bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Propertius, 2. 29A
Authors: Cairns Francis 
Published: February 2009

When Propertius tells Cynthia in 2. 29A that, on his drunken way to another woman (line 14) the previous night, he was seized and hauled back to Cynthia by a band of Cupids, it is fairly clear that the poet is giving dramatic embodiment to the erotic commonplace that the lover fired by wine is unable to stay away from his mistress but is dragged back to her perforce by love.The nature of the drama in which the topos is embodied is, however, not at all clear. Most commentators have seen it as nothing more than a fantasy or fairy-tale having no connection whatsoever with real life. Two, while recognizing that elements of fantasy are present, nevertheless have felt that the action of the drama is derived from real life with the Cupids playing a real-life role.I believe that those who have seen 2. 29A as merely fantasy are incorrect. This is not to say that pure fantasy does not occur in Propertius’ work. But when it does it takes place in a dream or fantasy landscape. In 2. 29A the scene is the streets of Rome and this realistic setting suggests that, as in another realistic setting (3. 1. 9–12) Propertius although giving rein to his fantasy links it with reality by taking on himself the role of triumphator, so here it is more likely that the characters in a drama with a real setting will have real-life roles to play.
Structure and Intention in theMetamorphoses
Authors: Coleman Robert 
Published: February 2009

Ovid's great poem has held its place in the European artistic and literary tradition primarily as a collection of superbly told individual stories, in which successive generations have found inspiration and pleasure. But the poet himself clearly thought of it as something more than a series of detached narratives. In fact he describes it(i. 4) asperpetuum carmen. The object of the present essay is to inquire into the nature of thisperpetuitasand to suggest some of the implications that it has both for the poem as a whole and for the appreciation of its individual parts.The phraseperpetuum carmenhas interesting ideological connotations. The mutilated first fragment of Callimachus’Aitiaclearly formed a poetic manifesto. The author proclaims his antipathy to the fashion of writing ἔν ἄєισµα διηνєκές in which the deeds of kings and heroes were extolled ⋯ν πολλαις, he declares,, so he rejects, ⋯οιδήν in favour of the delicate cicada'swhich is heard at its best inand other poetic genres that are. Three separate but related targets are singled out for attack: long continuous poems, epic subjects, and the grand style.
The Beginning of Tiberius' Career
Authors: Levick Barbara 
Published: February 2009

Civilium ofnciorum rudimentis regern Archelaum Trallianos et Thessalos, varia quosque de causa, Augusto cognoscente defendit; pro Laodicenis Thyatirenis Chiis terrae motu afflictis opemque implorantibus senatum deprecatus est; Fannium Caepionem, qui cum Varrone Murena in Augustum conspiraverat, reum maiestatis apud iudices fecit et condemnavit. interque haec duplicem curam administravit, annonae quae artior inciderat, et repurgandorum tota Italia ergastulorum …The trials of Archelaus, the Trallians, and the Thessalians are usually assigned to the period 27–23 B.C.: their position in Suetonius' account of Tiberius' early career seems to offer support to this view, though Stein connected the trial of Archelaus with Octavian's settlement of the East after Actium. Tiberius had been born only in November 42, and Gelzer more plausibly suggested that the trials occurred in Spain, where Tiberius was serving as tribunus militum during the Cantabrian war. The earthquake that Suetonius mentions in the following sentence took place in 27, and Tralles, which had been affected along with Laodicea, Thyatira, and Chios, sent an embassy to Augustus in Spain to ask for help.
Further Observations on Habeo + Infinitive as an Exponent of Futurity
Authors: Coleman Robert 
Published: February 2009

In his interesting paper on babeo and aueo published in CQ 66 (1972), 388–98, Dr. A.S. Gratwick raised a number of questions bearing on my own discussion of the origin and development of the babeo+infinitive construction in CQ 65 (1971), 215–31.First the collapse of the earlier future-tense system. As I said, this was ‘the product of a number of different linguistic events’, phonetic, grammatical, and semantic, which were summarized and illustrated on pp. 220–1 of my paper. Even so Dr. Gratwick (p. 397) believes that I assigned too much weight to ‘phonetic attrition of the future simple’.
The New Stylometry: A One-Word Test of Authorship for Greek Writers
Authors: Michaelson S. , Morton A.Q. 
Published: February 2009

Stylometry can be defined as the use of numerical methods for the solution of literary problems, most often problems of authorship, integrity, and chronology. As stylometry has been described it seems hardly more than the application of common sense to a literary situation. For example:It consists in collecting as many peculiarities of style and grammar as possible from these works [the dialogues of Plato], particularly the Laws, which are known, or for good reasons supposed to belong to the author's latest period, and observing the frequency with which these occur in other dialogues. If it is then found, e.g., that one dialogue uses commonly 100 of these, another but 60, it is reasonable to suppose the former to be nearer in time to theLaws, i.e. later.
On Agatharchides F. Gr. Hist. 86 F 8
Authors: Buckler John 
Published: February 2009

This incident has never found its place either in the history of the Theban hegemony or in the life of Epameinondas, and even Jacoby's commentary on the the fragment sheds virtually no light on the matter.The first problem is to determine the location of Sidai, and the only clues tothat are the fact that the pomegranate grew there in abundance and that the place was on the Boiotian-Attic border. Although the early travellers are generally silent on this subject, C. Bursian suggested that Sidai was located in the fertile Skourta plain or else in the Oropia, and in this he was followed by Zwicker in RE.
The Meaning of ΜΟΛΟΒΡΟΣ in Homer
Authors: Coughanowr E. 
Published: February 2009

A more specific meaning of may be derived from the noun which in the modern Greek dialect of Epirus indicates some type of disease that leaves the scalp at least partially bare of its hair. It is often used with words such as psoriasis, or meaning, possibly, a disease caused by a type of ringworm which destroys the hair of the scalp. At present it is still used in mostly derogatory expressions, or in curses, such as: ‘Psoriasis and ringworm have eaten him up’ or, ‘May psoriasis and ringworm eat you up!’In the Odyssey, where the word occurs, Odysseus, disguised by Athena as a wretched old beggar, is also deprived of his hair. This may perhaps have caused the inference to the ringworm disease and / or baldness in both passages where the epithet appears in Homer.
Some Notes on the Syntax of the Prose Inscriptions of Hellenistic Athens
Authors: Henry A. S. 
Published: February 2009

A. Agreement of Participle(1) Masculine takes precedence over feminine: e.g.In the first two examples (for which see also II. A. 2 below) the participle may be conceived of as agreeing with the nearer of the two subjects, since it is expressed in the masculine singular. Likewise,refers specifically to. But the third example, in which the participle is in the masculine plural, clearly demonstrates the usual preference for masculine.
Notes on Cicero, In Pisonem
Authors: Pearce T. E. V. 
Published: February 2009

The following notes on the In Pisonem are largely based on the commentary of R. G. M. Nisbet (Oxford, 1961) (‘N’). The references to the speech are by section and line of his text, and where my note is based on one of his I add a reference to the page of his commentary.1. 20 (p. 58) voltus …, qui sermo quidam tacitus mentis est: ‘thoughts are usually revealed by the face.’ Add to Otto's, Seyffert-Muller's, and N.'s examples: Curtius 8. 6. 22 ‘voltus haud sane securi animi index’, Juv. 9. 18 ff.
OI NEΩTEPOI, Poetae Novi, and Cantores Euphorionis
Authors: Crowther N. B. 
Published: February 2009

These three Ciceronian references, each used only once, have given rise to a most confusing variety of interpretations. In this article I hope to show, as far as the evidence will allow, who these poets were and what sort of poetry Cicero probably had in mind.οί νєώτєροι
The Date of Horace's First Epode
Authors: Thompson M. W. 
Published: February 2009

THE first Epode provides no clear indication of date. We learn only that Maecenas is about to join Octavian on a dangerous expedition and has suggested that Horace should not accompany him, while Horace retorts that he will be unable to enjoy himself in the absence of his patron and would be ready to follow him to the ends of the earth, whatever the danger, in the hope of earning his gratitude.The Epodes were published about 30 B.C. and, perhaps for that reason, the scholiast Pseudo-Acron confidently assigns the poem to the period immediately before the battle of Actium with the comment: ‘Maecenatem prosequitur euntem ad bellum navale cum Augusto adversum Antonium et Cleopatram.’ It is curious that in referring to the activities of Octavian in 31 the author uses the title Augustus, which was not conferred on him before 27,: but the substance of his comment accords with the known facts. In the spring of 31 Octavian asked all Romans of influence to meet him at Brundisium, thereby to demonstrate their willingness to take part in the war against Antony and Cleopatra, and more than seven hundred senators are known to have offered their services.
The Final Lines of Sophocles,King Oedipus(1524–30)
Authors: Arkins Brian 
Published: February 2009

ῶ φάτρασ θῄβησ ἔνοικοι, λεσσετ', οíδíπονσ ὄδεὄσ τά κλεíν' αíνíγματ' ἤδει και κράτιστοσ ἦν άνἠρ,οὕ τíσ οὕ ζἠλῴ πολιτῶν ταῖσ τύχαισ ἐπἐβλεπεν,εíσ ὄντ' ἑκεíνην τἠν τελενταíαν íσεíνἠμἐραν ἐπισκοποῦντα μνδἐν' ὄλβíζεη, πρíν άντἑρμα τού βíον περάσῃ μηδἑν ὰλγεινóν παθὡν.
Bacchae 773–4 And Mimnermus Fr. 1
Authors: Halleran Michael R. 
Published: February 2009

The messenger who reports the miracles from the mountains in Euripides' Bacchae (677–774) concludes with an injunction to Pentheus that he accept this god into the city (769–74):τóν δαíμον' ούν τóνδ' ἂστισ ἔστ', ῶ δἑσποτα,δἐχον πóλει τἦδ'-ὰσ τὰ τ' άλλ' ἐστíν μὰγασ,κάκεíνó φασιν αύτóν, ἑγὡ κλύω.
Horace, Epod. 6. 16
Authors: Morgan J. D. 
Published: February 2009

caue, caue; namque in malos asperrimusparata tollo cornua,qualis Lycambae spretus infido generaut acer hostis Bupalo.an, si quis atra dente me petiuerit,inultus ut flebo puer?Harrison observes that commentators translate ‘“inultus” not “unavenged” but “without taking revenge”, construing it with Horace as the subject of “flebo” and not with “puer”’, and he then asserts ‘This use of “inultus” is wholly unparalleled; the adjective is elsewhere always used passively of persons or objects unavenged and never in the active sense of “unavenging”’.
Manilius 1.88
Authors: Knox Peter E. 
Published: February 2009

Manilius begins his first book with a brief summary of the early history of astronomy, leading to a sketch of the rise of civilization. In the following passage, printed as it is found in one of the principal manuscripts M, he describes the invention of language, agriculture and navigation:1.85 tune et lingua suas accepit barbara leges,et fera diuersis exercita frugibus arua,et uagus in caecum penetrauit nauita pontum,fecit et ignotis inter commercia terris.
Procopius, Justinian and the Kataskopoi
Authors: Lee A. D. 
Published: February 2009

Among the accusations Procopius brings against Justinian in the Secret History is the following:The matter of the kataskopoi is as follows. From ancient times many men were maintained at public expense. They would enter enemy territory and gain access to the palace of the Persians, either under the guise of trading or by some other ploy. After investigating everything thoroughly, they would return to Roman territory and be able to report all the secrets of the enemy to the government officials. Forewarned, they were on their guard and nothing unforeseen would take them by surprise.
The Harmonious Pulse
Authors: Holford-Strevens Leofranc 
Published: February 2009

Gell.NA3.10.13 citing Varro'sHebdomades uel de imaginibus, reports:Venas etiam in hominibus, uel potius arterias, medicos musicos dicere ait numero moueri septenario, quod ipsi appellant τν δι τεσσρων συμφωναν, quae fit in collatione quaternarii 〈et ternarii〉 numeri.He also states that doctors who make use of music theory declare that the veins, or rather arteries, in human beings move in accordance with the number seven; they call this motion ‘the consonance of the fourth’, which is produced by the proportional relation of the numbers four and three.
Octavian and Orestes in Pausanias
Authors: Cecioni Natale 
Published: February 2009

M. J. Dewar argues that in Georg. 1.511–4 Virgil may have been drawing a disquieting parallel between Orestes, evoked through an imitation of Aeschylus (‘Choeph.’ 1021–5), and Octavian, present a few lines above (498ff.).Pausanias probably supports this suggestion; he shows that the link Octavian-Orestes existed quite early and in a sense favourable to Octavian, even though it may soon have been used in a negative sense by anti-Caesarian propaganda on account of the dark side of the myth. In front of the temple of Hera in Argos there was still visible in the second century a statue representing Orestes, but identified by the inscription as Augustus. Certainly this parallel Augustus-Orestes was not proposed-and preserved - with polemical purpose in a famous sanctuary and in the Augustan age. Given the resemblance between history and myth and the moral weight of the famous myth itself, it is unlikely that we have to do with the mere re-use of any old statue.
The Cook Scene of Plautus' Pseudolus
Authors: Lowe J. C. B. 
Published: February 2009

H. Dohm has amply demonstrated how the cook of Plautus, Pseud. 790ff. exhibits characteristic features of the mageiros of Greek comedy. He has also argued, however, that this scene contains substantial Plautine expansion, comparable with that which has been recognised in the cook scene of the Aulularia. I wish to suggest that Dohm is largely right but that the Plautine expansion is even more extensive than he supposes.In 790–838 Plautus is probably for the most part following his Greek model fairly closely. One can trace a logical sequence of ideas, as follows. Ballio: ‘I couldn't have found a worse cook’ (792–7). Cook: ‘Why did you hire me then?’ (798–9a). Ballio: ‘You were the only one left. And why was that?’ (799b–801a). Cook: ‘I am expensive, but nowadays people look for cheap cooks, who produce only concoctions of seasoned vegetables. That is why men are so short-lived’ (801b–25). Ballio: ‘You can make men live longer then?’ (826–8a). Cook: ‘Certainly, for 200 years’ (828b–30). The cook then proceeds to give a list of his fantastic sauces for fish and meat (834f. Neptuni/terrestris pecudes), until he is cut short by Ballio's ‘Damn your lies’ (836–8). We have here a typical comic mageiros: he is loquacious and boastful (794 multiloquom, gloriosum), claims magic powers (829f.), denigrates his rivals (810–25), reels off lists of foods, real and fictitious (814–17, 831–6), and uses grandiose language (834f. Neptuni pecudes).Within this essentially Greek section there are three short passages which look like Plautine additions. First, Dohm is surely right, following E. Fraenkel, to see 790f. as a Plautine addition.
Eurykleia and Odysseus' Scar:Odyssey19.393–466
Authors: De Jong Irene J. F. 
Published: February 2009

In this article I shall argue for an interpretation ofOdyssey19.393–466 as a flash-back taking place in the mind of Eurykleia at the moment she recognises Odysseus' scar. That Eurykleia somehow forms the connection between main story and digression has been suggested before, but so far other interpretations have been defended with more fervour.Most famous of these interpretations is the one given by E. Auerbach in the first chapter of hisMimesis. He had chosen 19.393–466 to illustrate his thesis that in Homer everything is ‘fully externalized’ and that there is no background, only a ‘uniformly illuminated’ foreground. According to Auerbach the digression on the scar stands in complete isolation to its context. It is meant to ‘relax the tension’, to make the hearer/reader ‘forget what had just taken place during the footwashing’, and although it might have been presented as a recollection of Odysseus (by inserting the story ‘two verses earlier, at the first mention of the word scar’), this ‘subjectivisticperspectivistic procedure, creating a foreground and background’ was not chosen, being ‘entirely foreign to the Homeric style’.Some twenty years later this interpretation was challenged by A. Köhnken, who, however, stuck to the idea that the digression is not told from the restricted perspective of one of the characters but from the perspective of the omniscient narrator; he claims that foreground and background are marked as such through a difference in narrative style: ‘berichtende Erzählung’ for the digression itself and ‘szenische Darstellung’ for the context. I disagree with both points.
A Supposed Testimony to Bion of Borysthens
Authors: Kindstrand J. F. 
Published: February 2009

In hisIndex Bioneus, containing all instances in which Bion of Borysthenes is mentioned or quoted in ancient literature, O. Hense also included a reference to Philodemus,Rhetorica2.55 Sudhaus, whereτ⋯ν Βορυσθενίτηνis mentioned, but gave no further treatment of this item. In my edition of the testimonies to and fragments of Bion I did not include this passage, not because the name Bion does not occur, but because I did not think that it really was a reference to Bion. As M. Gigante and G. Indelli have objected to this procedure and seem to be convinced that the passage really is a definite reference to Bion of Borysthenes, I think it deserves a somewhat closer interpretation. I start by giving the crucial text:Τ[ί] γ⋯ρ μ⋯λλον αἰσχρ⋯νἧν] σιωπ⋯ν, Ἱσοκράτηνδ' ⋯⋯ν λέγειν ἢ κατ⋯ πό-λιν ζ[⋯ν], Μάνην δ⋯ [σ]κα-π[αν]εύειν ⋯⋯ν, κ[⋯ν τ]⋯ιγ⋯]ι διατρ[ί]βειν, ⋯π[ικ]υ-μα]τί[ζ]εσθαι δ⋯ τ⋯ν [φο]ίνι-κα κ]α⋯ τ⋯ν Βορυσθε[νείτη]ν,κα⋯ ⋯σɸ]α[λέστ]ατα [μ]⋯ν ὅ[λοντ⋯ν βίον] ἰδιω[τεύειν,Θεμι]στο[κ]λέα δ[⋯ οτ]ρα-τεύειν] ⋯⋯ν.In this part of hisRhetoricaPhilodemus attacks the philosophical schools which pursue the study of rhetoric, and especially Aristotle. Philodemus takes as his starting point a well known parody of a line from Euripides,Philoctetes(fr. 796 Nauck), by which Aristotle is said to have justified his teaching of rhetoric:αἰσχρ⋯ν σιωπ⋯ν, Ἱσοκράτην δ' ⋯⋯ν λέγεινwhich was quoted already inRhetorica2.50 Sudhaus. Philodemus here sets out to prove that the attitude of Aristotle is wrong by ridiculing his view that it is shameful to abstain from a certain activity and leave it to someone else.
Polybius 16.3.8.: Anaσteipoσ
Authors: Casson Lionel 
Published: February 2009

In his account of the great naval battle in 201 B.C. off Chios between the fleet of Philip II and the combined fleets of Pergamum and Rhodes, Polybius notes a curious exchange of ram blows that took place at one point:Δεινοκρ⋯της μ⋯ν πρ⋯ς ⋯κτ⋯ρη συμπεσὼν αὐτ⋯ς μ⋯ν ἒζαλον ἒλαβε τ⋯ν, πληγ⋯ν, ⋯ναστε⋯ρου τ⋯σ νεὼσ οὔσησ, δ⋯ τ⋯ν πολεμ⋯ων τρώσας να⋯ν ὑπ⋯ τ⋯ *β⋯αϰα τ⋯ μ⋯ν πρ⋯τον οὐκ ⋯δ⋯νατο ϰωρισθ⋯ναι, κα⋯περ πολλ⋯κς ⋯πιβαλ⋯μενος πρ⋯μναν κρο⋯ειν κτλ.Dinocrates, who was one of the commanders on the Pergamene side, attacked a Macedonian οκtêrês and, it would appear, struck it with his ram below the waterline; τ⋯β⋯αϰα is unattested elsewhere and its precise meaning is obscure, but the phase ὑπ⋯ τ⋯β⋯αϰα in this context clearly refers to a part of the oktêrêŝ hull that was immersed in water. In the process his own ship was hit; the blow that it took landed above the waterline because the oktêrês that delivered it was a ‘vessel that was anasteiros’ a word also unattested elsewhere. For well over a century there has been universal agreement that it means ‘with a high prow’.
Pastoralem Praefixa Cuspide Myrtum (Aeneid 7.817)
Authors: Tarleton N. 
Published: February 2009

At the end of the catalogue of Italian troops comes Camilla, the warrior-maid, leading her columns of Volscian cavalry. In a passage reminiscent of ll. 20.226ff. (the powers of the horses of Erichthonios) Vergil illustrates her seemingly superhuman speed and lightness of foot, before passing on to the impression she made upon the watching population who have swarmed out of their homes and fields to mark the finery of her appearance and equipment:illam omnis tectis agrisque effusa iuventusturbaque miratur matrum et prospectat euntem,attonitis inhians animis ut regius ostrovelet honos levis umeros, ut fibula crinemauro internectat, Lyciam ut gerat ipsa pharetramet pastoralem praefixa cuspide myrtum.
Vergil, Aeneid 2. 250–2
Authors: Mack Sara 
Published: February 2009

These lines from the second book of the Aeneid introduce the night on which Troy falls. They have always been felt to be impressive: rich in allusion, noteworthy for the monosyllabic ending of the first line, and memorable for the majestic zeugma of the last two lines. Line 250 opens by incorporating a half line from Ennius:vertitur interea caelum cum ingentibus signis (Ann. 211)and closes with a near-translation of the substance (as well as the rhythm) of a half-line from Homer:
Notes on air: four questions of meaning in Empedocles and Anaxagoras
Authors: Kingsley Peter 
Published: February 2009

In fragment 38 Diels–Kranz, Empedocles turns to describe the creation of ‘everything that we now see’:γαî τε κα πντος πςλυκμων ἠδ' ὐγρς ριτν ἠδ' αἰθρ σΦγγων περ κκλον ἂπαντα.Here, as so often with Empedocles, the influence of Zeller and Diels has proved decisive in determining later interpretations of the text. They understood the words ιτν ἠδ' αἰθρ as meaning ‘and Titanaither’; ‘; the text has been mistranslated ever since. In fact the conjunction ἠδ is never postponed. This means that—as scholars earlier in the nineteenth century well understood—‘Titan” must be an item on its own, distinct from theaither:earth and wavy sea and moistaer,Titan andaitherbinding everything in its circular grip.
Polus, Plato, and Aristotle
Authors: Renehan R. 
Published: February 2009

In the famous opening chapter of the Metaphysics Aristotle, in his analysis of σοϕία, introduces the important concept μπειρία, ‘experience’. In the course of the discussion he cites the sophist Polus, 981a 1–5:κα δοκεῖ σχεδν πιστήμῃ κα τέχνῃ μοιον εἶναι μπειρία, ποβαίνει δ’ πιστήμη κα τέχνη δι τς μπειρίας τοῖς νθρώποις μν γρ μπειρία τέχνην ποίησεν, ς ϕησι Πλος, ρθς λέγων, δ’ πειρία τύχην.
Euripides, Supplices 71–86 and the Chorus of ‘Attendants’
Authors: Willink C. W. 
Published: February 2009

The first choral ode of Euripides' Supplices, or the Parodos if that term can be used for an ode which is not an ‘entry’, ends with two stanzas of lyric-iambic threnody, following four stanzas of supplication in ionic metre (42–70)As Collard comments, this structure is broadly similar to, and very possibly modelled upon, A. Pers. 65–114, 115–39. But there is an important difference here: prima facie, the ‘further∕different concerted lament’ in 71ff. is sung and performed by the πρ⋯сπολοι mentioned in 72, ‘taking over’ in a kind of antiphon to the Seven Mothers'lamenting ἱκεс⋯α
Virgil's Lapiths
Authors: Putnam Michael C. J. 
Published: February 2009

Few details in Virgil's description of the underworld have elicited more comment than his treatment of the sinners Ixion and Pirithousquid memorem Lapithas, Ixiona Pirithoumque?quos super atra silex iam iam lapsura cadentiqueimminet adsimilis; lucent genialibus altisaurea fulcra toris; epulaeque ante ora parataeregifico luxu; Furiarum maxima iuxtaaccubat et manibus prohibet contingere mensasexsurgitque facem attollens atque intonat ore