bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Historical Practice And Controversy
Authors: Saunders Trevor J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The evolution of the Athenian courts of the sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries is complex and controversial. We need to review, in a very summary manner, first the importance in Greek legal practice of the frequent opportunities to parade competing arguments in public forum, secondly the nature and evolution of the courts, and finally the very various procedures which they followed.Injured parties who are too weak to retaliate effectively have two recourses. The first is to suppose that certain powerful beings, divine or at any rate supernatural, have a concern to redress injury by the infliction of suffering on offenders, even if only a long time after the offence. Such hope or faith is evident in Homer, and is prominent in imaginative literature down to the fourth century. Its chief characteristic, apart from picturesque descriptions of surrogate agencies and the savage punishments they inflict, is a strong sense of reciprocal justice, the inflic¬tion of suffering in return for suffering inflicted.
Impiety
Authors: Saunders Trevor J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
On a strict view, 1t 1s not possible to compare the Magnesian law of impiety with the Athenian. For to offend against the gods of Greek popular belief is to offend gods who are essentially human beings writ large. Although immortal and more powerful than we, they are subject to the same motivations and desires; they are sensitive to damage to their honour and interests, quick to make suffer those individuals and communities who offend them, and capable, like men, of being appeased by words and gifts. In particular, their devotion to justice in the world of men, and their exertions on its behalf, can not be relied upon. Platonic gods, by contrast, are wholly incorruptible. They supervise every detail of the world, and are unqualifiedly virtuous. As we saw,1 in Plato’s view the unjust man lives in a world so constructed that he makes his own hell; and one aspect of that hell is precisely the passion the gods have for virtue, and their zeal to punish vice-a punishment that cannot be evaded. At least in this life,2 divine punishment, like punishment inflicted under the law, is benevolent: it is intended to make us morally better; to bribe the gods is therefore against our own interests. There is an alliance of kinship between gods and men, and the gods care for the world and its smallest parts. The wise man will attempt to imitate the gods, and make his own character like theirs. The Platonic and Athenian laws of impiety a:re therefore based on radically different views of the nature of those beings against whom the impiety is committed, and therefore on radically different views of the nature of the offence itself.
Offences In Court
Authors: Saunders Trevor J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
There is a short but revealing sequence of offences and penalties at the end of book II, which deals with offences by witnesses and unscrupulous advocacy.The function of a witness in a modern English court is to assist in the establishment of the truth, by stating his own version of events and by answering questions put by both prosecution and defence. His role in an Athenian court was conceived differently, and was quite restricted: it was to support the litigant who arranged for him to appear, by testifying to the truth of a written deposition composed either by himself or by the litigant.A right of subpoena, exercised by litigant or court, to force an unwilling witness to appear at the trial, has often been supposed,2 but is hard to demonstrate; more probably, a litigant who could not persuade a witness to appear had no recourse. He could however persuade a witness to enter into an agreement (we cannot say how formal this would have been) to appear in court on the appointed day.
Class-Distinctions In Plato’s Penal Code
Authors: Saunders Trevor J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Membership of the four social and political groups in Magnesia, citizen, resident alien, itinerant alien, and slave, plays some part in the determining of penalties. Most instances of such differentiations occur in the sections of the code which we have examined in detail; but there are a few others in other sections too. It is time to attempt a synoptic view of all these cases, and to compare Plato’s principles and practices with the Athenian.Sequences of these letters indicate punishments inflicted in order of increasing severity; categories in brackets receive the same punishment. The views I have taken of the relative severity of certain punishments are not in all cases self-evidently true: some justifications are advanced in the discussion. In particular, I may not be justified in treating the whipping inflicted on a slave as in all cases a more severe penalty than the penalties inflicted on the other social classes; but it assists schematization to do so, pending discussion. The table is also necessarily summary; full details of each offence and penalty are in chapters 8-14.
The Voice
Authors: West M L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
By far the greater part of Greek music-as of ethnic music overall consisted of song, either solo or choral. Instruments were sometimes played on their own, but mostly they served to accompany the human voice. There normally was such accompaniment (except when someone was singing to entertain himself while doing something else), but its role was subordinate. A choir of many voices was not balanced by an equivalent band of instrumentalists; very often a single piper supplied the accompaniment, even for a chorus of fifty, as in the Athenian dithyramb. According to a writer of the Aristotelian school, we enjoy listening to a singer more when he sings to an aulos or a lyre, not because of the additional sonority but because it helps to define the tune. It is not better with more instruments, because that tends to obscure the song. Another tells us that the aulos is better than the lyre for singing to, because it blends better with the voice and covers the singer’s mistakes, whereas the lyre shows them up.
Wind and Percussion
Authors: West M L 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Wind instruments-at any rate, those that chiefly concern us-work by setting up vibrations in air that is enclosed in a pipe or pipes. You cannot achieve this simply by blowing into the pipe. There are essentially three things you can do. You can blow sideways across the air column-across the end of the pipe, or across a hole in its side. This is the principle of the flute. Or you can blow down the pipe with your mouth shut. The breath bursting out sets your lips vibrating against each other, and these vibrations are imparted to the air column. This is the principle of the trumpet and the horn. Or you can have a mouthpiece containing a vibrating reed that sets the air going. This is the principle of the clarinet and the oboe.
Commentary
Authors: Cameron Averil , Hall Stuart G 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Eusebius begins with an elaborate preface in high style, explaining his enterprise and justifying his praises of the dead Con stantine (1. 2, makarion, ‘the Blessed One ‘; 2. 1-3), who yet lives on and rules through his three sons (cf. IV. 71. 2), who are now Augusti (I. 3). Great men in the past have been honoured with portraits or inscriptions (3. 2 ), but God himself has shown favour and given victory to Constantine, the ‘friend of God ‘, and set him as an example of the godly life (3-6). In victorious kingship, Constantine surpasses Cyrus and Alexander (4-8); in domestic policy he was humane and magnanimous, and was granted legitimate successors by God (9). Eusebius calls for divine aid in his own attempt to draw a verbal portrait of the Emperor (9. 2-1 o. I), in a composition which will be far more edifying than the lives of Nero and other tyrants (Io. 2-4). Eusebius claims that he will omit the Emperor ‘s deeds in war and his legislation in time of peace; he will record only the Christian aspects of Constantine ‘s life, and will be selective and brief in the narrative (II. 1-2), in the interests of giving more space to the Emperor ‘s praises, which could not be written during his lifetime in view of the unpredictability of life (II. 2).
Divorce and Adoption as Roman Familial Strategies (Le Divorce et l’ adoption ‘en plus’)
Authors: Corbier Mireille 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This remark and this chapter follow on from a study on ‘familial behaviour in the Roman aristocracy between the second century BC and the third century AD’ (Corbier 1987). That study sought to compare Roman behaviour with the behaviour of other aristocracies which, in other centuries and other social contexts, were even more clearly directed towards the same ends: biological reproduction, transmission and extension of patrimony, diversification and expan¬sion of symbolic capital. To attain these objectives, aristocratic Roman society seems to have enjoyed an infinitely greater freedom than its medieval and modern successors, from whom the Church energetically devoted itself to removing two trump cards that could be used in the game against Time and Chance: divorce and adoption. In the Roman context, however, the meaning and use of these two cards were radically different from our own, which makes our interpretation and understanding of them difficult.
The Sentimental Ideal of the Roman Family
Authors: Dixon Suzanne 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
It is the contention of this chapter that, from the late Republic on, it is possible to discern a sentimental ideal of family life at Rome which can be compared with our own cultural ideal. The expectation of affection within marriage and the appreciation of young and youthful children were both part of this ideal. There were, to be sure, tensions between the ideal and the reality and many qualifications need to be made to any analogy with our own cultural norms. Although the argument rests in part on actual examples of conjugal happiness and love for children, it is not the aim of this work to explore the actual character of Roman marriage and family relations, which have been treated elsewhere (e.g. Dixon 1985, 1988). It is readily conceded that Roman marriages were not normally love matches (Treggiari 1984, 1985) and that children were regarded at least in part as sources of labour, continuity of the line, material supports in old age, and so on (Bradley 1985b). Yet literature, art (especially funerary art), and inscriptions show that the ideal of the affectionate, welcoming family unit pervaded many Republican representations of family life.
Symbol of Unity? The Persian-Wars Tradition in the Roman Empire
Authors: Spawforth Antony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The Roman empire was a multi-cultural conquest-state, the long-term survival of which depended on the creation of political consensus between rulers and subjects (and subject-élites in particular). Historians recognize that shared symbols played their part in this process, as with the imperial cult or (for parts of the empire) the figure of Alexander the Great.2 This paper focuses on another touchstone in the historical memory of subject-Greeks, the tradition about the Persian wars, and seeks to answer two questions.
Why Fasti
Authors: Herbert-Brown Geraldine 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In those years Ovid was at the height of artistic maturity, at the peak of a successful career, keenly desirous of maintaining his claim to immortal fame through his art (Met. 15. 875-9). It is difficult to believe that he would choose something as problematic and unwieldy as the Roman calendar to set to verse unless extraneous pressure were being applied. For this reason it is more feasible that Ovid’s decision to produce a major work as a tribute to Caesar Augustus came first; his decision to versify the calendar was the result.
Biographical History? Cassius Dio on the Early Principate
Authors: Pelling Christopher 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Dio reaches the early principate, his technique becomes more biographical. This paper will explore how thoroughgoing this change is, and how far it extends to interpretation as well as presentation. Some features of his characterization will also emerge, in particular his taste for common and typical traits rather than individual and idiosyncratic: a taste which he shares with most ancient authors, and which has its roots deep within ancient society.First, the biographical features themselves. It is not that Dio gives up his annalistic presentation: most of each reign continues to be dealt with in this year-by-year fashion, and there are even regular ‘annalistic clusters ‘, annual collections of snippets of business, largely urban and senatorial, placed typically at the end of each year.
The Royal Road
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Anatolia carries the great roads from the west to Syria, Mesopotamia, and Iran. The fabric of the land limits their number and defines their course. Mountains falling abruptly to the sea forbid passage either along the northern or the southern coast of Asia Minor; and, as the mountain zone extends a long way into the interior, the principal ways of transit are forced on to the plateau, where they are further constricted, having to bend either north or south of the central steppe and the salt lake. Geography presents few variations, and few are attested in history. The entrances to Anatolia lie at Dorylaeum, in the region of Afyon Karahisar, and at Celaenae (Apamea): the highways to the eastern lands must pass in their subsequent course through or close beside either Ancyra or Iconium. Crusaders and railways concur.
Taurus and Masius
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
THE traditional and Eratosthenic conception of the Taurus leads to many mis-conceptions. Strabo incautiously identifies the Armenian Gates with the Armenian mountains, 1,100 stades north from Thapsacus. Eratosthenes’ Taurus is not a single and narrow range, but a zone of mountains; and, as has been shown, Eratosthenes makes the Armenian mountains begin on the northern fringe of the Mesopotamian plain.
Castabala
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Though the monarchs of the East might confer on some ancient city, as the fancy took them, a dynastic or descriptive tide, they could seldom prevail against habit and history. The old name would defy and outlast all the kings. That Tarsus and Adana, neighbour towns in Cilicia, should both have been afflicted with the honorary appellation of ‘Antioch’ seems a curiosity and a vexation. Coins and inscriptions reveal ‘Hierapolis on the Pyramus’. That was only the official tide. The city is really Castabala, attested by various authors, among them Pliny the Elder in his disquisition upon dogs. Site and identity are alike beyond dispute. Hierapolis—Castabala lay in the eastern plain of Cilicia Pedias, some twenty miles inland from the Gulf of Issus.
Tarcondimotus
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Tarcondimotus is still only a ‘dynastes’: he or his father had no doubt been accorded recognition by Pompeius a dozen years earlier. He was not yet a king when he helped Pompeius in 48 B.C. Nor, to judge by Cicero’s narration, was Tarcondimotus yet in full control of Mount Amanus. Though Cicero mentions no ‘tyranni’ in these parts, there were recalcitrant tribes and fortresses hitherto impregnable. Castabala, however, has furnished inscriptions of the Tarcondimotid family, supplementing the meagre indications of Cicero and Strabo. One of them, in which the ruler is described merely as Tarcondimotus the toparchus, son of Strato, must be early in date.
The Pacification of Pisidia and Lycaonia
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
PrsrnrA and Milyas shield Pamphylia entirely, and the only notable exits from Pamphylia lead up into Milyas. The rivers that enter the Pamphylian gulf rise far back in the interior, the Cestrus north-east of Sagalassus, the Eurymedon near Tymbriada;. and the course of the Melas is nearly as long. All three trench the mountains with deep gorges, impeding movement along or across. The mountain system of inner Pisidia east of Milyas is complicated for the Taurus spreads and diverges, several of its chains running north rather than west.
C. Marcius Censorinus in the East
Authors: Birley Anthony 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Maritime communications supply the clue. Who would think of going from Nicomedia or Byzantium to Sinope by land? For this reason of convenience Pompeius united Bithynia to his acquisition in Fontus, even though the latter extended a long way inland. But when Marcus Antonius had finished with Fontus it was only a strip of coast with a narrow hinterland. Antonius gave all the interior to kings and dynasts; he even took away Arnisus; but this was restored after Actium.
Persian, Greek, and Parthian overlords
Authors: Dalley Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
When Cyrus Ii Conquered Babylon In 539 Bc he brought to an end the rule of kings who took Babylonian names. However, adopting the title ‘king of Babylon’, he espoused local customs, celebrating the Babylonian festival of the New Year in which he ‘took the hands’ of Bel-Marduk, and heard the Epic of Creation (Eniima Blish) recited. Even before he captured Babylon, Cyrus was hailed by the Babylonians as a fine ruler chosen by Marduk. It was nothing new for Babylon to have foreign rulers. Hammurabi’s Amorite dynasty had come from the west; the Kassite rulers originally came from western Iran, and the Chaldeans of more recent times were tribal people who had not long settled in southern Mesopotamia.
The Influence Of Mesopotamia Upon Israel and the Bible
Authors: Dalley Stephanie 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Before The Hebrew Tribes Chose Their first king at the end of the Late Bronze Age, they shared the land of Palestine with many other peoples: indigenous Canaanites and foreign Egyptians, Hittites, Hurrians, and Philistines. From their remote past the Hebrews could link their ancestry with west Semitic Amorites, of whom some groups had founded dynasties in Mesopotamia. After the monarchy was established, Judah and Israel inhabited a small country rich in sheep, olive oil, wine, certain luxury goods and specialized skills for which the great empires surrounding them had an insatiable appetite.
Rediscovery and Aftermath
Authors: Mccall Henrietta 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
This Was How Austen Henry Layard, Writing at Cheltenham in 1848, described the meagre collection of objects that had till then represented ancient Mesopotamia in the British Museum. At the time, nothing of Assyrian art was known, even by analogy, the architecture of Nineveh and Babylon was a matter of speculation only, and the interpretation of the cuneiform script was in its early stages. But on the eve of the arrival of Layard’s first consignment of cases from Nimrud, expectations ran high. George Smith of the British Museum later recalled why their arrival was to arouse such enormous interest and excitement: to scholars and the great Bible-reading public, here was the home of man’s earliest traditions, the place where Eden was supposed to have been, where some cities were older than the Flood, the actual birthplace of religious history. Babylonia was ‘the first civilized state’; its arts and sciences were, according to Smith, those of the Greeks, and - there fore ‘our own’.
Some Structures in Horace’s Odes
Authors: Syndikus H P 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
In this paper I try to extend somewhat an idea which Friedrich Klingner introduced in interpreting some of Horace’s poems.1 In examining the shape and structure of the Odes of Horace people generally restrict themselves to the subdivision of a poem into two, three, or more parts.2 In contrast to such a static principle of arrangement, Klingner traced dynamic developments, shifts, and alterations in content, emotional expression, and stylistic level.3 In the poems of Horace he traced the shifts which take place within a poem as in pieces of music. In this respect he perceived an important difference from modern European lyric (especially since the time of the Romantics), which strives above all for unity of mood in an individual poem.
Design and Allusion in Horace, Odes i. 6
Authors: Putnam M C J 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
I n the extraordinary sequence of poems that initiates Horace’s lyric masterpiece. Odes i. 6, the recusatio wherein the poet cedes to Varius the task of celebrating the praises of Agrippa and Caesar, stands out from its predecessors. It is the first poem in the collection to deal strictly with poetics, the traditions and content of poetry. The initial priamel had pitted the poet’s vocation as lyric bard, and its dependency on Maecenas, against a series of other metiers. It deftly criticizes them to the advantage of only two figures, the singular individual (est qui) who breaks the day with wine (and the poem in its midst), and then the bard himself.1 Likewise the third ode, addressed to Virgil, has been well taken to adumbrate the hazards of the poet’s career, embarked perhaps on the treacherous seas of the Aeneid. But only in the sixth ode does Horace’s speaker address directly the question of what it means to practise the lyric art, especially by contradistinction to his contemporary and friend Varius, who is imagined as about to follow in the footsteps of earlier epicists, primarily Homer. The august topics of military eulogy will be Varius’ to pursue.
Horace, Odes 3. 7: Elegy, Lyric, Myth, Learning, and Interpretation
Authors: Cairns Francis 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
An earlier, briefer version of this paper was read at the Horace bimillenary conference, Oxford in 1992 and, in Italian translation, at the Convegno Intern azionale di Studio, ’Non omnis moriar: La lezione di Orazio a duemila anni dalla scomparsa’ (Potenza and Venosa, 16-18 Oct. 1992). The text of this lecture appeared unannotated in the proceedings of that conference, published in 1993 under the same title (pp. 66-84). The script published there no longer necessarily represents my views, which may be found in full in the present, canonical version. The present revised and enlarged text owes much to the comments of my Oxford audience, among whom I am especially indebted to Prof. Edward Courtney. I am also grateful to Dr D. L. Cairns, Dr S. J. Harrison, and Prof. David West for their reactions to it in written form. Self-evidently, none of the above bears responsibility for stubbornness or errors on my part.
Law, Rhetoric, and Genre in Horace, Satires 2. I
Authors: Muecke Frances 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
The reader coming for the first time to book 2 of Horace’s Satires would meet with several intriguing surprises. The First is the form of the opening satire, a dialogue for which nothing in the previous book has prepared us. For its first few lines this poem seems to be another literary monologue in the style of Sat. I. 4 or r. 10, but, with the question addressed to Trebatius, it suddenly becomes a dramatic dialogue. The interlocutor’s identity is the second surprise. This is a conversation between Horace and a well-known jurist, not the expected opening poem dedicated to Maeccnas.
Pindarici Fontis Qui Non Expalluit Haustus: Horace, Epistles 1. 3
Authors: Hubbard Margaret 
Published: November 2023

Abstract
Horace’s Epistles are perhaps more like letters than has some times been thought. There is, however, a respect in which one is unwilling to liken them to some Ciceronian letters (Fam. 1. 1 9, for instance): it is disconcerting to envisage the poet’s talking for some time about one subject and then adding a postscript on an unconnected matter. So when in the third epistle the Teubner edition indents line 30, and when a subtle analysis of the poem’s imagery breaks off at line 29, it seems m1tural to wonder if they are right, and to see if one can find a more unified pattern.