bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Whig World
Authors: Kohl Lawrence Frederick 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The Whig social character was well adapted to the individualistic nature of the emergent American social order. More truly inner-directed than his Jacksonian opponent, the Whig was comfortable with rational, self-interested human relations. Feeling little frustration with his world, he expressed great confidence that both he and the country were destined to prosper. The Whig glorified American institutions and was impatient with those who questioned their beneficence. He extolled opportunity as if it were achievement itself, so sure was he of his own ability to succeed. Whig optimism, it is true, overlaid a substratum of dark fears about America’s future, yet hopefulness was the prevailing sentiment among Whigs. Their fears, like their hopes, sprang from a sense that the possibilities of their world were unlimited; and their self-confidence ensured that these fears would engender enterprise and not despair.
Continuity Survives Revolution: Pomeranian Conservatism from the Reform Era to Stabilization
Authors: Baranowski Shelley 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
POMERANIA COULD NOT help but be predisposed to conservatism because the lack of industry and urban development discouraged the growth of classes prone to supporting alternatives. Moreover, Protestantism saturated the aristocratic underpinnings of that conservatism, providing Pomerania’s nobility with a way to legitimate itself by sanctifying their estate villages. Pomerania became one of the leading outposts of the post Napoleonic religious revival known as the neo-pietist “Awakening,” a profoundly conservative movement that in Prussia conceived of the wars of liberation against Napoleon as the triumph over revolution.’ Strongly influenced by romanticism, neo-pietism rejected the rationalism of the Enlightenment for faith, the primacy of feeling, and the intense personal experience of conversion. As a movement defined by strong lay participation rather than clericalism, neo-pietist laypersons conducted their own services and administered their own sacraments, boycotting the “rationalist” pastors of the official church. Religious revival erupted elsewhere in Europe during the early nineteenth century, as it did in Great Britain and the United States, and it appealed to diverse constituencies. Junkers, however, played an especially prominent role in the Prussian and Pomeranian Awakening.
Social Constraints and Political Limitations: Pomerania’s Evangelical Church
Authors: Baranowski Shelley 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
UNDERSTANDING PRUSSIAN HISTORY and particularly Prussian conservatism is inconceivable without examining Prussia’s Evangelical Church.1 The subordination of the Old Prussian Union Church to the state before 1918 when the kaiser acted as its “Supreme Bishop” (Summus Episcopus),the dependence of that church on elites, and its notoriously weak roots among the working classes are emblematic of the absolutist and authoritarian traditions for which Prussia is (in)famous. Despite Prussia’s significant contribution to the Evangelical opposition during the Third Reich as embodied in the Confessing Church, a new beginning for the Evangelical Church became possible only with Prussia’s postwar dissolution.2 Thus, to focus on the Pomeranian provincial church appears at first glance to yield predictable conclusions, precisely because the pervasive conservatism in the province could not help but affect, and even imprison, that institution. Yet the Evangelical Church in Pomerania emerges as an ideal subject for understanding not only the diffusion, but also the complexity of the province’s conservatism. Despite clear evidence of secularization, the church was a major cultural presence with far-reaching ties to the rural economy and to other institutio11s that shaped the provincial mentality.
Music Performance
Authors: Béhague Gerard Henri 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The concept of Performance practice (Auffuhrungspraxis) developed by musicologists has traditionally been limited to at tempting to reconstruct the original sound of early European music by focusing on the written piece of music and by studying all sorts of literary, historical, and iconographic sources. The quest for historically authentic accounts of sound repro duction of early music led scholars to neglect or even to deny the role of performance contexts in modifying essential elements of a piece of music. Ethnomusicologists dealing primarily with non-Western or folk musics inherited the shortcomings of such an approach, limiting their study of performance to the idiosyncratic qualities of vocal and instrumental sound production in a given culture and in general applying Western concepts of sound (see Ethnomusicology; Music, Folk And Tra Ditional). Such studies, therefore, favored the musical text itself, whereas performance, like other aspects of context, was considered a secondary line of research, whether musical or extra musical. Historians of western European music have traditionally considered the study of music performance as one way of interpreting early music (primarily prior to 1800) based on examples of written notation.
“We Should be Well Set to Work to Take Notice of Women’s Actions”
Authors: Hatley Tom 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
THERE were many private as well as public crossings of the cultural line separating colonist from Cherokee. “ ‘There’s one frontier we only dare to cross at night,’ the old gringo said. ‘‘The frontier of our differences with others, of our battle with ourselves.’ “1 Many ‘frontier’ crossings were made by women. Since nearly all colonial-period documents were written by men, they have given an artificial, distinctly male cast to many intercultural events. The official testimony, the surviving records (whether from colonial trade-reformers or Cherokee headmen), has left a lasting, but superficial, impression of Cherokee villages as wide-open frontier outposts and provided little evidence of the economic life of both women and men. And, unlike colonial seaports or interior trading stations, where men were long in a clear majority, Cherokee women outnumbered men in the villages during most of the eighteenth century. Women appear at the edges of the paper records of commercial transactions and friendships, a pervasive though still marginal presence. This marginality, however, at least in the trade economy, was partly the result of female choice. Tribal women sometimes chose not to participate fully in the colonial trade by holding their agricultural products off the market. They were blocked from entering the well-documented deerskin leather trade by the strong associations of this business as man’s work on both the colonial and Cherokee side.
“Rumble Parts”
Authors: Hatley Tom 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
WHEN the Cherokees told James Glen that they would meet him half-way at Saluda, rather than Charlestown, they were proposing to gather at a traditional intercultural crossroads. Yet the Saluda country was changing rapidly, as was the entire region between the mountainous Cherokee core and the colonial coast. At places such as Saluda, on the margins of both Cherokee and colonial societies, great changes were taking place—some prefacing the Saluda Conference and others coming after. Rapid regional demographic and economic change was creating a new western political constituency for Carolina and reshaping Cherokee political agendas. Radical change is often visualized as emerging on a single social margin—a frontier—and working its way back toward the center. In this case the social margin was in a shared geographical middle ground between the Cherokees and Carolina that gradually became the center stage.
Anatomy of a Conflict
Authors: Hatley Tom 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
THE Carolinians, assigning blame, called it the Cherokee War. There is no record of what the Cherokees called it. We do know that for both sides it was more than an incident of border warfare. The conflict, bracketed between 1759 and 1761, saw three separate campaigns launched into the Cherokee towns.’ On the surface, its causes were straightforward. The Cherokees, particularly certain kindred families living chiefly in the Overhill town of Settico and the Lower Towns, had returned the injuries they had received in the Virginia backcountry in the western settlements of South Carolina. Governor Lyttelton retaliated by organizing an expedition to intimidate the tribe back into the British camp. Two more campaigns followed, conducted by British regulars and backed by colonial troops. In the end, neither society seized satisfaction from the other.
Closing Borders and Revolutionary Stirrings, 1767–1775
Authors: Hatley Tom 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
DURING the late 1760s, after a time of war and unsettling settlement, the incipient elite of the South Carolina backcountry attempted to consolidate boundaries within its own society. By far the most important of their efforts was the “Regulation” which took place at scattered localities across upcountry South Carolina from 1767 to 1771, from the Pee Dee River on the east to the Savannah River on the west. Early historian David Ramsay gave a capsule definition of the “Regulation” in the “Chronological Table of the Principal Events” in his History of South Carolina: “The peace of South Carolina [was] disturbed … by men who under the name of Regulators took upon themselves to try, condemn, and punish horse-thieves and other criminals. A civil war was on the point of breaking out.” The vigilante style of this elite-sponsored social movement was under the direction of leading men, “ambitious and commercially oriented.”3 There was an underlying political reform agenda-issues of courts, taxes, and representation4-and each of these factors was influenced further from place to place by shifting religious controversies and personal animosities.5 Though Regulator rhetoric complained of governmental neglect or abuses, the Regulator leadership was also motivated by social aspirations. These backcountrymen hoped to become like their peers-planters, slaveholders, and recognized powers in the colony.
The Wall and the Path
Authors: Hatley Tom 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
THE passing and repassing of hostile armies altered the relationship between the Cherokees and Carolina even before the Revolution began. During the early 1770s the Cherokee village councils moved farther apart from their neighbors. Some steps away were forced by colonial military actions, while others were taken at the tribe’s own initiative and reflected a uniquely Cherokee response to changes in their heartland. The 1760s and 1770s saw the Cherokees begin to clear a new and separate path for themselves.
Baseball and Revolution
Authors: Echevarria Roberto González 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
There has never been a case in which a head of state has been involved so prominently and for such a long period in a nation’s favored sport as Fidel Castro has been with baseball in Cuba. So many controversies have surrounded the Cuban Revolution that few have taken notice or given serious thought to this phenomenon. To many, I suppose, it is a slightly humorous topic, frivolous by comparison to many painful ones concerning Cuba. To others, perhaps, it is evidence of the Maximum Leader’s youthful, unaffected spirit. But because of the historical depth and relevance of baseball in Cuban culture and history, the commander in chief’s relationship to the national sport is no trivial matter. Fidel Castro’s role in the sport during the revolutionary period is necessarily an important subject. In a sense it defines baseball in Cuba from 1959 until today, a span as long as the era from the turn of the century to the Amateur World Series and the revival of the Cuban League in the early forties.
Capturing the Streets for Loyalty
Authors: Fried Richard M 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
A parade can be an ambiguous sociopolitical construct. It enables those who rule to impress their sense of right order upon an audience in a linear, moving ceremony full of symbol, protocol and ornament. Yet groups with differing interests can offer competitive dramaturgy of their own. When one aspires to seize ceremonial space and time and to dictate proper appearance and behavior, any opposition element may well assert its own claim to such public commodities. Like its brute cousin the riot, a parade is a show of power. During the Cold War, having or lacking power often dictated who might parade and who might not.
Springtime for Stalin in Mosinee
Authors: Fried Richard M 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
“come out with your hands on your head! I represent the Council of People’s Commissars and we’re taking over this town.”* This order rang out not in tsarist St. Petersburg, nor in the streets of Prague, but on May Day 1950 at the home of the mayor of Mosinee, Wisconsin. These “commissars” were actually American Legionnaires seeking to dramatize the Red menace and the liberties to be lost in the event of the real thing. Of the several varieties of pageantry devised by promoters of anticommunism and patriotism, in sheer dramaturgy none could rival this mock Communist takeover. For forty-eight hours Mosinee’s coup captivated the nation’s media and briefly inspired anti-communists to believe they had hit upon a new and striking form of anti-communist theatre. To the genre of anti-communist pageantry it added the novelty of uniquely dystopian fantasy.
“The Cold War Belongs to us All” Patriotizing the American Calendar
Authors: Fried Richard M 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
While willing to employ dramatic scenarios to advance their aims, patriotic and civic activists spent most of their energies inventing traditions that were more than one-shot episodes. Like religious devotion, loyalty was to be inculcated through repeated observance-in some cases daily (as in Pledging Allegiance in schools), in others occasionally (playing the National Anthem at athletic events), in still others annually. The “high” Cold War encouraged efforts to patriotize the American calendar and occasions at which such usages had previously been exceptional. Many patriotic practices which may seem to have grown up with the country are of surprisingly recent vintage. Although Americans, it is argued, have long reverenced the state in what sociologist Robert N. Bellah labeled a “civil religion;’ they entered the Cold War lightly equipped with occasions for so doing. July 4, Memorial Day, and Thanksgiving were old enough to be time-honored, but the patina of age brought with it a degree of secularization. National days became occasions for leisure more than patriotic reflection.
American Economic Success and German Emulation
Authors: Nolan Mary 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
It was one thing for German visitors to Detroit to be infatuated with Fordism; it was quite another for industrialists, trade unionists, engineers, and economists to restructure the troubled German economy along Ameri­ can lines. From 1924 on, few disputed the need for dramatic economic re, structuring-or rationalization, to use the term preferred by Germans­ but controversy did surround what form rationalization should take. Which American economic principles and practices could be adopted and which were valid only in the circumstances of the New World? Did Fordism have to be implemented in toto or could one pick and choose among its elements and still attain the desired levels of profitability and prosperity? Would eco, nomic modernization along American lines automatically bring about an Americanization of society and culture? German proponents of Fordism and Americanism quickly found themselves embroiled in a far-ranging and often acrimonious debate about America’s past and present and Germany’s future.
The Law of Human Experimentation with Children
Authors: Glantz Leonard H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
There is a long history of research on children (see Chapter I) but a relatively short history of legal control of this activity (Annas, Glantz, and Katz, 1977). There are a number of reasons for this. Legal restraints on research in general were virtually nonexistent until the promulgation of the Nuremberg Code in 1947, and even that document does not mention research with children (Grodin, 1992). Furthermore, the idea that children might have rights in and of themselves is a concept that was largely ignored until the last half of the twentieth century. Until then children were usually seen as extensions of their parents who could make all decisions on behalf of their children (Rodham, 1973). Indeed, even today there is still a substantial question about how much the state should and may control a parent’s authority over a child. In general, parents have broad discretion in making important decisions on behalf of their children, and until these decisions are found to be abusive or neglectful, the state generally may not intervene in parental decisions about their children.
A Multiplicity of Grievances
Authors: Bernstein Iver 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
On Friday, July 17, 1863, the last day of the draft riots, Peace Democrat Congressman and newspaper editor James Brooks published a brief article entitled “The Riot-Its History.” By the 17th, New Yorkers had developed their own versions of the riot-week events and interpretations of the rioters’ motives.
Merchants Divided
Authors: Bernstein Iver 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
Merchants were the most identifiable social group in New York City during and after the draft riots and, indeed, through the Civil War epoch. Roland Barthes’s aphorism regarding the bourgeoisie-”the social class which docs not want to be named”-did not apply to New York’s lords of commerce. During the riot week they met on Wall Street to devise a “merchants’” response to the violence and form “merchants’ “ brigades. After the uprising some of these men created a “Committee of Merchants for the Relief of Colored People Suffering from the Late Riots.” They sent “merchants’ committees” to Washington to advise presidents and supervise legislation. They formed the “Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge” and “The Union League Club of New York” to publicize merchants’ positions on the issues of the war. In all these instances, merchants made themselves and their programs plain to view.
1872
Authors: Bernstein Iver 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The massive strikes for an eight-hour workday in spring 1872 were the so ber denouement to the draft riots. The “winners” and “losers” of the crisis of 1863 now became clear and the unresolved conflicts of that summer were decided. By early 1872 most of the groups that had seen Tweed’s Tammany Hall as a respite from the corrupt party machinery of the past began to search elsewhere for solutions. In many ways, the contours of social and political conflict had much changed since the draft riots nine years earlier. The crisis of 1872 occurred not during a civil war but at a time when New Yorkers of the “better classes” were preoccupied with restoring civil peace. Mer chant capitalists who had only a few years earlier battled each other over the issues of the sectional crisis now agreed that Reconstruction had ended and commercial and social stability had to be preserved both in the North and South. Reform-minded industrialists and manufacturers were now hard ended by a decade of conflict with a powerful organized trade union movement. The middle-and upper-class New Yorkers who stood over the corpse of the Tweed Ring were both more unified and perhaps a little more fright ended than they had been nine years before.
Voting for a Better Life
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The parliamentary election on March 18 decided the GDR’s fate. For the first time in over half a century, the people could vote their political preference without fear. Since Hitler and Honecker had allowed only acclamation, the unaccustomed freedom of choice raised high and often conflicting expectations. Dissident leader Barbel Bohley hoped for “the storm to abate” and stability to return. Marxist intellectual Jurgen Rennert wished for “something well-nigh impqssible”-the continued existence of East Germany. Writer Helga Schubert, however, desired drastic reforms to revive the economy, restore the old states and prepare for unification: “Hence, I expect the dissolution of the GDR.”1 The stakes were enormous. This Volkskammer election would not only determine the party in power, but also decide the nature of the political system. At the same time, the ballot was a referendum on the continuation of separate East German statehood. “At issue is a freely elected GDR government which represents the interests of sixteen million” people. East and West Germans as well as foreigners watched the campaign with anxious anticipation. “Events are moving with lightning speed.” The novelist Joachim Seyppel wondered: “Will the election bring clarity?”
Uniting the Currencies
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The monetary merger was the “first big step toward unity.” Popular frustration with “worthless [GDR] currency” made conversion to the Western DM imperative. Though experts warned of the fiscal risks, the breakdown of the command economy seemed so complete that only a switch to a market system promised recovery. The weekly exodus of four thousand people had to be stopped, if necessary by transferring Western prosperity to the East. The impending bankruptcy of the GDR treasury required drastic measures, and much needed FRG support would become more effective if the entire system were changed.1 Political reasons also urged a speedy approach. Monetary issues belonged to those domestic matters that the two-plus-four agreement left to Germans to decide. The nineteenth-century precedent of the Prussian Zollverein suggested that a customs union could pave the way for political unification. In short, politicians believed that the introduction of the DM would create “the economic precondition for growing together into a united Germany.” Because it combined practical help with symbolic change, Prime Minister de Maiziere welcomed the currency union as “a chance” for a fresh start.
Forging Unity
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H 
Published: October 2023

Abstract
The GDR vanished on October 2. Hammer and compass emblems disappeared from official buildings, leaving blank fades. Enough red flags for an entire parade piled up in garbage cans. East German embassies closed their doors, leaving not even janitors behind. Ministries stood deserted while skeleton crews sealed files and wrote dismissal notices. With a grand tattoo the People’s Army turned its command over to the former archenemy. The Volkskammer met in final session “to write its own obituary.” With 164 laws in 181 days, the freely elected parliament had “fulfilled its task of completing German unity in self-determination.” On the eve of accession the popular mood was “strangely split. Hope and fear, concern and curiosity, resignation and tentative optimism” alternated. Three-quarters of the Westerners were glad to see unification come. Even if Easterners expected a turbulent transition, many were happy to escape the anarchy of the interregnum. The revolutionaries of the previous fall were “a bit sad” about the unexpected result of their rising. Though resentful of their cramped lives, intellectuals looked back at the dissolving GDR with a touch of nostalgia. Only a brisk trade in memorabilia recalled forty-one years of a separate state.