bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Christianity and the Court: (2) Milan
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
During the fourth century, the increasing importance of north Italy as an administrative and military centre had been accompanied, as at Trier and the Rhineland, and in parts of Pannonia, by a transformation of the social and economic life of the region. The solid agricultural opulence familiar from the time of the early empire had given place to—or rather had now to coexist with—a society which was to a high degree mobile and cosmopolitan. The imperial administration offered its opportunities to men of talent and education, who came to the area from all parts of the Roman empire to work as functionaries and officials; new industrial occupations had been brought into the region, for instance by the foundation of mints and armament factories (with all that this implies for supply and transport facilities); and the soldiers stationed in the area made their own contribution to the new population, their diverse nationalities often adding to it a distinctly exotic flavour. At Vercellae, for instance, was a garrison of Armenian troops; by the early fifth century, Sarmatian detachments were posted at Patavium, Cremona, Vercellae, Bononia, Pollentia, and half a dozen other places across north Italy; while a Christian cemetery at Concordia produced numerous inscribed sarcophagi from the fourth and early fifth centuries, showing the coexistence of the civilian population with soldiers, officials, and immigrants from many regions of the empire, even from outside its borders—from Syrians to Batavians, Heruli and Ostrogoths.
Theodosius and the West
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Before the invasion of Maximus, Valentinian’s government dispersed immediately. The emperor had already left Milan for Aquileia, where he was better placed to seek safety in the east; 1 and he now went with his mother and a group of courtiers, who included the elder statesman Petronius Probus, to meet Theodosius at Thessalonica and discuss his restoration. Maximus, meanwhile, set up court at Milan, and appointed to the prefecture of Rome a correspondent and friend of Symmachus, the Gaul Sextius Rusticus Julianus; while Symmachus himself, acting no doubt on behalf of the senate, travelled to Milan to attend the celebrations for Maximus’ consulship in 388, and delivered a panegyric to the new ruler.
The Regime of Stilicho
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The death of Theodosius, so evidently a turning-point in the history of the late empire, is a suitable moment to pause, and to recall certain features of general significance which have emerged so far—both byway of provisional summary, and also to introduce the period of profound and rapid change which now followed in the west. The central preoccupation of the preceding chapters has been the governing classes of the late empire: their respective political roles, their composition and relations with each other, but also the wider question of the social and cultural pursuits of their members. The imperial governing class, for its part, in addition to its more narrowly ‘professional’ activities—the formulation and enforcement of legislation, the assessment and collection of taxes, the execution of military policy, and so on—has been seen to have possessed a broader range of social functions. The bureaucracy provided opportunities for men of talent and sufficient education (and widely diverse origins) to rise by their ability and better themselves; in doing so, it promoted a degree of controlled social mobility, leading regularly to membership of the provincial ‘clarissimate’ of exofficials who had achieved senatorial rank, and occasionally to actual participation in senatorial life at Rome itself. As a physical institution, the court exercised an invigorating economic and cultural effect upon the districts in which it was established—a feature which can be detected in varying degrees of detail in the region of Trier and the Rhineland, in the parts of Pannonia most closely associated with the court, at Milan and in north Italy, and of course pre-eminently at Constantinople. In addition, the movements of the emperors (especially at moments of political crisis) encouraged mobility between eastern and western parts of the empire—although, since even the eastern emperors were themselves in this period still Latin-speakers whose immediate origins and careers were in the Illyrian or western provinces, the direction of this mobility was more usually from west to east than vice versa.
Alaric, Rome, Ravenna
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Among the immediate consequences of the fall of Stilicho, the most violent was the massacre by the soldiers in north Italy of the wives and families of the barbarian federates quartered in the region (of whom besides, 30,000 were said to have found refuge with the camp of Alaric); perhaps the most interesting sidelight, early in the year 409, was the arrival of a letter from Augustine requesting the continued enforcement by the government of legislation against the Donatists, and addressed to the magister Officiorum Olympius—’unconfirmed reports’ of whose ‘well-deserved promotion’ had reached North Africa. At Ravenna, Olympius himself, having risen to power, it must be said, by the qualities of the ruthless politician rather than the devout Christian of Augustine’s information, applied himself vigorously to the dismantling of the structure of Stilicho’s regime. Former supporters of Stilicho were put on trial and executed, sometimes after brutal tortures. The emperor’s wife Thermantia, the daughter of Stilicho and Serena, was divorced, to be sent to her mother at Rome; at Rome also, Stilicho’s son Eucherius was sought for execution by Olympius’ agents. Meanwhile, a new official, Heliocrates, arrived at Rome from the court as comes sacrarum largitionum, with the specific instructions to reclaim for the imperial finances all money and property which had been distributed by Stilicho.
Gaul and Spain (406−418)
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In the two years since their crossing of the Rhine in the winter of 406/7, the invading barbarian tribes of the Suebi, Vandals, and Alani had advanced unimpeded across Gaul towards the Pyrenees. Behind them, they left the Gallic countryside, in the words of one contemporary, ‘smoking like one huge funeral pyre’. If the expression is perhaps something of an exaggeration, it is forgivable in the circumstances; and it is not out of keeping with the more precise details given by Jerome, in a letter addressed from Bethlehem to a Gallic lady in 409. Jerome’s contacts with upper-class Christian society in the western provinces had made of him a well-informed commentator, able to describe with authority and immediacy contemporary events in the west; and so he was able to list the towns of north-eastern Gaul and the Rhineland which had already fallen into barbarian hands. He could say also that, as he wrote, Toulouse in the south-west was only preserved from capture by the inspiring leadership of its bishop (an interesting glimpse of the future); while Spain lived in fear of imminent invasion. It was, in fact, in the late summer of 409 that the Vandals, Suebi, and Alani overcame the garrisons of the passes through the Pyrenees, to pour into Spain, where they scattered in destructive bands, and began to form their own barbarian kingdoms. It was probably the violent descent of Suebi and Vandals upon north-western Spain that drove a local priest, Orosius, from his town, as a refugee who made his way, after narrow escapes, to Augustine in North Africa.
‘Ordo Renascendi’: (1) Gaul
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
From 418 a Roman government now permanently situated at Arles was confronted by a Visigothic kingdom in Aquitania, bound to it by the terms of its settlement there to provide military assistance to the Romans, but at the same time a constant source of uncertainty. For a time, the alliance was preserved by common apprehension of the more unruly barbarian peoples in the lands over the Pyrenees, who were engaged in carving out their territories, dispossessing the Roman occupants of the provinces, and warring against each other. In the years immediately after the settlement, Roman generals conducted campaigns with Visigothic assistance against the Vandals in Spain. In 433 Gothic forces were brought in by the court of Ravenna to help the defence of Italy against the new threat of the Huns. This particular threat did not materialize, and over the next few years the Huns normally fought in the service of the Roman government in Gaul; but this did not last, and the defeat of Attila by massed federate forces in the battle of the Catalaunian Plains in 45 I was the spectacular climax of the alliance between Arles and Toulouse.
East and West: Olympiodorus and Rome
Authors: Matthews John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In January 420 Fl. Constantius had entered office as consul for the third time. His second consulship, in 417, had been distinguished by his marriage to Galla Placidia; and now, close upon the completion of his third, came his elevation, on 8 February 421, to the rank of Augustus. At the same moment, his wife received the title Augusta, and their little son, Valentinian, became at under two years of age, ‘nobilissimus’. For the moment, the political and dynastic situation in the west seemed full of promise. During the past ten years Constantius had achieved much for the western empire, by policies reminiscent above all of those of Stilicho—that is, by a measured, realistic combination of military force and diplomacy. A dynasty based upon Constantius as the active member in an alliance (doubly, through Placidia as his wife and Honorius as his colleague) with the house of Theodosius, had much to offer.
Being Female
Authors: Clark Gillian 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
FEMALENESS, by general consent, was a disadvantage. It was assumed that females were physically weaker than males, were unlikely to be the intellectual equals of males, and had a more difficult time controlling bodily desires and the onslaughts of emotion. This was held to be true even if they escaped some of the dangers of femaleness by choosing virginity, or if they were trained in philosophy and became the respected partners of philosophic men. On this question we do not suffer from the usual shortage of evidence: we are very well informed about the dominant ideology.
Introduction
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Existing studies of proper names in Virgirs Aeneid are concerned with the sources of names, their etymological significance as well as with the issue of invention of characters and names.1 The close scrutiny of the literary, mythological, historical, geographical, ethnographical, and narrative issues associated with the poet ‘s choice and employment of proper names has brought to light a considerable number of perplexing questions.
Book 2
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Aeneas has been asked to narrate the ‘doli ‘ of the Greeks and the sufferings of his people (I. 753-6). The shuddering memories arouse unspeakable pain ( ‘dolorem ‘) in his soul, but he none the less begins by first mentioning the Horse [86pv], \\foch ,vas constructed ,with the ‘skill ‘ of ‘Pallas ‘ [86pv]. Aeneas ‘ ‘dolor ‘ is not the symptom of a physical wound, but he is none the less wounded, like Juno in the opening of Aeneid I. His ‘dolor ‘ is ‘beyond all ,words ‘ ( ‘infandum ‘) and requires the utter silence of the audience in order to be voiced (1-2); no one could tell ( ‘fando ‘) the tale of the crimes of the ‘Myrmidones ‘ and the ‘Do/opes ‘ [Dwpov and 86t\os-] without weeping. This is, in addition, the story of Troy ‘s last agony ( ‘laborem ‘), which also arouses Aeneas ‘ ‘dolor ‘ [1r6vos- and 1r6vos-]. The association of the ‘casus ‘ (lit. ‘fall ‘) of his people with the dowmvard course of night ( ‘caelo praecipitat ‘) and that of the stars ( ‘cadentia sidera ‘) provides a cosmic introduction to the narrative of the Fall of Troy. Mycenae, Tenedos, and ‘T ‘rojan blindness (13-56)
Book 3
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Aeneas arrives in Thrace he sets about founding a city ( ‘moenia ‘) on the curved shore ( ‘litore curuo ‘); in order to ensure the good will of his mother ( ‘Dionaeae matri ‘1) and the other gods for the task he has undertaken, he engages in the prescribed rites and the sacri fice of a bull. Nearby there is a ‘tumulus ‘, on top of which grow cornel bushes ( ‘cornea . . . uirgulta ‘) and myrtles with bristling, spear like shoots ( ‘densis hastilibus horrida myrtus ‘). The hero attempts to tear up some shoots in order to wreathe the altars, but drops of blood ooze from the broken roots and stain the earth with gore; as he tries to pluck another shoot, again blood comes out of its bark. Next, Aeneas gives the full story of Polydorus in his own voice. When Troy was in grave peril Priam secretly sent his youngest son Polydorus to the Thracian king (Polymestor is meant) with a great quantity of gold. When Troy fell to the Greeks the king sided with them, killed the youth, and took possession of the gold. After per forming funeral rites for Polydorus, the Trojans sail out under a fair wind.
Book 5
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
‘When the Trojans depart from Carthage a black rain-cloud appears above their heads darkening the sky and the seas. Palinurus, standing on the lofty stern, blames ‘Neptunus ‘ for it;1 he tells Aeneas that it is impossible to reach Italy against the wind and suggests that they should make for Sicily, which should not be far away, if he remembers correctly as he retraces the stars which he had watched before ( ‘si modo rite memor seruata remetio astra ‘). Components of the name ‘Palinurus ‘ are Sight (ovpos), Memory, and Return (7T&lt;1Atv); in addition, ovpos ( ‘watchman ‘) interacts semantically with oopos ( ‘favourable wind ‘ of return). ‘Palinurus ‘ guides the ships back to Sicily, a familiar shore, by watching the stars, relying on his recollection of the earlier voyage, and running before a favourable wind (32-3). The present deviation from the voyage of return to Italy is a welcome one (30-1) for the purpose of honouring Anchises.
Book 6
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Aeneas ‘ arrival in Italy is marked by a riding metaphor ( ‘classique immittit habenas ‘); the place where he lands is ‘Euboean Cumae ‘ ( ‘Euboicis Cumarum adlabitur oris ‘). Horse and Ox (Ev{3ota&lt; /3ov ) interact in the Aeneid. The component of Ox marks Aeneas ‘ arrival in ‘Italia ‘ ( ‘Land of Oxen ‘) while the association of Ship-sailing with Horse-riding pursues the ‘Phorbas ‘ scene of Aeneid s. Aeneas appears as a rider (horse-tamer) only metaphorically (here and in Aeneid 12). The metaphor marks Aeneas ‘ grief for the death of Palinurus (cf. 12. 499, where it conveys his wrath); and possibly it undercuts the positive aspect of arrival in Italy with the threat of war.1 Immediately upon arriving in Italy, and before pursuing his voyage of return to Latium, Aeneas seeks a reunion \Vith his father by whom he is told about the reincarnation of the souls and of his descendants destined to return to the Upperworld. Aeneas proceeds next to consult the Sibyl. The scene of the con sultation comprises Apollo ‘s temple on the citadel of Cumae and a cave ( ‘antrum ‘) cut into the rock; the temple ‘s ‘adytum ‘ and the Sibyl ‘s cave are virtually indistinguishable during the consultation, just as the prophetess ‘s voice merges with the god ‘s voice.
Book 7
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In 3. 384 ff. Helenus prophesied to Aeneas that before he could build his city in a ‘safe place ‘ ( ‘tuta ... terra ‘), he would have first to sail around ‘Trinacria ‘ [Circle] and then past the ‘inferni lacus ‘ and the island of Aeaean Circe ( ‘ Aeaeae insula Circae ‘). After Aeneas has returned to the Upperworld, he raises a ‘tumulus ‘ for the burial of his nurse Caieta, sails past the island of ‘Circe ‘, and reaches ‘Latium ‘. The landmarks are a curved elevation ( ‘tumulus ‘), the abode of ‘Circe ‘ [Circle], and the shaded mouth of the Tiber [Cavity).
Book 8
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At the opening of Aeneid 8 Turnus gives the signal for war from the top of the citadel with a rustic horn (curved and hollow), and then rouses his horses and brandishes his arms, \\l ‘ith these actions he stirs war-lust among the Latins. Notable is the abrupt transition from the horn-signal on the citadel to horses, and the bold metathesis of verbs in which horses are treated like arms. The abrupt transition origi nates from the close relation between Horse and War and between Cavity/Sound and Horse, as noted in the L,aocoon-Horse sequence. In the present sequence these components merge with the ‘arx ‘, the function of which is reversed: instead of ‘repulsing ‘ or ‘restraining ‘ ( ‘arceo ‘), it unleashes the forces of war. The arrangement of the com ponents recalls Aeolus ‘Hippotades ‘ and his horselike storm forces.2 The Latin forces are led by Messapus, an ‘equum domitor ‘, and ‘Vfens ‘, whose name suggests the ‘blind ‘ course to violent conflict.
Book 9
Authors: Paschalis Michael 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
‘Saturnia Iuno ‘ sends Iris to Turnus who is seated in a valley; the goddess incites him to attack the Trojan camp. A valley is a depression of the earth situated between hills or mountains [Cavity]. The place is forested [Tree] and is sacred to ‘Pilumnus ‘, whose name evokes ‘pilum ‘ ( ‘spear ‘). Iris ‘ speech to Turnus, inciting him to attack the camp, is followed by her ‘arrowlike ‘ flight ( ‘secuit ... arcum ‘) back to heaven, which causes the sky to part asunder and reveal the courses of the stars in the firmament. The miraculous event is encapsulated in the antonomastic reference to Iris as ‘Thaumantias ‘ (&lt; 0avµa,w) and provokes Turnus ‘ ‘marvelling ‘. The true aim of this ‘miraculous ‘ event is to deceive Turnus [ooAos] into believing that he can capture the Trojan camp (compare 2. 3 I ff.). Turnus ‘ ‘loading ‘ ( ‘onerauit ‘) of the sky with vows is a metaphor from ‘piling up offerings ‘ [owpov]; ‘onero ‘ in this sense is normally accompanied by ‘dona ‘.1
Introduction
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Ancient Sparta: a militaristic and totalitarian state, holding down an enslaved population, the helots, by terror and violence, educating its young by a system incorporating all the worst features of the traditional English public school, and deliberately turning its back on the intellectual and artistic life of the rest of Greece. Such, at least, is the picture, if any, which mention of the name consciously or unconsciously conjures up in the minds of most people in this country today. The liberal democratic tradition that dominates modern English thought has very naturally tended to idealize Sparta’s great rival, democratic Athens; and its consequent distrust of Sparta was reinforced by reaction against a very different set of political ideas, particularly prominent in Germany, where admiration for Sparta reached a fantastic conclusion under the Nazis; to some writers, at that time, Sparta was the most purely Nordic state in Greece, and an exemplar of National Socialist virtues.
Laconism Exported
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is time to look beyond the confines of the Greek world. The first country to arrest our attention is Egypt, the history of whose supposed connections with Sparta forms a pretty climax. Herodotus points out one or two features-respect for age, the hereditary nature of certain callings-common to Sparta and that country that appeared so remarkable to the Greeks. Later we find Isocrates declaring that the Lacedaemonians have copied from Egypt their common meals, physical training, exclusive dedication to arms, restriction on travel, and supreme devotion to the state; in this not very serious panegyric of Egypt he even claims to find the copy inferior to the model. Next Ephorus explicitly states that Lycurgus paid her a visit (as Solon had genuinely done) ; while at the end of the fourth century Hecataeus of Abdera, in a philosophic romance about Egypt, pretended that this visit like those of other famous Greeks was attested by the priestly documents there.
The Middle Ages
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It was inevitable that, given her place in Jewish apologetic literature and the Graeco-Roman ethical and rhetorical tradition, Sparta should occasionally attract the attention of the Fathers of the Church. During the great age of debate, when some Christians, in self-defence, were ready to assimilate a part of pagan culture, we find Tertullian describing Christian heroism as outdoing all precedents, including the Lacedaemonian endurance of fiagellatio, and urging on the martyrs with the same examples. Here the famous and then still existing festival at Lacedaemon forms his climax: how slight such torments must be to those who will gain a divine reward, if they are so bravely borne for the sake of mere human glory !1 The Christian writers of Alexandria, that centre of Greek scholarship and hellenizing Judaism, show their double ancestry clearly. St. Clement, accepting what is as we saw a Jewish thesis, like many others after him, not only supposes that Plato was following Moses in blaming Minos’ and Lycurgus’ concentration on physical courage, but also assumes that Moses was himself the archetype of all the Greek lawgivers. Clement regarded exempla as vital (for which reason he even approves of the Lacedaemonian way of teaching their children temperance by making their helots drunk).
In Utopia and Among the Savages
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
No one today would think of taking Agesilaus as a model, either for himself or for his rulers. And ideas of constitutional government and its safeguards have been profoundly modified since the days of clamour for the mixed state or for the ephorate. But when we discuss rival patterns for society as a whole, we still find we have not quite forgotten Sparta; and the modern reader, who tends to be better acquainted with Plato than with Plutarch or Polybius, may find more interest in a brief consideration of Sparta’s part in the Utopian tradition.
Spartans on the Stage
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When we turn from political theory to the arts we are reminded again how specialized was the interest that Sparta aroused. Hardly more than in antiquity do scenes from Spartan history make their way into the Renaissance or Baroque repertoire of the visual arts. And it is a commentary on Sparta’s generally disappointing role in imaginative literature that the only poetic references at all generally familiar, in this country at least, are those of Shakespeare’s Theseus, who describes his hounds (where the implications of the adjective seem curiously ambiguous, or even sinister, for an age that was only occasionally less than enthusiastic in its response to the idea of Sparta).
France in the Eighteenth Century (II)
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
So much, then, for the arch-priest of laconism. But variations in the doctrine were made by other believers. Helvetius published his taking to extreme lengths the belief in intellectual equality, and in the power of education, based upon it; and he linked this with the pleasure/pain principle of motivation that was to be so abhorrent to Mably. He is a complete utilitarian. If private interest alone moves man to action, virtuous action can only be what benefits the largest number of people-what is, in short, in the public interest.