the same time being concerned with the reading of Ovidian poetry generally. Dr Sharrock's study is overtly theoretical, influenced in particular by deconstruction and reader-response theory, with an emphasis on intertextuality. In it she discusses a range of original and important issues: the traditions of didactic poetry and of elegy; the nature of the addressee in literature; the relationship between author and reader, speaker and addressee; poetic self-display; digression and relevence; programmatic theory and poetic value under the sign of Callimachus. This is an important and innovative work, which should be of interest not only to classicists but also to literary critics and theorists in English and other literatures.
Callimachean Apollo and the Long and Short of Art
Authors: Sharrock Alison 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Apollo suddenly appears in the poem at v. 493, his presence commands attention, and proclaims the cardinal importance of the scene within the poetic scheme of the Ars (2. 493-508): While I was singing this, Apollo, suddenly present, struck with his thumb the strings of his golden lyre.
Thus We See? Re-reading ‘Reading the Ars Amatoria’
Authors: Sharrock Alison 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
So how do you keep a reader? Answer: you repeat the seduction-differently. Keeping a girl involves finding new ways of catching, seducing, ‘wooing’ her, over and over again, the same old story: aliter idem, the same differently. But when is repetition ‘the same’? The phrase ‘I love you’ is always and never a quotation, always and never the same. It is always a repetition and as such is general, but also always particular. In interaction (intercourse?) with the text of Ovid, the acts of reading and loving are collapsed into an identification, according to which the story Ovid tells of the maintenance of a relationship is as poetic as it is erotic. It is a story of metapoetry. We make sense of relationships against the background of other relationships, both our own and those we encounter at second hand: likewise, we make sense of reading, as of any act of communication, by means of reference to other readings. Ovid’s display of repetition as the root of erotic success could perhaps be taken as paragidmatic for communication itself, for it is the iterability of any piece of language that makes it intelligible.
Ovid and the Failure of Rhetoric
Authors: Tarrant Richard 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Elder Seneca does not on the whole cut an imposing figure in the annals of literary criticism, but his effect on the interpretation of Ovid’s poetry has been lasting and profound. The information Seneca transmits about Ovid’s youthful study of declamation is a staple in any account of the poet’s life; it has also provided a factual basis for the constantly repeated characterization of Ovid’s writing as ‘rhetorical’. Exactly what is meant by this description is often hard to make out, but at one level the aptness of the term can hardly be disputed: Ovid’s poetry displays the techniques of formal rhetoric, and in particular the use of formally structured arguments as an instrument of persuasion, more often and more openly than that of any other Latin poet. Only an austere critic indeed would deny the relevance of what Seneca tells us about Ovid’s declamatory studies to this conspicuous feature of his writing.
Ut ornatius et uberius dici posset: Morals into Epigram in the Elder Seneca
Authors: Anderson Graham 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Donald Russell has epitomized the peculiarities of Greek declamation in a characteristically terse treatment. His title Greek Declamation might invite the assumption that Roman declamation was somehow ‘different’, if often parallel in its aims, methods, and manner. Roman declaimers might have been expected to claim superiority to the Greeks in sense of responsibility, moral conviction, gravitas, and operation within a single and highly regarded legal system; but such distinctions are difficult to press when the overall body of Roman declamatory material is examined. Declaimers’ silliness, ethical perversity, and legal fantasy were familiar criticisms in antiquity itself.3 Moreover, in some cases at least writers who used the medium were only too well aware of its moral dubiety. When Petronius presents declamatory performance in the school-scene of a novel it is quite clearly being undercut.
On the Sacking of Carthage and Corinth
Authors: Purcell Nicholas 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
One of the most potent ways of labelling enemies in the ancient rhetoric of war was identifying them by their city. Cities were among the most highly developed symbols of state identity, and Roman leaders, like the kings whom they came increasingly to imitate, had to form their plans and policies around cities and their various claims to status or power. Founding, refounding, and major embellishment were normal ingredients in rulers’ city-policy. Destruction was just as effective, directly proportional in its impact to the fame or beauty of what was destroyed. The ruination of cities is a statement in the same symbolic language as founding or beautifying them: a Dresden or a Dubrovnik attracts both the tourist and the Baedeker raid. In antiquity, the city embodied much more than art or cultural heritage. Attacking famous ancient cities in the manner of Alexander or Demetrius Poliorcetes was important to a conqueror’s image. The style of the attack, the fate of the people, and the extent of the damage all had their resonances. Sacks were normal: wholesale destruction evoked Nineveh, Miletus, King Xerxes at Athens, and, above all, Troy.
Sense of Place in the Orations of Dio Chrysostom
Authors: Trapp Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Sense of place is a quality the ancient epideictic orator was frequently called upon to display. Both the call and his response could take a number of different forms. He was, characteristically, a traveller who spoke to many different gatherings and in many communities other than his own. It was often highly important for him to convey a lively sense of his own appreciation of where he was and to whom he was speaking: an assurance to his audience that they had before them someone whose rich sense of their identity and worth qualified him to address their concerns, and to receive their close attention. This is most obviously true of civic encornia, in which community and place are directly addressed and praised.
The Poetics of the Paraphthegma: Aelius Aristides and the Decorum of Self-Praise
Authors: Rutherford Ian 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The subject of this chapter is one of the most boastful works of prose to survive from antiquity, Aelius Aristides’ Concerning a Remark in Passing, which he wrote to justify an incidental comment in praise of himself dropped while delivering a prose-hymn in honour of Athena. This may seem an inappropriate choice for a volume of essays honouring Donald Russell, whose modesty is famous. But the issues covered in the paper are ones that have engaged him throughout his professional life. And, though he has never written on this particular work, I suspect that he has been touched by its charms.
Criticism Ancient and Modern
Authors: Feeney Denis 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Classicists have long taken it for granted that an acquaintance with the literary criticism of the ancients is a useful skill for the student of their literature to master. This rather general and often unarticulated assumption, part of a larger professional concern with unanachronistic historical fidelity, has recently been given a much sharper focus in the work of Francis Cairns and Malcolm Heath. The latter scholar in particular has claimed, not merely that ancient literary criticism is a useful supplement to the critical apparatus of the modern scholar, but that ancient literary criticism is in effect the only apparatus which the modern scholar may use for the purpose of ‘poetics’, an activity defined as ‘a historical enquiry into the workings of a particular system of conventions in a given historical and cultural context’. In the case of fifth-century Attic tragedy, for example, despite the fact that we have no contemporary critical testimony to speak of outside Aristophanes, we are assured by Heath that ‘even a fourth-century writer is a priori more likely to be a reliable guide to tragedy than the unreconstructed prejudices of the modern reader’.
Introduction
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Except when subject to the despotic rule of a single man (‘tyrant’) or a small clique, the states of ancient Greece enjoyed constitutional government by their citizens—essentially, by the free adult males of native descent, subject to a property qualification or not according to the complexion of the régime. In most states the ultimate decision-making body was an assembly of citizens, and decisions other than appointments to office are referred to as decrees (psephismata, ‘things voted’ —etymologically, but not always in fact, voted by ballot). The object of this book is to study the decision-making procedures of the Greek states, and the extent to which the citizens were actively involved in those procedures, from our earliest evidence, in the seventh century ec, to our latest evidence for traditional Greek civic institutions, in the third or occasionally the fourth century AD; and it will focus on what is known of the individual decrees of the assemblies and of other bodies whose role in their states was political and not simply religious or social.
The Enactment of Decrees
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Since the material on Athens is relatively plentiful, and has been well studied, a separate section of this book is devoted to Athens, to indicate the questions in which I am interested, the approaches which I use and the results which can be obtained.In Athens as in many states in the Greek world there was a principle of probouleusis, requiring that, before a citizen assembly had the last word on any matter, the matter should receive ‘prior consideration’ by a smaller body: Ath. Pol. 45. iv formulates the principle for Athens: ‘The people are not permitted to decide anything which is not the subject of prior consideration and placed on the agenda by the prytaneis.’3 According to Xenophon (Hell. 1. vii. 12), in the irregular debate on the fate of the generals who had commanded at Arginusae in 406, ‘the masses shouted out that it would be a terrible thing if any one prevented the people from deciding what they wanted’; even when the rules were being observed, the Athenian assembly did not allow its freedom to be restricted very much.
Argolid And Nor Th-East Peloponnese
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
He also notes that unadjourned assemblies are always dated in the last decade of the month, and suggests that an adjourned assembly in the first or second decade was an additional assembly replacing or completing the regular assembly of the previous month, while an adjourned assembly in the third decade was a regular assembly which additionally replaced or completed the regular assembly of the previous month.4 There is no sign of how, if at all, the Greek principle of probouleusis was applied in decrees earlier than the Roman conquest. IG xn. iii 1:259 indicates that (at any rate in the second half of the fourth century) the council had a term of office of six months.
Achaea
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
As stated this is a negative rule that a synkletos cannot be summoned except for specified business: A argued that he has misstated the positive rule that a synkletos must be summoned for specified business (cf. under 168a); L and W accept that there was a negative rule. The origin of this business is in a meeting not even of the council but of the archai (10. ii): from the eminent names A suggests that ex-strategoi were included.
Aeolis
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
in the earlier decrees of Cyme the enactment formula is ετ δ, even when the proposal comes from the council (5); a strategos presides in the assembly; proposals may be anonymous or attributed to an individual, who may be (5, where the proposal comes from the council) but need not be (8) the presiding strategos . However, in SEG xxix 1216. i the proposal comes from the strategoi as a body, and in the texts to be discussed below proposals come jointly from the strategoi and other officials.
Probouleusis
Authors: Rhodes P J , Lewis David M 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On this point, as on many others, we must be careful in the use which we make of our evidence and particularly of silences in our evidence. In decrees from the states of Thessaly mention of a council is almost nonexistent except in Demetrias and (with only one decree preserved) Halus, but the texts from Lamia provide a salutary warning.