bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Intraregional Trade of the Least-Developed-Members of Latin American Integration Systems
Authors: Thoumi Francisco E. 
Published: March 2007

Differences in the degree of economic development and diversification among members of economic integration systems could easily create obstacles to economic integration, as they tend to have an impact on the distribution of costs and benefits of economic integration processes.There are several reasons why the Least Developed Members (LDMs) within integration movements in Latin America are likely to be losers in the integration processes taking place within the region. First, the economies of these countries are less diversified than those of the more advanced countries. The LDMs have manufacturing sectors which are not well developed and which are concentrated in productive branches which process natural resources. When these countries join an integration movement with countries with more advanced and diversified manufacturing sectors, they would tend to import manufactured goods which are more protected than the natural-resource-based goods which they are likely to export.
Central America: Monetary Policy and Economic Growth
Authors: Wallich Henry C. 
Published: March 2007

Central America has always seemed to me a particularly fruitful object of study, of economic and particularly monetary affairs, because of the existence of six countries of not too different size and economic structure. This situation provides an opportunity for assessing the workings of certain economic principles.In economic terms, the countries of Central America are very small units. For such units, economics can provide a few analytical propositions that seem prima facie plausible. One is that such economies need not indefinitely specialize in exports of primary products, but if they diversity and industrialize their economies, it must be for export. Industrialization for the domestic market is unlikely to permit sufficient economies of scale. In this regard, the Central American countries have industrialized much less than the small republics in the Far East, and accordingly have not enjoyed as rapid a rate of economic growth.
Development Planning and the Public Enterprise: The Case of Pemex
Authors: Street James H. 
Published: March 2007

Public enterprise plays a key role in the economic development process in Latin America, both because of the region's cultural heritage, which has led people to look to central authority for leadership in promoting economic growth, and because of the accelerated pace of recent cataclysmic events to which only governments have had the power to respond.Currently, Latin America is undergoing its worst economic setback in half a century, in which eight newly-elected democratic governments are struggling to regain control over their destinies. These governments face unprecedented planning and administrative problems as they move from the crisis-management phase of economic austerity programs to one of resumed growth. A central concern of these governments is, and will continue to be, the successful operations of major parastatal enterprises.
Bankers Versus Diplomats: The Debate Over Mexican Insolvency
Authors: Bodayla Stephen D. 
Published: March 2007

The question of state insolvency has been a recurring problem in modern history. Defaults have plagued investors and damaged many nations' credit on international money markets. Other nations have suffered due to investor anxieties resulting from defaults by their neighbors. Politicians, diplomats, financiers, and investors have differed greatly in their proposed solutions to the problems of national fiscal failure. The experience of Mexico in its postrevolutionary era is a classic example of the myriad problems faced by those who assist in the financial rehabilitation of the distressed nation, as well as by those who seek to protect investors.The first half-century after Mexico won its independence was characterized by almost constant domestic strife, frequently humiliating international relations, and a tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility. It was not until Porfirio Díaz seized the presidency from Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada in 1876 that Mexico experienced a degree of domestic tranquility which earned it the tolerance begrudgingly granted by powerful states to their weaker but stable brethren.
The Politics of Adjustment: Labor and the Venezuelan Debt Crisis
Authors: McCoy Jennifer L. 
Published: March 2007

In mid-1985, the US Embassy in Caracas stated that “Venezuela appears to have successfully coped with its financial crisis” (US Embassy, 1985). In January 1986, the Wall Street Journal announced thatVenezuela will become the first country in Latin America to sign a debt-refinancing agreement without mediation by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Its success stands in stark contrast to the situation in another oil-rich nation, Mexico, where the ruling political party has seemed more interested in using the oil wealth to perpetuate the party's power than to secure the country's independence from the IMF (WSJ, 1986).
The Politics of NAFTA in Mexico
Authors: Poitras Guy , Robertson Raymond 
Published: March 2007

For much of the twentieth century, Third World economies that were based upon import-substitution industrialization (ISI) were dominated by authoritarian regimes. When economic liberalization began to overtake many of these countries, however, as happened in recent years, the question arose as to whether authoritarian rule had not become anachronistic in mediating the relations between state and economy in the Third World.The experience of Mexico strongly suggests that authoritarian rule remains a potent force in this era of economic change. Although Mexico's authoritarian government continued to retain power even in the presence of a liberal economic agenda, adopted during the early 1990s, it did find it expedient to make some adaptations in the system. The most significant of these, by far, was to make alterations in the ruling coalition that had governed the country since the early 1930s, rather than to embark upon a transition to democracy. These changes represented the regime's most critical initiative in attempting to meet, if not reconcile, the conflicting claims of authoritarianism on the one hand with the demands of economic liberalization on the other.
Myths and Realities in US-Cuban Relations
Authors: Suchlicki Jaime 
Published: March 2007

The deepening economic crisis in Cuba, the collapse of the Soviet empire, an aging leadership and revolution, and mild overtures from Fidel Castro toward the United States have, together, served to encourage those US observers who believe that the time for rapprochement with Cuba has come. In this line of reasoning, closer relations with Cuba, particularly in the economic field, will both moderate Castro's penchant for revolution and lead, eventually, to the advent of perestroika on that troubled island.In the past, Castro has pursued a dual strategy in dealing with the United States. On the one hand, Havana has made rhetorical overtures designed to reduce tensions between the two countries.
Impact of Development on the Panama Canal Environment
Authors: Moreno Stanley Heckadon 
Published: March 2007

The historical Chagres River Basin, which serves as the basin for the Panama Canal, extends some 3,260 kilometers in length and is not only the most important river basin in Panama but also one of the most strategic river basins in the world. Its two major lakes — Gatún and Alhajuela — function as reservoirs for the water needed to operate the inter-oceanic canal as well as to supply the water requirements of both Panamá City and Colón, urban concentrations that contain more than half the country's population.Gatún Lake was created in 1913, when the Chagres River was closed off at its Atlantic outlet, while the Alhajuela was created in 1934 by damming up the Madden River in the high, mountainous part of the country.
The Security of Panama and the Canal: Now and for the Future
Authors: Manwaring Max G. 
Published: March 2007

The old certainties of the Cold War, and the conventional attrition-type war implicit in it, have gone. In their place we now have a world of dangerous uncertainty and ambiguity in which old concepts of security are no longer relevant. The present security and future of Panama and the Panama Canal after the year 2000 is a case in point.This article will take a look at the issue of Canal security within the context of the contemporary “new world disorder” and develop the argument for a new approach to deal with current and future challenges to Panamanian and international security interests.The bottom line is this: the security of Panama and the Panama Canal — or any other point of strategic interest, now and for the future — will not depend so much on conventional military strategies as it will depend on international and domestic policies that provide for political stability, economic progress, and social justice.
The US State Department's Narcotics Control Policy in the Americas
Authors: van Wert James M. 
Published: March 2007

Governments, Like People, Function in ways that enhance their perceived self-interest. Effective narcotics control is in the best interest of the United States for at least three reasons.First, reducing the available supply of illicit narcotics (potentially) can reduce the incidence and prevalence of abuse by US citizens. For example, by making drugs relatively hard to find and expensive to use, supply-reduction efforts might successfully discourage potential users from experimenting with drugs and risking future chronic, intensive involvement. Moreover, it can be argued that control measures may be an important deterrent in motivating current drug users to seek treatment and find gainful employment (Moore, 1988).Second, reducing the supply of illicit narcotics may reduce the level of organized crime and lawlessness in the United States. An effective supply reduction program presumably can bring success in stopping trafficking organizations from supplying illegal goods and services; seizing their ill-gotten wealth; punishing their acts; prosecuting them for corrupt practices; and weakening or eliminating these groups as threatening criminal enterprises.
The Drug War: Going After Supply—A commentary
Authors: Sharpe Kenneth E. 
Published: March 2007

The US Policymakers Working on the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act have clearly understood that going after the suppliers of narcotics is only part of the war on drugs; until US domestic demand is diminished, it will be difficult to bring this lucrative and illicit multinational business under control. There is, however, general agreement that something must be done about supply and that interdiction of drug shipments to the United States is only one means. The drug supply war's major focus is the growing, production, and shipment of narcotics within the Third World countries who are the suppliers, particularly in Latin America (Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia head the list).Although there have been occasional attempts to “Americanize” anti-drug operations in Latin America (with the US government assuming drug enforcement functions as it did in Bolivia with Operation Blast Furnace in 1986), the major US option is to support the build-up of the Latin American governments' own drug-fighting capabilities by supplying funds, training, and equipment.
Democratic Consolidation and Military Professionalism: Argentina in the 1980s
Authors: Norden Deborah L. 
Published: March 2007

The 1980s Witnessed a series of halting, tenuous but, nonetheless, widely—hailed transitions from military regimes to constitutional democracies throughout South America. Yet, despite the initial optimism, the political newcomers faced formidable tasks. Not only had memories of democratic rule and practices grown dim in the years of disuse, but, with few exceptions, new governments found themselves threatened by a deteriorating economy with bleak prospects for the future. Equally — perhaps even more — threatening was the fact that though the military regimes may have relinquished their position, they had not necessarily relinquished their power, which raised the possibility that their civilian successors might not be able to stay in office long enough to confront their multifarious problems.In Argentina, the risk of a return to military rule was perhaps even greater than in some of its neighbors as the country had experienced a mosaic of alternating military and civilian governments ever since 1930.
Towards an Association of Caribbean States: Raising Some Awkward Questions
Authors: Serbín Andrés 
Published: March 2007

Despite its manifest heterogeneity—linguistic, ethnic and political—and the significant imbalances between nations, the Caribbean Basin has gradually come to be viewed as a distinctive subregion within the Western Hemisphere. This process began during the Cold War when a number of extraregional actors with interests in the region considered it of strategic importance. As in previous phases of its history, the Caribbean found itself defined geopolitically, not only in terms of its potential for conflict but for its significance to external (North American or European) actors as well (Serbín, 1989 and 1991a).More recently, changes on the international scene (the end of the Cold War and recognition of the increasing interdependence of the world economy) have begun to alter these old perceptions and ways of dealing with the region.
Poverty in Latin America: Back to the Abyss?
Authors: Helwege Ann 
Published: March 2007

During the early 1990s, many Latin American countries enjoyed exceptionally strong economic growth, which has been credited with making possible substantial reductions in their rates of poverty. However, the collapse of capital flows to Latin America that began in 1995 portends a decline in the region's economic growth. If these countries now register growth rates that are only modestly positive (on the order of 1-3%), the question then arises as to whether this progress in overcoming poverty is bound to stall.Despite new rhetoric to the contrary, Latin Americans have relied on growth almost exclusively as the way to overcome poverty. The distribution of income has changed very little over the past decade and, where change did occur, in many cases it has been for the worse.
Entrepreneurship, Microenterprise, and Public Policy in Cuba: Promotion, Containment, or Asphyxiation?
Authors: Ritter Archibald R. M. 
Published: March 2007

And thus it was with many things that I’m not going to repeat: commerce, market-determined prices in certain sectors, for certain activities; a proliferation of self-employment.…And these are the opinions we have had about these things over the years,
never imagining that we would have to learn to live with them for a period
of time that is very difficult to predict, and that depends on many factors.Fidel Castro, 23 April 1997During the approximately 30 years in which the exercise of entrepreneurship in a market-oriented setting was effectively prohibited, Cuba actually created a nation of entrepreneurs. Although the intention was to convert Cuba into a “school for socialism,” the reality is that Cuba has also been, in part, a school for market-oriented entrepreneurship. This, indeed, is one of the more surprising and significant paradoxes of the Cuban Revolution. The nature of Cuba’s planned economy itself has inadvertently promoted widespread entrepreneurial values, attitudes, behavior, and savoir-faire, as citizens of necessity have had to buy and sell, truck and barter, hustle and “network” to improvise solutions to their personal economic problems. While entrepreneurial talents have developed broadly among the population, their exercise, until 1993, was restricted to the important but low-level everyday tasks of sustenance and survival, often carried out in the shadow or underground economy or on the black market. But when the space available for entrepreneurial activity was increased with the liberalization of microenterprise beginning in September 1993, the expansion and diversification of microentrepreneurial activity was impressive.
US-Latin American Economic Relations
Authors: Weintraub Sidney 
Published: March 2007

The United States, during the past several years, has squandered a heaven-sent opportunity to cement its already deep economic relations with Latin America. There is no certainty that the neglect will be altered in the near term.A series of transformations made the 1990s an ideal time to consolidate improved economic relations with Latin America. The end of the Cold War meant that US dealings with Latin America could be based on mutual realities in the Hemisphere rather than be shaped through the one-way prism of East-West confrontation. There was a profound paradigm shift that swept just about all the countries of the Hemisphere, away from protectionism and toward open markets as the path to economic growth.
The Brazilian Tenentes after the Revolution of 1930
Authors: Alexander Robert J. 
Published: March 2007

The “Tenentes” or “lieutenants” were an important factor in Brazilian politics between 1922 and the end of the government of President Castelo Branco early in 1967. They had an active and occasionally decisive role in most major political events for almost half a century. The emergence of the Tenentes in the 1920s was part of a broader movement of discontent with the Old Republic, a relatively loose confederation of states dominated by rural landed interests and the politicians associated with them. Subsequently, the Tenentes played a key part in overthrowing the Old Republic in the Revolution of 1930.Getúlio Vargas came to power in the 1930 Revolution and stayed in the presidency for fifteen years. As provisional chief executive for more than three years, he suppressed a serious revolt against his authority by the state of Sao Paulo between July and October of 1932, and summoned the assembly that wrote the Constitution of 1934 and chose him to be the first president under it.
Trade Intensification in the Central American Common Market
Authors: Christou G. , Wilford W. T. 
Published: March 2007

The movement toward regional integration is one of the more important features of international economic relations between developing nations during the past decade, and none has been more ambitious in the developing world than the attempt of the five countries of Central America to band together in the Central American Common Market (CACM). The CACM was a dominant force in Central American economic development throughout the decade of the 1960s, and sufficient data are now available to make preliminary judgments about the effects of economic integration upon the intra- and extraregional trade patterns of the isthmus.The model used in the ensuing analysis is similar to the one postulated by Savage and Deutsch (1960) and Goodman (1963: 197), and is a useful step in preliminary analysis of flow data such as trade flows among countries. The model does not seek to explain such flows, but rather to adjust them or remove the effect of the trade-size factor.
The Andean Common Market: A New Thrust at Economic Integration in Latin America
Authors: Kearns Kevin C. 
Published: March 2007

The decade of the 1960s could well be termed the First Economic Integration Decade in Latin America. During this period the republics of Latin America experienced a “collective awakening,” inspiring an environment in which superficial and exclusivist values gave way to pragmatic and cooperative attitudes. Economic alliances were formed among neighbors, predicated on the rationale that, by joining forces in the spirit of cooperation and applying an ecumenical approach to common problems, each of the participating countries would be better off than pursuing a strictly autarkic course (see Figure 1).The initial effort at integration was the Central American Common Market (CACM), formed in late 1960 and including all the countries of Central America except Panama.1 That same year, the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) was created and, measured in terms of territory and population, represented the most significant economic cooperative. A third grouping was the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), established in 1968 as an agreement among eleven British Commonwealth nations and territories.
U.S. Influence in the Organization of American States
Authors: Meek George 
Published: March 2007

Literature on U.S. influence in the Organization of American States reveals a marked diversity of views. Some authors consider that U.S. influence is absolute or very nearly so; others hold that it is relative; still others think it is minimal.In the nearly-absolute school, former Guatemalan President Arévalo (1961: 126) says that the United States “always wins” in the OAS. The Ecuadorian writer Benjamín Cardón (1965: 29) says that the OAS “receives orders and complies with them, with the appearance of discussion, and the appearance of votes that satisfy pro-forma the hypocritical quakerism of the masters.” This view might be summed up by a comment attributed to a Latin American delegate to one Inter-American Conference: “If the United States wanted to badly enough, it could have a resolution passed declaring two and two are five ” (New York Times, March 8, 1954).
Organizational Bureaucracy in Latin America and the Legacy of Spanish Colonialism
Authors: Hanson Mark 
Published: March 2007

As Latin American nations begin to marshal their rapidly growing human and material resources, they frequently encounter organizational infrastructures which are incapable of supporting the rapid process of modernization. Yet, these inadequate infrastructures seem to persist over time, leaving behind unrecoverable losses. Attempts to understand the problems of modernization must not only consider questions of social and economic development, but also questions reflecting on the development of organizational and administrative processes.The central theme of this paper is the argument that the organizational and administrative mechanisms of societal and institutional governance have never quite broken loose from the historic legacy of Spanish colonialism and that the needs of modernizing nations are basically being served by administrative dinosaurs. Other writers have addressed themselves to the theme regarding the influence of colonial institutions on modern life, but the tendency has been to select general administrative practices and trace them across many nations in various periods of time.
A Profile of Amazonia: Its Possibilities for Development
Authors: Foland Frances M. 
Published: March 2007

Amazonia is once again the nouvelle vague. Object of intense but ephemeral attention at the turn of the century and intermittently thereafter, the region now confronts a concerted and multipronged program for its de facto integration into the nation.A special issue of Desenvolvimento & Conjuntura in March 1967, devoted to Amazonia, editorialized: “O atual interêsse pela Amazônia resulta de duas cadeias causais, de grande profundidade, e que são; primeiro, a consciência nacional da necessidade de acelerar o desenvolvimento de todo o territorio nacional, visando à terminação dos desniveis econômicos; e, segundo a compreensão que temos atualmente de fatôres de âmbito internacional. Estamos cônscios de que chegamos a era do desenvolvimento regional.”