bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
“Fallacious Mirrors:” Colonial Anxiety and Images of African Labor in Mozambique, ca. 1929
Authors: Allina Eric 
Published: May 2006

African historiography has over the past decade begun to pay increasing attention to photographs as a source for African history. A growing body of work has raised a number of methodological and theoretical questions about how scholars can and should work with images. From their experience with written documents, historians are aware of the ideologically charged conditions under which colonial knowledge was produced. This awareness has armed scholars with a skepticism to look beyond the image itself and examine the physical and technological environment in which photographers worked. Posed studio shots that create “natural” settings and post-event retouching are only some of the practices photographers used to endow their images with a greater semblance of accuracy.Andrew Roberts and David Killingray's “outline” of photography in Africa charts the development of photographic techniques and how their use created specific kinds of images of Africa; Virginia-Lee Webb emphasizes photographers' manipulation of not only their subjects, but also the environment in which they were photographed. What this work has produced is an oft-spoken axiom that photographic images of Africa (or any other place) ought not be taken at face value. This axiom has guided a significant amount of scholarship, although Beatrix Heintze wisely cautions against overinterpretation.Scholars who work with written documentary evidence from the colonial period have well established the ways in which administrators, missionaries, and other Europeans represented Africans as an “other,” as they sought to create cultural and social distance between themselves and Africans. Still other scholars have combined written and oral materials to show how Africans established their own identities and interpreted colonial discourses to create alternative, liberating discursive spaces.
A Checklist of Published Versions of the Sunjata Epic
Authors: Bulman Stephen P.D. 
Published: May 2006

This checklist of published versions of the Sunjata epic aims to include the widest possible corpus of written variants of the Mande tradition available through publishers, libraries, and in unpublished higher degree dissertations. It builds upon the work of Guy Tombs, Stephen Belcher, John Johnson, David Conrad and Ralph Austen. Entries are arranged alphabetically, by the name of thejeli (griot or bard, plural jeliw) or writer. Included in each entry are (1) the bibliographical reference (and subsequent references if the item has been republished or published in a translation or excerpted form); (2) the name of the performer (or writer); (3) details of the location and date of the performance; (4) details of the recorders) and translators); (5) the format of the published version (including the language(s) and the type of translation); and (6) the coverage of the published version. Coverage is indicated by use of a simple five-fold division of material traditionally included within the epic:
1. Paternal ancestry of Sunjata—links with the Middle East, Bilali, the Three Simbons, etc.2. Buffalo-woman tale3. Birth and childhood of Sunjata4. Exile of Sunjata5. Return and war with Sumanguru
The Idol, Its Worshippers, and the Crisis of Relevance of Historical Scholarship in Nigeria
Authors: Dibua J. I. 
Published: May 2006

In his brief essay on the crisis in modern Nigerian historiography, A.O. Adeoye effectively highlighted the origin and nature of the crisis. However, his work was more of a review of the different perspectives, as well as the existing literature on the issue. But the crisis of relevance that Nigerian historical scholarship is currently facing is so acute that it may not be an exaggeration to say that the discipline of history is being threatened with extinction. This has created a great amount of apprehension and self-doubt among Nigerian historians. Nevertheless, the crisis is manifested in all aspects of historical scholarship in Nigeria.One major area in which the crisis is manifested is at the apex level of the professional association of Nigerian historians, that is, the Historical Society of Nigeria (H.S.N.), which was formed in 1955. Apart from being the first professional body of academics to be formed in Nigeria, the society was so highly regarded that even up to the early 1980s, its activities were enthusiastically embraced by most Nigerian historians. By the mid 1980s, however, interest in the association had so much waned that majority of Nigerian historians, including very senior academics stopped paying their annual dues and participating in the Congresses. The situation has reached the depressing point where institutions now find it difficult to find enough finance to host the annual Congresses.The attempts to revive the interest of historians by choosing themes that are relevant to the contemporary Nigerian situation have not being successful.Similarly, the prestigiousJournal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN)which was established in 1956, was last published in 1985 (even though there are a number of manuscripts awaiting publication) whileTarikh, which was supposed to popularize history at the tertiary and secondary school levels and among non-historians, has not fared better. In addition, the publication of theIbadan History Serieshas long since been discontinued.
The N'ko Alphabet as a Vehicle of Indigenist Historiography
Authors: Oyler Dianne White 
Published: May 2006

The N'ko alphabet made its first appearance in Bingerville, Côte d'Ivoire, on 14 April 1949? The invention of Souleymane Kanté of Kankan, Republic of Guinea, this alphabet constituted an attempt to provide a truly indigenous written form for Mande languages. Since its invention, a grassroots movement promoting literacy in the N'ko alphabet has spread across West Africa from the Gambia to Nigeria. A significant number of the speakers of Mande languages in Francophone as well as Anglophone West Africa have learned the N'ko alphabet, even though their governments use French or English as official languages and Muslim Mande-speaking religious leaders use Arabic in prayers and for study and teaching. The number of those who are literate in N'ko has increased without government intervention or support during the colonial and independence periods and without official support from the Islamic religious community. N'ko spread at the grassroots level because it met practical needs and enabled speakers of Mande languages to take pride in their cultural heritage. Informants from Kankan and its vicinity, one small part of the large region of N'ko's spread, said that their motivation to learn the alphabet was due to pride in their culture.Here I examine the emergence of the N'ko alphabet as an indigenously created writing system currently used by speakers of Mande languages in the Republic of Guinea and in other countries across West Africa; the reasons behind the alphabet's creation and the process by which the alphabet evolved; seeks briefly to identify the process by which the alphabet was disseminated under the guidance of its creator in a grassroots movement fueled by individual initiative, I offer some indications as to the depth and breath of N'ko literacy within the Mande-speaking community. Finally, it discusses the motivation for learning the N'ko alphabet and the problems it poses for one local community.
A Dutch Embassy to Asante in 1857: The Journal of David Mill Graves
Authors: Yarak Larry W. 
Published: May 2006

Historians would readily agree that among the most important sources for Asante history are the written accounts of foreign visitors who traveled to Kumase during the nineteenth century. A work such as Ivor Wilks's Asante in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1975), for example, is almost unthinkable without T. E. Bowdich's Mission from Cape Castle to Ashantee (London, 1819) and Joseph Dupuis' Journal of a Residence in Ashantee (London, 1824). These two published and reprinted primary sources are justly famous for their rich evocations of encounters with Asantehene Osei Tutu Kwame (reigned 1804-23) and members of his court. But there are a number of unpublished accounts—and those published in relatively obscure places—which also contain important historical data but which are lesser known and less often cited by scholars. In English one thinks of, among others, British Governor William Winniett's journal of his visit to Kumase in 1848; in French the extensive notebooks of Marie-Joseph Bonnat; and in German, the report of the missionary A. Riis.A number of Dutch-speaking visitors also traveled to Kumase during the nineteenth century and left valuable written accounts, though few have ever been published. Language barriers have often prevented full use of the rich data they contain. Among the more important are those of Willem Huydecoper in 1816-17, Jacob Simons in 1831-32, Jacobus de Bruijn in 1836-37, H. S. Pel in 1842, and David Mill Graves in 1857, extracts from whose journal I have translated below.Graves served as secretary on a Dutch diplomatic and trade mission which was dispatched by Governor J. van den Bossche to the Asantehene, Kwaku Dua Panin (reigned 1834-67) in July 1857.
The History of the Baga in Early Written Sources
Authors: Hair P.E.H. 
Published: May 2006

The extent of secure knowledge of the past of the groups of people known in scholarly literature as Baga is inconsiderable. This is in part because of the limited European interest in past times in the Baga homeland (on the coast of the post-colonial state of Guinée), and also in part because of limited scholarly investigations in recent times (the post-colonial state did not help by for long exiling or barring from access non-Marxist scholars).Ethnographic and linguistic investigations have been undertaken only since the mid-nineteenth century and still amount to very little, with even less in print. Archeological investigations have yet to begin, apart from the brave attempt of Fred Lamp to date certain artefacts stylistically. As a result, in the 1990s the connotation and exact range of application of the term “Baga” remain unclear and the precise linguistic relationship of “the Baga language” with those neighboring languages that appear to form a language group is known only in outline. What this means that it is impossible to sum up the earlier history of the Baga briefly. The reader who continues and bravely tackles the listing and discussion of sources that follows will, however, be able to assess how much of the history can be securely reconstructed.It is understandable that the desire to construct a history for the Baga has latterly turned on the interpretation of oral traditions. Such traditions now preferred by the Baga—or at least by certain sections, strata, or individuals—are patently of great interest to the anthropologist inasmuch as they depict what the present-day Baga, or some of them, wish to see as their past history and thus throw light on contemporary ideology and popular mindsets.
Ethnographic Appropriations: German Exploration and Fieldwork in West-Central Africa
Authors: Heintze Beatrix 
Published: May 2006

German voyages of ‘discovery’ and field research in that part of Africa which, politically or linguistically, has been subject to Portuguese influence in past centuries, and still is so—an area which therefore corresponds for the most part (and also sufficiently so) to present-day Angola—has so far received only sporadic attention in corresponding historical writings. Nor for the most part have they been taken into account as ethnographic sources, language barriers above all being responsible for this. This is hardly because they are negligible in terms of either their numbers or the information they contain. In the last third of the nineteenth century especially, west-central Africa, in which Portuguese had been alingua francafor centuries, became a special area of attraction for German travelers. Admittedly, the published results are far from even. One, Augspurger's, is interesting above all for the early date of his report. The scientific reputation of others, like the Jaspert brothers, is extremely dubious. For yet others, like Baum and Jessen, ethnographic documentation was of only marginal interest. The greater part of Wilhelm's sketches have been lost.On the other hand, one cannot write knowledgeably about the Loango coast without consulting Brun's and Pechuël-Loesche's reports. Any statement on northeast Angola in the last quarter of the nineteenth century will lose in value if one fails to use Pogge, Lux, Buchner, and Schütt. Studies on the Kisama without Mattenklodt or on the Cokwe without Baumann's great monograph would at best be a skeleton, at worst a distortion, in the context of what is possible.
Fieldwork Ain't Always Fun: Public and Hidden Discourses on Fieldwork
Authors: Lecocq Baz 
Published: May 2006

Before I start, I would like to stress that the following is in no way meant as a complaint. Neither would I like you to think that I am disgusted by fieldwork in general, and fieldwork in Mali in particular. The point that I want to get across is that the personal emotional experience and state of mind during fieldwork have an impact on the way fieldworkers, in being their own instruments, practice their research. We would like to believe that this emotional state is one of euphoria, but in reality it includes negative experiences and feelings. These feelings should be accounted for—not just personally, but also professionally.There exists a dichotomy between open and hidden discourse about experiences in the field among social scientists practising fieldwork. This dichotomy is as old as fieldwork itself and gained some acknowledgment of existence after the publication of Malinowski'sDiary in the Strict Sense of the Term(Malinowski 1967). This dichotomy consists of a representation of fieldwork experiences towards colleagues and the larger audience as ideal, unproblematic, and among the best experiences a person can have in life. It is almost like a holiday. It is only in an informal setting, usually the pub, that some dare to speak of the danger, nuisance, despair, and general inconvenience of it all. Even talking about severe illness or other dangers is often done with the self assured attitude of someone capable of facing Armageddon and getting out alive. Apparently, Indiana Jones does exist.
Medical Anthropology, Subaltern Traces, and the Making and Meaning of Western Medicine in South Africa: 1895–1899
Authors: Lalu Premesh 
Published: May 2006

All things in nature are interesting to study, and especially humanity. The different phases in the different classes of life cannot fail to be interesting, and a medical man can gain a far greater insight through such study into the domestic life of his fellow creatures than anyone else.The word “progress” has its true meaning and significance in the higher walks of medicine. It does not mean a mere improvement in the principles and art of healing. It means a practical victory and conquest over nature by man. Now the greatest of all the aims of civilisation is the acquisition of natural knowledge, the conquest and subdual of nature to the service of the happiness of man.The aim of the present paper is to examine the concept of western medicine in South Africa by exploring the forms through which its authority was established. The paper is based on an analysis of theSouth African Medical Journal (SAMJ), which resurfaced after 1893 as a monthly publication. Rather than seeing theSAMJas a documentary source, I consider it to be a powerful representation of the making and meaning of western medicine and an indicator of the ascendancy and limits of western medicine. Most importantly, theSAMJillustrates the intersection between an emergent western medical episteme and a larger colonial discourse of race and sexuality.
The Literary Legacy of Frederick Courteney Selous
Authors: Mandiringana E. , Stapleton T.J. 
Published: May 2006

In the works of many generations of white writers on Africa, the “Great White Hunter” has remained one of the most powerful and enduring images. A model of Caucasian masculinity, he quickly masters a hostile and wild environment in ways which amaze the aboriginal population, who are usually portrayed as savage and incompetent. Perhaps the best known real-life example of this classic image was Frederick Courteney Selous, a product of the English public school system, who hunted elephants in southern and central Africa during the 1870s and 1880s. Never having made much money from the ivory trade because of the dwindling number of elephants, Selous became an employee of Cecil Rhodes' British South Africa Company (BSAC) in the 1890s and worked towards the colonization of Southern Rhodesia. After fighting against the Ndebele in 1893 and 1896, Selous eventually based himself in England and became a recognized environmental expert, safari guide, and collector/seller of zoological specimens.Through writing six books and numerous articles from 1881 to the 1910s, Selous successfully created and popularized an image of himself as a skilled, yet sporting, hunter, a painfully honest gentleman of the bush, and a friend, as well as leader, of Africans. He was an adventurer with a dramatic habit of narrowly escaping danger and these episodes were often illustrated through drawings in his books. Discussing one such incident, a writer of hunting stories once remarked that “throughout Lobengula's country the story went that Selous was the man even the elephants could not kill. It helped to build the ‘Selous Legend’ among the Rhodesian tribes.”
Contribution des sources françaises à la connaissance de l'actuelle Guinée-Bissau à la fin du XVIIè me siècle
Authors: Boulégue Jean 
Published: May 2006

Dans les années qui suivirent la prise de Gorée par les Français (en 1677), plusieurs dirigeants de la compagnie concessionnaire française manifestèrent un grand intérêt pour les “Rivières du Sud.” Leur intention, bien sûr, était d'y étendre les activités commerciales de leur compagnie et, si possible, de les appuyer par un établissement militaire. On sait que ce dernier projet, tenté par Brüe en 1699 dans l'île de Bolama, puis en 1700 dans l'île de Bissau, échoua finalement devant l'opposition des Portugais. De cette période, et de cette politique, sont restées deux importantes descriptions françaises des régions situé es entre la Gambie et le Corubal (c'est-à-dire actuellement en Casamance et en Guinée-Bissau):- celle de Michel Jajolet de La Courbe, relatant un voyage effectué par l'auteur lui-même de juillet 1686 à février 1687. La Courbe sera directeur de la concession française du Sénégal de 1689 à 1693. Auparavant, il avait été envoyé en mission d'inspection par la direction parisienne de la compagnie. Avant son retour en France (via les Antilles), il entreprit un voyage qui le mena d'abord, par voie de terre, d'Albréda, sur la Gambie, à Cacheu, en passant à hauteur de Ziguinchor. De Cacheu, il embarqua pour Bissau, où la compagnie française avait un commis, et, de là, il rayonna dans les îles et dans les fleuves. Ce voyage est assez bien connu puisque les manuscrits de La Courbe ont été retrouvés et publiés au début du siècle par Cultru. On sait aussi que quelques pages (seize exactement) manquaient au texte manuscrit.
The Archives of the Pan Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness-Orientated Movements
Authors: Maaba Brown Bavusile 
Published: May 2006

On 19 September 1998, Professor Sibusiso Bhengu, the South African Minister of Education, officially opened the National Arts and Heritage Cultural Centre (NAHECS) archives at the University of Fort Hare. This archive houses documentation from three former liberation movements: the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the Azanian People's Organization and the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania. Bhengu, from 1991 to 1994 the first black rector of Fort Hare, had signaled a new era for the university.It was during Bhengu's administration that the university received ANC archival documents, firstly from the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO), the ANC school in Tanzania during the exile period between 1978 and 1992, followed by other documents from ANC missions in different parts of the world. The arrival of these sources, which are lodged in the University Library, was followed by the official opening of the ANC archives on 17 March 1996 by Deputy President Thabo Mbeki of behalf of Nelson Mandela. Even before they were officially opened, the university had begun to receive scholars who combed the documents in an effort to reconstruct the history of the exiled liberation movements. Fort Hare historians also utilized the archives.The presence of the ANC archives at Fort Hare seems to have inspired Mbulelo Mzamane, Bhengu's successor as Vice Chancellor, to state that Fort Hare should be a home for all South African liberation movements' archival material. Soon, sources from the three liberation movements were sent to the university and the former Centre for Cultural Studies (CCS), now NAHECS, took charge of the documents. While these papers were being sorted out, a building was being constructed on campus to house the papers.
Postprandial interstitial insulin concentrations in type 2 diabetes relatives
Authors: Sandqvist M. , Johanson E. H. , Ahrén B. , Axelsen M. , Schmelz M. , Smith U. , Jansson P.‐A. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractBackground  An endothelial barrier for the insulin transport from the circulation to the target tissues of insulin has previously been suggested to contribute to insulin resistance. The interstitial insulin concentration (I‐insulin) and insulin kinetics following a mixed meal have, however, previously not been characterized in human adipose tissue.Subjects and methods  Eight nondiabetic first‐degree relatives (FDR) of type 2 diabetes patients were recruited. Their I‐insulin was measured by microdialysis after a test meal with or without oral administration of the insulin secretagogue nateglinide (120 mg). In parallel, adipose tissue blood flow and lipolysis were measured by xenon‐clearance and microdialysis, respectively.Results  The I‐insulin increased after the test meal, and this response was more prominent on the day the subjects received the nateglinide tablet when compared with the day the subjects received the placebo tablet [I‐insulin incremental area under the curve (IAUC) nateglinide 7612 ± 3032 vs. Plac 4682 ± 2613 pmol L−1 min; P < 0·05, mean ± SE]. However, the postprandial I‐insulinmax/P‐insulinmax ratio was similar on the two test days (nateglinide: 213 ± 62 vs. 501 ± 92 pmol L−1, I/P‐ratio: 0·38 ± 0·06 and placebo: 159 ± 39 vs. 410 ± 74 pmol L−1, I/P‐ratio: 0·36 ± 0·05). There was no difference in time of onset of insulin action in situ, or responsiveness, when comparing placebo and nateglinide.Conclusions  Microdialysis can now be used to measure the I‐insulin in human adipose tissue following a mixed meal. The data also showed that the transendothelial delivery of insulin occurs rapidly, supporting the concept that transcapillary insulin transfer is a nonsaturable process in nondiabetic first‐degree relatives of type 2 diabetes patients.
Using Hicksian Surplus Measures to Examine Consistency of Individual Preferences: Evidence from a Field Experiment
Authors: List John A. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThis paper pits neoclassical theory against prospect theory by investigating several clean tests of the competing hypotheses. Consistent with previous work, the field experimental data suggest that prospect theory adequately organizes behavior among inexperienced consumers, whereas consumers with intense market experience behave largely in accordance with neoclassical predictions. The data indicate that the convergence in values occurs entirely because of lower Hicksian equivalent surplus values.