bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Don Rafael Maria de Labra: Autonomista Espanol
Authors: Castellano Juan R. 
Published: March 2007

La cuestión colonial fué comprendida por muy pocos políticos españoles del siglo XIX. Pi y Margall fué uno de ellos, si bien cuando llegó al poder no hizo nada. Prim fué otro. Según uno de sus biógrafos, “pensó en conceder la autonomía para después llegar a la independencia, y, cuando pensaba ya en triunfar, librado a nuestro país del cáncer que le consumía … aconteció el vil asesinato de que fué víctima.”1 El tercero fué Rafael María de Labra (1840-1918), a quien nadie excedió en señalar los vicios y pecados de la colonización española.Verdaderamente sorprende hoy el olvido en que se tiene a un hombre que dedicó lo mejor de su vida a la defensa de los intereses antillanos. Porque América — hay que decirlo — fué su obsesión, no sólo durante los días de la colonia sino después, cuando ya perdidos los últimos restos del imperio español se dedicó a cultivar la intimidad americana y a fomentar la unión espiritual de España con las repúblicas hispanoamericanas.
Reconocimiento de Los Gobiernos de Facto
Authors: García Eduardo Augusto 
Published: March 2007

Los gobiernos de facto se suceden en el mundo y particularmente en América, con una periodicidad extraordinaria, debido a causas políticas, sociales o económicas muy profundas que merecen el examen y el análisis detenido y serio de los juristas, de los políticos, de los sociólogos y de los estadistas.El trabajo que sigue a continuación no pretende ser un estudio exhaustivo de la cuestión sino una contribución más para profundizar su conocimiento.Al considerar el tema, la primera pregunta que surge es la siguiente: ¿qué es un gobierno de facto? La respuesta, a través de la experiencia recogida en los últimos ciento cincuenta años, sería aproximadamente: “un gobierno provisional o transitorio, surgido a raíz de la independencia o el nacimiento de una nueva nación, o de una revolución triunfante, o de una acefalía presidencial o prevista en la respectiva Constitución, que se encuentra en posesión de las fuerzas militares y/o policiales necesarias para asumir el poder público de esa nación y mantener el orden”.
Public Law 78: A Tangle of Domestic and International Relations
Authors: Creagan James F. 
Published: March 2007

The movement of Mexican laborers across the international boundary into the southwestern United States has been occurring since the establishment of a boundary in that area. It is a natural movement of worker toward the source of work. Interests of the governments involved have caused checks to be placed upon this movement of workers. Public Law 78 represented one of the recent attempts of the United States government, through co-operation with the Mexican government, to regulate the movement of migrant workers.In this article I will briefly trace the history of PL 78. The impact of this law upon Mexico and its relevance for United States relations with that country are of importance.
Cuba and the Fifteenth un General Assembly: A Case Study in Regional Disassociation
Authors: Glick Edward B. 
Published: March 2007

“Cuba is a small planet travelling in its own orbit.”—Foreign Minister Raúl RoaThe fifteenth United Nations General Assembly was an exciting one. It met during the cold aftermath of the U-2 affair. It attracted the largest group of world leaders, including Castro, Tito, Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno, Nkrumah, Touré, and Khrushchev, ever to assemble at the UN site. It accelerated the “Africanization” of the UN by admitting during its first part 17 members, 16 from Africa. It was rocked, politically, militarily, and financially, by the Congo crisis, which led to the demand for the ouster of Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold and then to his death. It debated Cuban charges against the United States and the embarrassing Bay of Pigs invasion. In a lighter vein, it produced the first public banging of shoes on a UN table by a head of government.
Rural Poverty in Twentieth-Century Colombia
Authors: Berry Albert 
Published: March 2007

Until recently Colombia has been a mainly rural and agricultural country. At the turn of the century probably 65% to 75% of the labor force was in agriculture; by 1951 this share had fallen to about 55% and in 1975 to about 35%. The share of population in rural areas was a little higher. In 1900 perhaps 50% to 55% of output came from agriculture; though it remains the main producing sector, its share had fallen to 25% by 1974.Colombia has always had a highly unequal distribution of income, the major historical cause being an extremely unequal distribution of land. Over the years economic policy could be fairly described as “urban biased,” so that the group to whose welfare public policy has contributed the least are the landless agricultural workers, including a good number of migrant workers.
Brazilian Elites and the Descendants of the German, Italian, and Japanese Immigrants
Authors: Nichols Glenn A. , Snyder Philip S. 
Published: March 2007

A growing realization on the part of scholars and the general public has been the increasing interdependence of the world. Technology and communications have narrowed distance and time between diverse cultures, resulting in increased contact, if not increased cultural harmony.The immigration of millions of persons to new homes has heightened this interdependence. In the Western Hemisphere not only the United States but also Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile received substantial numbers of immigrants.Brazil, alone, was the recipient of more than 5 million immigrants. The majority of the immigrants, apart from those of the Iberian Peninsula, came from Germany, Italy, and Japan. Chronologically, the Germans arrived first, the Italians second, and the Japanese third. Numerically, Italy has contributed 1.5 million, Germany 300,000, and Japan 170,000 to date.
Decision-Making in a Public Marketing Enterprise
Authors: Hilger Marye Tharp 
Published: March 2007

CONASUPO (Compañia Nacional de Subsistencias Populares) is a vertically integrated distribution system for staple goods in Mexico. It is an autonomous, public enterprise, and it has broad policy formulation and implementation responsibilities as an agency for development. CONASUPO competes with private sector producers, wholesalers, and retailers, in addition to its special roles in economic and market development.It is the object of this article to describe how marketing decisions are made in CONASUPO. The environment within which market decisions are made in CONASUPO sets the parameters for its decision processes and influences the types of marketing strategies that it pursues.
Human Rights, U.S. Foreign Policy, and Haitian Refugees
Authors: Loescher Gilburt , Scanlan John 
Published: March 2007

Haitians have been migrating to the United States in significant numbers since the rise to power of Francois Duvalier over a quarter century ago. A few who have been able to meet the strict eligibility criteria of U. S. immigration law have entered as legal immigrants. Perhaps as many as 300,000 others have entered illegally, or have overstayed the terms of their temporary visas. A diverse population composed of professionals and businessmen, students and shopkeepers, journalists, small land holders, and illiterate peasants, it is impossible to capture their individual reasons for leaving Haiti and coming to the United States in a single all-inclusive phrase.Haiti is the poorest country in this hemisphere. Nearly all who leave to come to the United States are aware that they are trading malnutrition, negligible educational opportunities, and a subsistence standard of living for the greater opportunities afforded by life in America.
The United States Role in the Malvinas Crisis, 1982: Misguidance and Misperception in Argentina's Decision to Go to War
Authors: Feldman David Lewis 
Published: March 2007

The Malvinas (Falklands) war of April-June 1982 has generated little attention among international scholars largely because neither its causes or consequences are. assumed to have great power significance.The thesis of this article is that the timing of the Malvinas invasion, and the subsequent miscalculation that the United States would tacitly assist Argentina, were partly shaped by U. S. policies. Although the principal motive for the invasion was to vindicate a claim stretching back to the early 19th century (U.S. House 1982c: 50-51; Etchepareborda, 1983:48-58), the abruptness of Argentina's actions was conditioned by Reagan administration overtures towards a grand “anti-Communist” alliance (Maechling, 1982:75-82; Sunday Times, 1982: 63); an increase in the frequency and prestige of high-level contacts between the U.S. and Argentina between 1980-1982; the cultivation of official links between Galtieri and high-ranking U.S. national security officials (U.S. House, 1982d: 67; Hastings and Jenkins, 1983:46); the intense, personal diplomacy of former Secretary of State Haig during the conflict (Hastings and Jenkins, 1983: 104-113); and by covert efforts by Argentina to extend and strengthen U.S.-Argentine ties (Cardoso et al., 1983: 60-61).
Clinton's Foreign Drug Policy
Authors: Perl Raphael F. 
Published: March 2007

An important issue for many US citizens, particularly those who live in the inner city and in major urban areas, is the level of administration concern regarding the impact of drugs on US society and the relative priority the administration assigns to drugs as a policy issue.In mid-October 1993, the Clinton administration released an interim policy statement setting forth its proposed strategy for national drug control. Consisting of both domestic and international components, this strategy seeks to downplay the drug issue as a priority driving the new administration's policy agenda. Within the United States, the drug policy is linked to other important domestic goals and is envisioned as just one of the elements in efforts to spur economic growth, reform health care, curb violence among the nation's youth, and “empower communities.”
The War on Drugs: The Peruvian Case
Authors: McClintock Cynthia 
Published: March 2007

Peru is a Priority Theater in The US War against drugs in that it produces more coca for export to the United States than any other Latin American country. The Huallaga Valley, a remote area about 200 miles northeast of Lima on the eastern Andean slopes, is one of the world's most fertile coca-growing regions. This article focuses on what is known about Peru's coca industry, and the anti-drug efforts that have been undertaken by the US and Peruvian governments. Under President Alan Garcia, elected in 1985, the Peruvian government has been usually cooperative with US anti-drug programs; some explanations for this collaboration will be suggested.Despite the Garcia government's cooperative stance, the results of Peru's war against drugs have been similar to results elsewhere: governments have won some battles, but they are losing the war. Perhaps the most important question raised by the ' Peruvian case is whether the United States should give a higher priority to anti-drug efforts or to counterinsurgency; US policy regarding Peru has appeared to do the latter.
The Caribbean: Myths and Realities for the 1990s
Authors: Sorbin Andres 
Published: March 2007

Jaribbean scholars and analysts frequently point out that, despite its predominantly insular nature, it is not geography that accounts for the complexities and division of the Caribbean but, rather, history. Contemporary politics and international relations only confirm this judgment. As a result, and however unwillingly, we have become accustomed to viewing the region through narrow definitions and categories which, even though validated over time, contrast with the region's geographic, historical, political and economic reality.In the process, these limited views have given rise to persistent myths regarding both the region and its future.Throughout its history, many names have been given to the area: fromAntilles to West Indies to Caribbean Basin. The varying colonial contexts, as well as the diverse cultural and political assumptions of the main state actors involved in the area, have ascribed a wide variety of names to the region.When speaking of the Caribbean, and taking into account the different historical assumptions and perceptions, three distinct definitions generally arise.
The New US Economic Initiative Toward Latin America
Authors: Weintraub Sidney 
Published: March 2007

Trade Policy in the Western Hemisphere is undergoing major transformation. Developments during the past few years include entry into force of the Canada-US free trade agreement; the prospect of negotiations among Canada, Mexico, and the United States toward a North American free trade area; efforts to deepen economic integration between Argentina and Brazil; and the initiative of President George Bush for free trade in the Western Hemisphere.Had the Bush proposal been put forward a decade or so ago, it would have been greeted with suspicion, perhaps even derision, as just another neocolonial US maneuver to keep Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries from developing their industrial capacity. Its reception, however, was generally favorable, even enthusiastic. It is premature to expect the conclusion of free trade agreements between LAC countries, other than Mexico, and the United States, but there is a dynamic moving in this direction.
Can Castro Survive?
Authors: Schulz Donald E. 
Published: March 2007

There is a moment in “I, Claudius” where Claudius, the king, looks back at all that had happened during his lifetime and before and decides that it is all rotten and has to be destroyed. And he makes a statement. He says: “Let all the poisons that lurk in the mud hatch out.”In a very real sense, Claudius’ curse sums up much of what has happened in Cuba during the last several years. All of the weaknesses and pathologies of the Castro regime, many of which had been hidden beneath its monolithic façade, have come to the surface. The revolution has soured. The situation has grown so bad that most political observers today assume that the regime is in its “final hour.” Cuba is “collapsing,” and the only real questions are when and how Fidel will go and what will replace him.While Castro must leave sooner or later, reports of his impending demise have been much exaggerated. A golpe de estado is possible, but not probable.
The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: A New Approach to Economic Growth
Authors: Porter Roger B. 
Published: March 2007

On 27 June 1990, President Bush launched the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative as a part of his longstanding interest in encouraging democracy and economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean. Impressed by political and economic events in Latin America, he felt a new approach was needed to help advance prosperity throughout the region.Recent events in the Western Hemisphere are part of a worldwide phenomenon. The past 18 months have witnessed enormous economic and political change.These changes are almost universally positive and, not least, are being achieved peacefully. Indicative of these changes is the assertion by Charles William Maynes that in the future “economists will be more important than geopoliticians [and] diplomats more critical than warriors” (Maynes, 1990). There is a fresh, dynamic attitude around the world that views change optimistically, not fearfully.
United States International Drug Policy: Recent Developments and Issues
Authors: Perl Raphael F. 
Published: March 2007

In a Nationally televised speech on 5 September 1989, President Bush outlined a comprehensive anti-drug program with both domestic and international dimensions. The objectives of this strategy, which was refined and submitted to the Congress on 25 January 1990, are to reduce the amount of cocaine, marijuana, heroin, and other dangerous drugs estimated to be entering the United States (a) by 15% within 2 years and (b) by 60% within 10 years.The strategy includes a number of international components which differ greatly from policies of previous years. New to the strategy are provisions which: (1) provide — for the first time — support for limited economic assistance to major cocaineproducing countries; (2) concentrate more on disrupting the activities of the trafficking organizations [i.e. on seizing processing labs, chemicals and assets] and less on disrupting the activities of farmers [i.e., crop eradication]; (3) encourage increased levels of Andean nation military involvement in counter-narcotics operations; and (4) provide for enhanced US military support to host nation counter-narcotics forces.
The Latin American Military, Low Intensity Conflict, and Democracy
Authors: Marcella Gabriel 
Published: March 2007

There can be no expression of a desire to return to political power when experience tells us that the result is totally negative for our country and fundamentally so for the armed forces (LAWR, 1986b).— Chief of Staff, Army of ArgentinaThe most remarkable development in Latin America during the economically “lost decade” of the 1980s is the regionwide process of redemocratization. Close to 90% of the people of the region are ruled by civilian governments. The flowering of democratic, pluralistic, and participatory systems is still a noble aspiration, but it is radically different from the bleak political landscape of the 1960s and 1970s, when military governments prevailed. Nor is the appurtenance of civilian government equal to democracy. There is a large variety of civilian-military coalitions possible in a democratic setting.
Consensus Found, Consensus Lost: Disjunctures in US Policy Toward Latin America at the Turn of the Century
Authors: Wiarda Howard J. 
Published: March 2007

After the great ideological debates of the 1970s and 1980s and the domestic “war” (there is no better term) over Central America policy, a quite remarkable consensus had emerged in the 1990s regarding United States policy in Latin America. The new consensus was surprisingly bipartisan, having been largely continuous from the Bush to the Clinton administrations and actually having its origins in the even earlier Carter and Reagan administrations. For those who remember the rancorous, divisive battles, stretching back over two decades, over such issues as human rights, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the emergence of a consensus on US foreign policy towards Latin America was nothing short of astounding. There are three basic elements in this new consensus, usually referred to as the "Washington Consensus," all interrelated:(1)an emphasis on furthering democracy and human rights;(2)an emphasis on free (or at least “fair”) trade and economic integration; and(3)an emphasis on open markets, state downsizing, and privatization: i.e., on capitalism or neoliberalism.
Situación Demográfica de Guatemala y Sus Efectos Socio-Económicos
Authors: Villamil José A. 
Published: March 2007

El 24 de octubre de 1970 el doctor Norman E. BarLang, quien recibió el premio Nobel de la Paz por su labor para mejorar las cosechas de trigo, advirtió en una conferencia de prensa en la ciudad de México que “la actitud irreal del mundo hacia el desmedido crecimiento de la población mundial es el mayor problema que encaramos en la actualidad”Esa actitud irreal que señala el Dr. BarLang es la que prevalece en nuestra América, especialmente en Guatemala y el resto de Centroamérica. Aparentemente existen tres grandes posturas ideológicas en lo que se relaciona a la situación demográfica en Centroamérica:A. Los grupos de extrema izquierda minimizan el problema con posturas simplistas e irracionales. Para ellos no hay ningún problema poblacional real ya que éste ha sido creado artificialmente por el “imperialismo norteamericano” para producir un pánico general que nos lleve a implementar métodos de control de natalidad y, siguiendo la lógica de estos grupos, a la subsiguiente despoblación de Centroamérica.
Contemporáneos in Mexican Intellectual History, 1928-1931
Authors: Mullen Edward J. 
Published: March 2007

The controversial Mexican literary periodical Contemporáneos (1928-1931) has recently received considerable attention from literary critics who view it as a significant document in the history of twentieth-century Mexican belles lettres. The journal was not, however, exclusively a literary review but, as the subtitle (Revista de Cultura Mexicana) clearly indicates, a magazine of varied cultural pursuits as well. It contained a number of important essays in which the members of Mexico's post-revolutionary intelligentsia attempted to define and interpret national problems. It will be the purpose of this essay to discuss the role played by the journal in Mexican intellectual history.In June 1928 the first issue of Contemporáneos appeared in the bookshops of Mexico City. The events leading up to its publication and the reasons for its sudden cessation in December 1931 can be traced to the activities of a group of young Mexican intellectuals later to be classified by the title of this their most significant literary review.
Legality and Extra-legality in Mexico
Authors: Stevens Evelyn P. 
Published: March 2007

There are many ways of dealing with events that are perceived by a government as threats to the stability of the existing political system. Two contrasting ways will be discussed in this study of Mexico, and an attempt will be made to evaluate their relative efficacy in controlling activities regarded as subversive by the government in question. The first method to be discussed will be referred to as the legal approach to subversion. Focus will be on both the latent and manifest functions (in Mertonian terms) of the letter, intent, and implementation of the Mexican law.Theley de disolución social(law of social dissolution) forms part of the Mexican Federal Penal Code, which is applicable throughout the entire republic.
Exploration and Commerce on Lake Nicaragua and the Río San Juan—1524-1800
Authors: Radell David R. 
Published: March 2007

It is not surprising that prior to the construction of the Panama Canal, Nicaragua was considered of strategic importance to the world's major sea powers. Together the Río San Juan and Lake Nicaragua provide a water passage from the Caribbean Sea to within 20 kilometers of the Pacific Ocean (see map). In addition to its obvious inter-oceanic canal potential, this water passage was primarily useful for hundreds of years as an alternate route for the pirate-threatened Central American colonial commerce.A remarkable number of historical and geographical misconceptions have appeared in the literature concerning this river. The recent publication of the seventeen-volume Colección Somoza containing documents relating to the history of Nicaragua from 1503 to 1550 does much to clarify this period of exploration and navigation.
Condicionamiento sociopolítico de la integración
Authors: Pohl Reynaldo Galindo 
Published: March 2007

La integración se ha iniciado como proceso económico, y más por sectores de la economía que por la economía en general; pero tiende a convertirse en un proceso global porque la economía no es un factor aislado de la sociedad, sino que se vincula a la educación, la técnica, las estructuras políticas, el ordenamiento jurídico. La integración por la economía puede ser el primer eslabón de una cadena multidimensional; pero puede desde luego concebírsele y querérsele con un propósito restringido, en términos pura y simplemente económicos.Cuando se pone por obra la integración económica en los tratados se ha querido a veces despolitizarla, y por eso se ha enfatizado en las negociaciones, los comunicados y los discursos que se trata de algo puramente económico y que por consiguiente se deja de lado lo político.