bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
ΕΙΣΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ in Athens
Authors: Rhodes P. J. 
Published: May 2006

Εἰσαγγελία, ‘impeachment’, has regularly had a few pages devoted to it in books on Athenian law or the Athenian constitution. Recently a book has been published on the subject, one of a series on Athenian legal topics by M. H. Hansen: in it he assembles the evidence for 144 certain, probable or possible instances of εἰσαγγελία between 500 and 323 B.C., and his analysis leads him to disagree with much that has been said hitherto. However, I am not persuaded that all his own conclusions are correct.One note of warning should be sounded at the beginning, εἰσαγγέλλειν, like γράφεσθαι, φαίνειν, ἐνδεικνύναι and other verbs used of initiating legal proceedings, is a word within whose normal range of meaning one or more technical senses developed. The existence of a technical sense did not, of course, put an end to the non-technical use of the word, and we must always be alert to the possibility that even in a legal context a word may have been used not in its technical legal sense, or that in part or all of the period with which we are concerned a set of technical terms, each with its own distinct meaning, may not have fully crystallised: for instance, unless the word is corrupt, Lys. x 1 uses εἰσήγγελλε of a prosecution which was not an εἰσαγγελία in any technical sense of the word (Gernet and Bizos therefore emend to ἐπήγγελλε); within a single speech, Isae. xi, a charge of maltreating an orphan is referred to both as an εἰσαγγελία (§§6, 15) and as a γραφή (§§28, 31, 32, 35).
Lollianos and the desperadoes
Authors: Winkler Jack 
Published: May 2006

‘Without exaggeration and oversimplification little progress is made in most fields of humanistic investigation.’ With this disarming quotation from A. D. Nock, Albert Henrichs begins his book-length interpretation of P. Colon, inv. 3328. In the same spirit of humanistic progress, I would like to reconsider some aspects of the text and to offer a different assessment of its place in the history of religion and literature.The fragments are from three pages of a hitherto unknown Greek novel, Lollianos'Phoinikika. Frags A and B luckily include book-ends, from whose subscriptions we know the author and title of the work. Frag. C is just scraps which yield no continuous sense. Frag. A brokenly and confusedly mentions youths, women dancing, (furniture?) being thrown off the roof, sobriety, kissing, and then, in a slightly more intelligible scene, the male narrator's loss of virginity with a woman named Persis, her gift to him of a gold necklace which he refuses, the assistance of one Glauketes in taking the necklace elsewhere, and finally what seems to be a confrontation between Persis' mother and the two lovers. This last is similar to Achilles Tatius ii 23–5. Achilles Tatius also offers the closest parallel to frag. B, a ghastly description of human sacrifice and cannibalism. This scene is the focus of most of Henrichs' interpretation and I will limit myself to it in the present article.The central question raised by this new novel fragment is how to assess the relative importance of religious and literary parallels. Is thePhoinikikato be regarded as a document in religious or in literary history, or perhaps somewhere on the borderland of both? There has been a lively discussion in the last half century of the thesis that the ancient novels were written and read as religious documents, deriving their basic structure and many details from the myths and cults of particular religions. Henrichs devotes most of his book to arguing that the sacrifice scene in Lollianos is inspired by an actual rite, probably of a Dionysian character, and that thePhoinikikaserves to illuminate a little-known corner of religious history. His views are based on an extensive collection of liturgical, mythical and ethnological parallels concerning oath rituals, the sacrifice of children, cannibalism, and face-painting. Of all the parallels cited, the two which are closest in every way to Lollianos are Achilles Tatius iii 15 and Cassius Dio lxxi 4. On the strength of these Henrichs asserts that Lollianos' description of a ritual murder represents, more or less directly, the cultic practice of the Egyptian Boukoloi. Without postulating a religious message for thePhoinikikaas a whole, Henrichs does claim that this scene yields valuable information about the structure of ancient mystery rituals (78 n. 6) and that these new fragments support the methodological correctness of Kerenyi's and Merkelbach's approach to the ancient novels.
A bullet of Tissaphernes
Authors: Foss Clive 
Published: May 2006

A lead sling bullet inscribed with the name of Tissaphernes forms the subject of the present article. Like other such missiles, the bullet is almond-shaped; it is 36 mm. long, 22 mm. thick, and weighs 40·423 g. (Plate Va). It was reportedly found at Julia Gordus (the modern Gördes) in Lydia and is now in a private collection. As far as I can determine, the object is unique. By its inscription, it raises questions of some historical interest and illustrates the major changes in the technology of Greek warfare in the period after the Peloponnesian War.Sling bullets were called in Greekμολυβδίςorμολύβδαιναfrom the material orσφϵνδόνηfrom the weapon. They were projected from a sling,σφϵνδόνη, by a slinger,σφϵνδονήτης. The sling, originally a weapon of hunters and shepherds, has a long history. It was known to the Egyptians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Etruscans; everyone is familiar with the story of its use by David against Goliath.
Aristophanes and the events of 411
Authors: Sommerstein Alan H. 
Published: May 2006

The dates of performance of Aristophanes' Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae are still not generally agreed. The most widely accepted opinion is perhaps that of Wilamowitz, that Lysistrata was produced at the Lenaia and Thesmophoriazusae at the City Dionysia in the same year, 411 B.C. But both Schmid and Gelzer, in their authoritative works on Aristophanes, have given reasons for reversing these assignments and putting Th. first; Russo holds that both plays were produced on the same occasion; and Rhodes has recently revived the view—which goes back to Dobree and beyond—that Th. is to be dated to 410, during the régime of the Five Thousand.The one unequivocal and undisputed datum we have comes from Hypothesis I to Lys., which tells us that that play was produced in the archonship of Kallias (412/1). Further information can be elicited from a variety of sources:(1) statements by scholiasts giving the date, relative to one of the plays, of an event whose date is independently known;(2) references (or, less safely, failures to refer) in the plays themselves to datable events;(3) references to the season of the year at which the performance took place;(4) considerations of the type of play more likely to have been produced at one or the other festival;(5) references in one play to the other;(6) the political, military and diplomatic conditions, movements, prospects and attitudes reflected in the plays, considered with reference to contemporary events.
A note on two manuscripts of Sophocles
Authors: Wilson N. G. 
Published: May 2006

In my review of R. D. Dawe's Studies in the text of Sophocles (JHS xcvi [1976] 171 ff.), I reached the conclusion that scholars now possess all the information about manuscripts that is needed in order to constitute the text of the Ajax, Electra and Oedipus Tyrannus, subject to two provisos.The first of these concerns the Jena manuscript (Bos. q. 7), a copy written late in the fifteenth century and containing only the first two plays. Reports of interesting readings found in it were given by Purgold in 1802, and since collations were not always undertaken very carefully at that date it seemed worth while to examine the book again to see whether the reports were correct. Thanks to the good offices of the University Library in Jena I was able to collate a microfilm, and am now in a position to state that Purgold did his work well. The interesting readings cited by subsequent editors are correctly reported, and so far as I can see there are no others of striking merit.The other manuscript which seemed to deserve further investigation is in Milan (Ambrosianus E 103 sup.). It is usually assigned to the fourteenth century, and if this date were certain it would not deserve any special attention. In my opinion the script is of a type that must almost certainly be placed before the year 1300, probably c 1275, and in that case the book might be of some interest, since it could be early enough to escape the reproach of offering a text affected by Palaeologan scholars. I have now collated the text from a microfilm kindly supplied by the Ambrosian Library. A very small number of valuable readings came to light.
Some Unpublished Sherds from Naucratis in Dublin
Authors: Vickers Michael 
Published: May 2006

During the early years of this century University College, Dublin, acquired a sizeable collection of classical antiquities, largely through the efforts of the professor of Greek, the Rev. Henry Browne, SJ. Among the acquisitions he made for the College were a group of sherds from the excavations at Naucratis conducted by Sir Flinders Petrie and D. G. Hogarth which he obtained from the British Museum and the Ashmolean (but mostly the latter). As a result of their isolation in Dublin these sherds have not figured in the various publications dealing with material from Naucratis that have appeared over the years, but it is still perhaps not too late to draw attention to them, especially as they include some interesting pieces.There is no record of exactly when the Naucratis sherds went to Dublin or of what was given in exchange for them, but they must have arrived before 1913 for they are mentioned in a Report on the University College Museum published in that year. The following account is arranged according to styles.
Cimon, Skyros and ‘Theseus’ Bones'
Authors: Podlecki A. J. 
Published: May 2006

Thucydides reports the capture of Skyros ‘next’ (ἔπϵιτα) after that of Eion under the generalship of Cimon, as the first events in his digression (έκβολή) on the Pentekontaëtia. Further details are added by Diodorus (presumably following Ephorus) and Plutarch. It is of some importance to try to determine the date of this event, of even greater importance to see it in correct perspective for Cimon's rising star and Themistocles' falling one.The only specific indication of time we have is Plutarch's reference to an oracle ‘given to the Athenians when they made an inquiry after the Persian Wars in the archonship of Phaidon’ (i.e., 476/5 B.C.). This has generally been taken to provide a date for the capture of Skyros, and the transference of the bones of Theseus to Athens, which Plutarch says followed it. But it is worth pointing out again, with Busolt, that Plutarch's words give a ‘date’ only for the oracle. Diodorus dates the Skyros campaign (along with Eion before and the Eurymedon victory after) to the archonship of Demotion, 470/69, but his evidence is worth very little on a point of chronology such as this.
Wie die Griechen lernten, was geistige Tätigkeit ist
Authors: Snell B. 
Published: May 2006

Mein Lieber Dodds,in dem ersten Kapitel Ihres grundlegenden Buches ‘The Greeks and the Irrational’ machen Sie einige Bemerkungen über psyche, noos, thymos bei Homer (S. 15 f.), über den Gebrauch von είδέναι = ‘wissen’ und ‘gesehen haben’ und schließlich über das ‘Sich-Erinnern’ oder ‘Vergessen’ bei der Besinnung auf moralisches Verhalten wie etwa der Tapferkeit (S. 16 f.). Sie schließen diese allgemeinen Erörterungen mit den Worten: ‘Such a habit of thought must have encouraged the belief in psychic intervention. If character is knowledge, what is not knowledge is not part of the character, but comes to a man from outside. When he acts in a manner contrary to the system of conscious dispositions which he is said to ‘know’, his action is not properly his own, but has been dictated to him. In other words, unsystematised, nonrational impulses, and the acts resulting from them, tend to be excluded from the self and ascribed to an alien origin.'Wenn das für Homer richtig ist (und mir scheint es evident) und wenn die späteren Griechen ein ausgeprägtes Bewußtsein dafür hatten, daß der freie und überlegene Mensch durch eigene geistige Kraft Klarheit gewinnen muß über das, was wahr, gut und schön ist, kann man diesen Weg dahin vielleicht verfolgen an der Art, wie jeweils die Griechen das Erkennen aufgefaßt haben.
Action and Character in theIonof Euripides
Authors: Willetts R. F. 
Published: May 2006

I am happy to offer this paper in tribute to the deep range of a dedicated Hellenist's life-work, not least for personal reasons. Professor Dodds first introduced me to theIontowards the end of those happy twelve years of his career spent in the University of Birmingham. With his respect for Forsterian buckets let down into the subconscious, he may not be surprised that the introduction has had enduring effects. An early consequence was my verse translation of the play, eventually published in 1958 and, more recently (1968), produced on the stage by our Department of Drama and Theatre Arts. Translations of Greek and Latin authors play an increasingly important part in our contemporary cultural life, especially translations of Greek plays for the stage and for broadcasting. This is an area of activity which scholars should not ignore. What Gilbert Murray so successfully practised in his time, Milman Parry emphasized in another context: ‘…scholars must see that they must impose their truths before others impose their fictions’. Over the years I have followed the discussions in books and journals which have added to our understanding of the power and complex meaning of the play. Only some of these can be mentioned in what follows, to enable me to express agreement or a difference of opinion or emphasis.The simply rationalistic interpretation of theIonassociated with the translation, preface, etc., by H.B.L. in 1889 and with the work of A. W. Verrall in 1890 and subsequently, was temporarily fashionable in certain quarters at the time. This interpretation no doubt stimulated further study of the play in this country, but there has been continuous corrective criticism of its aberrations.
ΕΙΣΙ ΤΡΙΧΕΣ: an erotic motif in the Greek Anthology
Authors: Tarán Sonya Lida 
Published: May 2006

In Book xii of the Greek Anthology many of the old motifs of erotic poetry are applied to the love of boys. Among these motifs a form of the carpe diem calls our attention. Youth and the beloved's charms are there granted a very short span: the growth of hair marks the end of a boy's attraction. Of this basic idea we find numerous variations in over thirty epigrams, Hellenistic and late, not unlike those on the more general motif of fleeting youth. We shall group the poems and interpret them according to the variations of this motif.The boy is now willing to love when it is too late: the hairs have come. The lover, whether by threats, warnings, or vaunts that it has happened, implicitly rejects the advances of the young man.Ia. Our first epigram (Asclep. 46 = A.P. xii 36) is headed Ἀσκληπιάδου Ἀδραμυττήνου. If by Asclepiades of Samos it would be chronologically the first in our list. Yet the ascription is far from certain, and the choice of the epigram as our starting point is, therefore, arbitrary.
Socratic Suicide
Authors: Warren James 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWhen is it rational to commit suicide? More specifically, when is it rational for a Platonist to commit suicide, and more worryingly, is it evernotrational for a Platonist to commit suicide? If thePhaedowants us to learn that the soul is immortal, and that philosophy is a preparation for a state better than incarnation, then why does it begin with a discussion defending the prohibition of suicide? In the course of that discussion, Socrates offers (but does not necessarily endorse) two arguments for the prohibition of self-killing, at least in most circumstances, which have exerted a long and powerful influence over subsequent discussion of the topic, particularly in theist contexts. In the context of thePhaedoitself, however, this introductory conversation plays a crucial role in setting the agenda for the remainder of the dialogue and offering an initial discussion of the major concerns of the argument as a whole. In particular, the discussion of the nature of suicide is intimately bound up with Socrates' conception of true philosophy as a ‘preparation for death’, the relationship between soul and body, and the immortality of the soul. My intention is to provide a reading of that passage (61e-69e) which asks whether thePhaedocan offer a philosophically satisfying distinction between suicide and philosophy and how it relates to other ancient philosophical attitudes to self-killing. I argue that Socrates does not think that being dead is always preferable to being alive, and that the religious views expressed in the passage are consistent with his general stance on the benevolence of the gods.
Square in Core Models
Authors: Schimmerling Ernest , Zeman Martin 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWe prove that in all Mitchell-Steel core models, □k holds for all k. (See Theorem 2.) From this we obtain new consistency strength lower bounds for the failure of □k if k is either singular and countably closed, weakly compact, or measurable. (Corollaries 5, 8, and 9.) Jensen introduced a large cardinal property that we call subcompactness; it lies between superstrength and supercompactness in the large cardinal hierarchy. We prove that in all Jensen core models, □k holds iff k is not subcompact. (See Theorem 15; the only if direction is essentially due to Jensen.)
Some historical coins of Hadrian
Authors: Mattingly Harold 
Published: May 2006

In the absence of a full and satisfactory record in literature of the reign of Hadrian, we turn with more than ordinary expectation to his large and varied coinage. We are at once confronted with a formidable difficulty: most of Hadrian's coins bear no other sign of date than COS · III—that is to say, they can only be dated to the long period from A.D. 119 to 138. This problem, then, must be faced at the outset. To save space, we will at once set out the system of dating we shall follow, adding only the few notes absolutely required to justify it:A.D. 117. Coins dated COS.A.D. 118. Coins dated COS · IIA.D. 119–138. Coins dated COS · III
The Municipal Legislation of Julius Caesar
Authors: Cary M. 
Published: May 2006

This article has been suggested by a notable new book, H. Rudolph's Stadt und Staat im römischen Italien, in which the author propounds original solutions to several problems of the Roman administration of Italy. His principal contribution to this subject is a theory which assigns to Caesar a leading part in the reformation of the municipal constitutions.According to Rudolph a first step, but only a short one, in the reorganisation of Italy after the Social War was taken by Cinna, who instituted the quattuorvirate as the universal type of magistracy in the newly enfranchised municipalities. The next step, by which Sulla concentrated the higher jurisdiction of Italy at Rome, was longer, but in a backward direction.
Archaeological Discoveries in Italy and the Mediterranean During 1930
Authors: Ashby Thomas 
Published: May 2006

Work continues in Rome with the same energy as before, and a fresh impulse may be said to have been given to it by the publication of the new ‘Piano Regolatore’ for Rome, which is providing for the growth of the city to double its present size so that it will have a population of two millions. There is no doubt at all that numerous demolitions are necessary, if the scheme is really to be carried into effect.That the necessity is regrettable, few will deny; but it cannot be too often repeated that the fundamental mistake was made long ago, when modern Rome was allowed to grow upon every side of the old city, instead of being put on the high ground to the east of it, as Quintino Sella and Haussmann had suggested. The old city must, therefore, inevitably be traversed by important arteries of traffic (pls. I, II); and we can only hope that as little as possible of beauty and interest will be removed, as we are assured will be the case. And critics of the scheme, whether benevolent or not, must do their best neither to minimise nor to exaggerate the importance of what must inevitably disappear.
A Portrait of Tiberius
Authors: Hinks R. P. 
Published: May 2006

The bronze head of the Emperor Tiberius, here reproduced (pl. vl) from new photographs, was found in 1759 near Mahon, in the island of Minorca. The exact spot is not recorded; but as the Duc de Crillon damaged the megalithic buildings at Trapuco, two kilometers from Mahon, while erecting a defensive wall round his guns, that may have been the finding-place. The head was acquired by the Marquis de Lannion, the Governor of the island; after his death it was bought by the Comte de Caylus, who gave it to the French king. It is now in the Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale.The bronze is covered with a black patina, and is well preserved. The eyes are made of sheet-silver. The head is life-size, 38 cms. high.
Cornutus Tertullus and the Plancii of Perge
Authors: Jameson Shelagh 
Published: May 2006

The origo of C. Iulius P. f. Hor…………‥ Cornutus Tertullus, friend and colleague of the younger Pliny, has always been a matter of speculation. B. Stech thought he might have come from Africa; Professor Syme, observing the name of the dedicator of the stone which records Cornutus' career, C. Iulius Pla[n]cius Varus Cornutus, suggests Perge in Pamphylia. Professor Syme further remarks on the existence of a C. Iulius Cornutus at Perge, who set up a bilingual dedication to Nero. These names are also borne by C. Iulius Cornutus Bryonianus, ἀγωνοθέτης at the Varian games at Perge.Groag remarked that one would not normally expect to find the praenomen of Cornutus Tertullus' father, Publius, coupled with the nomen Iulius. Cornutus Tertullus might, then, have been adopted, possibly by the C. Iulius Cornutus who set up the dedication to Nero: the gap in his nomenclature, as it appears in the inscription set up by C. Iulius Pla[n]cius Varus Cornutus, could have contained his original nomen.
Roman Lincoln, 1953
Authors: Thompson F. H. 
Published: May 2006

The excavations carried out by the Lincoln Archaeological Research Committee during 1953 dealt with two sites of a very different nature, although of the same period. Yet together they provide a useful illustration of the two principal aspects of the history of Roman Lincoln and also of two types of archaeological investigation demanded in an urban centre. The first excavation, in East Bight, was deliberately undertaken in an attempt to find answers to certain problems relating to the early military and quasi-military occupation of Lincoln and was excavated methodically and without haste; the second was a hasty examination during building operations at no. 292 High Street where a structure, apparently connected with the communal life of the town in its later period of expansion, demanded immediate investigation, without the opportunity for unhurried and detailed examination.The first excavations of the Research Committee, in 1945–6, at Westgate and North Row (fig. 2), resolved once and for all the question of the general siting of the Claudian fortress of the Ninth Legion and, in particular, demonstrated that on north and west the legionary defences underlay those of the later Colonia. These conclusions suggested the possibility that the defences might similarly coincide on south and east also, where the line of the Colonia wall was known; but, as Professor I. A. Richmond pointed out, if this was so, the area of the legionary fortress would only have been approximately 42 acres whereas a minimum of 50 acres might have been expected.