bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Business Efficiency in the Canadian War Effort
Authors: Petrie J. R. 
Published: June 2006

It is not easy to establish a set of working standards with which to appraise the efficiency of Canadian business in the war economy. The industrial revolution through which this country has been passing for three years has changed the pattern of our economy to such an extent that profit, the conventional yardstick of efficiency, ceases to be significant.The rules of the game have been rewritten and are still under revision. Free private enterprise is hardly free, nor is it altogether private. Most of the business done today is on government account and under government control. Government is engaged in the largest business enterprise in Canada's history. It owns $865,000,000 of the new plant that has been created for war production, or about 80-5 per cent of the nation's total new productive capacity. Its 1943-4 war budget of $4,490,000,000 exceeds the 1939 national income.Government is the nation's greatest order-placer, employer, and producer. Canada's war production is estimated to reach a new peak of $3,600,000,000 in 1943. This figure represents a 75 per cent increase over the total net value of Canada's manufactured products, mining output, and construction projects in 1938, the last full year of peace.The pre-war pattern of the Canadian business system has become so interwoven with government business, government controls over wages, man-power, raw materials, tools, power, and prices, that it presents a difficult analytical problem. None of the factors involved is constant, and the pattern will undoubtedly continue to be one of transition.
Agricultural Man-power
Authors: Haythorne G. V. 
Published: June 2006

During the past year, agricultural man-power in Canada has assumed a new importance. With a growing recognition that food is a vital weapon of war and the realization that the farm working force has been seriously depleted during the past three and a half years, the problems of farm labour have been forced into the foreground.It was natural perhaps, during the first years of war, when munitions, aeroplanes, army vehicles, and ships were in such great demand; when men were needed in large numbers for the armed forces; and when surpluses of many essential farm products existed, that farm production should be considered of secondary importance. Today, the situation has changed. The relative importance of food has sharply increased. Not only have the surpluses of bacon, dairy, and poultry products disappeared, but the requirements of the Allied Nations for these and other provisions have greatly expanded. To contribute her share in supplying essential foods and fibres to the Allied Nations and to meet home requirements, Canada must have adequate farm man-power.It is proposed in this paper to deal with the subject of agricutural man-power largely from an economic point of view. In making this limitation, it is realized that the economic considerations cannot be divorced arbitrarily from other ever-present social factors. These latter factors cannot be ignored, and will have to be considered, at least indirectly, in several parts of the discussion. The main economic aspects of agricultural man-power covered here might be briefly indicated. In the first place, the nature of the present farm man-power problem will be outlined. The extent and character of the existing farm working force will be analysed and the sources of additional labour discussed. The mobilization of this man-power through measures introduced by the federal and provincial governments will be reviewed. Finally, some problems for the immediate and long-run future will be raised and discussed.
Agriculture's Share of the National Income
Authors: Hope E. C. 
Published: June 2006

The great increase in the construction of index numbers of economic data, particularly of prices, since the turn of the century, has increased our knowledge of the mechanism of the economic system. One of the earliest uses of index numbers of prices was to measure the long time movements of the general price level. Later, index numbers of prices were used a great deal in studying the movements of the business cycle. Within more recent years they have been used to study changes in the relative positions of different types of economic activity.The world-wide depression of the 1930's stimulated the use of index numbers of prices in indicating the relatively unfavourable position of agriculture. As a result of the widespread use and study of index numbers of prices in this period, the “Parity Prices for Agriculture” slogan was born. The acceptance by the Government of the United States of the parity principle, based on price ratios, as a basic government agricultural policy has had a profound influence on the thinking of the farmers of Canada. Within recent years the distressing position of agriculture in the Canadian economy has resulted in a widespread demand by the farmers for parity prices for agriculture.Recent research on national income in Canada and the United States has enabled estimates to be made of the total national income and break-downs of some of its more important parts. In Canada three agencies have computed these estimates, the Dominion Bureau of Statistics, the Bank of Nova Scotia, and a special committee for the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations. The yearly levels of national income as computed by these three agencies do not agree exactly, as one might expect due to somewhat different methods of calculation, but the general trends correspond fairly well.
The Western Progressive Movement and Cabinet Domination
Authors: Morton W. L. 
Published: June 2006

“Group Government” was the principle of political organization put forward by Henry Wise Wood, president of the United Farmers of Alberta, 1915-31, at the time that body entered politics in 1919. By the phrase, Mr. Wood meant that political organization should be on an occupational, or functional, basis and that political action by economic groups should replace political parties. As such, the idea had affinities with the doctrines of pluralism and even corporativism. When applied to representative and parliamentary institutions, however, it raised those constitutional issues which are common to multi-party and coalition government. Fundamentally, that is, it came into collision with the principle of cabinet unity. Group government, however, encountered an immediate constitutional problem in the prevalent form of the domination of the legislature by the cabinet, and to this aspect of the matter, the present paper is addressed.The farmer's movement which followed the slackening of the wheat boom of the first decade of this century was, in its political aspect, a revolt against the party system. The ground for this revolt was that the parties were controlled, it was alleged, not by the rank and file of the voters, but by the party organization, the professional politicians. This small group was in turn said to be controlled by the “interests,” upon whom the parties were dependent for funds. It followed that the parties existed to serve, not the people, but the “interests”; it also followed that there was no difference between the two traditional parties. Hence the need for a people's nonpartisan organization, which would sweep away the old parties, curb the “interests,” and make the will of the people effective. The validity of this analysis need not be examined here; the effect of these beliefs is what concerns us.
A Pure Theory of Money
Authors: Littler H. G. 
Published: June 2006

In this paper an attempt is made to work out mathematically a pure theory of money. The method employed is to consider only those operations which are fundamental to all monetary economies. These fundamental operations are spending, saving, and investing and any relationships which can be shown to exist between them must, therefore, be valid for all economic systems employing money.The quantities dealt with in this analysis are purely monetary ones: no considerations of value arise. The resulting equations, therefore, express relationships between different quantities of money or between different money flows.We shall first investigate the operations of spending and investing and then consider the operation of saving.In order to simplify the problem, we shall consider first an economic system of a restricted type and then later remove the restrictions in order to achieve generality. We postulate that this simplified system operates under the following two restrictions: (a) no investment is made except by an industrial unit; (b) there is no taxation.
The State and Collective Bargaining
Authors: Logan H. A. 
Published: June 2006

Dominion Order-in-Council 1003 passed in February of this year promises to be epoch-making in labour relations in Canada. It commands the parties to bargain collectively, assists them to reach agreement, names and enjoins against both employer and workers certain practices opposed to wholesome bargaining relations, and sets up a special Board judicial in character to administer and enforce the Order. Following as it does in the wake of a half-dozen provincial statutes reaching toward the same general purpose, its appearance calls for a review of state policy with respect to collective bargaining in modern industrial society. What are the trends? And with what particular phases of the movement has the State concerned itself across a century and a half? What is to be the future status of collective agreements at law?The attitude and behaviour of the State may conveniently be considered in three phases which are only roughly separable in time. In some countries all three have been experienced while in others progress has been made only to the second. There is considerable difference in opinion in fact whether the change from the second to the third represents the true path of social advance. The first phase is found in the earlier nineteenth-century outlook and practice of State opposition to collective bargaining (a condition which in some countries continued well into the twentieth). The second involves the withdrawal of opposition but where collective bargaining is regarded as outside the State's responsibility. Trade unions and employers' associations are treated as voluntary autonomous associations having important dealings with one another, but collective agreements have no status as contracts; neither in negotiating or enforcing, in assisting or in interpreting does the State lend its authoritative hand. The two collective parties are left to work it out for themselves without benefit of sovereign authority. Third we find the phase of positive State participation, operating as the case may be (1) through compulsion in labour disputes seen in its fullest in Australia; (2) through making collective agreements enforceable at law and thus making the parties responsible for performance, practised for many years in Sweden; (3) through compelling the parties (and particularly the employer) to negotiate with a view to forming agreements, the classic example being the United States since the middle 1930's; and finally (4), in addition to this last, through assuming a responsibility for assisting them to reach agreement and provide adequate machinery for interpretation and enforcement, these being the heavy tasks of government under the Canadian Order.
Canada's Internal Security
Authors: Phillips Lester H. 
Published: June 2006

May 8 and 9, 1945, were officially proclaimed V-E Days in England. On the latter day in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, Mr. Herbert Morrison, as Home Secretary, announced certain revocations of the Defence Regulations which had been in effect since the outbreak of war in 1939. He stated that in accordance with the government's declared policy of relaxing war-time restrictions as soon as changes in the war position made this possible or desirable, advance consideration had been given to the question of what Defence Regulations could be dispensed with on the termination of hostilities in Europe, with the result that as of May 9, by order-in-council, eighty-four of the Defence (General) Regulations were revoked entirely and another twenty-five in part. He added that he was happy to announce the sweeping away of these limitations, the relinquishment of the exceptional powers entrusted to the Home Secretary, and the return to traditional British freedoms.In Canada, on June 14, 1945, an order-in-council was passed establishing an inter-departmental committee to examine the Defence of Canada Regulations “with a view to the revision thereof, including the variation, modification and revocation of the same.” The inter-departmental committee so established was to report to the President of the Privy Council and make such recommendations regarding war-time regulations as it considered appropriate, and consistent with the vigorous prosecution of the war against Japan.The precipitous surrender of Japan hastened the relaxation of the provisions for Canada's internal security. Twelve of the Defence of Canada Regulations, among which were most of the regulations directly affecting civil liberties, were revoked by order-in-council of August 16, 1945. A month later, on September 14, forty-four of the remaining Defence Regulations were revoked and four others revoked in part or amended. The net result of these two orders-in-council was to remove most of the restrictions on liberties normally enjoyed by individuals in peace-time, but continuing in effect upwards of forty Defence Regulations, including some of those relating to enemy aliens, to protection of property, and to custody of Japanese persons, and those Regulations containing administrative and procedural provisions. It is therefore timely to present a survey of the nature and extent of Canada's Defence Regulations, and to assay their value in preventing sabotage and controlling subversive activity.
Notes on “Patents in Relation to Monopoly”
Authors: MacKeigan I. M. 
Published: June 2006

In recent years no form of property right has been subject to more serious criticism or evoked more strenuous defence than the right conferred by a patent of invention. In Canada, which has so far been a patent-dependent economy, i.e. utilizing largely imported patents, it has taken somewhat longer for the issues to be brought into sharp focus. Dr. Fox's paper serves as a rallying-point for the defence. As one of the leading authorities on Canadian patent law and as an outstanding industrialist of St. Catharines, Ontario, with practical experience in marketing patented articles on both the domestic and international markets, his views deserve respect. Any apparent presumption in taking issue with some of Dr. Fox's statements and conclusions is justified only by the fact that his subject was not confined to patents but raised implications respecting legal and economic aspects of monopolies and restraints of trade and respecting some general principles of public administration and enforcement of criminal and regulatory laws affecting business.Dr. Fox suggests that the abuses of patents which have been the subject of much discussion and criticism in the United States and other countries with reference to the activities of domestic and international cartels cannot and do not occur in Canada. He claims that the remedies provided by the Canadian Patent Act, the Statute of Monopolies, and the Combines Investigation Act prevent such abuses from arising. He suggests that because these supposedly adequate remedies have only very rarely been invoked such abuses do not exist in Canada. His vigorous exposition of this theme is supplemented by well-deserved encomium of the Canadian patent system in its technical aspects and by a perhaps less deserved condemnation of all who suggest that patents, like corporations and other law-created instruments of trade and commerce, can sometimes be misused.
New Zealand in the Post-War World: Reconstruction Problems of a Vulnerable Economy
Authors: Belshaw Horace 
Published: June 2006

In this paper it is proposed to discuss the post-war economic problems of New Zealand, not so much because of their intrinsic importance, as because they raise questions of some general interest and fairly widespread application. It is not intended to pursue an elaborate statistical enquiry and as far as possible the facts selected will be confined to those having a direct bearing on problems and policies.As elsewhere, the nature of these problems will be determined by the “fundamental” characteristics of the economy, the changes which have occurred during the war, and the nature and intensity of the forces which impinge on it from the world at large. The nature of the response to those forces will be greatly influenced, of course, by the prevailing political attitudes and the sort of administrative machinery and techniques to which the country has been accustomed.Production and Trade. Since New Zealand is a small country with a population of less than 1,700,000 people, and with a comparatively simple economic organization, its problems tend to be sharp in outline, and readily amenable to analysis. Production is highly specialized. On the average of the ten years prior to the war somewhat over 60 per cent of the value of physical production was provided by farm products (when processed). About 53 per cent of the value of all production consisted of grass land products, in respect of which New Zealand has enjoyed unique comparative advantages.
Urban Developments in the Niagara Peninsula
Authors: Watson J. W. 
Published: June 2006

The expansion of the Niagara Peninsula has occurred with its advance from a frontier of conflict to one of contact. Lying at the western extremity of the Hudson-Mohawk, that “greatest of all routes of continental migration,” it forms a major land bridge from New York to Ontario, and exerts the same attraction today, when it has become one of the chief international regions linking Canada with the United States, as it did in the mid-nineteenth century, when it formed part of the great overland route drawing immigrants to the West, or even earlier, when it was itself a pioneer zone. At the same time it is a prime water link between west and east, and, being used both by American and Canadian, has helped to bring them together, first in the commercialization of the St. Lawrence, and later in its industrialization. As a result it is one of the few districts of Canada able to show a continued native growth, together with a “pull on the northern margins of the neighbouring states at all comparable to that of the numerous urban and industrial regions of the United States.”Thanks to these advantages, its population has increased fifteen times in the last 120 years, with an expansion in recent decades only exceeded by that of the early pioneer influx (see Figure 1). Its problems, therefore, are associated with growth, and with the attempts to work out a series of integrations with each new stage of development, in order to preserve equilibrium in expansion, and create new organizations of settlement and society. Its chequered history, especially as represented in the urban centre, has shown the varying success with which these issues have been met.
Problems and First Experiments of Social Research in Quebec
Authors: Falardeau Jean-Charles 
Published: June 2006

Let it be clear at the outset that the title of this paper should not be interpreted too broadly. The Quebec dealt with here is not the whole province but the region and the city of Quebec. So far as social research is concerned, no general account will be given of the numerous investigations and studies, more or less related to what is specifically meant by social research, which have been carried on by French-Canadian scholars during the last few decades. I refer particularly to the valuable contribution made in recent years by the economists and human geographers of L'Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales of Montreal to research work in Canada, notably in the highly interesting series of studies on Notre Milieu, published within the last three years under the directorship of M. Esdras Minville. The more immediate concern of this paper is to discuss the origin and the first experiments of one institution, which in my opinion represents something specifically new in the province, the Department of Social Research of the Faculty of Social Sciences at Laval University.At the School of Social Sciences of Laval University in Quebec, which last December became officially an autonomous and full-fledged Faculty of the University, a Department of Social Research was founded in the autumn of 1943. Its staff consisted of a few full-time professors and its general aim was to carry on social-research projects and studies of significance to the French-Canadian milieu. The Department was favoured from conception to birth and during its infancy by the fruitful guidance of an expert and great friend, Dr. Everett C. Hughes of the University of Chicago, formerly of McGill University. Professor Hughes came to Quebec in September, 1943, to help shape the new institution as well as to outline the first general projects to be undertaken. During the past year, additional valuable assistance was given us by Dr. C. A. Dawson of McGill University, Dr. Carl C. Taylor of the United States Department of Agriculture, Dr. Léon Gérin, the venerable French-Canadian sociological pioneer, and a few other individuals.
Competition and Welfare
Authors: Ellis Howard S. 
Published: June 2006

Economic theory has been powerfully advanced within the past decade by its new interest in national income and effective demand, and by its attention to the bearing of such magnitudes as savings, investment, consumption, and money holdings upon the aggregate employment of resources. After the first impact of a revolution, however, the signs of continuity with the past are bound to re-appear. In the field of economic doctrine it may be confidently expected that continuity will be established by exploration as to how particular equilibrium conditions—under the diverse situations of competition, monopoly, oligopoly, and the like—help to account for the behaviour of those large aggregates with which the “modern” theory has too exclusively dealt. With equal confidence one may expect that this synthesis of Marshallian and Keynesian theory will cast new light upon the problems of economic policy.Fortunately, however, it is not necessary to await the full fruition of this cross-fertilization of ideas: its main features are already indicated in a very substantial field of agreement as to policy in all but the most extreme wings of economic thought. The language of popular discussion in America epitomizes this field in two cardinal ideas—the necessity of government action to secure full employment and the desire nevertheless to preserve a private enterprise system. To extremists on either side these ideas represent incompatibilities. But the effectiveness of economics and of economists in the current scene is primarily conditioned upon the elaboration of policies compatible with both of these cardinal requirements.