bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

Canadian universities have not been as enterprising as their American neighbours in seeking out new ways of serving the community; but they have deviated far enough from the straight and narrow path of academic scholarship to develop a sense of guilt for which atonement may be offered by devoting a part of their resources to the promotion of graduate studies.In the United States we find a desperate effort being made to save the M.A. degree from the fate which has befallen the B.A. degree, by applying truly heroic remedies, such as insistence on serious qualifications for admission to candidacy, on “graduate standards of attainment,” on “proper use of spoken and written English,” on “a reading knowledge of at least one foreign language … as indispensable background and not merely as a tool for research.” A candidate should have obtained “an average grade which places him in at least the first third of his class” and “due attention should be paid to those qualities known as personality and, in particular, to moral character.”A sense of guilt may be a very potent force, but it requires rationalization. Various reasons have been assigned for promoting graduate studies in Canada. Professor Brebner contends that an increased output of scholars, retained in Canada, could be employed in “the creation of Canadian culture.” In so doing they would solve what Professor Brebner considers ought to be “the most urgent problem for Canadian post-war planners,” namely “how to make Canada so cordial and attractive a place” that Canadians “who excel in any field” will be content to live and work there. It is nearly fifty years since American universities set about the task of meeting “needs for the satisfaction of which approximately 300 out of a total of some 500 advanced students at the time considered it necessary to go abroad.” Canadians have continued to pursue graduate studies in other countries, but it is possible to argue that young Canadians cannot rely as much as in the past on the opportunities offered for advanced work at British and American universities.
What Price Provincial Autonomy?
Authors: Perry J. Harvey 
Published: June 2006

At the outset I will freely confess that the preparation of this paper has caused me some misgivings. For one thing, the times beg to Heaven for a masterfully brilliant statement on the subject of federal-provincial financial relations, and few occasions could be more propitious for such a performance than the present. For another I was disturbed to find that my efforts this morning are itemized in the programme under the heading “Economics,” which suggests that I am an economist and that my subject falls primarily into that field of study.As to making a brilliant analysis, the challenge that others might have felt was barely aroused in me and succumbed very quickly. I am beginning to feel that I now hold a record for having sustained complete sterility of new thought on federal-provincial relations over a longer period of active writing and study than any other person in Canada. Recently my score in this respect has been perfect, and the thought of abandoning this unique position was more than I could contemplate. I had somewhat more of a problem in making peace with the programme, however. I hesitate to classify the subject as part of “Economics,” but at least I am impelled to agree that it should fall within one of the social sciences. My own difficulty in deciding which one is that years of close contact with negotiations between the federal and provincial governments have shown me that in practice this subject is a compound of a great deal of simple arithmetic, a considerable element of practical politics, and a modicum of pretentious nonsense. Whether these are the earmarks of “Political Science,” “Political Economy,” or simply “Economics” I will leave it to the adherents of these disciplines to decide for themselves. For my part I am content to leave the subject unclassified, allowing it to follow its own bent and speak its own language. I have tried, however, to extract it from the heat of political skirmishing so that we can look at it in some detachment, and as well for the most part the all-important question of federal arithmetic has been left in abeyance.
Two Restrictions on Provincial Autonomy
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

The question underlying the tax agreements is whether the advantages of uniformity in the three chief progressive taxes outweigh the disadvantages involved in restricting provincial autonomy. The federal government can use the taxes in question not only to control the economy but also to avoid the injustice of double taxation and the waste of unequal taxation. In 1867 customs duties and excise taxes were handed over to the federal government for much the same reasons. They could be used to control the economy and it was desirable that interprovincial trade should be free. In both cases the problem had to be faced of ensuring to the provinces revenues adequate for their needs.Although the tax agreements have increased the de facto autonomy of some provinces by enabling them to find money for social services which have come to be considered essential in Canada, they have involved some restriction of provincial autonomy in two important respects. By depriving the provinces of the taxes which can most easily be made progressive they prevent them from placing the burden of new social services on the shoulders best able to bear it; for example, the cost of hospitalization in British Columbia is defrayed by a sales tax. In the second place the federal government has made some of its payments to the provinces conditional and has thus encouraged and, indeed, almost compelled them to accept the priorities in expenditure chosen by the federal government. This process is sometimes called buying control. Conditional subsidies do not have this effect when the federal government and the provincial governments are substantially partners in a matter of common interest. However, a subsidy given in aid of any service which is distinctively provincial, for example, education, might easily carry conditions giving effect to federal policy. It is in these two ways that the tax agreements are a threat to provincial autonomy and a serious modification of the Canadian federal system.
The Measurement of Inter-Industry Relationships in Canada
Authors: Sawyer John A. 
Published: June 2006

The Dominion Bureau of Statistics is currently completing a table of the inter-industry flow of goods and services in Canada for the year 1949. This paper is a preliminary report on the project which tries to answer the following questions: (1) What are the objectives of the Bureau's study of inter-industry relationships? (2) What are the principal characteristics of the 1949 table of inter-industry flows? (3) What are the principal sources of the data, the methods of estimation, and the reliability of the estimates? (4) What are the limitations of the use of the 1949 table for input-output analysis? The task of evaluating the results of the project must be left until the table has been completed and has been carefully studied.The primary reason for constructing a set of inter-industry accounts for 1949 was to bring together, in an integrated framework, industrial and other economic statistics collected by the Bureau in order to create a tool for statistical management which draws attention to inconsistencies in classification and gaps in the data. The backbone of a good statistical system is standard classification of industries and commodities but, to ensure that the classifications are being implemented uniformly and to ensure that the classifications are analytically useful, statistics based on them should be integrated in some suitable framework. A table of inter-industry flows is ideally suited for this integration since one of its main features, as will be explained later, is that the total value of output of an industry is defined to be identical to the total value of input. If input and output can be estimated independently, the discrepancy between the two estimates provides an indicator of the accuracy of the data. Moreover, as Dr. Milton Gilbert has suggested: “It is only by having such an all-embracing framework that one can establish any order of priority in statistical collection. Otherwise the national ‘program’ of data-gathering tends to be like the program of a variety show; the first act is an acrobat, the second is an Irish tenor, the third is a tap dancer, and so on, with no connection between them. The parts of the program do not make up a whole drama or tell one story.”
Concentration of Economic Power and the Economic Elite in Canada
Authors: Porter John 
Published: June 2006

Membership in an élite group implies a role by virtue of which the individual has the power to make effective decisions and to co-ordinate activity in a particular sector of the social structure. In simpler types of social structure, or the “folk” society, decision-making roles tend to be fused with other roles such as headship of kinship units or magical and religious functions. In industrial types of social structure with a great differentiation of social life, decision-making and co-ordinating roles are assigned to members of élite groups. The élite groups which can be distinguished are the economic, political, bureaucratic, military, and, where the ideology has a strong religious component, church hierarchies. Where the ideology tends to be secular, the position held by church hierarchies is taken over by an intellectual élite. The spheres of influence of the several élite groups are not always clearly defined, but in general they correspond to essential social functions.Such a scheme of élite groups has been suggested by Professor Aron as a more useful analytical device in the study of power than the classes of Marxian theory. It might be added that a scheme of élite groups is also more useful than the “Warner” system of classification which is more relevant to prestige than to power. Hollywood film stars might be considered both “capitalists” and “lower-uppers” but they do not exercise power, although the élite groups who do exercise power might use them for purposes of prestige in the way that advertising and political campaigns suggest.
Exchange Stabilization in Canada, 1950–4
Authors: Eastman Harry C. , Stykolt Stefan 
Published: June 2006

On October 1, 1950, Canadian authorities abandoned the policy of maintaining a fixed rate of exchange for the Canadian dollar for the first time since the beginning of the Second World War. Thereafter the dollar was allowed to fluctuate with little interference from official quarters. The significance of this event extends beyond the evolution of exchange policy in Canada, for it must have affected the attitudes of those countries that have been studying a more flexible exchange system than the one envisaged by the Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund.Canadian monetary authorities have been pursuing a policy designed to reduce changes in the value of the Canadian dollar. Official policy has been described as follows: “Transactions of the Exchange Fund Account in the market in United States dollars were directed to helping to maintain orderly conditions without preventing basic supply and demand factors from determining the level of the rate.” It is argued in this paper that a stabilizing agency that operates according to the commonly accepted principle of resisting all movements in the rate does not, in fact, contribute to that rate's stability. An examination of the operations of the Canadian Exchange Fund Account from September, 1950, to December, 1954, supports this argument. An analysis of the meaning of stabilizing policy will precede the discussion of Canadian experience.
A “Constitutional Crisis” in British Columbia
Authors: Stanley George F. G. 
Published: June 2006

In his book on the principles governing the exercise of the royal power of dissolution of Parliament, Dr. Eugene Forsey cites as one of the Canadian precedents of grant and refusal of dissolution, the actions of Lieutenant-Governor Thomas R. McInnes in British Columbia in 1898 and 1900. Owing to the pressure of space, the constitutional issues raised in the Pacific Coast province received but scant notice in Dr. Forsey's study. These issues are, however, of the first importance in the constitutional history of Canada, not only because they involved the exercise of the royal power of dissolution in an unusual and arbitrary manner, but because they led, finally, to the intervention of the federal government and the removal of the Lieutenant-Governor from his appointment.In part, the crisis which developed in British Columbia sprang from the peculiar personality of the Lieutenant-Governor himself. Like Sir Charles Metcalfe, Thomas Robert McInnes was a man with a strong sense of duty—that quality emerges clearly from his correspondence; he was likewise a man of strong views which he held strongly. There was little of the compromiser or mediator about McInnes. He wore no velvet glove nor did he speak with a soft voice. He lacked in great measure that suavity and self-effacement so necessary to the successful incumbency of Government House. One thing he did not lack was courage, an admirable quality, but dangerous when backed by stubbornness rather than by discernment.
Empirical Studies of Demand
Authors: Hood Wm. C. 
Published: June 2006

Recently, and within a period of about twelve months, two monographs on empirical studies of demand have appeared, each reporting on the related economic and statistical theory as well as the results of extensive studies of data. Nearly two decades having now passed since the publication of the two other memorable volumes in this field, an attempt will be made in this paper to compare the recent works not only with each other, but also with these earlier classics.The revival of interest in the Pareto-Slutsky approach to the theory of demand, occasioned by the papers of Hicks and Allen and Schultz occurred before the publication of any of the four volumes under review and each contains some account of this theory and its empirical implications. Allen and Bowley, concerned entirely with the analysis of data on family budgets, used the theory in the derivation of their hypothetical form of the relation between expenditure on a particular commodity and total expenditure (now commonly called the Engel curve). They showed that if a consumer behaves according to the postulates of the theory and if in addition his pattern of tastes is of a special variety, then his Engel curves will be linear. This is the main empirical implication deduced and subjected to test by these authors. Schultz's elegant account of the theory of demand is written with profound knowledge of the Pareto and Slutsky contributions and still must be classed as “modern” in all respects.
Clergymen, Teachers, and Psychiatrists: A Study in Roles and Socialization
Authors: Naegele Kaspar D. 
Published: June 2006

Experience, not design, first confronted me with contrasts in the roles of clergymen, teachers, and psychiatrists. On second thoughts these contrasts seemed theoretically important. Their importance will here be assessed on the basis of a tradition of developing thought that as such must, however, be taken for granted. Still, the concrete observations from which this essay takes its departure, as well as the conditions under which they were made and initially interpreted, need prior attention. Subsequently various theoretical proposals will then have their proper balance in material that at best can illustrate them. Rigorous assessment must, as usual, come later still.For four years I was on the staff of “a mental health project,” called the Human Relations Service, as a sociologist. It was the intention of this project to extend the traditional patterns of psychiatric practice and to gather relevant knowledge about matters of emotional balance to be found in a town of 20 thousand fairly well-to-do people in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The staff of the project included psychiatrists, a psychiatric social worker, clinical psychologists, and various social scientists. Administratively the H.R.S. was linked with the community through an executive committee the chairman of which was the local Unitarian minister. The project, in other words, was committed to research as well as service, including short-term psychotherapy.
Innis and Economics
Authors: Easterbrook W. T. 
Published: June 2006

Over the three decades of teaching and research allotted Harold Innis, no subject concerned him more than, the state of economics. He looked to economic history to enrich and broaden economic thought, and he sought to explain fashions in economics and to make economists intelligible to themselves. Although Veblen's influence left its mark on his work, Innis remained throughout a disciple of Adam Smith and no name appears more frequently in his observations on economics past and present. His plea was, as he put it, for “a general emphasis on a universal approach” and in his unfinished paper he writes, “The economic historian must test the tools of economic analysis by applying them to a broad canvas and by suggesting their possibilities and limitations when applied to other language or cultural groups.”Apart from this search for perspective in economic thought there were other elements of continuity in Innis's thinking which give his life's work a coherence and a unity whether his interest centred on Canadian economic history or the duration powers of empires. It is scarcely necessary here to refer to his dislike of concentrations of power in any form or to his uncompromising belief in the free and creative powers of the individual, attitudes which stamp his research from beginning to untimely end. In his writings on economic history, technological change, free or controlled, links past and present. In his more specific references to economics, the pricing system provides the key to his reflections on the state of the subject. Early in his work there is present the same price-technology dichotomy that is to be found throughout Veblen's writings; later Innis sought to resolve this dichotomy in his studies of communication in which he saw technology and pricing as elements interacting with politics, law, and religion in a larger network of human relationships.
Dominion-Provincial Financial Arrangements: An Examination of Objectives
Authors: Waines W. J. 
Published: June 2006

The present status of Dominion-provincial arrangements is the consequence of the constitutional and administrative decisions made in 1867 as developed over subsequent decades and the course of economic, social, and political developments and the correlative budgetary changes in both federal and provincial fields. The purpose of this paper is to set out the historical objectives of Dominion-provincial financial policies, to examine the shifts which have occurred in these objectives from time to time, and to attempt a statement of the appropriate objectives in the Canadian system. Much of the subsequent argument has to do with the fiscal consequences of federalism in Canada and with the fact that changing circumstances have imposed on the junior levels of government, and to some extent on the federal Government also, financial responsibilities which it was not originally contemplated they would have to bear.The allocation of functions between the Dominion and the provinces by the Act of 1867 was clearly intended to place on the Dominion those which financially were the most onerous. The heavy costs of development, including the public debt, national defence, and national government were to be borne by the Dominion, while the supposedly lighter costs of public welfare, education, provincial development, and provincial administration were given to the provinces. On the revenue side, the lucrative taxes—customs and excise—were given exclusively to the Dominion and the direct taxes also were given to the Dominion, though not exclusively, to use if it so desired. The provinces were limited to direct taxes, which, with the exception of real property taxes, it was supposed they would be reluctant to use, and to the relatively unproductive licences, fees, and fines. While the federal Government was to pay annual grants to the provinces, the Act of 1867 stipulated that “such grants shall be in full settlement of all future demands on Canada.” This interpretation of intention at Confederation is accepted generally by the historians of the period and is supported by many statements of participants in the Confederation debates. In the period immediately following Confederation these objectives were realized.
Welfare and Redistribution
Authors: Douglas Monteath 
Published: June 2006

This paper presents the conclusions of observation, not research, and is therefore expressed as personal opinion. It seems to me that much that has been said about “social security” has been subject to two influences tending to hallucination. First, it is a matter in which young men have seen visions, and old men have dreamed dreams and nightmares. Secondly, the machinery of legislative and administrative procedures, and the very magnitudes of money involved, encourage preoccupation with apparatus. Between rhetoric and jargon there has been too little room for matter-of-fact appreciation of what these arrangements in our national housekeeping really amount to. I thought I might therefore take this opportunity of discussing these arrangements as I see them in plain functional terms.As to economic consequences, I have no discoveries to offer. There is indeed a very large field of research here, inviting work that will have to proceed by gradual and piecemeal results. Very little is yet known, for example, about the distribution of incomes below the income tax exemption limits, or about the families that depend on them, although such families comprise a large proportion of the population. On such questions as these one can only speculate. But speculation will perhaps be nearer the mark if it starts from a view of our present policies that is reasonably free from emotional or institutional obstructions.
The Nolan Case
Authors: MacGibbon D. A. 
Published: June 2006

This paper owes its origin to pure curiosity on the part of the writer about the construction placed upon the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act, 1945, by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. It is somewhat remarkable that eleven eminent Canadian jurists out of thirteen should agree substantially in their interpretation of this Canadian statute and that their opinions should be decisively, one might say emphatically, rejected by the Committee.The Nolan Case, as it is commonly known, came before the Chief Justice of the Trial Division of the Court of King's Bench of Manitoba in March, 1948. The question to be determined was whether the Canadian Government, acting through the Wheat Board, could legally appropriate 40,000 bushels of western barley belonging to a grain merchant named Nolan under the powers conferred upon it by the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act. The trial judge in a closely argued opinion held that the federal administration had exceeded its powers. This decision was appealed by the Government in the Manitoba Court of Appeal where the five justices, unanimously and in strong terms, upheld the verdict of the trial court. On a further appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada five Supreme Court justices, including the Chief Justice, out of seven who sat on the appeal, rejected the contentions of the Government.