bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Constantinopolitana
Authors: Hasluck F. W. 
Published: May 2006

Of the many resting-places assigned, by patriotic fancy, we must regretfully admit, rather than by well-authenticated traditions, to the last Greek emperor of Constantinople, none is more picturesque or more appropriate than the Golden Gate, through which, when the years are fulfilled, the victorious army of the Greeks is to enter the city and take possession once more of their ancient heritage. More than this, as Professor Polites has remarked, relatively ancient traditions of the saviour-king, who is to rise from the sleep of death at this historical moment, speak of him as dwelling ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἄκρᾳ τῆς Βυζαντίδος which may well enough be interpreted of the Golden Gate, standing as it does at the south-west corner of the triangular city.Despite this appropriateness, we note in the traditions a certain discrepancy as to one essential point—the identity of the sleeper at the Golden Gate. He is either the emperor Constantine Palaiologos, or his predecessor John Palaiologos, or—S. John the Evangelist! All these traditions are historically almost equally incredible. But the intrusion of S. John, who, according to mediaeval traditions, sleeps without tasting of death in his tomb at Ephesus, is at least intelligible in this setting. The figure of John Palaiologos, on the other hand, seems to be no more than a bridge effecting the transition between the deathless saint, John, and the deathless emperor, Palaiologos, of popular tradition. This hypothetical development would be explicable if we could find such a combination as the existence at the Golden Gate of a body marvellously preserved, and therefore reputed that of a saint, which was ignorantly identified first for obvious reasons with S. John, and later swept into the long cycle of local legends concerning the sleeping saviour-king. It seems possible that some, though not all, of the missing links can be supplied.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1921–1922
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the following Bibliography, which continues that of J.H.S. xli. 50 ff., I attempt to deal with the publications of 1921 and 1922, though a few books and articles are noticed which, though they appeared in previous years, only came under my notice in the period in question. It must be borne in mind that periodicals sometimes fall into arrears, and thus the actual year of publication may be later than the nominal year as indicated in the title. I have seriously modified the geographical order hitherto followed in my Bibliographies so as to bring it into strict accord, so far as the inscriptions of Europe are concerned, with that of the Inscriptiones Graecae; for those of Asia and Africa I follow the order adopted in the C.I.G.The mass of the relevant material has rendered necessary the utmost compression, and, while I have aimed at introducing some reference to every contribution to Greek epigraphical studies, I have found it impossible to summarise or to indicate the value of each. No mention is normally made of reviews, but I have occasionally added references to them for special reasons, e. g. because of the value of their positive contribution to the study, or because they afford a ready means of surveying the contents of the books to which they relate.
Traces of the Rhapsode: An Essay on the Use of Recurrent Similes in the Iliad
Authors: Sheppard J. T. 
Published: May 2006

We know roughly, says Prof. Murray, how a rhapsode set to work. He would be tempted to introduce bright patches. … He would abhor the subordination of parts to the whole.This tendency, he suggests, explains the occurrence both in Θ (555 ff.) and in II (297 ff.) of the well-known description of a cloudless sky: ‘Such lovely lines, once heard, were a temptation to any rhapsode, and likely to recur whereever a good chance offered. The same explanation applies to the multiplied similes of B 455 ff. They are not meant to be taken all together; they are alternatives for the reciter to choose from.’I quote this pronouncement, not because I want to quarrel with the most generous of scholars, but because it hits on particularly instructive passages. The constellation of similes at B 455 ff. marks, I suggest, a provisional climax in the movement of the poem, and the images here chosen are poetically relevant, not only to the immediate context but to the whole design. Similarly, the image of Θ 555 ff. is not isolated, but provides a climax and a consummation to the whole series of images which decorates the movement Γ–Θ. The kindred, though more impressive, image of Π 297 ff, marks the beginning of yet another series.
Thucydides the Son of Melesias: A Study of Periklean Policy
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T. 
Published: May 2006

At the crisis of Perikles' career, in the middle 'forties, Thucydides of the deme Alopekê, the son of Melesias, withstood the great man for a little while, until he was swept aside. He was ostracised (the last important ostracism of which we hear) and with that Perikles begins his fifteen years' principate.Impar congressus Achilli, Thucydides is damned by another Latin tag also: he is magni nominis umbra. Thucydides, for us and for most ancient writers, means the son of Oloros, the historian; and it has long been recognised that the second Vita prefixed to our texts of Thucydides' History contains information about the son of Melesias. The difficulty of disentangling him from his namesakes, more perhaps than the overtoweringness of his rival, has deterred historians from constating about the son of Melesias things which I think can yet be constated and should be. For indeed Kimon's political heir, who resisted Perikles on behalf of the Attic aristocracy, in the days when this aristocracy (to Athens' own irreparable damage) was being ruined, is a sufficiently important figure.
An Etruscan imitation of an Attic cup
Authors: Plaoutine N. 
Published: May 2006

Rodin bought many antiques in his life, and these are now preserved in the Rodin Museum in Paris. They are not very well known, but they include a few fine pieces well worth seeing and studying. Some seventy ancient vases are on exhibition, and do not seem ever to have been published or described, apart from stray mentions in sale catalogues.A few years ago I became interested in the collection, and noticed a very curious red-figured cup, which I shall describe.Pl. I. Rodin Museum inv. Tc. 980 (formerly inv. 1943). Diameter 23·2 centimetres. The present height is 9·5 centimetres, but the foot is alien: it comes from a little-master cup. The handles belong: the ends of them are rounded, not squared as in late cups.I: two satyrs. The left-hand one totters forward in a dancing movement, carrying a large wineskin on his back. He grasps the upper end with his left hand, just above his head, to prevent it sliding down. The right arm is lowered, with the fingers of the hand raised. His tail does not show, and his left leg is almost entirely hidden behind the krater on which his companion is seated; a bit of the calf appears to the left of the base. The second satyr, who wears a wreath of ivy, is sitting on the foot of a large calyx-krater which has been turned upside down; streaks on the uneven ground represent the remains of the wine: the feast is over.
Religious Documents from Roman Cyprus
Authors: Mitford T. B. 
Published: May 2006

Provenance unknown. Now in the Cyprus Museum, but with no record of acquisition. A rectangular sandstone block, both stone and inscription virtually complete. H. from 0·175 m. to 0·18 m.; w., 0·464 m.; th., 0·115 m. The surface, save for three long but shallow scratches, good. The alphabet is debased classical, notable forms being Ε and Η with the central stroke disconnected, Ρ with its top approximately rectangular. Letters, from 0·01 m. to 0·017 m. Squeeze. (Fig. 1.)From its lettering this inscription is in all probability earlier than the reign of Hadrian and should belong to the second half of the first century. Tryphon and Philon are both names common along the south coast of Cyprus; but as an indication of provenance this fact must be used with great reserve.The worship of Nemesis in Cyprus is not otherwise known to me, though Tyche with whom she is here identified occurs both at Chytri and at Paphos. An inscription tells of a dedication to the Fortune of Chytri under Philometor; another of how a certain Apollonia and her husband Patrocles were honoured, perhaps under Hadrian, as the founders of a Τυχαῖον and as the priests of the Fortune of the Metropolis Paphos. Here we do not find this limited conception of Tyche: the present inscription is an excellent and it seems an early illustration of the worship of Nemesis as a universal goddess, identified on the one hand with Justice, on the other with Fortune. In the theological and philosophic speculation of the second and third centuries these ideas are commonplaces. I am not aware that they have as yet occurred in the first.
A Skyphos by the Pan Painter
Authors: Robertson Martin 
Published: May 2006

Plate VIII and fig. 1 are from a red-figured vase in the Wisbech Museum and Literary Institution, Wisbech, Cambs. It is a skyphos, shape B, 8·45 cm. high and 11·3 broad (17·65 with handles). It was given to the Museum on October 7th, 1836, by William Peckover. Its provenance is unknown.A narrow reserved line runs all round the vase below the pictures.On the front is a warrior crouching to left, no doubt in ambush. He wears a Corinthian helmet with a horse-tail plume pushed back on his head, and carries a shield shewn in three-quarter view, but with the device, a facing bull's head, shewn as though the shield were seen in profile. He has a patterned garment round his waist, and holds a spear horizontally. On the other side is an archer moving to the left and shooting. He has an Eastern cap and bow, a garment round his waist and a quiver on his left thigh.
Documents from Phrygia and Cyprus
Authors: Buckler W. H. 
Published: May 2006

The following inscriptions, one from the realm of the Attalid kings, the other from that of the Ptolemies, came to light last year. Both are city decrees issued in the second century B.C., and affinity in date, if not in matter, seems to justify their being here published together.I. Decree from Apamea-ad-MaeandrumDinar. Two fragments of a marble stele excavated in 1934 near the ‘Therma’ spring (Ramsay, C.B. p. 401), soon afterwards copied, photographed and measured by W. M. Calder. At the top a plain moulding; broken at base and on both sides, no part of edges preserved; h. 0·39 m., w. 0·37 m., th. 0·08–0·10 m.; letters 0·007 to 0·0125 m.
The Rosi Krater
Authors: Beazley J. D. 
Published: May 2006

Fig. 1 gives the picture on the front of an Attic red-figured bell-krater which was formerly in the Roman market: about 1831 the vase belonged to the dealer Rosi, at another time to the dealer Campanari: it has since disappeared. The reproduction is taken from the lithograph (made from a drawing in Gerhard's apparatus) which was published by C. von Paucker, with a commentary, in AZ 1852, pl. 42 and pp. 450–8.Two small pieces are marked in the drawing as restored. There may be a little restoration besides this: the cheekpieces of the helmets, part of the shield, and one or two small particulars, were either retouched in the original, or copied carelessly by the modern artist. The faces, too, especially those of the two left-hand figures, cannot be quite as they were in the original.The date is about 450 B.C. As to the artist, there is much that recalls the Eupolis Painter, and the vase is almost certainly his work (ARV. p. 670 no. 3). Compare the drapery, especially, with that on his name-piece, the bell-krater in Vienna (1772: A, WV. E pl. 12, 1, whence Robert Herm. p. 65 fig. 52: A, von Lücken pl. 113: ARV. pp. 668–9 no. 1).
Tondo Composition in Archaic and Classical Greek Art
Authors: Webster T. B. L. 
Published: May 2006

The four centuries with which this study of Greek tondos is concerned cover a period which begins in the reign of Gyges of Lydia and ends shortly before the accession of Alexander the Great. Most of the tondos which have survived are of small size. The Strangford shield is an exception. No doubt other statues had decorated shields, but we know nothing about them, nor have we any evidence that the round form was used for large pictures. We are concerned with circles seldom more than a foot, and sometimes as little as a quarter of an inch, in diameter, with cups and plates, mirrors and coins. Nevertheless, in spite of their small size, and the consequent restriction of the composition to a small number of figures, these works are often of the first quality, and always reflect the style and ideas of their period.The geometric style gave Greek artists certain principles which they never entirely forgot, although they adhered to them more strictly at some times than at others. These principles are definition and symmetry. On Geometric vases, scene is marked off from scene and part from part; transitions are never slurred, and the defining lines are clearly drawn. The great structures and the minor parts within them are held together by the echoing of motives and figures, symmetrically balanced. Other features of the geometric style are less long-lived, the filling ornament, the angularity of the figures and the refusal to represent depth; yet they are not finally and completely abandoned until the sixth century or even later.
Reactions to the Peloponnesian War in Greek Thought and Practice
Authors: Murray Gilbert 
Published: May 2006

Europe in the last two thousand years has three times passed through an experience which may fairly be called a Thirty Years War; in Greece from 432 to 404 B.C., in Central Europe from A.D. 1618 to 1648; and over the whole continent from 1914 to 1945; in all of them there were intervals in which the fighting ceased, but the interval hardly amounted to true peace; it was more like what a certain scholiast calls it, ἐχεχειρία ὕπουλος, ώδίνουσα, πόλεμον. In all three cases one notices a certain rhythm; an increase of brutality and demoralisation persisting to the end of the war and after, and later on a sort of revulsion of thought, an attempt to make sure that such evils shall not happen again. In our time it is the League of Nations movement; after the Thirty Years War it is the effort to distinguish between just and unjust wars, and establish international law, which centres in Grotius' De Jure Pacis et Belli. After the Peloponnesian War it is the magnificent conception of World Citizenship made specially articulate in Zeno's ideal Republic.In the present paper I have tried to analyse a little more closely the actual reactions of Greek thought and practice to the first of these long strains of embittered war.
Some Notes on the Tal Atchana Pottery
Authors: Evans Arthur 
Published: May 2006

The fabric of the group of sherds examined by me was certainly indigenous and, in spite of the strong Minoan influence visible in some cases, no imported Cretan ware was traceable.The evidences of Cretan influence, however, are unmistakable.The large cups or bowls, of somewhat thin make, showing white rosettes on a dark ground, which are here exceptionally forthcoming, may certainly be regarded as derivatives of the egg-shell cups, with dark, metallic lustre ground and similar white rosettes, that characterise the finest M.M. IIa technique. That exquisite bowls of this class presenting decorative details that point to the Knossian Palace fabric were actually reaching the Syrian Coast by the approximate date of 1900 B.C. is now demonstrated by the fragment—the first-fruits of a still unexplored Ras Shamra tomb—kindly lent by Monsieur Claude Schaeffer and the authorities of the Louvre Museum to the Minoan Exhibition at the Royal Academy of Arts. In the case of the Tal Atchana specimens, where the parallels belong to only one comparatively simple class of decoration and the whole fabric is of an inferior and imitative kind it is obvious that we may have to deal with a distinctly later dating. The white on dark rosettes themselves were still a common decorative motive in the later phase (b) of M.M. II which carries us down to about 1700 B.C. But the survival of this in a local style may clearly have gone down still later.
Pericles and Dracontides
Authors: Frost Frank J. 
Published: May 2006

In his discourse on the causes of the Peloponnesian War (Pericles 31–32), Plutarch devotes an inordinate time to what he calls ‘the worst charge [against Pericles], but that having the greatest number of supporters’. The elements of this charge may be outlined briefly:1. Pheidias was indicted for embezzling the precious materials used in the construction of the great statue of Athena Parthenos. The informer was a certain Menon, a fellow workman, who was subsequently given immunity and tax-free status by a decree of the assembly proposed by Glycon.2. At the same time, Pericles' consort Aspasia was indicted and his friend and teacher Anaxagoras was attacked indirectly through a law against religious nonconformity brought by Diopeithes.3. While the people were still in this mood, Dracontides had a decree passed, requiring that Pericles' accounts be deposited with the council and that the dicasts try any resulting cases on the acropolis with ballots specially sanctified at the altar. This last clause was stricken from the bill by Hagnon, who specified that any resulting suits were to be tried by a jury of 1,500.4. Because of all these attacks, Pericles resolved to start the war, using the Megarian decree as provocation.Plutarch reports here the popular fancy—that Pericles started a foreign war to avoid domestic embarrassments. The development of this tradition is a well-known chapter in the history of Greek literature, but as it is fundamental to this discussion, a brief review is called for.
Further thoughts on the ‘Cycle’ of Agathias
Authors: Averil  , Cameron Alan 
Published: May 2006

We should like to make the following additions and modifications to our article ‘The Cycle of Agathias’ in JHS lxxxvi (1966) 6–25:p. 7: We might have added that AP xiii, xiv, xv and probably iv as well are non-Cephalan.p. 7, n. 11: We would now retract the view that Planudes used the Palatinus direct. Cf. Gow, Sources and ascriptions 51, and F. Lenzinger, Zur griechischen Anthologie (Diss. Zürich, 1965) 31–55. But our argument at, e.g., p. 12, para. 4, is unaffected, since it is clear that Planudes used a MS closely allied to the Palatinus (more closely, indeed, than Lenzinger, op. cit. 55, supposed).p. 8, n. 18: We should now place Eutolmius in the Cycle rather than in Palladas' Sylloge, and probably admit Diogenes as well. Possibly also, on the strength of their titles, Thomas Scholasticus (xvi 315) who may be the Thomas mentioned by Agathias in xvi 80. This latter Thomas is probably not, as Beckby (index nom. s.v.) supposed, a painter, but the man who commissioned the painting in question or wrote the epigram for it (cf. G. Mathew, Byzantine Aesthetics [1963] 74). Mathew assumes that he is the Thomas Curator of xvi 41: this is certainly possible, but no more.p. 10: i 34 was written before Agathias' fourth year of legal studies. It was in 551 or 552 that he began them (see ch. i of Averil Cameron's forthcoming monograph on Agathias), and so the poem can be dated to 554 or 555. For the question of the inclusion of this poem in the Cycle see below on p. 22.
Notes on the Revolution of the Four Hundred at Athens
Authors: Cary M. 
Published: May 2006

What was the number of the ξυγγραφεῖς who were appointedat Athens in 411 B.C. to introduce modifications into the democratic constitution? Thucydides says ten, and Aristotle thirty (Thuc. VIII. 67. 1; Ἀθηνάιων πολιτεία 29 § 2). It is now generally assumed that the only way to resolve this discrepancy is to reject one of the two conflicting numbers as a mere mistake, and that the error is on the part of Thucydides.Another solution has recently been put forward by Miss Mabel Lang, who concludes that Thucydides' ten ξυγγραφεῖς and Aristotle's thirty ξυγγραφεῖς were two distinct bodies, and that both authors after all were in the right. She points out that the Ten and the Thirty differed not only in their numbers, but in their attributes and achievements, and that they probably functioned on different occasions. Whereas the Ten were αὐτοκράτορες (i.e. had authority to by-pass the Council and present their report direct to the Popular Assembly), the Thirty lacked ‘autocratic’ power. Whereas the Thirty in due course submitted a scheme of reforms which was duly ratified by the Assembly (Ἀθ. Πολ. 29 § 5–30 § 1), the Ten never produced their programme (Thuc. VIII. 67. 2).
Corinth, Ambracia, Apollonia
Authors: Beaumont R. L. 
Published: May 2006

This paper is an amplification of that much quoted passage of Thucydides ἐπορεύθησαν δὲ πεƷῇ ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν. Of this land route, which enabled the Corinthians to get troops up to Epidamnus in despite of Corcyra, we know something andcan guess more, and in view of the undoubted importance of this part of the Greek world to Corinth, it may be worth while to try to fit the isolated facts together and reconstruct a picture of a short phase of Epirote and Acarnanian history in the latter half of the fifth century. It is certain that the north-west ranked as one of Corinth's vital interests. There is no need to quote other evidence when there is the specific statement of the Corinthian ambassador before the Athenian demos that it was a necessity for Corinth to sail to Corcyra. It is beyond the scope of this paper to enquire why this was so; all that is here attempted is a correlation of the facts about the land route, how Corinth and Apollonia contrived to open it, how Corinth and Ambracia tried to keep it open, and how by the end of the Archidamian War Athens had succeeded in closing it. The evidence is not copious, but of good quality; Thucydides is contemporary, Pausanias quotes contemporary sources, and the mountains, rivers, and valleys of the north-west are silent witnesses.The route falls naturally into three parts, the Acarnanian, the Epirote, and the Illyrian. It will be convenient to consider the Acarnanian section first, and the other two sections in the order mentioned.
Notes on Alexander's Campaigns, 332–330
Authors: Burn A. R. 
Published: May 2006

The following five notes deal with some neglected or controversial points concerning Alexander's operations in the two decisive years January, 332, to January, 330. Though independent of each other, they have a certain external unity, since all concern the crucial ‘third act’ of Alexander's career. Early in 332, the Persians, in spite of Issos, still hoped to recover Asia Minor, raise trouble in Greece, and transfer the seat of war back to the Aegean. Two years later, after Alexander's dash to Persepolis, Darius was no longer King of Persia; he was left indeed with virtually no forces except his Greek mercenaries and the troops of the Bactrian barons, who had ideas of their own.I have found myself at certain points in disagreement with the views of Sir William Tarn. Tarn has indeed left little to be said about Alexander, except where one disagrees; and I would not wish to end this prefatory note without an expression of admiration for his great work.