bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Colin Clout’s Other Island
Authors: McCabe Richard A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Within less than a year of the appearance of The Faerie Queene the reading public was confronted by Spenser’s Complaints. Containing sundrie small Poemes of the Worlds Vanitie (1591). The epic poet now revealed himself as a satirist, or perhaps it might be more accurate to say that the satiric subtext of his heroic verse received explicit articulation.1 The Ruines of Time refers to a paradisal garden more beautiful than that ‘which Merlin by his Magickeflights | Made for the gentle squire, to entertaine | His fayre Belphcebe (523-5).
Savage Courtesy
Authors: McCabe Richard A 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
At the very outset of book six courtesy is identified as the virtue proper to the ‘court’ (6. r. 1), yet it is Artegall’s untimely ‘recall’ to ‘faerie court’ that frustrates the ‘reforme’ of lrena’s kingdom (5. 12. 27). It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the pattern of violence begun in book five continues into book six. ‘Courtesy’, as commonly conceived, was generally regarded as inappropriate to the colonial enterprise. According to Thomas Churchyard, for example, ‘severe and straight handely [sic] of rebellious people, Reformes them sooner to obedience, then any courteous dealyng’.
A Brief History of Paranoia
Authors: Trotter David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
If any text can claim biblical status in the collective self-understanding of a profession, it is the current (fourth) edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (1994). According to this text, the ‘essential feature’ of ‘Delusional Disorder’, or paranoia, is the presence of one or more ‘non-bizarre’ delusions which persist for at least a month. These delusions are ‘non-bizarre’ in that they are comprehensible, and arise from circumstances which could conceivably occur in real life (being stalked, or betrayed, or conspired against, or loved at a distance). ‘Apart from the direct impact of the delusions,’ the Manual continues, ‘psychosocial functioning is not markedly impaired, and behaviour is neither obviously odd nor bizarre.’ Despite important revisions of terminology and emphasis, the basic understanding of what constitutes ‘Delusional Disorder’ has not changed all that much over the last 200 years or so. Paranoia has been with us for a long time, and in more or less the same shape: a shape made palpable in textbooks, case-histories, newspaper articles, and, I shall suggest, literary fiction.
Ford’s Impressionism
Authors: Trotter David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
One day in 1914, Ford Madox Ford, then 40 years old and feeling it, found himself for a while in the custody of the youthful Percy Wyndham Lewis, a writer whose work had appeared in Ford’s magazine, the English Re11ielll, and who was about to launch a magazine of his own, the rather more intemperate Blast. Gripping Ford by the elbow, Lewis, who was as usual in incendiary mood, poured scorn on him and his associates. ‘You and Mr Conrad and Mr James and all those old fellows are done’, he was to be heard insisting. ‘Exploded! ⃛ Fich11s! .⃛Vieux jeu! .⃛No good! ⃛ Finished!’ Lewis’s beef was with literary ‘impressionism’: with novels which sought intricately to render the movements, at once furtive and immense, of a consciousness enmeshed in and inseparable from worlds not of its own making. ‘
Wyndham Lewis’s Professions
Authors: Trotter David 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
For uetter or for worse this book has by now developed a certain momentum, and it is tempting to press on at once to the obvious conclusion: that Wyndham Lewis’s work of the 1920s is the outcome and fulfilment of the habits of mind analysed in previous chapters, in short, of ‘paranoid Modernism’. It would, indeed, be rather odd if a book about paranoia, of all things, were wilfully to reverse or dissipate its own delusion of reference, its burgeoning belief that the evidence has a single story to tell. So I shall press on.
Terrorism and Modern Literature, from Joseph Conrad to Ciaran Carson
Authors: Houen Alex 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Is terrorism's violence essentially symbolic? Does it impact on culture primarily through the media? What kinds of performative effect do the various discourses surrounding terrorism have? Such questions have not only become increasingly important in terrorism studies, they have also been concerns for many literary writers. This book is the first extensive study of modern literature's engagement with terrorism. Ranging from the 1880s to the 1980s, the terrorism examined is as diverse as the literary writings on it: chapters include discussions of Joseph Conrad's novels on Anarchism and Russian Nihilism; Wyndham Lewis's avant-garde responses to Syndicalism and the militant Suffragettes; Ezra Pound's poetic entanglement with Segregationist violence; Walter Abish's fictions about West German urban guerrillas; and Seamus Heaney's and Ciaran Carson's poems on the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland. In each instance, Alex Houen explores how the literary writer figures clashes or collusions between terrorist violence and discursive performativity. What is revealed is that writing on terrorism has frequently involved refiguring the force of literature itself. In terrorism studies the cultural impact of terrorism has often been accounted for with rigid, structural theories of its discursive roots. But what about the performative effects of violence on discourse? Addressing the issue of this mutual contagion, Terrorism and Modern Literature shows that the mediation and effects of terrorism have been historically variable. Referring to a variety of sources in addition to the literature--newspaper and journal articles, legislation, letters, manifestoes--the book shows how terrorism and the literature on it have been embroiled in wider cultural fields. The result is not just a timely intervention in debates about terrorism's performativity. Drawing on literary/critical theory and philosophy, it is also a major contribution to debates about the historical and political dimensions of modernist and postmodernist literary practices.
Wyndham Lewis: Literary ‘Strikes’ and Allegorical Assaults
Authors: Houen Alex 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
If Conrad’s 17ze Secret Agent gestures towards a politically engaged style of literature, it is the avant-garde movements and periodicals which flourished throughout Europe in the early twentieth century that at tempt to tum such gestures into a punch. As Renato Poggioli ,vrites in The Theory (r/the Avant-Garde (1968), these movements were closely affiliated ·with military vanguards from the outset. Only after the Paris Commune in 1871, he argues, did the term ‘begin to designate separately the cultural artistic avant-garde while still designating, in a wider and more distinct context, the socio-political avant-garde’. In contrast to the nineteenth-century periodical, which functioned largely as a liberal ‘organ of opinion’, the avant-garde periodical, Poggioli argues, was ‘an independent and isolated military unit, com politely and sharply detached from the public, quick to act, not only to explore but also to battle, conquer and adventure on its own’.
Benefits and Benefactors
Authors: Golding Brian 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
No religious order, however world-forsaking, could afford to cut itself off entirely from secular society and influence. Every house needed a protector and defender of its interests. Just as a vassal expected support, as well as a fee, from his lord in return for military service, so the eleemosynary tenant would expect protection from the benefactor. But when discussing the nature of this reciprocal relationship a problem of definition is immediately encountered. Strictly speaking, the term ‘patron’ should be applied only to the founder and his/her family and successors, and perhaps in some cases to the founder’s own lord, whose consent was necessary to the alienation of his tenant’s estates.’ However, the term can also be used in a non-technical sense to indicate those particular benefactors who enjoyed a special relationship with a community, as evidenced, for example, by the grant of confraternity, burial rights, or corrodies. So, W., prior of Malton, appointed a perpetual chaplain in the priory to celebrate for the soul of John Mansel, once provost of Beverley, ‘our special patron and helper’, in recognition of all the good work done by John for the community.2 Such supporters were normally, and hardly surprisingly, among the more generous benefactors to the priory. In order to avoid ambiguity in the discussion that follows, the use of the term ‘patron’ will be confined to the founder and his kin.
Second Labour Government, 1929–1931
Authors: Shepherd John 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On Monday, 10 June 1929, the Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, was filmed on the terrace of 10 Downing Street presenting the nineteen members of his new Labour administration to the nation before the first Cabinet meeting. To make this first ‘talkie’ at Whitehall, there was an extraordinary collection of cameras among the rhododendrons bordering the lawn, as well as two film-production vans parked outside in Downing Street. Ironically, only an American agency using German equipment responded to the Government’s invitation to record this notable occasion. No one else spoke as MacDonald announced his Cabinet colleagues in turn. He introduced his First Commissioner of Works-’our old friend, George Lans bury’-and declared that the Member for Bow and Bromley, besides looking after historic buildings and royal parks, also had an important role in the government’s plans for tackling unemployment in Britain.
Prologue
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
‘Men make their own history, but not of their own free will; not under circumstances they themselves have chosen but under the given and inherited circumstances with which they are directly confronted.’ Of few can Marx’s truism be truer than of William Ewart Gladstone. His epic public career first in office in 1834, last in 1894-confronted the prime of Britain as the first industrial nation. The agenda of free trade and imperialism was dictated by forces far beyond the control of individuals acting as such. Yet the interpretation and execution of the agenda was achieved by the decisions and actions of individuals and explained through their speeches and writings. In this interpretation, execution, and explanation, Gladstone’s career holds a central place. In the process through which the British governing class came to terms with its new commercial and industrial destiny, Gladstone was a vital agent.
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Free Trade, Budgets, and Franchise Reform
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Thus Gladstone, twenty-six days after kissing hands in 1868 as first lord of the Treasury for the first time, celebrated his arrival at ‘the top of the greasy pole’. It had not for him been a difficult climb, though there had been the odd slip and loss of grip. Nor had the conditions been especially arduous in the decade since the Crimean War. The crises of ‘the hungry forties’ gave way to the spectacular prosperity of the 1850s and 1860s. Britain moved towards democracy by the rule book, recalcitrant theorists proving a worse problem for the government than the demonstrations of loyal artisans, eager to ally themselves with political democracy.
The First Government: Distintegration and Downfall
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The disestablishment of the Irish Church, the Irish Land Act, and the Education Act of 1870, three of the triumphs of the century, were bought at a high legislative price. In June 1869 the Cabinet for the first time considered ‘Bills Abandoned’, and the midsummer purge of bills proposed but not passed became a distinctive feature of the ministry.
A Prime Minister’s Private Life
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Few politicians in peacetime can have been more fully stretched than Gladstone in his first ministry. The description of the previous two chapters has tried to indicate the main areas of government activity in which he involved himself. Any reader of this survey could not but be puzzled by Lord Houghton’s view, that Gladstone had a ‘one idea at a time faculty’, a view which has had an eminent following since. It may be that Gladstone sometimes presented himself as having one idea at a time, and it is certainly the case that a departmental minister, trying to cope with a line of policy in which the Prime Minister was interesting himself; must have felt that he was Gladstone’s sole object of attention. But the first ministry shows Gladstone at the height of political awareness, sensitive to the implications of every phrase in every letter on a vast range of topics. Certainly he was more interested in some topics than in others, and he was completely identified with three of the government’s main bills.
Home Rule, Land, and the Proposed Pacification of Ireland 1886
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Queen’s commission to form a government arrived at a quarter past midnight on the morning of Saturday, 30 January 1886, brought by her Secretary, Sir Henry Ponsonby, just as Gladstone was going to bed: ‘in came Sir H. Ponsonby with verbal communication from H.M. which I at once accepted’. Ponsonby was late because G.J. Goschen, whom he had been told to sound out about the possibility of a coalition government of Whigs and Tories, had been out till midnight.
‘Successive snapping of the threads’
Authors: Matthew H C G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Gladstone never again entered the House of Commons, in which he had first set foot as an MP sixty-one years previously, in 1833. He again declined the Queen’s offer of a peerage, and made it clear to his wife that in his view she should likewise decline a peerage for herself.† He thus died plain ’Mr.’, an almost unique reticence for a Prime Minister.‡ To accept a title at the same time as declaring the House of Lords the central political question of the future would not, in the history of the British political elite’s attempts to come to terms with constitutional change, have been an exceptional or even an unusual irony. But its refusal went beyond mere consistency. For all the many honours he had recommended for others, Gladstone always saw himself as a commoner. His veneration for hereditary land tenure and the social system that accompanied it was well established.
Mastering the Revolution
Authors: Sheehan James J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Most 60 per cent of the German population changed rulers during the revolutionary period. Among the were the inhabitants of Hausen, a village that had once been part of the Habsburgs’ western lands and then was given by Napoleon to Frédérick of Württemberg in return for his support during the campaign of 1805. To mark the beginning of his rule, Frédérick ordered special religious ceremonies to be held throughout his new domain.
The Growth Of Participatory Politics, 1830-1848
Authors: Sheehan James J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
IN HIS introductory essay to the first edition of the Staatslexikon (1834), Theodor Welcker described the contemporary period as a distinctively ‘political era’. Never before, he argued, had the ambitions of individuals and nations taken such a manifestly political form, never had the clash of parties so dominated people’s thought and action. Welcker was surely correct. During the 1830s and 1840s Germans’ interest in public affairs steadily increased. Political news, diluted but not destroyed by the censors, found its way into the daily Press; theories and opinions on political matters were expressed in lexicons and lecture halls, periodicals and public meetings. The social, literary, and scholarly institutions that sustained the public sphere extended their reach, diversified their functions, and deepened their social base. ‘All of human reality’, Julius Froebel believed, ‘is subsumed under the unity of politics’. Politics even threatened to permeate the private space of Biedermeier sociability: as one hostess complained in the 1830s, ‘The affliction of political conversation was no longer to be excluded from the drawing room’.
The Erasmusstiftung and Europe: The Institution, Organization, and Activity of the Foundation of Erasmus of Rotterdam from 1538 to 1600*
Authors: Felici Lucia 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Erasmusstiftung, the foundation instituted according to the testamentary disposition of Erasmus of Rotterdam, began its activities in Basel in 1538. The goals of the foundation, which survives to the present day, were to contribute to the intellectual formation of the young and to their entry into the world of work, to support indigent men of culture and of faith, to assist the poor, and to overcome confessional and geographical barriers with a view to realizing those ecumenical and humanistic ideals for which Erasmus had been the greatest spokesman. And this in the sixteenth century, in an age marked by the division of the Corpus Christianum and by the development of state and ecclesiastical structures typical of early-modern Europe. In its characteristic features and in the aims it set for itself, therefore, the Erasmusstiftung represents not only a significant element of the social and cultural reality of sixteenth-century Europe, but also an important vantage point from which to investigate aspects of the general history of that century.
William Crosse, Regius Professor of Civil Law in the University of Glasgow, 1746–1749:A Failure of Enlightened Patronage
Authors: Cairns* John W 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Maarten Ultee has recently written in this journal that ‘[t]here were close links between knowledge and power in the early modern period, and historians of universities are in an excellent position to explore them.’ An important way of examining such links is by studies of how individual professors came to be appointed. To see who was able to influence professorial appointments is to acquire an insight not only into who exercised power at any given time in the shifting politics that characterized early modern societies, but also into how they exercised it. Controlling elections to university chairs was a means of controlling dissemination of knowledge, as the choice of a particular professor affected how and with what success a discipline was taught. The formal methods of election to professorships in early-modern Europe varied considerably from country to country, and, indeed, from institution to institution within one country. Neither the study of the formal regulations on appointing professors found in university statutes, nor the knowledge that chairs were in the gift of the crown or other patrons exhausts the explanation of how particular appointments came about. What is required is detailed investigation of how individual professors gained their positions. While little of such work has been carried out, that that has been done demonstrates how important it is to undertake it. Exploring professors’ social and political connections provides insight into their intellectual concerns. Such studies will allow us to develop a more nuanced understanding of the professoriate and universities of early-modern Europe.
Republican Virtues and the Free State: Conceptual Frame and Meaning in Early Modern Europe and North America
Authors: öschl Thomas Fr 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Republican theory has always underlined that the key to understanding a free state is the importance of the Law. Citizens in a republic depend upon the law which they make for themselves-they do not depend upon the arbitrary will of one prince. This conviction might be called the ‘founding article’ of republican constitutions as well as of a genuine republican self-perception. The conception of a respublica libera requires citizens with equal legal rights. It was thought that a republic could only function properly if the basic equality of the citizens was guaranteed and respected. Political participation on equal terms was the precondition for all citizens consenting to laws made by themselves and which they would obey. In his famous dedication to the Republic of Geneva in his Discours surl’in égalit é (1755) Rousseau emphasized that it was precisely this that was the true citizen’s pride.’
“The latchkey to power”
Authors: Wright Jonathan 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The elections of June 1920 were a watershed both for the Republic and the DVP. The coalition of SPD, Centre, and DDP, which had seemed to promise a secure future for the Republic in January 1919, lost its majority, and it was unclear how a new government was to be formed. This faced the DVP with a critical decision, one which was to recur repeatedly in the years that followed. Would it remain in opposition, thus protecting its right flank from the DNVP, or would it form a minority coalition with the parties of the middle, or even a so-called “great coalition” which included the SPD in a majority government? Stresemann had never been in any doubt that the proper place for the DVP was in government, and his success in the elections gave him the chance to put this policy into practice. He faced opposition from the DNVP, which naturally made the most of his willingness to form a coalition with the DDP and Centre Party in June 1920 and the readiness he expressed to see this extended to the SPD. He also faced opposition from within the DVP, which did not find it easy to make the transition from a party of middle-class protest to a party of government. The DVP followed his leadership, though with increasing reluctance, until his death in October 1929. This was an essentially personal achievement, a mark of his skill and authority within the party.
Eighteenth-century politics
Authors: Sheehan James J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
IN the introduction to his History of Osnabriick, first published in 1768, Justus Moser noted that the vocabulary of contemporary politics did not fit the traditional institutions he was trying to describe. As a result, he lamented, ‘my words often have to struggle with my feelings’. Especially troublesome were terms like Freiheit and Eigentum, ‘freedom’ and ‘property’, because they no longer conveyed the cluster of meanings Moser needed to recreate his fatherland’s past. Moser recognized that this disjunction between language and institutions was a product of the political transformations which he watched from his vantage point in Osnabriick, the small north German city-state where he spent most of his life. With an area of forty-five square miles and a population of about 125,000, Osnabriick retained a set of institutions that represented what Friedrich Meinecke called ‘the very epitome of all that was old fashioned in the old German empire’. Outside its jealously guarded frontiers, however, powerful forces were at work, creating the basis of a new kind of politics and a new political language. Moser, a lawyer in the service of his city, was intensely aware of these changes and of the threat they posed to everything he loved and admired. His history was a struggle to preserve, at least in words, a way oflife he felt was swiftly slipping away.