bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A 12th century paradox of the infinite
Authors: Thomas Ivo 
Published: May 2006

Adam of Balsham (Parvipontanus) writing his Ars Disserendi in 1132 A.D. reaches the notion of a set A equinumerous with a set B containing A as a proper sub-set. References by page and line are to [Minio-Paluello].It can be asked, says Adam (92,13) whether this one is something, and whether that one is something, and these are two askables (interrogabilia), and again whether a third is something, and similarly of anything whatever. He thinks, then, of the totality of ‘objects’ (92,12) as numbered. But this question can be put not only about those which are not askables; of any askable too it can be asked whether it is something. Whether the questions be actually put or not, makes no difference; even when they are not put, the points remain askable. Thus the totality of askables is seen to be equinumerous with the totality of objects, which last comprises both the objects which are not askables and those which are. And so the same set is more numerous than itself.Conscious that this paradoxical situation may be ascribed to his novel terminology and methods, Adam points out that a similar puzzle arises over things enunciated. Even if you do not want to term them ‘enunciables,’ still they are generally said to be true or false. Take the true ones, and compare them as to number with the totality of objects of which enunciations can be made. There he leaves this second version, but it is easy to see how the same result as before can be reached.The argument lightly paraphrased in the last paragraph but one concludes with the words ‘which is impossible’ (92,21). Instead, however, of rejecting some of his premisses, Adam lets everything stand, and breaks off the discussion on the ground that his purpose is to expound a finite process of achievement (artis viam finitam) rather than what infinitely exceeds our capability to construct − or perhaps, the infinitely extending realm of possibility (possibilitatis excessum infinitum, 93,3–5).
The Thomas Appointment: Defeats and Victories for Women
Authors: Palley Marian Lief , Palley Howard A. 
Published: May 2006

On October 15, 1991, the United States Senate approved the appointment of Judge Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court by a vote of 52 to 48. The presidents's selection of Judge Thomas to replace Thurgood Marshall as the Court's lone African-American justice and the hearings that preceded the Senate's confirmation of his appointment initially engendered questions about his qualifications to serve on the Supreme Court and his conservative political positions. Later, queries arising from accusations of sexual harassment took center stage. In fact, in the weeks immediately preceding his confirmation attention turned almost entirely from his judicial qualifications and his political positions to allegations of sexual harassment.Thomas's confirmation is a story of racial politics enmeshed with gender politics and the conservative social agenda of the Reagan-Bush administrations. It is important to understand this process if one is to fathom some of the events that followed in the wake of this judicial appointment.
Senate Process, Congressional Politics, and the Thomas Nomination
Authors: Sinclair Barbara 
Published: May 2006

“The wrenching testimony of Anita Hill and Clarence Thomas, accuser and accused, constituted a defining moment for the country that will forever change how the U.S. Senate reviews Supreme Court nominees” (Biskupic 1991, 2948). Thus did sober, factual Congressional Quarterly judge the consequences of the Hill-Thomas hearings. Most news accounts were considerably more fervid. Reporters as well as commentators claimed that the hearings demonstrated that the confirmation process is a complete fiasco.The Hill-Thomas hearings did not expose some fundamental flaw in the process per se. To be sure, a lot of less than admirable behavior and some procedural misjudgments characterized the latter part of the Thomas confirmation hearings. But a situation such as this one will always be difficult for the Senate or any similar body to handle. Structural changes in the process cannot make it easy or painless. Most of the “reforms” proposed would not work or would be counterproductive.According to a second theme in the media coverage, the hearings demonstrated that senators—at least the ones on the Judiciary Committee—are incompetent, inadequate for their jobs, and out of touch with the American people. To the contrary, I think that both Democrats and Republicans followed strategies that made excellent sense given the political context in which they operated. Incompetence is not the problem.If the simple process and personnel-based critiques are off base, was the widespread disquiet the hearings generated misplaced? There are reasons for concern but somewhat more subtle ones than those most often raised.
Race Trumps Gender: The Thomas Nomination in the Black Community
Authors: Mansbridge Jane , Tate Katherine 
Published: May 2006

Race and gender are intimately intertwined in the lives of Black women in the United States. Race constructs the way Black women experience gender; gender constructs the way Black women experience race. In the Senate hearings that pitted the word of Clarence Thomas against the sexual harassment accusations of Anita Hill, the great majority of Black women did not believe Hill's accusations. Our analysis will set this disbelief against a background of substantial Black unity on political issues in the United States, Black feminism, television coverage of the event, and Black women's reactions to that television coverage.Contrary to the conclusion one might reasonably form from the primary White composition of all the major feminist organizations, Black women have usually given stronger support to the women's movement than Whites on surveys (see Table for self-identification as “feminist”). Even as early as 1970, 60% of Black women said they supported efforts to strengthen women's status in society, compared to only 37% of White women (Klein 1987: 26), and in 1972 67% said they were sympathetic to women's liberation groups, compared to only 35% of White women (hooks 1981: 148). Also contravening the impression one might form from the composition of feminist organizations, poor women and working class women are as likely as middle-class women to say on these surveys that they consider themselves “feminist.” The survey data are supported by indepth interviews among all classes of Black women.
Optical Character Recognition
Authors: Permaloff Anne , Grafton Carl 
Published: May 2006

Optical character recognition (OCR) is a process by which printed text is detected and transformed into a computer text file. OCR consists of two basic processes: scanning and recognition. Scanning, performed with a device called a scanner, digitizes the printed page, creating a coded graphics version of the text that may be stored on disk. That coded version transforms the scanned image into pixels, and it is readable by graphics programs.The separate recognition process translates the picture of an “A” into the letter “A.” A new file is created in a format determined by user instructions. That file is readable by word processor, statistics, and/or database software supported by the OCR program used.OCR is a technique that can be useful to political scientists. For example, research notes taken from printed sources, rather than being laboriously typed, could be scanned, processed, and saved as a file readable by a word processing package. Content analysis might be almost completely mechanized. Numerical data from government reports could be scanned rather than entered by hand and then made readable by a spreadsheet, database management program, or statistics package.
The Troubled Reunification of Korea
Authors: Johnson Hazel J. 
Published: May 2006

In this era of superpower reconciliation, European Community harmonization, and German reunification, the reunification of Korea is a distinct possibility. South Korea has pursued the “Northern Policy” for several years to facilitate the process. The initiative, aimed at creating economic and diplomatic links between South Korea and socialist countries, produced ties with former Soviet satellites, the Soviet Union itself, the People's Republic of China, and, most recently, a majority of the members of the new Commonwealth of Independent States (the former Soviet Union). By building relationships with the allies of North Korea, the South hoped to coax the North into a more conciliatory position (U.S. Embassy of the Republic of Korea 1992).Before the “Northern Policy” was implemented, North Korea showed no inclination to reconcile the differences between the North and the South, steadfastly refusing to recognize or negotiate with the government in Seoul. However, the rapid fall of the Berlin wall, the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe, and the disintegration of the Soviet Union permanently changed the political climate for North Korea. When, early in 1991, the People's Republic of China and the former Soviet Union did not stand in the way of South Korea's entry into the United Nations, the handwriting was on the wall. In September 1991, North Korea accepted simultaneous U.N. membership for both Koreas (Whiting 1992).
Suppose They Held an Election and Almost Everybody Came!
Authors: Calvert Jerry W. , Gilchrist Jack 
Published: May 2006

No modern political system, with the possible exception of a few dictatorships, can produce close to a 100% turnout of all those who are legally eligible to vote. But imagine a democratic system in which almost all citizens of voting age were enrolled on the electoral register and in which most of them actually voted, sometimes producing an estimated turnout in excess of 90% (Crocker, et al. 1987). Such systems already exist, i.e., Australia, Sweden, but producing a registration level and voter turnout rate of such magnitudes would be a sharp departure from the anemic levels witnessed in contemporary American politics. In the nation's most recent elections only about two-thirds of the voting age population were registered to vote and only slightly more than half bothered to cast a ballot in presidential election years (it was 55.9% in 1992). It is data like this that helped create the climate for congressional enactment of the National Voter Registration Reform Act of 1993, often known as the “motor voter” bill.As we will show, achieving significantly higher levels of electoral participation are possible, but this particular reform bill is not the likely vehicle. Further, we will demonstrate that making it very easy to register and vote may not have an obvious partisan tilt in favor of the Democrats. And contrary to some advocates of election law reform, easing access to the ballot may not significantly increase turnout among the current non-voters, who are disproportionately low income, blue collar and service workers, the unemployed minority group members, and the young.
News Coverage and Talk Shows in the 1992 Presidential Campaign
Authors: Ridout Christine F. 
Published: May 2006

One of the question marks of the 1992 presidential campaign was how television would cover it. After the debacle of campaign coverage in 1988, television vowed to do better. At issue was the amount of substantive information vs. the time spent on the horse race, strategy, and campaign events.Campaign coverage is important because of the role of information in democratic choice. Essential to democratic participation is the opportunity to choose among alternatives. Given alternatives, citizens can say “yes” or “no,” thereby giving consent to the policies which best represent their interests (Schattschneider 1975, 138). Schattschneider also emphasized that the alternatives must be relevant to voters' concerns. Unfortunately, television coverage of elections does not emphasize information about public issues.Another important aspect of campaign coverage is its potential effect on election outcomes: public opinion is shaped by the tone, quantity, and content of the candidates' coverage.Questions about the political effects of news, the nature of campaign information, and the relationship between democracy and information provide an interesting framework to examine campaign communication in 1992. Did television news offer voters adequate issue information? How did talk shows compare to news in terms of information? Finally, what impact, if any, did the two formats have on the outcome of the election?This paper will examine Bill Clinton's news coverage and talk show appearances from June 2 to July 22.
Political Economy: Policymaking and Industrial Policy in Japan
Authors: Krauss Ellis S. 
Published: May 2006

The Importance of Japan's Political Economy: The importance of Japan's political economy probably will be more obvious than any other subject concerning Japanese politics. Being the world's second largest economy and the United States' greatest overseas trading partner, and with increasing Japanese investment in America, the politics and policy-making that affect Japan's industry and economy probably have a more direct impact on the lives of more Americans than any other subject concerning a foreign country that American students can study.With increasing friction over trade and investment beginning to undermine the United States-Japan relationship, one that former Ambassador to Japan Mike Mansfield liked to call the most important bilateral relationship in the world, Japan's political economy has become the stuff of daily newspaper headlines for many Americans. How much, how, and how well the Japanese state intervenes in the economy to promote economic growth has probably received more attention in the United States in recent years than any other topic concerning Japan. Words previously unfamiliar to American ears, such as “industrial policy,” “targeting,” “MITI,” keiretsu, and so forth, are now common in the American media and in policy debates in Washington about the origins of Japan's massive trade deficit with the United States and what the United States can and should do about it. No college graduate, indeed no American citizen, can claim to be politically literate today without some knowledge of this subject.
Perestroika and Ethnopolitics in the USSR
Authors: Karklins Rasma 
Published: May 2006

There are times when the issues we analyze as scholars suddenly become front-page news. This has happened to me with the increase of ethnic protests in the Soviet Union. Balts, Armenians, and others, are in the news daily and commentators are debating what their demands mean for the future of the Gorbachev program. What indeed?I shall venture an analysis, but with a disclaimer that much is uncertain due to the fluidity of events and the continuing lack of comprehensive information from the Soviet political scene. Part of what I say may be dated by the time this is printed.Gorbachev has called the nationalities problem “the most fundamental, vital issue of our society.” Even though the multiethnic dimension of Soviet politics has now become more apparent, it has always been there. Non-Russians make up half of the Soviet population and most live in their traditional homelands currently constituting federal subunits of the “Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.” It is quite natural that their political role becomes more prominent in the course of a program emphasizing democratization; it is also natural that their views can differ from those of the center (Rothschild, 1981). Those commentators who depict the nationalities as spoilers endangering Gorbachev's reforms seem to think that democratization is possible without the participation of all segments of society.Events in the non-Russian republics of the USSR can be properly analyzed only within the context of political change at the center of power in Moscow.
Soviet Foreign Policy and the End of the Postwar Era
Authors: Kanet Roger E. 
Published: May 2006

The patterns of international power established in 1945, which pitted the United States and the Soviet Union against one another in a global competition for power and influence, seem to be dissolving. Though the two countries are still the dominant military powers, they no longer dominate the international landscape as they did only a few years ago. As occurred in the United States more than a decade ago, the Soviet leadership has begun to recognize the objective limitations placed on its ability to control global events (Izyumov and Kortunov, 1988). Evidence of this can be seen in developments in Soviet policy on arms reductions, the Soviet withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, the encouragement given client states to resolve conflicts in Cambodia and Angola, and the apparent permitting (even encouraging) of greater autonomy among subject nationalities in Eastern Europe and the USSR itself.Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev explains this policy shift in terms of “new political thinking” that recognizes the realities of global interdependence and the potentially disastrous implications for the human race of global problems such as nuclear warfare or growing ecological damage (Gorbachev, 1986a, pp. 18–19, 55, 64). Gorbachev and other Soviet political leaders have relegated class warfare, the key concept in Marxist socialism for more than a century, to a secondary position as a determinant of Soviet foreign policy (Zagladin, 1988; Plimak, 1987). More important, they argue, is overcoming the threat to human existence posed by global problems.
The Changing World of Think Tanks
Authors: Weaver R. Kent 
Published: May 2006

Economists and political observers in recent years have bemoaned the decline of American competitiveness in traditional industries such as steel, automobiles, and textiles. Some of these observers worry that the U.S. economy will increasingly be dominated by service industries. At least one service industry in the United States does appear to be growing and thriving, despite some very adverse economic circumstances. That industry is the non-profit public policy research industry, more commonly known as “think tanks.” The think tank universe has become much more diverse over the past decade, reflecting both new entrants into the marketplace of ideas and changes in these organizations' environment. There are, moreover, inherent tensions in any of the three main models (“university without students,” contract researcher, and advocacy tank) that think tanks may pursue. Attempting to mix the models can be difficult too.These tensions and environmental changes have created tremendous uncertainty, but also some entrepreneurial opportunities, for think tank managers. Increasingly, these managers must be concerned with finding a viable niche in a crowded, fragmented market. And they must do so while dealing with staffs who may be resistant not only to specific courses of change, but also to external direction of any sort.
A Challenge to Political Science
Authors: Hardin Charles M. 
Published: May 2006

A great opportunity, coupled with a strong moral obligation to accept it, confronts political science: to give major attention to the separation of powers between the President and the Congress in the Constitution of the United States. The critical scrutiny of a growing number of public persons reminds us that this separation was attacked by the redoubtable Charles H. McIlwain as posing a danger to constitutional government itself.Mcllwain on the Separation of Powers“Among all the modern fallacies that have obscured the true teachings of constitutional history, few are worse than the extreme doctrine of the separation of powers and the indiscriminate use of the phrase ‘checks and balances.’” When representative assemblies took over from kings, “they assumed a power and a responsibility that had always been concentrated and undivided.” McIlwain rejected the separation of powers in favor of the limitation of powers. “The true safeguards of liberty against arbitrary government are the ancient legal limitation and the modern political responsibility” or “full political responsibility … to the whole people.” The latter is “utterly incompatible with any extended system of checks and balances.”McIlwain could find no “good precedents” in history for “this dissipation of government” which has “worked disaster ever since it was adopted.” He feared that if the dissipation of government developed much further it would precipitate a reaction that might sweep away “every protection of any sort, legal as well as political, to leave the individual naked and unprotected against the ever-present danger of arbitrary government.”
What Is Political Theory/Philosophy?
Authors: Warren Mark E. 
Published: May 2006

The subdiscipline of political theory and political philosophy continues to suffer some misunderstanding within political science as a whole. Notwithstanding its renaissance in the last decade, political theory/philosophy is still too often characterized in terms that obscure its roles and functions within the discipline. Political theory/philosophy is often referred to as “normative theory” as a way of distinguishing its concerns with values from the “empirical theory” and research of political science proper. Where the concerns of political theory/philosophy are not just normative, political scientists often characterize it as “speculative theory” to distinguish it from “empirical theory” that can be confirmed or refuted by reference to observable data. The terms of such a distinction suggest, of course, that theories grounded in certainties can and ought to replace the speculative approaches of traditional political thought. And because political theory/philosophy relies heavily on the history of political thought, many see it as part of history and the humanities rather than political science—interesting and necessary for any culturally literate person, but fundamentally distinct from contemporary political research.Terminological distinctions such as these solidified in an era in which behavioralist agendas shaped subdisciplinary boundaries, and they reflect the influence that neo-positivist views of explanation once had within the discipline. Since that time, however, we have developed more sophisticated understandings of how theory and philosophy relate to empirical research. These developments have in turn affected the way we understand the explanatory concerns of political science, while also expanding political theory/philosophy beyond its traditional boundaries.
What Political Science Is Missing By Not Studying AIDS
Authors: Sherrill Kenneth S. , Somerville Carolyn M. , Bailey Robert W. 
Published: May 2006

Political science has been slow to address the political and policy issues of AIDS. It was not until 1987—six years after recognition of the epidemic by the Centers for Disease Control—that the American Political Science Association first sponsored a panel on AIDS policy at its annual convention. A second panel, on comparative public policy issues and AIDS, was not held until 1989, but that panel was sponsored by the Gay and Lesbian Caucus for Political Science, not the APSA. A 1987 special issue on health policy of PS: Political Science & Politics contained not a single reference to AIDS. When it comes to using its accumulated wisdom to help society understand the phenomenon of AIDS, professional political science lags far behind psychology, anthropology, sociology, and other social science disciplines.By downplaying AIDS, political science has not only acquiesced in trivializing this deadly disease and in marginalizing groups initially identified with it, but it also has squandered an important opportunity for itself. To what degree might the study of AIDS test the breadth of current explanatory theory? What testable hypotheses might be generated from studies of AIDS policies? What does AIDS tell us about processes of political mobilization, policy making, the creation of political networks or alternative power maps?