bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Theorizing About Conservative Ideology
Authors: Freeden Michael 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Both conservatism and liberalism have, on one dimension, been accorded similar treatment by some of the salient schools of ideological analysis, in that they have been denied the status of a fully fledged ideology by those who would restrict the phenomenon to total, closed, and cohesive views of human beings in society. However, whereas liberals challenge, most conservative ideologists, as well as most exponents of conservative ideology, go out of their way to dispel any suspicion that theirs is an ideology. Obviously, if the notion of ideology is confined to an a priori, abstract, closed, and total system of mass‐consumed political thinking, then a creed that claims (as conservatism usually does) to be experiential, concrete, and delimited is not an ideology. Consideration of conservative thought, however, may query whether conservatives escape the features of that very definition of ideology, and it could not escape categorization within the approach that this book has already advanced: that of presenting ideology as a structural configuration of political concepts. After asking why there is such a dearth of capable and sophisticated enquiry into the nature of conservatism, this chapter addresses the issues outlined here in three sections: (a) [Michael] Oakeshott: conservatism à la carte; (b) The chameleon contra the status quo: two discarded theories; and (c) The conservative core: resolving a morphological puzzle.
The Chimera of Conservative Dualism
Authors: Freeden Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractFrom the mid‐nineteenth century, conservatism found itself in acute competition with the rising ideologies of the left, liberalism, and then socialism. By the end of that century, the struggle was one of political survival on the institutional level, though the late nineteenth century provides an excellent example of the ill‐fitting relationship between party and ideology. This chapter starts by looking at the multiple counter‐defences of British conservatism, in which it is commonplace to discern a dual British conservative tradition (an older paternalist Tory tradition and a newer anti‐statist stand) from the end of the nineteenth century. It then goes on to examine the cases against socialism, the parrying of liberal advances, Hugh Cecil's book Conservatism, and American conservatism. Lastly, it reappraises libertarianism, and discusses conservatism and public debate.
Forward to the Past—The Conservative Revival
Authors: Freeden Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe strong revival of conservatism in the 1980s, both as a governmental force and as a body of political thought, is frequently portrayed as a flowering of beliefs and attitudes attached to new theoretical frameworks, meriting the designation New Right or neo‐liberal conservatism, as distinct from plain neo‐conservatism. Those frameworks, it is often asserted, have substantially reformulated conservative doctrine and launched a cohesive set of positive ideas matching progressive ideologies in sophistication and breadth. The contemporary study of conservatism is thus confronted with two conundrums: is there now in evidence a new type of conservatism, breaking with its past incarnations and embarking on a programme of change so active that it may no longer be conservatism; and moreover, is there an unbridgeable rift between two concurrent conservative creeds, neo‐liberal and traditional? It is argued here that late twentieth‐century conservative thought occupies fundamentally the same semantic field as its predecessors, granted that the cultural constraints within which its network of concepts is decontested have been considerably transformed; consequently, conservatism appears to be attached to an innovatory range of substantive ideas and policies. The five sections of the chapter are: (a) Thatcherism as conservatism; (b) The subservience of economics; (c) ‘Who is the fiercest of them all?’; (d) Recent American conservatisms; and (e) The unity of Thatcherite ideology.
The Congruence of Socialist Diversity
Authors: Freeden Michael 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe introductory part of this chapter discusses the internal tensions of socialism—on the basis of practical application, at the conceptual level (as conflicts in value), at the temporal level (as the dualism of a world that ought to be and can be), and as an alternative social future based on largely untested hypotheses of human nature and associated social arrangements. It points out that socialism offers a permanent reminder that political theory emanates from practice, and that practice itself is an embodiment of conceptual structures, so it is less easy to draw up an agreed cluster of core socialist concepts. The eight sections of the chapter are: (a) Pre‐ and proto‐socialisms; (b) The socialist core; (c) History: the fifth core concept; (d) Socialism and democracy; (e) Socialism and power; (f) The ‘Socialist Clause’ and the state; (g) Class and property; and (h) The socialist periphery.
Political Equality and Fair Representation
Authors: Phillips Anne 
Published: October 2003

AbstractConsiders whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.
Race‐Conscious Districting in the USA
Authors: Phillips Anne 
Published: October 2003

AbstractCivil rights litigation in the USA successfully interpreted the 1965 Voting Rights Act as implying the right of minority voters to elect the candidates of their choice. This gave the impetus to ‘race‐conscious districting’, which created voting districts in which minority citizens (primarily Black and Latino) formed a voting majority. This chapter explores the success of this in raising the proportion of black representatives but also the problems this mechanism has generated. It uses this case study to argue the importance of combining a politics of ideas with a politics of presence.
Canada and the Challenge of Inclusion
Authors: Phillips Anne 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Canadian politics has thrown up a complex set of issues relating to political inclusion. These include the challenge of Quebec nationalism, the self‐government claims of the First Nations and other aboriginal peoples, and the impact of more recent waves of migration in generating a multiethnic, multicultural society. A politics of presence is less obviously helpful in addressing the concerns of aboriginal self‐government or the claims of Quebec to be recognized as a ‘distinct society’. However, the importance of political presence is confirmed in the relationship of nationalism and feminism in Quebec, where the vigorous mobilization of women kept gender equality on the political agenda.
Deliberation, Accountability, and Interest
Authors: Phillips Anne 
Published: October 2003

AbstractDeliberative democrats are usually opposed to group representation, criticize models of politics that rely on the aggregation of individual or group interest, and reject strict mechanisms of accountability that would make it impossible for political representatives to change their minds in the process of deliberation. This chapter argues that the success of deliberation depends on some guarantee that the heterogeneity of the citizen body is adequately represented. The literature on deliberative democracy is the right to challenge strict notions of accountability. It needs, however, to address more fully the mechanisms for ensuring that all citizens have equal access to decision‐making assemblies, and to recognize the continuing importance of group interest and group advocacy in politics.
Contemporary Social‐Capitalist Welfare States and Gender Inequality
Authors: Bussemaker Jet , van Kersbergen Kees 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Focusing on Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, this chapter initially presents an overview of the distinctive features of the social‐capitalist or conservative welfare state regime and their influence on gender relations. The authors go on to discuss how changing gender and family relations are putting pressure on this type of welfare state and the male breadwinner model. Similarities and differences in gender inequalities in the labour market, income maintenance programmes, and social services across the four countries are mapped out.
Lone Mothers, Economic Well‐Being, and Policies
Authors: Kilkey Majella , Bradshaw Jonathan 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
Assesses the impact of policies on the economic well‐being of lone mothers. The authors present trends on the growing prevalence of lone mothers across 21 OECD countries and the routes to solo motherhood. They examine the economic well‐being of single‐mother families in relation to two‐parent families and the poverty rates of lone mothers in employment compared to those without paid work. The chapter then analyses the influence of tax and benefit arrangements on lone mothers’ employment and concludes by offering a classification of countries on the basis of the effectiveness of policies.
Gender Equality in the Labour Market
Authors: Gornick Janet C. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
The topic of this chapter is women's access to paid work and its impact on their economic resources compared to men in general and within the family. It presents a cross‐national portrait of gender inequality in the labour market in the early 1990s in 15 countries. Initially, the author focuses on labour market attachment (full‐time or part‐time work) and the earnings of working‐age women as a whole; subsequently, the analysis turns to married women and the mothers of young children. The chapter explores the extent to which welfare state regimes are associated with specific labour market outcomes.
Introduction
Authors: Shiller Robert J. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractIn proposing macro markets, this book describes a substantial array of new markets, and attempts to indicate ways around some of the major barriers to the establishment and success of these markets. These important barriers to the establishment of macro markets—perpetual claims, perpetual futures, options, swaps, and analogous markets—are the subject of most of the book. This introduction aims to give an idea of where the book is heading, what kinds of markets might be established, and a broad sense of whether such markets are in the realm of possibility. The different sections of the chapter are: The ideal: A world market for major income risks; Hedging income risk in today's markets; Markets as inventions; and Markets as accidents of history.
National Income and Labor Income Markets
Authors: Shiller Robert J. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
For the purpose of hedging risks to standards of living, the logical place to look first would be to markets for claims on total income; but such markets do not exist, and they have apparently never even been proposed. By making it possible to hedge the capital value of a stream of aggregate income, markets in perpetual claims or perpetual futures, long‐term swap markets, or retail analogues of these would facilitate management of the kind of longer‐run income risk that really matters to individuals and organizations; nations or other groupings of people could also use such markets to insure themselves against the prospect of a declining standard of living or the prospect of relative poverty. By hedging such risks, these macro markets would allow the natural tendency for convergence of incomes to reduce inequality of incomes, and might make significant progress toward equalizing wealth across nations, regions, categories of people, and individuals. There could be markets for hedging the risk of fluctuations in aggregate income, national income, or aggregate labour income for each country (or even region) of the world, and these could be divided up in different ways—although since most people's income is labour income, creating markets for claims on total income means for the most part creating markets for claims on labour income. The different sections of the chapter consider possible hedging arrangements in perpetual claims or perpetual futures markets for national incomes (market structures and associated institutions), whether income markets should be in actual or full‐employment income, and various measurement issues associated with incomes (including uncertainty).
The Problem of Index Revisions
Authors: Shiller Robert J. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractMost published economic indices are revised after they are first published—information does not come in all at once, and timely publication dictates that the preliminary index numbers be later revised. The repeated‐measures indices developed in the preceding chapters are vulnerable to revisions after especially long intervals of time, since they have the property that, unless the repeated measures come sequentially (which they do not necessarily), there will be revisions in the indices after the index numbers are first produced, even if the raw data used then were perfectly accurate and complete. There are other index number construction methods, such as ordinary‐least‐squares regression‐per‐period hedonic regressions, that do not normally produce revisions; this would at first seem to be an advantage, but an index number construction method that does not produce revisions is not a virtue if new information tends to arrive that implies revisions and is just ignored. This chapter addresses the whole problem of index number revisions in the following sections: Variance components in regression‐per‐period hedonics; Interval‐linked indices; Indices that are derived by conditioning on lagged index values. The final section of the chapter draws some sort of interpretation of what has gone before.
Making It Happen
Authors: Shiller Robert J. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
In attempting to carry to its logical conclusion the premise that there should be sharing, through markets, of standard‐of‐living risks, this book has proposed quite a number of new markets, although not all of the details of the methods of establishment of these macro markets have been worked out. In the absence of a complete specification of the characteristics of the markets and associated institutions, some of the proposed markets appear perhaps unrealistic or improbable, and their potential may not be fulfilled, at least for years, or even decades. However, if the development of the new markets proposed does occur, it could plausibly take place in two stages: in the first, the users of the markets would be a relatively small number of sophisticated traders who make limited use of the markets for their special purposes, promote the initial liquidity of the markets, and create a base from which use of the markets might grow; in the second stage, these markets would then be used by the general public to protect their standards of living, but this stage would not come until the associated institutions, retail markets, facilitate the use by the general public of the new markets. While the first‐stage use of some of the markets proposed might not be far off, it is the second stage, when there is broad use of the markets to protect standards of living, that is most important to achieve. To make the full potential for these new markets a reality, doubts would have to be overcome, investments made in public goods, index numbers developed, incentives and information provided, institutions changed, and the public educated about the merits of the new institutions. These matters are discussed in this chapter.
A Theory of Employment Systems
Authors: Marsden David 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
‘A theory of Employment Systems’ explains why there are such great international differences in the way employment relations are organized within the firm. It takes account of the growing evidence of international diversity. It sets out from the theory of the firm first developed by Coase and Simon, and explains why firms and workers should use the employment relationship as the basis for their economic cooperation. The originality of the employment relationship lies in its flexibility. It gives managers the authority to organize work, but it also establishes limits on employees’ obligations. Neither Coase nor Simon dealt with these limits, yet without them, no one would be prepared to work as an ‘employee’, and so there would be no employment relationship, and firms would not exist as employing organizations.
The book argues that these limits are provided by four basic types of employment rule. Which one predominates in a given environment is the source of societal diversity in employment relations. The theory is extended to show why such diversity extends deep into key areas of human resource management, such as performance management, incentive pay, and skill development. It also explains why the open‐ended employment relationship continues to dominate work despite the growth of market‐mediated work relations. The book covers evidence from the US, Japan, France, Germany, and Britain.
The Limits of Managerial Authority
Authors: Marsden David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe work rules that delimit managerial authority have to satisfy two fundamental requirements for there to be an effective contract. They must be easily enforced by ordinary workers and their line managers, and they must match the firm's job demands with workers’ skills. These are necessary and sufficient conditions for a viable employment relationship. Combining these two constraints gives rise to a typology of work rules that is later shown (Ch. 5) to explain international (societal) diversity in employment relations. The way each of these rules deals with common forms of opportunistic behaviour in employment is explored.
Diffusion and Predominance of Employment Rules
Authors: Marsden David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe diffusion of employment rules is analysed as an evolutionarily stable strategy. The primary mechanism is that once a particular rule begins to dominate in a sector, it makes sense for others to adopt it because it is widely understood by workers and managers. They can therefore spread in the absence of action by the state and collective bargaining—essential if we are to understand employment relations in ‘non‐union’ firms. However, such rules can be further reinforced by incorporation into collective agreements and employment law.
Classification Rules and the Consolidation of Employment Systems
Authors: Marsden David 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe institutionalization of work rules into employment systems arises by their incorporation into job classification systems. The ‘atomistic’ view by which simple tasks are aggregated into job categories is rejected in favour of a ‘holistic’ view, whereby the logic of a classification system shapes the elementary tasks. Job classifications reduce job idiosyncrasy and establish a language by which workers and managers can compare jobs and performance. Job classifications play a key role in enterprise management and in collective agreements.
Pluralism and the Politics of Difference
Authors: Grillo R. D. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractHow do political processes, working through the authoritative institutions of society (the state), shape and reproduce difference? How do societies cope with ethnic and cultural diversity? Ernest Gellner observed that culturally and ethnically plural societies ‘worked well in the past’ but not under modern conditions. Comparison of anthropological and other data on ethnic and cultural pluralism in various historical configurations of state and society (early or pre‐industrial states; modern industrial states; and contemporary, post‐modern, and post‐industrial states) is instructive. In many early states, rulers had little concern with the ethnic identity and cultural practices of their subjects so long as they paid their taxes. In some cases, such as the Ottoman empire, societies were divided into ethnic and cultural corporations, which were in large measure autonomous. Under conditions of modernity, however, many industrial nation states engaged their populations in processes of national integration, demanding the suppression of difference within national territories and the ethnic and cultural assimilation of immigrants and refugees (when they did not reject them). In the last third of the twentieth century, however, in the post‐industrial, neoliberal economies of the West, there was apparently a move towards greater acceptance of differences as societies experimented with various forms of multiculturalism. Whether contemporary states have the political and economic will to sustain non‐essentializing forms of egalitarian multiculturalism remains an open question.
Plural Societies
Authors: Grillo R. D. 
Published: October 2003

Abstract
There is no single crisis of the contemporary nation state, but a multiplicity of crises, one of which has centrally to do with ethnicity and cultural difference and how to handle pluralism. Pluralism itself, however, has taken many forms, and three varieties are particularly interesting from a comparative perspective. In early patrimonial societies, as Max Weber called them, those with different ethnic and cultural identities often formed separate corporations within which they had relative autonomy. Under conditions of modernity and industrialism, the emphasis is on homogeneity and assimilation, while contemporary, post‐modern, post‐industrial societies often allow considerable space for heterogeneity and difference.
Ethnic and Cultural Pluralism in the Colonial Social Order
Authors: Grillo R. D. 
Published: October 2003

AbstractThe colonial state represented a new type of polity, which emerged from the sixteenth century onwards. Colonial states, such as Spain, in the Americas, and Britain and France in Africa, differed fundamentally from patrimonial polities that had little interest in ‘civilizing’ and transforming their subjects, even if they thought them ‘barbarian’. Although extraction remained a fundamental objective, colonial states also sought to transform societies and cultures. In fulfilling this ‘dual mandate’ they anticipated and, in certain respects, epitomized modernity, as did French colonial policies of assimilation, grounded in the ideals of the Revolution and the Enlightenment. At the same time, opposition to the theory and practice of assimilation led both France and Britain towards the creation or retrenchment of ‘difference’, institutionalizing tribal identity, and tribalism, in the political process through forms of indirect rule.