bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
An Application
Authors: Williamson Timothy 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe idea of margin for error of principles is used to analyse the Surprise Examination Paradox. Although the pupils in the story know that there will be a surprise examination, they do not know that they will know tomorrow that they will know the day after that …, because each iteration requires a further margin for error until nothing is left. A similar account is suggested for knowledge of rationality in Iterated Prisoner's Dilemma. Versions of the Surprise Examination Paradox in which the pupils know only that there will not be an expected examination are used to criticize alternative accounts of the paradox.
Sensitivity
Authors: Williamson Timothy 
Published: October 2003

AbstractPhilosophers such as Robert Nozick have argued that knowledge must be sensitive, in roughly the sense that if what one knew had been false, one would not have believed it. Such a counterfactual constraint has been used to explain the appeal of scepticism. This chapter argues that no version of the constraint is correct. It also criticizes the variant of Nozick's approach developed by Keith DeRose on which the standard for the application of the word ‘know’ depends on the conversational context. A version of the argument given by Hilary Putnam that if one was a brain in a vat, one could not think that one was constructed using perceptual demonstrative expressions.
Scepticism
Authors: Williamson Timothy 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The chapter analyses a leading argument for scepticism, according to which one has the same evidence in one's actual case as in a sceptical scenario in which one is deceived and therefore does not know which case one is in. The sceptic's argument for the sameness of evidence depends on the idea that one must always be in a position to know what one's evidence is, but this idea is refuted by a version of the anti‐luminosity argument. Thus, we are not compelled to accept the sceptic's original argument. Appeals to indiscriminability do not help the sceptic. That we are not always in a position to know what our evidence is has unsettling implications for the nature of rationality, since it is rational to proportion belief to the evidence.
The Signification of Names
Authors: Charles David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn De Interpretatione, Aristotle offers an account of the conditions under which a term like ‘man’ signifies the kind man. This involves, in the case of simple names, the name being correlated with a thought, whose content is determined by efficient causal contact with the kind in question. Aristotle offers a separate account of how the signification of empty names, such as ‘goatstag’, is determined. His account, however, generates a problem: he wishes to hold that (1) the signification of ‘man’ is determined by causal contact with an existing kind and also that (2) we do not know in grasping the signification of this term that the kind exists. Can he hold on to both these claims?
Signification and Thought
Authors: Charles David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn De Anima, Aristotle develops an analogy between perception and thought. This is based, I argue, on his account of what causally determines the object (or content) of the relevant perception or thought. I examine (1) how his account accommodates visual error and erroneous thoughts and (2) the analogy between the role of light in colour perception and the Active Intellect in the case of thought. Aristotle's account of the object of thought in De Anima supports his account of the signification of names in De Interpretatione. This supports claim (1) in Ch. 4.
Understanding, Thought, and Meaning
Authors: Charles David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Aristotle's solution to the problem raised in Ch. 4 depends on his account of how we arrive at thoughts on the basis of experience. In his view, we standardly acquire a term for a kind on the basis of contact with members of a kind, without thereby knowing that the kind in question exists. Further, we can grasp such terms without knowing that the kind (if it exists) has a unifying basic feature that explains its necessary properties. Our understanding of the kind is to be compared with that of a craftsman and not that of a proto‐scientist. Aristotle's view is distinguished from several twentieth‐century accounts of these issues (e.g. modern essentialists such as Putnam, neo‐Fregeans, dual‐component theorists).
Explanation and Definition: The Basic Model Reconsidered and Refined
Authors: Charles David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAristotle's view of the interdependency of explanation and definition rests on a metaphysical thesis: essences are what determine the nature of kinds in such a way as (1) to make their causal structure completely intelligible to us and (2) to locate them in their own distinctive niche in a nexus of genera and species. We can rationally base our understanding of the first principles of science (nous) on our understanding of this causally based pattern of kinds. The world, so understood, contains its own intelligible structure, which Aristotle identifies with the Active Intellect.
Global Covenant: A Jewish Perspective on Globalization
Authors: Sacks Jonathan 
Published: October 2003

AbstractJonathan Sacks, in presenting a Jewish perspective on global capitalism, argues the case for a more covenantal (rather than contractual) approach towards its governance, which should take, as its starting point, the belief in the moral equality of each and every human being. He traces this idea back to the prophets of ancient Israel, who conceived God as transcending place, and national boundaries and humanity as a single moral community linked by a covenant of mutual responsibility; he develops and reframes this theme in the light of the dramatic and far‐reaching changes in information and communications technology, in economic and institutional structures, and in social mores that have occurred over the intervening centuries. Sacks avers that, if nothing else, the current age of global capitalism is underpinning the need for the upgrading and reprioritization of many virtues that have always been especially valued by Judaism. To those of creativity, cooperation, and comparison identified by John Dunning in Ch. 1, Sacks adds four more, viz. control (over one's destiny under the guidance and authority of God), conservation (environmental sustainability), coexistence (the dignity, and acceptance of, cultural and religious diversity), and covenant. He argues for a multicultural ethical approach to tackling many of the current ills of global capitalism, and is at pains to stress that Judaism embodies a dual morality, one based on a universal code applying to all persons (thus emphasizing our shared humanity), and the other based on a particular way of life demanded of the heirs of those who followed Moses into the wilderness.
Governments and Supranational Agencies: A New Consensus?
Authors: Brown Gordon 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
In this chapter, the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown, makes a strong plea for a greater sense of economic and moral responsibility on the part of the wealthier nations towards their poorer counterparts. It is also his conviction that for global prosperity to be sustained, it has to be fairly shared, and, as a success story, cites the institutional innovations of the early post‐war era to create an international architecture to advance this goal. However, the contemporary global economic and political scenario is very different, and Brown advocates a reconfiguration of the role of supra‐national institutions, both to meet the specific needs of global capitalism, and to drastically reduce poverty. More particularly, he proposes a new global consensus that will: (1) better enable the poorer countries to participate fully in the global economy and benefit from it; (2) encourage the international business community to adopt high corporate standards for their participation as reliable and consistent partners in the development process; (3) enable the adoption of improved trade regimes designed to improve the participation of developing countries in decision making; and (4) allow a substantial increase in development aid to nations most in need and willing to focus on the fight against poverty. The chapter concludes by stressing the responsibilities of each of the various institutions of global capitalism and, most notably, those of the business community, civil society, governments of both the richer and poorer countries, and individuals throughout the world.
The Separation of Ownership and Control in Austria
Authors: Gugler Klaus , Kalss Susanne , Stomper Alex , Zechner Josef 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The structure of Austrian corporate governance has been largely unexplored. This is partly due to the complex structure of the system and partly due to the difficulty in obtaining data. This paper therefore represents a first step towards a systematic analysis of corporate governance in Austria. The focus of this study is on the separation of ownership and control of Austrian firms.
Ownership and Control in Sweden: Strong Owners, Weak Minorities, and Social Control
Authors: Agnblad Jonas , Berglöf Erik , Högfeldt Peter , Svancar Helena 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The Swedish institutional framework is internationally unique since the ownership concentration is extremely high and deliberately promoted by the corporate law and different political regimes over time. The model is almost diametrically opposed to the standard and commonly studied Anglo‐Saxon model but much less analysed.
Strong Managers and Passive Institutional Investors in the UK
Authors: Goergen Marc , Renneboog Luc 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn contrast to most Continental European countries, the UK has had stringent rules on ownership disclosure for more than 50 years. However, despite this, we show that the corporate governance system in the UK still needs to be improved. The way ownership of listed companies is concentrated in the hands of corporate directors and of passive institutional investors creates its own type of agency problems, i.e., high managerial discretion. Furthermore, there is mounting evidence that hostile takeovers do not necessarily discipline badly performing managers.
Introduction
Authors: Kukathas Chandran 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis introductory chapter puts forth the main thesis of this book, which addresses the question: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? It argues that a free society is an open society, and thus, the principles that describe its nature must be those which admit the variability of human arrangements rather than fix or establish or uphold a determinate set of institutions within a closed order. This theory is contrasted with that of Canadian philosopher Will Kymlicka on liberalism. An overview of the chapters in this volume is presented.
Human Nature and Human Interests
Authors: Kukathas Chandran 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter argues that while diversity may be a permanent feature of human societies, there is a core of human nature which can account for the patterns of human diversity. It defends a philosophical anthropology which asserts that ‘cultural difference is not an essential but only an incidental and transitional attribute of human beings’. Difference is not essential but circumstantial; when circumstances are similar, people will act and choose similarly. Since culture and the historical forms that human life has taken are of no value in themselves, what matters is man, who creates culture and whom culture serves.
Reforming the Italian Electoral Law, 1993
Authors: Katz Richard S. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractExplores the replacement in Italy of an extremely proportional (hyper‐representative) system by a relatively majoritarian variant of a mixed‐member electoral system. On April 18, 1993, the Italian electorate overwhelmingly approved a referendum that altered the electoral system for the national Senate. Unlike the 1993 referendum altering the electoral system in New Zealand (discussed in the previous chapter), which came at the end of a lengthy process including an extensive study and report by a Royal Commission, and which gave final popular approval to put the new electoral regime into effect, the Italian referendum was the catalyst that finally initiated change after long, but apparently futile, debate. Rather than ratifying the selection of one system that had been deliberately chosen over others, the Italian referendum imposed, at least for the moment, the only reform possible, given that Italian referendums can only abrogate existing laws, but cannot impose new ones. The different sections of the chapter are: Background to the Referendum of 1993; Immediate Impact of the Referendum; Ends and Means—to electoral reform; Drafting the New Electoral System in the Chamber; Drafting the New Electoral System in the Senate; The New Electoral System; and Expectations and Predictions.
The Politics of Reform in Israel: How the Israeli Mixed System Came to Be
Authors: Rahat Gideon 
Published: October 2003

AbstractAn analysis of the factors and the processes that led to the adoption of a mixed‐member electoral system in Israel. The first section analyzes the characteristics of the Israeli pre‐reform extreme electoral (hyper‐representative) system according to the two dimensions (intraparty and interparty) suggested by Shugart in Ch. 2; it also presents a brief discussion of reform initiatives, intended to provide solutions to some of the electoral system pathologies, and explains their failure. The second section discusses the developments in the intraparty dimension—the parties’ tendencies from the 1970s on to adopt more and more inclusive selectorates for candidate selection (this was reform outside the constitutional and legislative framework). The final section discusses the developments in the interparty dimension—patching a majoritarian feature onto a proportional system; this is an analysis of the politics of reform—the factors and the processes that led to the adoption of direct election of the prime minister, and includes five elements: long‐term developments that served as background factors; events that served as catalysts during the struggle for and against reform; a description of the political actors who took part in this struggle; the characteristics of the mixed system that make it more fit for promotion and its use by the reformers to overcome the primary advantage of the institutional status quo; and, lastly, the four stages of the reform process. An appendix lists major events and dates.
The Causes of Electoral Reform in Japan
Authors: Reed Steven R. , Thies Michael F. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThis chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.
Mixed Electoral Rules, Partisan Realignment, and Party System Change in Italy
Authors: D'Alimonte Roberto 
Published: October 2003

AbstractWhen the new mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system was introduced in the summer of 1993, Italian politics was characterized by a destructuring of the old party system with a dramatic weakening of the old dominant parties and the rise of new ones. In such a context, the introduction of a predominantly plurality system did not reduce party fragmentation, but it did provide powerful institutional incentives for parties to enter into pre‐election coalitions, which have permitted clearer choices for voters, although parties within the coalitions have ‘proportionalized’ the single‐seat districts by dividing up the nominations among themselves. The coalitions have restructured the pattern of competition and created the condition for a system of alternating governments, in spite of the high number of parties. In this respect, the new electoral system has worked, producing a more efficient system of interparty competition, yet it remains a difficult case to classify, precisely because the new electoral rules have produced two types of actor: coalitions (which are few) and parties (which are many), with each playing a role, and each contributing to the overall dynamics of the system. However, the main argument is that with the present electoral rules the coalitions will remain the prevailing feature of the system, whether they evolve into new parties, federations of parties or something else.
The Mixed‐Member Proportional System and Its Consequences in Bolivia
Authors: Mayorga René Antonio 
Published: October 2003

AbstractBolivia's mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system was only established in 1994 and was applied for the first time in the elections of June 1997, so it is not yet possible to make a definitive assessment of its impact on the country's political system. The chapter therefore discusses the specific immediate effects that implementation of the system has had. The first section focuses on the effects on the representation of parties and the structure of the party system (interparty and intraparty dimensions) and on the relations between single‐seat district (SSD) deputies and constituents, and the second section focuses on governance. The overall finding is that the MMP system has had no far‐reaching consequences on the government system, but has had some noteworthy consequences for the party system. Some political leaders in both governing and opposition parties are not, however, satisfied with either the degree of personalization of Bolivian politics or the role of SSD deputies, and have highlighted the need for further electoral reforms; this issue is discussed in the third section.
Evaluating Hungary's Mixed‐Member Electoral System
Authors: Benoit Kenneth 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe electoral system adopted by Hungary in 1989 represents a monument to the potential for institutional design through bargaining to produce complex yet stable institutions. The key compromise reached during this bargaining process was the decision to use a mixed‐member system, electing a roughly even number of representatives from both majoritarian single‐seat districts (SSDs) and from multi‐seat, list proportional representation (PR) districts. This decision established Eastern Europe's first mixed‐member electoral system, a format that was to become common in post‐communist electoral systems. In its ten‐year existence, Hungary's mixed‐member system has operated in three elections and seen three different governments come to power. Evaluates the consequences among the electorate of the institutional choice of the mixed‐member system, the consequences for political parties, the role of the electoral system in Hungary's contemporary national politics and political system, discussing its perception by both elites and voters, and finally pointing to its long‐term prospects.
The Consequences of Russia's Mixed‐Member Electoral System
Authors: Moser Robert G. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe Russian mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system introduced by executive decree in 1993 and passed into law in 1995 did not produce the outcomes expected by its designers, nor have electoral system effects in Russia followed expectations in the electoral systems literature. Russia has been rather exceptional in the degree of fractionalization allowed under its MMM system, and there has been a great disparity in electoral support for parties in the list and nominal tiers of the system, and a proliferation of independent candidates with no partisan affiliation in the single‐seat districts (SSD). These unexpected outcomes might lead one to consider the MMM system to be a failure, but this chapter argues that the intraparty effects of the system, namely, the incentives promoting the formation of national parties with strong grassroots organization, make the current MMM system ideal for Russia. The purpose of the chapter is to lay out the effects of Russia's MMM system and offer some explanations for its unexpected outcomes. There are five sections: the first provides a brief description of the system; the second looks at the interparty dimension; the third expands on the interparty dimension by describing the emerging party system in Russia, examining the effects of the MMM system on the number of electoral parties, and looking at the impact the MMM system has had on the success of particular parties; the fourth section examines the intraparty dimension, and shows how the proportional representation party‐list tier has promoted the formation of parties as the central mechanism for nomination and election to public office while SSD elections in the nominal tier have encouraged party‐building at the local level; the final section offers some conclusions and implications of the Russian case for the study of electoral systems.
The United Kingdom Comes of Age: The British Electoral Reform “Revolution” Of the 1990S
Authors: Farrell David M. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn the field of electoral systems, Britain has long held out as a bastion of stability, as the country seen as least likely to undergo fundamental electoral reform, but this picture was rudely shattered in the late spring of 1997, with the election of a new Labour government. The central argument of this chapter is that the current debate over British electoral reform should be viewed as part of a wider process of the coming of age of British politics. A review of the historical debate reveals a series of failed initiatives to reform the electoral system, suggesting that the matter has never been entirely put to rest, and that there has always been the prospect of its re‐emergence. The current episode, dating from the election of the new government in 1997, provides reason to expect that electoral reform may really happen this time, and indeed already has happened in a number of British electoral arenas (European Parliament; London mayor; Northern Ireland, Scottish, Welsh and London Assemblies). The chapter is arranged as follows: the first section summarizes the historical record from 1860 to 1970, and provides evidence of a political elite willing at least to countenance the idea of experimenting with change, even if not yet prepared to embrace it; the second section explores possible explanations for why the issue re‐emerged in the 1990s and describes the reforms implemented in that period (up to 2000); this is followed by an outline of the deliberations and proposals of the Independent Commission on the Voting System for the British House of Commons (the Jenkins Commission), which was established by the new Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, in December 1997, whose report was published in October 1998 and suggested ‘alternative vote plus (AV+)’ as the new electoral system; the concluding section discusses the current prospects for electoral reform in the UK.