bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Republican Aims: Causes and Policies
Authors: Pettit Philip 
Published: October 2003

AbstractLooking at what the republican state should do, the first thing to notice is that republicanism offers the state a pluralistic language in which to formulate the grievances it should seek to rectify: a language of freedom in which it is possible to make sense of a variety of claims that are made on the state. The significant features of the ideal on the policy front are as follows: one, that the ideal is politically less sceptical than the ideal of freedom as non‐interference, since it recognizes the possibility of non‐dominating government; and two, that it is socially more radical, since it requires not just the absence of arbitrary interference but also the absence of capacities for arbitrary interference. In five large areas of policy‐making—external defence, internal protection, personal independence, economic prosperity, and public life—it is possible to discern the broad and often distinctive outlines of what a republican philosophy of government would require; but the requirements can only be detailed in the light of empirical information: republicanism is a research programme for policy‐making, not a once‐for‐always blueprint.
Republican Forms: Constitutionalism and Democracy
Authors: Pettit Philip 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe republican state must not only seek to combat the effects of dominium in giving rise to domination, it must also guard against the domination that can be associated with the imperium of government. If the way in which government operates is not to be subject to manipulation on an arbitrary basis, then there are a number of constitutionalist conditions, which it must plausibly fulfil and these have also been identified as important in the republican tradition. They include the rule of law, the separation of power, and counter‐majoritarian safeguards. Not all discretion can be profitably removed, however, and the only way for a republican regime to guarantee that this exercise of discretion is not hostile to the interests and ideas of people at large, or of some section of the community, is to introduce systematic possibilities for ordinary people to contest the doings of government. This points us towards the ideal of a democracy, based not on the alleged consent of the people, but rather on the contestability by the people of everything that government does. A contestatory democracy will have to be deliberative, requiring that decisions be based on considerations of allegedly common concern, if there is to be a systematically available basis for people to challenge what the government does. It will have to be inclusive, making room for people from every quarter to be able to press challenges against legislative, executive, or judicial decisions. And it will have to be responsive to the contestations that are brought against government decisions.
Checking the Republic
Authors: Pettit Philip 
Published: October 2003

AbstractWhat steps can be taken to place checks on those who run the republic, given the imperfections of human nature? The institutional resources available for guarding against corruptibility boil down to possibilities of sanctioning and screening: possibilities of punishing or rewarding what people do and possibilities of screening for the presence of suitable agents and options. One strategy in institutional design is to start from the need to cope with the worst agents around—the so‐called knaves—and to introduce sanctions that will serve even to control such anti‐social types, but this is subject to well‐known difficulties, all of which derive from the fact that most people are not knaves: they may be corruptible but they are not corrupt. A better strategy starts from the assumption that many people are not knaves and tries to build to that strength; it would support a screening for suitable agents; then a form of sanctioning designed to work with such non‐knavish agents; and, finally, a structure of fall‐back sanctioning that can cope with occasional knaves. The most important element required under this complier‐centred strategy is associated with the way in which people reward one another with their esteem, punish one another with their disesteem. Such a regard‐based form of sanctioning, which operates in an essentially non‐intentional way—as if by an intangible hand—can discipline agents while communicating a positive image of their virtue.
Civilizing the Republic
Authors: Pettit Philip 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The laws that advance the aims of the republic, institutionalize its forms, and establish regulatory controls need to be supported by republican civil norms; the legal republic needs to become a civil reality. One reason that widespread civility is needed is that people can be assured of their non‐domination only so far as others recognize normative reasons for respecting them, not just reasons connected to fear of legal sanctions. Another is that if the republic is to be systematically sensitive to the interests and ideas of people—often newly emergent, newly articulated interests and ideas—then there have to be people who are virtuous enough to press appropriate claims; this applies both in the politics of difference and in the politics of common concerns. And a last reason why widespread civility is needed is that the public authorities cannot hope to identify and sanction all offences against republican laws and norms; ordinary people also have to be committed enough to perform in that role or to support the efforts of the authorities. Widespread civility is likely to be supported by the intangible hand of regard‐based sanctioning, since the honourable are destined in most circumstances to be the honoured, and the state must be careful not to impose forms of sanctioning, which might get in the way of that process. Civility or civic virtue may not be so difficult to achieve, as it often seems. It involves not just the internalization of public values and the disciplining of personal desires; given the communitarian nature of freedom as non‐domination, it also involves identification with larger groups, even with the polity as a whole, and access to new and satisfying identities.
Social Rights Under the Constitution
Authors: Fabre Cécile 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights to the meeting of needs, standard rights to adequate minimum income, education, housing, and health care are usually not given constitutional protection. The book argues that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, health care, and education, and that those rights must be entrenched in the constitution of a democratic state. That is, the democratic majority should not be able to repeal them, and certain institutions (for instance, the judiciary) should be given the power to strike down laws passed by the legislature that are in breach of those rights. Thus, the book is located at the crossroads of two major issues of contemporary political philosophy, to wit, the issue of democracy and the issue of distributive justice. It stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the relationship between these two values cannot be ignored.
Social Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile 
Published: October 2003

AbstractI argue that if one accepts the four assumptions I outlined above, one must accept the claim that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, education, and health care, i.e. rights to these resources, which are necessary for us to lead what everyone would have to agree is a minimally decent life. In arguing for this conclusion, I set out in detail the conceptions of rights, autonomy, and well‐being that underpin my case for the constitutional entrenchment of social rights.
Negative and Positive Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile 
Published: October 2003

AbstractI complete the argument for social rights undertaken in Ch. 1, by looking at differences between negative rights that our autonomy and well‐being be respected, and positive rights, of which social rights are a subset, that they be promoted. In doing so, I argue for what I call negative social rights, to wit, rights that the government does not deprive us of the four types of resources under study if we have come to reply upon them and if by so depriving us it would bring us below the threshold of a minimally decent life.
Constitutional Social Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile 
Published: October 2003

AbstractI argue that it is legitimate to constrain democratic majorities, by way of the constitution, to respect and promote those fundamental rights of ours that protect the secure exercise of our autonomy and enable us to achieve well‐being. Insofar as, by virtue of Ch. 1, social rights are such fundamental rights, it follows that they should be constitutionalized.
Constitutional Social Rights and Democracy
Authors: Fabre Cécile 
Published: October 2003

AbstractI reject the claim that bills of social rights are undemocratic and therefore unacceptable. I argue that they are indeed undemocratic in some cases, but that this is not a good reason for rejecting them. In the course of defending this claim, I distinguish between democratic rights, namely, those rights the respect of which is necessary for a regime to count and function as a democracy, and undemocratic rights, namely, those rights the respect of which is not necessary for a regime to count and function as a democracy. I also look at different ways in which the judiciary could protect constitutional social rights; I claim that the constitutional court should tell the government when it has breached a right and should set a deadline for the provision of remedies, but should not tell the government which remedies to provide, and how it should provide them. I thus delineate the scope for democratic decision‐making when constitutional social rights are at issue.
The Ethics of Nationalism
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.
The Intrinsic Argument (Or, Are Nations Moral Communities?)
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter is concerned with moral arguments about membership in a national community, focusing on David Miller's On Nationality and Tom Hurka's article ‘The Justification of National Partiality’. It examines the bonds of attachment that co‐nationals feel towards those who share the same national identity, and the moral importance that should be placed on that.
Beyond the Cultural Argument
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter examines arguments that link national community with a particular type of culture, and then links culture with something that is valued (autonomy, well‐being). Versions of this argument have been put forward by Tamir, Miller, Kymlicka, MacCormick, Margalit, and Raz. This chapter argues that it is important to distinguish between a culture and national identity.
Just‐Cause, Administrative Boundaries, and the Politics of Denial
Authors: Moore Margaret 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter examines the dominant conception of self‐determination in the decolonization period, and in much international law and practice, according to which self‐determination occurs within existing administrative units and there is civic integration within that territory. This chapter argues that this conception of self‐determination is only appropriate in a limited range of cases.
The Dynamics of Welfare State Expansion
Authors: Iversen Torben 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis is the second of three chapters on the sources of pressure on contemporary national welfare states, all of which seek to show how examining the sources of strain carries implications for identifying who is likely to fight with whom over what; the authors of the three chapters are not of one mind on this issue. Iversen's analysis seeks to show that de‐industrialization—caused by the dramatic increases in productivity in the manufacturing sector rather than by globalization—is the crucial motor of social change. He directly challenges a variant of the globalization thesis that has been popular among scholars: the idea that exposure to the heightened labour market risks of an open economy fuelled the expansion of the welfare state as a form of compensation. Instead, he marshals considerable evidence for the view that it is the shrinkage of the manufacturing sector, and not economic (trade) openness, that fuelled the growth of compensatory social policy. He finds little evidence in favour of the view that the various dimensions of globalization constitute a source of real threat to the contemporary welfare state.
Political Institutions, Veto Points, and the Process of Welfare State Adaptation
Authors: Bonoli Giuliano 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis is the second of three chapters on the implications of electoral politics and the design of political institutions for welfare state adjustment. Bonoli explores the relationship between political institutions and patterns of welfare retrenchment, both on a theoretical level and on the basis of the observation of welfare reforms adopted in countries characterized by different levels of institutional power concentration. The main empirical focus is on Britain, an exemplar of strong power concentration, Switzerland, which has a political system characterized by high levels of power fragmentation, and France, an intermediate case. For each of the three countries, narrative accounts are provided of how selected welfare reforms (pension reform in all three countries and unemployment insurance reform in Switzerland) have been adopted. The comparison suggests that the relationship between constitutional structures and welfare adaptation is not a linear one, whereby power concentration is directly linked to a higher or lower rate of success in achieving restructuring, or to the amount of restructuring that can be obtained. Power concentration does, however, appear to be related to the form that welfare state adaptation takes: in contexts of strong power concentration, reform tends to be unilateral and geared towards retrenchment; in contrast, in institutional contexts characterized by veto points, reform tends to combine measures of retrenchment with expansion and improvements of existing programmes.
Partisan Competition and Welfare State Retrenchment
Authors: Kitschelt Herbert 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis is the third of three chapters on the implications of electoral politics and the design of political institutions for welfare state adjustment. Kitschelt's main proposition is that the strategic configuration of party systems, net of public opinion on social policy reforms, is a critical force that shapes social policy reform programmes and their implementation. He lays out mechanisms that may induce politicians to pursue often unpopular reforms based on internal opportunities offered by the dynamic of competitive party democracy that have received only scant attention in the comparative political economy and social policy literature. The central guiding proposition of the chapter requires two important qualifications: first, that the dynamic of party competition is only one of several mechanisms that affect social policy retrenchment; and second, that a comparative study of social policy change in the 1980s and 1990s would ideally rely on equivalent measures across a wide range of countries, but cross‐nationally comparable measures are not available. These data limitations currently make it impossible to determine the explanatory power of internal political conditions relative to external demographic and economic changes in accounts of social policy retrenchment, so Kitschelt uses case studies from Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, and Japan to illustrate how mechanisms of party competition impinge on social policy change, and beyond that, attempts to generalize his argument based on a reading of much looser expert judgements about social policy retrenchment in a broader set of countries.
The Comparative Political Economy of Pension Reform
Authors: Myles John , Pierson Paul 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis is the first of three chapters on the distinctive policy dynamics of particular areas of social provision. In their chapter on the dynamics of pension reform, Myles and Pierson stress a key feature of public pension systems: the fact that the implications of policy choices only play out over a very long period of time. Almost all pension systems are undergoing major reforms, yet choices made twenty‐five or fifty years ago profoundly shape the nature of the reform options available now. Most countries are severely constrained in their options by the accumulated commitments from decades of experience with social insurance; only where countries failed to develop large pay‐as‐you‐go pension systems at these earlier junctures has the much‐heralded alternative of introducing extensive funded arrangements proven to be a viable option. Myles and Pierson also emphasize the need to legitimate often politically painful revisions to this key element of the post‐war social contract — while there has been major change everywhere, in almost all countries this has required broad negotiations, including left‐of‐centre parties and/or labour unions.
Labour Market Regimes Under Threat? Sources of Continuity in Germany, Britain, and Sweden
Authors: Wood Stewart 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn this third of three chapters on the distinctive policy dynamics of particular areas of social provision, Wood looks at labour market regimes in Germany, Britain, and Sweden. The theoretical starting point of the chapter is an examination of path dependence, perhaps the most popular contemporary approach to explaining the persistence of institutions and policies over time. In principle, this offers an enticing explanation of the resilience of national policy trajectories, although the outcomes it explains have a tendency to be overdetermined, and not all mechanisms generating a bias towards the status quo are path‐dependent ones. The theoretical work of this chapter, therefore, lies in deriving alternative (though not mutually exclusive) micro‐level sources of policy continuity over time, and evaluating their relative contributions to the evolution of labour market policy in Germany, Britain, and Sweden. Divided into four substantive sections: Section 1 discusses the theory of path‐dependent institutional and policy trajectories in politics; Sect. 2 presents three distinct sources of policy continuity (employer‐centred, constitutional, and electoral) that are often bundled together as ‘lock‐in mechanisms’ in path‐dependent accounts; Sect. 3 sketches the changing context of labour market policy in Western Europe by looking at national responses to unemployment from 1980 onwards in each of the three country case studies, and providing accounts of labour market policies, employers’ preferences in relation to labour market policies, and constitutional factors and electoral constraints in relation to labour market reform; Sect. 4 is a conclusion and discusses the thesis offered by the chapter — that the trajectory of labour market policy can be accounted for by an employer‐centred theory of preferences.
Introduction: Contextual Political Theory, Comparative Perspectives, and Justice as Evenhandedness
Authors: Carens Joseph H. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDescribes the methodological approach of the book and provides a summary overview of the other chapters. The methodological section explains what contextual political theory means and why it is useful; it advocates a comparative approach that helps us to see the range of the morally permissible by paying attention to a wide variety of cases in different states; and it introduces, explains, and defends the concept of justice as evenhandedness. The chapter also provides a brief account of the presuppositions about culture and identity that underlie the analysis.
Complex Justice, Cultural Difference, and Political Community
Authors: Carens Joseph H. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Uses Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice as a vehicle for reflecting on the problem of universalism and relativism, with particular attention to the question of the moral relevance of cultural differences between political communities. It celebrates Walzer's contextual approach to theory and defends some of his key insights, using the Override Clause in Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms as a way of illustrating the moral importance of differences in political culture. But it also argues that Walzer's assertion that there is a tight link between moral community and political community conflicts with claims that he makes about justice in other societies. The chapter explores the question of whether and how we should judge history. It then uses gender equality and democracy as test cases for exploring how far our moral minimalism should extend and how open we should be to moral and cultural relativism.
Liberalism and Culture
Authors: Carens Joseph H. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFocuses on Will Kymlicka's Multicultural Citizenship. Applauds the work's path‐breaking attention to actual practices of group recognition in liberal democratic societies but criticizes its reliance on the concept of ‘societal culture’ to articulate a theoretical justification for these practices. It argues that this concept undermines the moral claims of immigrants and of small, vulnerable national minorities and generates a monocultural understanding of citizenship rather than a multicultural one. It contends that the concept of justice as evenhandedness provides a better guide for multiculturalism than the concept of societal culture and uses an extended discussion of language policy to illustrate the claim.
Distinguishing Between Difference and Domination: Reflections on the Relation Between Pluralism and Equality
Authors: Carens Joseph H. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Focuses on the relationship between cultural difference and equal opportunity. Because cultural heritages can affect the motivation and the capacity to take advantage of conventionally valued opportunities, some argue that respect for cultural differences requires us to accept social and economic inequalities between groups. The chapter uses the cases of Asian Americans, the Amish, African Americans and women to qualify and challenge this claim. It concludes that the relationship between pluralism and equality is generally complementary, and that this complementariness is enhanced when social institutions minimize inequalities.