bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Altering glucosinolate profiles modulates disease resistance in plants
Authors: Brader Günter , Mikkelsen Michael Dalgaard , Halkier Barbara Ann , Tapio Palva E. 
Published: May 2006

SummaryPlant diseases are major contributing factors for crop loss in agriculture. Here, we show that Arabidopsis plants with high levels of novel glucosinolates (GSs) as a result of the introduction of single CYP79 genes exhibit altered disease resistance. Arabidopsis expressing CYP79D2 from cassava accumulated aliphatic isopropyl and methylpropyl GS, and showed enhanced resistance against the bacterial soft‐rot pathogen Erwinia carotovora, whereas Arabidopsis expressing the sorghum CYP79A1 or over‐expressing the endogenous CYP79A2 accumulated p‐hydroxybenzyl or benzyl GS, respectively, and showed increased resistance towards the bacterial pathogen Pseudomonas syringae. In addition to the direct toxic effects of GS breakdown products, increased accumulation of aromatic GSs was shown to stimulate salicylic acid‐mediated defenses while suppressing jasmonate‐dependent defenses, as manifested in enhanced susceptibility to the fungus Alternaria brassicicola. Arabidopsis with modified GS profiles provide important tools for evaluating the biological effects of individual GSs and thereby show potential as biotechnological tools for the generation of plants with tailor‐made disease resistance.
A critical role for vesicle‐associated membrane protein‐7 in exocytosis from human eosinophils and neutrophils
Authors: Logan M. R. , Lacy P. , Odemuyiwa S. O. , Steward M. , Davoine F. , Kita H. , Moqbel R. 
Published: May 2006

Background:  Granulocyte exocytosis is proposed to be critically dependent on the interaction of soluble N‐ethylmaleimide‐sensitive factor attachment protein (SNAP) receptors (SNAREs) located on granules/vesicles (v‐SNAREs) and plasma membrane (t‐SNAREs). Previous studies indicated that the v‐SNARE, vesicle‐associated membrane protein (VAMP)‐2, as well as t‐SNAREs (SNAP‐23, syntaxin‐4 and ‐6) are implicated in exocytosis from human granulocytes. Vesicle‐associated membrane proteins‐7 and ‐8 have been implicated in endosome/lysosome trafficking, however, their role in granulocyte exocytosis remains obscure.Objective:  We sought to investigate the expression and functional role of SNARE isoforms in the secretion of different granule‐derived mediators in human eosinophils and neutrophils.Methods:  The expression of SNAREs was determined by subcellular fractionation and flow cytometry. SNARE‐specific antibodies were examined for their ability to impair mediator release from permeabilized eosinophils and neutrophils.Results:  Vesicle‐associated membrane proteins‐7 and ‐8 were localized to granule and membrane‐enriched fractions in eosinophils and neutrophils, whereas syntaxin‐6 was not detectable. In permeabilized cells, anti‐VAMP‐7, but not anti‐VAMP‐8, antibody impaired the secretion of all mediators examined (in eosinophils, eosinophil peroxidase and eosinophil‐derived neurotoxin; in neutrophils, myeloperoxidase, lactoferrin and matrix metalloprotease‐9) in a dose‐dependent manner. In contrast, anti‐VAMP‐2 modestly and selectively impaired secretion from small granules and vesicles. Syntaxin‐4, but not syntaxin‐6, was found to interact with SNAP‐23 and was partially involved in mediator secretion from multiple compartments.Conclusion:  Our observations indicate for the first time a critical role for VAMP‐7 in both eosinophil and neutrophil mediator release.
Woman Suffrage in Parliament: A Test for Cabinet Autocracy
Authors: Clark Evans 
Published: May 2006

The woman suffrage movement in Great Britain has rendered a service for political science of which even its adherents are often unaware. It has brought to a most searching test the prevailing constitutional theory.In these days of psycho-analysis of the individual there should be also some psycho-analysis of political institutions. Political theory, like the pious formulas with which we drape the nudity of our real desires and aspirations, is often at bottom what might be called a highly intellectualized excuse. Political theory is an afterthought: a justification or explanation of the desires and aspirations of the dominant economic and social group. The “divine right of kings” is now a hollow pretension to us. But it was as much a reality to the aristocracy, whose power is explained and excused, as are our own instinctive personal excuses. The “natural rights of man” have proven hardly more substantial,—the great excuse in which the rising commercial classes have ever covered their designs against the aristocracy. And now, at last, in the theory that “labor creates all wealth,” we find the embryo excuse for a growing threat of the working class.
French Colonial Expansion in West Africa, The Sudan, and the Sahara
Authors: Harris Norman Dwight 
Published: May 2006

The conclusion of a definite treaty of diplomatic alliance between France and Morocco, in February, 1910, marks one of the last steps in a long series of moves to establish for France a vast colonial empire in the Dark Continent. Between the years 1830 and 1850, France acquired the whole of Algeria and Constantine. In 1881 she annexed Tunisia; and, in the ten years that followed, she participated with Germany, Great Britain and Italy, in the race for territory in Africa. But it is only within the past twenty years that she has successfully created a great colonial state there.French colonial enterprise in Africa began in 1637, when Claude de Rochefort built fort St. Louis at the mouth of the Senegal river on the west coast and explored the interior for 100 miles. He was followed during the 18th and early 19th centuries by other intrepid explorers who made settlements at Millicourie on the Guinea coast and at Assinié and Grand Bassam on the Ivory Coast, and who penetrated further and further into the interior until the valiant Réné Caille, after marvelous adventures, reached Timbuktu, near the Upper Niger, in 1837. The French holdings on the Senegal were extended and consolidated into an effective base for future operations by the energetic General Faidherbe from 1854 to 1865, who added the Oulof country as far south as Cape Verde and the kingdom of Cayore, and built the harbor at Darkar. He was the first to recognize the possibilities of West Africa as a colonial center. “Our possession on the West Coast,” he wrote to the Colonial Office, “is possibly the one of all our colonies that has before it the greatest future; and it deserves the whole sympathy and attention of the Empire.”
The Political and Social Theory of Michael Bakunin
Authors: Rezneck Samuel 
Published: May 2006

In the course of the nineteenth century the breach between the Russian government and the intelligentsia grew steadily wider, until it would scarcely have been credible that the relations between them had once been those of patron and client. This had been in the brighter and more hopeful days of enlightened despotism, under Catherine II, and in some measure also under Alexander I. Now, however, other men were ruling, still despotic but no longer enlightened. The consequence was that the less tractable of the intellectuals became either voluntary or compulsory exiles. Much of nineteenth-century Russian history centers about these exiles, who huddled together in colonies wherever they were tolerated: in Zurich, in Paris, and in London. They constituted the principal bond, both physical and cultural, between Russia and the western world.By tradition and training these exiles possessed a bent for cosmopolitan living; in their mental equipment they were decidedly eclectic. Now more than ever they were exposed to the diversity of intellectual influences in which western Europe was more than commonly rich in this post-revolutionary period. Detached from their own foundations, they yielded themselves the more readily to the new currents of thought. Hegelianism, Darwinism, positivism, socialism—wave after wave of “isms” passed over them. They absorbed something of each and tried to make a blending of all.
Public Administration, 1928
Authors: White Leonard D. 
Published: May 2006

Steady progress in the improvement of the processes of public administration marked the year 1928, but possibly of even greater significance has been the development of research interest in administrative problems by organized bodies of public officials. The greatest hope for realization of higher standards of performance necessarily lies in the body of officials who are responsible for the conduct of public business, and their new interest in research as a means of discovery of improved methods is of great significance. Among the groups of officials who are breaking new ground in this direction are the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the International City Managers' Association, the reorganized Civil Service Assembly, and some state leagues of municipalities. The appointment of four research fellows by the New York State Tax Department is also full of interest. Specific reference to some phases of their work will be made in the following paragraphs.Academic interest in research in this field has also been exceptional. During the year Dr. W. F. Willoughby prepared for the Policy Committee of the American Political Science Association a survey of the institutions carrying on studies in public administration, and during the year also the Problems and Policy Committee of the Social Science Research Council appointed a special Advisory Committee on Research in Public Administration, the chairman of which is Professor Leonard D. White, of the University of Chicago. Other committees of the Social Science Research Council also have dealt with special phases of administration, especially the Advisory Committee on Industrial Relations and the Advisory Committee on Social and Economic Research in Agriculture.
Public Administration, 1931–32
Authors: White Leonard D. 
Published: May 2006

Previous surveys of trends in public administration in this Review recorded developments in an era of prosperity and easy expansion. The present summary of the events of 1931 and 1932 discloses an abrupt and fundamental change in the underlying conditions affecting public activities, the effects of which have deeply influenced every aspect of governmental operations.The depression places American government in an awkward dilemma. On the one hand is the tremendous shrinkage in productivity of taxes, proceeding far more rapidly than the corresponding reduction of expenditures; the resulting outcry against waste and extravagance in public expenditures and the rapid development of organized demands for retrenchment; the appearance of tax strikes in many communities, embarrassing public treasuries still more, and threatening the actual collapse of essential government services—eventually leading in some cases to a thoughtless and ill-advised attack on government itself, often by the very elements in the community who most violently deprecate “radical” criticism of our institutions. Faced with these situations, administrative expenditures have been substantially curtailed in the last two years in many directions, although few administrative services have been abandoned.
Federal Governments and International Labor Agreements
Authors: Stoke Harold W. 
Published: May 2006

The International Labor Organization has become one of the most active of all the international institutions of the post-war period. According to the treaty of Versailles, international labor conferences, composed of delegates from countries which are members of the International Labor Organization, are to meet annually to consider and adopt recommendations and conventions applicable to labor problems and conditions throughout the world. The subjects for a number of possible agreements are suggested in the Versailles treaty, and include the right of association of laborers, the establishment of the eight-hour day, the adoption of the weekly rest period, the abolition of child labor, and various related matters. In drafting conventions and recommendations, the conferences are to be guided by a number of principles laid down in the Versailles treaty, and are asked to recognize that “differences of climate, habit and customs, of economic opportunity and industrial tradition, make strict uniformity in the conditions of labor difficult of immediate attainment.”Economic difficulties alone were recognized, at first, by the makers of the treaty of Versailles as standing in the way of the attainment of “strict uniformity in the conditions of labor.” It was, however, soon brought to the attention of the Peace Conference that governments might not all prove equally competent constitutionally to deal with labor problems, and that some might prove totally lacking in legal capacity to adhere to the proposed labor conventions. This legal limitation was felt to be especially likely to arise in the case of federal governments, in many of which all matters of labor legislation are reserved to the member-states, and hence are beyond the legislative powers of the central governments. It was predicted by some that these legal difficulties would prove more stubborn obstacles to the uniform regulation of labor matters than differences in climate, habits and customs, and economic opportunity.
State Legislation on Public Utilities, 1936–38
Authors: Hormell Orren C. 
Published: May 2006

A survey of the state legislation on public utilities for the period 1936-38 reveals the continuation of certain trends which were pointed out in the article published by the author in this REVIEW in June, 1936.The period under consideration in the present article (1936–38) witnessed a marked extension of the exercise of regulatory functions by the Federal Government, and at the same time a notable strengthening of the powers and an increase in activities of the public utilities commissions in several states.
The Popular Front in France: Prelude or Interlude?
Authors: Sharp Walter R. 
Published: May 2006

“Frenchman, too conservative to go communist, too anarchistic to like fascism, what are you going to do with yourself?” Thus was concluded a penetrating diagnosis of contemporary social trends in France published about a year ago. It is significant that such a survey should have come from the pen of a brilliant young journalist belonging to what may be called the post-war generation. For, whatever else recent dramatic developments in French public affairs may portend, there is no doubt that political control is passing to a new set of leaders, as well as, perhaps, to new ideologies.France is now twenty-two years removed from the outbreak of the World War. Men born as late as 1900 are approaching middle age. Among the eighth of the population now over sixty years of age, only a handful of persons remain who can remember the Franco-Prussian War. Most of the men who were directing national policy through the World War and the peace settlement have died—Clemenceau, Poincaré, Briand, Painlevé, Barthou, Viviani, and Ribot.
The Japanese Cabinet
Authors: Colegrove Kenneth 
Published: May 2006

No mention of the cabinet is made in the Japanese constitution of 1889. Nevertheless, both before and after the proclamation of the fundamental law, a large part of the national administration of Japan has been initiated, directed, and supervised in a collective method by a body of officials which resembles in external characteristics the typical European parliamentary cabinet.This cabinet has never enjoyed the unrivaled direction of administration as found in many parliamentary systems. First of all, the Emperor combines in himself all the rights of sovereignty and exercises these rights through various organs including not only the cabinet, but also the army and navy and the Imperial Household. The cabinet does not have a monopoly upon advice given to the Emperor. The right to advise is shared with the Genro (Elder Statesman), the officers of the Imperial Household, the Privy Council, and the advisers of the “supreme command,” including the chiefs of staff of the army and navy, the Board of Marshals and Fleet Admirals, and the Supreme War Council. The Privy Council is the special guardian of the constitution, consulted by the Emperor upon the propriety and wisdom of projects of law, ordinances, and treaties drafted or negotiated by the cabinet, and its advice may, and often does, run counter to that of the cabinet.
Fayolism as the Necessary Complement of Taylorism
Authors: Pearson Norman M. 
Published: May 2006

World War II has called forth greater organizational and administrative efforts than ever before on the part of the armed forces, private industry, and government. The sheer size of the new organizations that were formed to fight battles, manufacture matériel, and administer government programs has intensified the problems of top management and executive control, as well as the technical problems of military operations, supply, and industrial production. Great dynamic changes in society always afford occasion for reappraising basic philosophies, and these significant changes in the scope and scale of our great enterprises are no exception. The field of management is perhaps less spectacular, less open to popular discussion than are the issues of foreign policy and of government participation in the national economy. But effective management of our enterprise is of fundamental importance to a successful conclusion of the war and subsequent maintenance of peace. The demands of the war on the home front have stimulated much re-thinking of the theories of government and business administration. This article is concerned with the relation between the basic theories of two of the greatest contributors to the field of management—Frederick Taylor and Henri Fayol.We all know what the task of organizing for war has been during the past four years. Arms production of undreamed of magnitude had to be developed in a matter of months. To produce the vast number of planes, tanks, and ships, new enterprises sprang up over night and existing ones expanded to many times their original size. Similarly, the federal government, in addition to creating tremendous staffs in the War and Navy Departments, had to develop quickly “administrative leviathans” to control prices and ration goods, allocate industrial production, and direct the production and distribution of foods. War-time control had to be exercised to an unprecedented degree, frequently for hitherto unregulated matters, in connection with oil, censorship, transportation, manpower, and the like. Besides a need for more technical personnel in industrial production, there developed a need for people able to organize and direct large new enterprises.
Hobbes and Hobbism
Authors: Lamprecht Sterling P. 
Published: May 2006

Fearful of a committee appointed by the House of Commons to investigate the current tendencies towards atheism and profaneness, Hobbes in 1666 burned some of his private papers. The Great Plague and the Great Fire of London had just occurred. While many Englishmen were prone to blame the fire on those whom they considered the “treacherous Catholics,” they tended to regard the plague as obviously an act of God. The House of Commons shared this widespread attitude and, desirous of ridding the country of the causes of the divine displeasure, named several persons whose wickedness might be the occasion of the display of God's wrath against the English people. The House included Hobbes in the list and specifically mentioned his Leviathan. Moreover, some bishops of the Church of England, at about the same time, suggested that it might be well to burn Hobbes as a heretic. Nothing came of the parliamentary investigation; indeed, the investigation seems not to have been begun. And no fires were lighted except that in which Hobbes saw fit, as has been said, to burn some of his private papers.It is interesting to conjecture, however, what the name of Hobbes would mean in the history of ideas if his works had happened all to perish in 1666 and we, then, had to judge him through the literature which his works provoked. The word provoked may here be used advisedly. For an amazing number of hostile writings against Hobbes were printed during his life-time and immediately after his death.
I. National Security in American Public Affairs
Authors: Millett John D. 
Published: May 2006

Traditionally, American public interest in national defense has been sporadic, alternating between short periods of intense concern and longer periods of general indifference. Except for World War II, the only sustained military effort since 1789 was provoked by internal strife. American manpower ended the stalemate of World War I, but our participation was neither lengthy nor economically intensive.We often forget that one of the first purposes motivating the Founding Fathers was to “provide for the common defense.” Six of the eighteen clauses in Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution, defining the legislative authority of the new federal government, deal with military matters. It was no accident that in the early issues of the Federalist John Jay and Alexander Hamilton should have dwelt at length upon the defense requirements of the American states. Properly, Hamilton was concerned also to demonstrate that under the proposed constitution the military would be subject to the civilian authority.
Constitutional Law in 1945-46: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1945
Authors: Cushman Robert E. 
Published: May 2006

Chief Justice Harlan F. Stone died on April 22. He was appointed Associate Justice by President Coolidge in 1925, and was elevated to the Chief Justiceship by President Roosevelt upon the retirement of Chief Justice Hughes in 1941. On June 7, President Truman nominated Fred M. Vinson, then Secretary of the Treasury, to be Chief Justice of the United States, and the Senate confirmed the nomination on June 20. Mr. Justice James C. McReynolds, who retired from the Court in 1941, died on August 24, 1945. Mr. Justice Jackson, who in May, 1945, had been appointed chief American prosecutor at the trial of Axis war criminals at Nuremberg, did not return to the Court during the 1945 term. On June 10, Mr. Justice Jackson, in Nuremberg, released to the press a statement sharply criticizing Mr. Justice Black for his failure to disqualify himself in Jewell Ridge Coal Corp. v. Local No. 6167, U.M.W. This case, which awarded coal miners “portal-to-portal” pay under the Fair Labor Standards Act, was decided by a five-to-four vote, and Mr. Justice Black's former law partner was attorney for the union. The statement, unprecedented in judicial history, made public record of a personal antagonism between the two justices, and elicited nation-wide press comment. Mr. Justice Black made no reply, and there have been no later repercussions of the incident.A court of eight justices decided twenty-three cases in which three justices dissented, and twenty-one cases in which two dissented. The Court overruled one earlier decision. This brings the list of overruled cases since 1937 to twenty-seven.