bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Confidentiality of Social Science Research Sources and Data: The Popkin Case
Authors: Carroll James D. 
Published: April 2006

On November 21, 1972 Samuel Lewis Popkin, an assistant professor of government at Harvard University, was imprisoned in the federal section of the Norfolk County jail in Dedham, Massachusetts, under a contempt order of the United States District Court, District of Massachusetts. He was imprisoned for contempt of court for refusal to answer several questions before a federal grand jury investigating the publication of the Pentagon Papers. In the course of the grand jury proceedings Popkin asserted a right under the First Amendment to refuse to answer questions concerning the identity of confidential sources and the content of his opinions and data developed in the course of research on and in Vietnam. He refused to answer the questions on the grounds that they violated his rights to freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of assembly under the First Amendment in the absence of a showing by the government that the information sought was relevant and necessary to the government's investigation.On November 28, 1972, the grand jury was discharged at the government's request and Popkin was released from jail.In early January, 1973, Popkin filed a petition for a writ of certiorari asking the Supreme Court to review the case. The petition was denied by the Court in April, 1973.The Popkin case is the first on record in American law in which the question of a scholar's right to the confidentiality of his sources and data has been raised and decided, at least in part, on the merits.
The Freedom of Information Act and Political Science Research
Authors: Segal Morley 
Published: April 2006

What is the logic of an information law which:• makes available a State Department Memorandum rationalizing the President’s use of troops overseas without congressional consent, but has thus far failed to make available World War II documents concerning allegedly repatriated Russian soldiers,• which makes available a Federal Trade Commission staff study on auto warranties but leaves numerous other advisory studies difficult to locate and their status unclear,• breaks loose a key Federal Reserve Board vote but has thus far left the votes and minutes of other multi-member agencies difficult to locate?The answer is that the logic is not in the law itself, but in the kind of pressure put upon the bureaucracy to follow it. The Freedom of Information Act which became effective July 4, 1967 is not self enforcing. It depends upon the initiative and energy of those who want government information, giving them a tool with which to prod an unwilling bureaucracy. To date, this prodding has come principally from the press and interested business organizations; meaning that the information made available has been oriented toward the single news story, often an expose, or the isolated regulatory decision. This is certainly a valuable use of the Act but the pressure of interested citizens is not sufficient to force the government to make available the scope of information and indexing needed for scholarly research.The organized scholarly community, while traditionally supporting the principle of free access to government information, has made no systematic effort to either assess the newly available information or to pry loose information presently withheld.
Doctoral Output in Political Science — Tables for 1970-72
Authors: Peterson Walfred H. 
Published: April 2006

The regular lists of completed doctoral dissertations that appear in PS can be given use beyond that of keeping readers informed about the subjects of doctoral research. Converted into tables, they yield data which show the amount of work being done in the sub-fields of political science and the number of degrees being awarded at various universities. From this, other data are easily derived.Unfortunately, a careful look at the lists reveals that they are not complete. Some political science departments that actually granted degrees have no entries at all in one or more years. These omissions, which have been confirmed by correspondence with several schools, are the inevitable result of the difficulties attendant upon the collection of information from so many offices. While they diminish in some measure the utility of the lists themselves and of the tables that appear below, the data still give a fairly accurate, though conservative, index of the number of Ph.D. degrees being awarded in political science. Certainly, it is the best readily available index we have.
Participation in APSA Annual Meetings, 1964–1969
Authors: Barry Donald D. , Bommer James G. 
Published: April 2006

This is a study of participation in six annual meetings (1964–1969) of the American Political Science Association. Participation was defined to include not only membership on panels but also membership on the Program Committee (i.e., program chairman and chairman of the panel categories-here called subject area chairman). Data on participation were gathered from the programs of the meetings and background data on participation were obtained from the APSA Biographical Directory (Fifth Edition, 1968 and Fourth Edition, 1961) and from other sources.The study is divided into three parts: multiple participants and two sub-groups thereof, “rule violators” and the leadership group. Multiple participants (MPs) are those who participated in APSA annual meetings two or more times during the period 1964–1969. “Rule violators” (RVs) are those who, contrary to what is stated to be APSA general policy, participated more than one time in any single year. The leadership group includes members of the program committee.
Nonacademic Careers for Political Scientists
Authors: Friedman Robert S. 
Published: April 2006

We are hearing a great deal these days about a declining marketplace for our Ph.D.s. The evidence collected by the American Political Science Association and many of its sister disciplines is clear: The number of academic jobs is declining. Yet, despite reductions in graduate enrollments, the more than 110 departments of political science which grant doctorates produced over 765 Ph.D.s in 1974.What might be done to solve the problem of this imbalance? One proposal recommends dismantling many of our doctoral programs. I have mixed feelings about this. The argument that only the most distinguished departments should continue to grant Ph.D.s, because only they produce a marketable product, is fallacious. In my experience, the most distinguished departments have no better record in placing their doctorates than those which are less distinguished. I have been involved personally in program reviews at a number of institutions of various prestige levels, and I have found that some of the “so-called” marginal programs do extremely well in placement.
Inside the Courts: The Judicial Fellows Program
Authors: Cannon Mark W. , Morris Jeffrey B. 
Published: April 2006

It is three minutes of ten on a Monday morning. A long buzzer sounds. Quickly sweeping papers and books aside, climbing the 40 steps in a score of bounds, crossing the wooden barrier to enter by a side door, one slips into a chair in the extreme back and side of the courtroom, at the foot of one of the great columns of Italian marble, in time to hear Al Wong, the Marshal, intone “Oyez, oyez….”The formal announcement of the Judicial Fellows program which appears annually in PS and other professional journals, and the posters which are seen outside placement offices, convey little of the essence of the experience. Since the Judicial Fellows Program is not only the younger sibling of the Congressional and the White House Fellows, but much, much smaller—with only two or three Fellows selected annually—relatively little is known about it.
The Battelle Memorial Institute's Human Affairs Research Centers
Authors: Thurber James A. 
Published: April 2006

The Battelle Memorial Institute, which began operations in 1929 at its corporate site in Columbus, Ohio, is the largest multinational, public purpose, not-for-profit research organization in the world. Its 7,500 natural scientists, engineers, social scientists, and support personnel are engaged in a broad range of research which embraces the physical, life, and social/behavioral sciences. Battelle operates major research centers in Columbus, Ohio; Frankfurt, Germany; Geneva, Switzerland; and Richland and Seattle, Washington. Battelle's research volume in 1980 was $811 million, which included projects in 75 countries throughout the world. A major objective of Battelle is to benefit mankind by the advancement and utilization of science through technological innovation and educational activities and dissemination of knowledge through publications.Until the late 1960s, Battelle was known primarily for its research in the physical and life sciences (including the basic research and development of xerography in the mid-1940s). In 1971 the Battelle Human Affairs Research Centers (HARC) was created to do basic and applied research in the social and behavioral sciences. HARC is a multidisciplinary social science organization that conducts research and educational activities directed toward the solution of significant societal problems. Its staff of over 1 50, which is located in Seattle and Washington, D.C. and includes political scientists, policy analysts, sociologists, psychologists, anthropologists, economists, international affairs and defense specialists, urban planners, and statisticians, is one of the largest non-academic groups of social scientists in the United States.
Placement of Political Scientists, 1978–79
Authors: Mann Sheilah K. 
Published: April 2006

This is the seventh report on the experience of new political scientists looking for jobs. Two years have passed since the last report, which was based upon placement data for 1977. In this report on placement data collected in 1978 and 1979, there are some changes in who succeeds in finding jobs and in what kinds of jobs they find. These changes may be an indication of professional adjustment to the realities of the academic job market.The 1977 placement report examined the academic job market for political scientists in the next two decades, and pointed out that the projected decline in college enrollments until 1994 means that nearly all of the positions open to new faculty will be generated by the need to replace current faculty who die, retire or move to non-teaching jobs. Since the median age of political scientists is in the mid-30s, we were told that there will be few openings due to retirements until the mid-1990s. And, we were left with the question as to whether, in view of the limited supply of academic job opportunities, the profession will make changes in its graduate curricula and/or its placement strategies. In addressing this question with respect to the 1978 and 1979 placement classes, it is useful to summarize what has remained constant in the placement of political scientists in order to highlight what has changed.
Political Theory and Political Judgment
Authors: Thompson Dennis F. 
Published: April 2006

Few political theorists today try to show how the principles of theory should guide our judgments of policy. Theorists think that their job is done when they have explained the principles, or (more commonly) when they have interpreted the principles of other theorists. The connection between the principles and the policies of governments is left for citizens themselves to make. Yet making that connection—exercising political judgment—is an essential part of citizenship, and should have a prominent place in the education of citizens.Political theorists have not always neglected the making of judgments about particular policies. The disdain of the particular that marks much contemporary theorizing was not shared by the great theorists of the past. The tradition of theory begins (or at least the curriculum traditionally begins) with the greatest case study of all—Socrates' trial. Although later theorists usually settled for less exalted examples, they continued to see their vocation as calling for comment on the actual policies of rulers and their rivals. Recall Aristotle's letters to Alexander, Augustine's criticism of the Donatists, Machiavelli's commentary on the corruption of Florentine rulers, Hobbes' analysis of the Long Parliament, Locke's advice to the Board of Trade, or Rousseau's critique of the government of Poland.
Whatever Is Happening to the British Party System?
Authors: King Anthony 
Published: April 2006

British politics are more fun today, at least for the political scientist, than at any time since the Second World War. The British two-party system, that seemingly immutable product of the “first past the post” electoral system, Britain's social structure and the enduring party identifications of Britain's voters, shows every sign of breaking up–not slowly and gradually, but with something approaching Mount St. Helen's force. A political party that did not exist a year ago, the Social Democrats, is now, in alliance with the liberals, sweeping all before it electorally. This short article tries to give some account of what is going on–and why.The present upheaval is taking place both down below, among voters, and up above, among members of Parliament and other prominent politicians. Let us begin with the voters.
How Can We Get There From Here? Thoughts on the Integration of American and Comparative Politics
Authors: Rudolph Susanne Hoeber , Rudolph Lloyd I. 
Published: April 2006

The bifurcation of political science into American and comparative politics impoverishes both. The division parochializes them by encapsulating the study of politics within national boundaries. The result is to deprive each of the theoretical contributions generated by the other and to cut them off from the institutional and policy alternatives each has devised. The loss to the study of American politics is probably the more severe because its practitioners have not been prepared to recognize the limitations of their “area specialty.”Historical and institutional determinants help to explain the bifurcation. Because academic political science, that is, political science as a discipline and a profession is, as Bernard Crick has shown, American in its origins and early development, it has been less attentive to non-American contexts. More than other academic social science disciplines, political science's intellectual provenance is located in the new world. Unlike the other social sciences, political science lacks eighteenth and nineteenth century European masters. In the belief that America was showing the world its future, post-war behavioral political science like other aspects of the American way of life became an American export to Europe and the third world.
The Division of Political Science Into American and Non-American Politics: The Case of Legislatures
Authors: Loewenberg Gerhard 
Published: April 2006

When undergraduates want to study legislatures, more often than not their choice is limited to a course on Congress, although they may find a course on the legislative process which includes attention to state legislatures. This is hardly a cause for student discontent. The first, and often the only, ambition of political science students is to learn about the American system of government. That is why the introductory course in the discipline is usually a course in American government, why courses on state and local politics are entirely concerned with the United States, why courses on political parties are really about the Democratic and Republican parties, and why there are hardly any courses on the executive at all since the only subject in that area which is taught is the American presidency.It was not always so. A century ago, as curricula in political science developed in American universities, a general, theoretical concept of politics, derived from continental and particularly German approaches to the subject predominated. The focus on American politics came a full generation later, inspired by a concern for citizenship training and by the prospect of large captive audiences in classrooms of students fulfilling teacher certification requirements.America First was consistent with the mood of the United States in the 1920s, but less so in the 1930s and 1940s. In those decades student interest in non-American politics revived in response to the nation's involvement in world affairs, and this interest was expressed in the curriculum by separate courses, often misnamed “comparative government.” These were frequently courses in a series of major foreign governments, shaped by the writing and teaching of a new cohort of emigré faculty who revived the European influence on American political science. In this form the study of what was called “comparative government” gained a larger place in the curricula of departments of political science. But as a subfield of the discipline, comparative government remained too small, and the approach was too country-specific, to permit sub-specialization except by geographic areas. There was no place in it for courses on non-American legislatures, or executives, or political parties.
Political Scientists and the 1980 National Party Convention
Authors: Barber Kathleen L. 
Published: April 2006

While the country may not have recognized the impact of political scientists on the 1980 major party presidential conventions, we were indeed there. At least 19 known political scientists were among the 5381 Democratic delegates and alternates in New York City in August, and one known political scientist was among the 3988 Republican delegates and alternates in Detroit in July.These relatively rare birds who combine the study and teaching of politics with the doing were asked by PS to write short essays on their observations of the delegate selection processes and of the conventions themselves. In addition, two staff participants, John F. Bibby, a veteran of five Republican conventions, and Elaine C. Kamarck, self-styled “hackademic” who served as Executive Director of the 1980 Democratic Platform Committee, have contributed thoughtful comments on their perspectives. Finally, Byron E. Shafer, political scientist practicing his profession, is the only one of our contributors to have observed both 1980 conventions.
The Non-Politics of Social Science Information: A Manifesto
Authors: Riggs Fred W. 
Published: April 2006

If politics are based on the need, in any collectivity, to allocate scarce resources, then there should long ago have been a lively politics of social science information—but there has not been. However, political inaction can be attributed not only to non-scarcity, but also to the failure—for whatever reason—of affected persons to take action in their own interest.The fact that scarcities do plague the field of social science information—especially at the international level—will be apparent if one reflects on the following facts:• there is a growing output of social science research around the world, and much of it is carried out by scholars whose graduate education was completed at American universities;• in more and more countries there is an increasing output of primary data—news, survey returns, census data, trade statistics, government documents, plans, maps, archeological findings—that can be used very fruitfully by social scientists in their research;• the capacity of American researchers to secure support for research overseas, for field trips, for attendance at international conferences, and for the acquisition of foreign data has radically dwindled;
The ERA Won—At Least in the Opinion Polls
Authors: Daniels Mark R. , Darcy Robert , Westphal Joseph W. 
Published: April 2006

In 1972 it appeared that the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) would be ratified quickly. Support was forthcoming from a vast array of political leaders, such as President Nixon, past presidents, governors and legislators. Both major parties made the amendment part of their platforms and did so again in 1976. An impressive list of private organizations, including the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, the League of Women Voters, the American Association of University Women and many labor organizations, supported the amendment. Opposition was confined to groups of limited political effectiveness, such as the John Birch Society, George Wallace's American Independent Party and the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR).During the years immediately following congressional approval of the ERA in 1972, the American public strongly favored the amendment (see Table 1). In 1974, three Americans favored the ERA for every one who opposed it. Support for the ERA continued at a ratio of about two to one throughout the early ratification years. Support was widespread among all demographic groups. In 1975-76, the Gallup Poll found that even within groups where opposition to the ERA was strongest a majority supported ratification. Specifically, persons with low incomes favored it 53 percent to 31 percent and those living in small towns supported it 54 percent to 29 percent.Only in 1980—eight years after the ERA was submitted to the states for ratification—did support dip down to its lowest level. This represented a second phase for the ERA—the 1980 presidential campaign-during which the amendment was transformed by candidate Ronald Reagan into a partisan issue and removed from the Republican platform.
Changing Politics of Federal Health Insurance Programs
Authors: Bowler M. Kenneth 
Published: April 2006

In 1965, when Medicare and Medicaid were enacted, concern about access to the health care system for the elderly and poor overrode concerns about cost. The legislation focused on removing financial barriers to health care for these groups, and implementation of the legislation was a matter of reaching agreements with hospitals and physicians over reimbursement and administrative procedures with the objective of insuring that health care resources would be available to the beneficiaries of these new federal health insurance programs (Wolkstein, 1984).Ideological conflict and the alignment of interest groups are central to understanding the politics of Medicare. The intense disagreement over public versus private financing of medical care, and of universal coverage versus covering only the needy (i.e., social insurance versus charity), were key points of contention that established the context within which Medicare and Medicaid were developed, debated and enacted. Labor unions led the liberal organizations and those representing the elderly in advocating a universal, non-income tested federal health insurance system. The American Medical Association (AMA) led the health industry, business and conservative groups in opposing federal financing of personal health care. The intense opposition of the health providers and political conservatives to a universal federal insurance system led the national health insurance advocates to shift to an incremental strategy, the objective of which was to achieve a universal federal health insurance program in stages, beginning with a payroll-tax-financed Medicare program covering all (not just low income) elderly who were eligible for social security pension benefits.