bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Democracy denied: why Ephialtes attacked the Areiopagus
Authors: Rihll T. E. 
Published: May 2006

Ephialtes is a rather enigmatic figure in Athenian history. On the one hand, he is widely regarded as the third and final ‘author’ of Athenian democracy; the man who finished what Solon began and Kleisthenes pushed forward. On the other hand, our knowledge of what he actually did is remarkably fuzzy.Considerable research on matters relevant to Ephialtes and his reforms has been published during the last decade, and it is my intention here to try to bring some of these results together to propose a new solution to the two principal problems concerning Ephialtes’ reforms: (i) what power(s) did he transfer from the Areiopagus to other bodies? and (ii) why did he propose these changes?
The Athenian Code of Laws, 410–399 B.C.
Authors: Rhodes P. J. 
Published: May 2006

Discussion of the problems must begin with the allegations made in Lysias' speech XXX) Against Nicomachus:When he became writer-up (anagrapheus) of the laws (nomoi), who does not know how he defiled the city? His instructions were to write up the laws of Solon in four months, but he set himself up as a lawgiver (nomothetes) in the place of Solon, instead of four months he made his office last six years, and every day he was taking money to insert some laws and wipe out others. (3) We were brought to this point, that the laws were doled out to us by his hand, and opposing litigants in the courts would produce conflicting laws, each claiming to have received them from Nicomachus. When the archons tried to impose fines on him and to bring him to court, he refused to hand over the laws: the city was brought to the direst disaster before he could be removed from his office and made to submit to examination (euthynai) for what he had done. (4) And yet, gentlemen, after failing to pay the penalty for those offences, he has done the same thing with his present office. First, he has been writing up for four years, when he could have had done with it in thirty days.
Veiling, αίδώς, and a red-figure amphora by Phintias
Authors: Cairns Douglas L. 
Published: May 2006

At p. 319 n. 203 of my recent book, I discussthe appearance of the letters ΑΙΔΟΣ … designating the figure of Artemis on an Attic red-figure amphora (depicting the rape of Leto by Tityos) by Phintias (Louvre G42; ARV223,1 [Paralipomena323,Addenda154; see now alsoLIMCii pl. 275, Apollon 1069, vi, Leto 34; PLATE I] …). That this constitutes an association between the goddess andaidôsis the position of Kretschmer [Die griechischen Vaseninschriften(Gütersloh 1894) 197], Norwood [Essays on Euripidean drama(Berkeley 1954) 76 n. 2], and Schefold [Götterund Heldensagen der Griechen in der spätarchaischen Kunst(Munich 1978) 68].
Pelops and Sicily: the myth of Pindar Ol. I
Authors: Griffith R. Drew 
Published: May 2006

In the myth of Pelops in Ol. 1.25-93, Pindar makes various selections, elaborations and innovations of the mythic material available to him. Kakridis has shown that the mention of Zeus' house (line 42), of the anxiety of one of Pelops' parents (46) and of wondrous horses (87) makes the story conform to that of Ganymede, which Pindar cites as a parallel in lines 43–5, while other choices, which cannot be so explained, Kakridis attributes to Pindar's striving for variation.Krischer has further shown that in lines 65–94, the explicit parallel with Ganymede is replaced by an implicit parallel with Achilles. Achilles has an ally in battle (Thetis), a divinity to whom he prays alone by the sea-shore (ll. i 349-50), who suddenly appears to him (ll. i 359), and to whom he claims to prefer a short life with honour to a long inglorious one (ll. xviii 155-21).
Some suggestions on the proem and ‘second preface’ of Arrian's Anabasis
Authors: Marincola J. M. 
Published: May 2006

In JHS cv (1985) 162–8, J. L. Moles has given an excellent treatment of the literary influences at work in the ‘second preface– of Arrian's Anabasis (i 12.1–5). I am in agreement with the main points of his work, and the purpose of the present note is to offer some additional evidence and suggestions.1. Literary influences. Moles sees five major influences at work in the second preface: Homer, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, and the prose encomium. Of this last he writes (164), ‘Arrian's work will be biographical in orientation and fundamentally encomiastic’. There is no doubt, of course, that Arrian's work is encomiastic; Arrian does not hesitate to express admiration for Alexander at the outset of the work or in comments throughout the work or in the επιμετρῶν λόγος at the work's conclusion. But Arrian's history is not an encomium, though it may incorporate elements from that genre.
The descent of the Greek epic: a reply
Authors: West M. L. 
Published: May 2006

In JHS cx (1990) 174-7 Dr John Chadwick expresses scepticism about certain lines of argument followed in my article ‘The Rise of the Greek Epic’ (JHS cviii [1988\ 151-72). He will not expect me to be heartened by his remarks. But I am. If this (I reflect) is the worst that the linguistic establishment can throw at me, there cannot be too much wrong with my approach.His paper consists largely of a rehearsal of elementary facts and principles familiar to me and to everyone in the field. We differ, evidently, in our assessments of the bearing of these facts and principles on my reconstruction of the main phases of the epic tradition. I will try to explain succinctly why his representations leave me so unabashed.
Hellenistic Crete and ΚΟΙΝΟΔΙΚΙΟΝ
Authors: Ager Sheila L. 
Published: May 2006

IF we are to believe all that Polybios tells us, then the world of Hellenistic Crete was a wretched place:The Cretans are irresistible, both by land and by sea, when it comes to ambushes and piracy and the tricks of war, night attacks and all engagements undertaken with fraud; but when it comes to the face-to-face assault of phalanxes fighting on equal terms, they are base and craven-hearted….Money is honoured among them to such an extreme degree that the acquisition of it is thought to be not only necessary, but also most honourable. Generally speaking, the practice of disgraceful greed and acquisitiveness is so much the fashion there, that among the Cretans alone of all humankind no profit is considered shameful….Because of their congenital greed, they are engaged in constant upheavals, private and public, and murders and civil wars….Indeed, one would not find private customs more treacherous nor public enterprises more unjust (except in a few cases) than those of the Cretans….[In the year 181 BC] great troubles began in Crete, if indeed one can speak of a ‘beginning’ of troubles in Crete. For because of the unceasing nature of their civil wars and the excessive savagery of their treatment of one another, ‘beginning’ and ‘end’ are the same thing in Crete, and what seems to be a paradoxical saying of some individuals is there a consistently observable fact.
The Breakdown of the Arms Embargo against South Africa
Authors: Gervasi Sean 
Published: May 2006

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Subcommittee,As you know, the United Nations Security Council called for an arms embargo against South Africa in 1963. Its objective was to prevent South Africa’s acquiring foreign weapons with which to build a modern military machine. South Africa did not have then, and lacks even now, the capacity to produce sophisticated modern arms economically. The Council reasoned at the time that if South Africa were denied supplies of modern arms it would find it difficult to resist the growing internal demands for dismantling apartheid. Many states saw the arms embargo as the best way to ensure peaceful change in southern Africa. And the call for an embargo was issued with that explicit purpose in mind.
The Rwandan Patriotic Front: Politics and Development in Rwanda
Authors: Reed Wm. Cyrus 
Published: May 2006

The past twelve months have witnessed the devastation of Rwanda. More than one half million people were murdered by the Rwandan army and the associated civilian militias, while over two million people fled the country after the death of former President Juvenal Habyarimana. The Rwandan Patriotic Front, which emerged in exile over the past thirty years and now dominates the government in Kigali, faces a dilemma: how does it consolidate its position amongst its core supporters, many of whom grew up in exile and recently returned to Rwanda, while at the same time gain the confidence of the domestic population, many of whom have recently fled? Resolving this dilemma is the central task for the regime, and is critical to the future political and economic development of the country.In spite of its stated desire to create a broad-based government, the core of RPF support lies on a perilously narrow base, located as much outside of the country as inside. Domestically, the country is in ruins. The exodus of refugees resulted in the collapse of production and of the state.
Diophantine Geometry from Model Theory
Authors: Scanlon Thomas 
Published: May 2006

Abstract§1. Introduction. With Hrushovski's proof of the function field Mordell-Lang conjecture [16] the relevance of geometric stability theory to diophantine geometry first came to light. A gulf between logicians and number theorists allowed for contradictory reactions. It has been asserted that Hrushovski's proof was simply an algebraic argument masked in the language of model theory. Another camp held that this theorem was merely a clever one-off. Still others regarded the argument as magical and asked whether such sorcery could unlock the secrets of a wide coterie of number theoretic problems.In the intervening years each of these prejudices has been revealed as false though such attitudes are still common. The methods pioneered in [16] have been extended and applied to a number of other problems. At their best, these methods have been integrated into the general methods for solving diophantine problems. Moreover, the newer work suggests limits to the application of model theory to diophantine geometry. For example, all such known applications are connected with commutative algebraic groups. This need not be an intrinsic restriction, but its removal requires serious advances in the model theory of fields.
Some conjectures on the reign of Vespasian
Authors: McElderry R. Knox 
Published: May 2006

It is to be feared that the greater part of the Histories of Tacitus is lost beyond recall: Latin literature appears but rarely among the treasures of the sands of Egypt. The consequent gap in our knowledge is very imperfectly filled by the records that do remain. It is certain that many events of importance have been wholly passed over in them, while many others are referred to in such an incidental and cursory way that varying interpretations seem possible, and conjecture becomes permissible and even necessary.We know in general that Vespasian was an energetic reformer and reorganiser: it may be possible, even with our fragmentary evidence, to trace his reorganisation of the two wealthiest provinces, Asia and Africa, somewhat more fully than has hitherto been done. With regard to Asia, the conjecture seems justifiable that Eprius Marcellus was Vespasian's agent for reform, and that his prolonged tenure of the proconsulship of Asia is to be so explained. And in Africa, there may be some reason for supposing that Q. Vibius Crispus performed a similar service, and that his proconsulship there was similarly extended.
Roman Citizenship in Laconia
Authors: Box Herbert 
Published: May 2006

Not every Greek who bore a Roman name was a Roman citizen. Dittenberger formulated the rule by which the possession of Roman citizenship may be inferred. He writes of the inscription Κορνήλιος Άφροδεισιεὺς ἐποίει‘Da auch kein Cognomen steht, ist der Gentilname offenbar nicht als solcher, sondern als Individualname gebraucht, was in römischer Zeit in Griechenland zuweilen vorkommt und da am sichersten zu erkennen ist, wo der Vatername im Genetiv dazutritt (Αντώνιος Μενάνδρου, CIA iii, 1133), oder der Name selbst ‘patronymisch verwendet wird (Βειτάλιος Πομπωνίου, IG Sept. i, 2445), oder beides zugleich stattfindet (Αντώνιος Άντωνίου, CIA iii, 1120). Alles dies hat bei einem wirklichen Gentilnamen absolut keinen Sinn; aber auch die Bezeichnung eines Griechen bloss mit einem nomen gentile kann nur so verstanden werden, dass dies an Stelle eines griechischen Individualnamens gebraucht ist. Folgeweise hat man in diesen Fällen auch nicht das mindeste Recht, aus dem lateinischen Namen auf den Besitz des römischen Bürgerrechts zu schliessen.’
Jvppiter Capitolinvs
Authors: Jitta Annie Zadoks 
Published: May 2006

The bronze statuette shown in plates ii and iii (2), which represents an enthroned deity, has recently come to Holland from an old Italian collection and is now in private hands. It is 14 cm. high and is hollow; the back has been modelled to just below the waist; the feet are finished in the round. It is of excellent quality and very well preserved and is covered by a light green patina, here and there unfortunately affected by corrosion. The attributes in the right and the left hand are missing; the right thumb and little finger are broken off; the left arm is slightly twisted.The god, evidently Zeus or Juppiter, is represented with nude torso; a himation covers waist and legs and is arranged on the lap in a kind of loop; the feet are shod with sandals. The right hand is stretched forwards with upturned palm; the left hand is raised high, and clearly once held a long sceptre. The left leg is thrust forward, the right somewhat drawn in, and the head is turned slightly to the right.
Virgil's Plough
Authors: Aitken Robert 
Published: May 2006

In this paper Virgil's description of a plough (Georgics, 1, 169 ff.) is re-examined in the light of modern records of wooden ploughs from SW Europe, taken in a broad sense to include Italy and the Swiss canton of the Grisons, and from neighbouring Mediterranean regions. This on the assumption that Virgil is describing a single type of plough, not ‘integrating’ types; in other words, that there is such a thing as ‘Virgil's Plough’ and that one may hope to find its modern analogues. To archaeological evidence only incidental allusions are made, mainly to evidence appearing later than Gow's and Drachmann's articles.When the passage from the Georgics is set out in separate sentences of 2 + 2 + 3 lines with their differing evocations, the field and woodland scenes evoked do not appear so closely related to each other and to the references to parts of the plough as they do if the passage, which is fundamentally a structural account of the plough, is interpreted in the light of a visit to a craftsman's shop with outdoor evocations arising from the craftsman's explanations to his visitor. The thesis now put forward is that Virgil's description arises from just such a visit, which would open quite naturally with talk about the ‘knee timber’ needed for the curved beam (buris) as the part taking the principal strain. So to-day in talks with Spanish ploughwrights, one of whom even used Virgil's verb when explaining to the writer in 1935 that, in a certain valley from which he bought the elm for his beams, ‘doman el ramito de año,’ they tie down the yearling branchlet.
A Possible Conflict of Laws in Roman Britain
Authors: Stevens C. E. 
Published: May 2006

It is well known that in the various collections of imperial legislation there is only one enactment specifically addressed to Britain, Cod. Theod. XI, 7, 2, of 20th November, 319, to Pacatianus, Vicar of the Britains. It is a short text and may be at one point corrupt, but the general sense is clear: a decurion is liable to pay tax on his own property (whether held ‘in hand’ or occupied by coloni), he is not liable for the property and coloni of another decurion. The text is normally cited by students of Roman Britain to prove that the institutions of the colonate applied to Britain, and this it certainly proves. The purpose of this paper, however, is to inquire whether something more may not be extracted from it.The principle contained in the law is actually established by legislation of more recent date also included in the Codex Theodosianus. That it appears in the Code at all is due to the hasty and unsystematic way in which the compilers of the Code went to work; legislation was simply collected with little regard to whether it had been repeated or even superseded.
Stamped Tiles found in Gloucestershire
Authors: Clifford E. M. 
Published: May 2006

The stamps on Roman tiles found in Gloucestershire are sufficiently numerous and varied to make it worth while publishing an illustrated list of them with full details. They fall into two categories.(A) Tiles stamped R P G (no. i below), = Rei publicae Glevensium, R P G I I V M E T P G, = rei publicae Glevensium duoviris M et P G (no. 2), R P G Q Q I V L FLOR ET C C R S M, = rei publicae Glevensium quinquennalibus Iulio Floro et C …. (no. 7), and also with other names (nos. 4-6), have been found in Gloucester, in the Roman cemetery at Barnwood near by, and at the Roman villas of Hucclecote and Ifold, near Painswick (fig. 3), and it has been suggested that their distribution should serve as a clue to the extent of the territorium of the colonia of Glevum in the surrounding country. They were first discussed by Haverfield and interpreted by him as municipal tile stamps, the R P G standing for ‘res publica Glevensium’ while the other letters indicate the names of the magistrates of the colonia who, in the municipal government, corresponded to the consuls of the Roman Republic.
The Roman Law of Treason under the Early Principate
Authors: Chilton C. W. 
Published: May 2006

The two problems to be discussed here are :—(1) Under what law or laws were charges brought in cases of treason during the first years of the Principate?(2) What were the penalties prescribed by that law or those laws?The answer to the first question raises no serious difficulties. It is true that apart from any consideration of perduellio no fewer than four laws de maiestate (to be discussed more fully later) were passed in the seventy years before the reign of Augustus. But it is clear that for all practical purposes these laws were comprehended and superseded by the Lex Julia of Augustus. Tacitus always speaks of a single law, e.g.Ann. 1, 72, 3: ‘nam legem maiestatis reduxerat,’ andAnn. 2, 50, i: ‘adolescebat interea lex maiestatis’and the jurists always refer to a Lex Julia which must have been that passed by Augustus and not that of Caesar.The answer to the second question also was until recently regarded as practically certain. It was held by all authorities, both Continental and English, that the only legal penalty was ‘interdictio aquae et ignis’, though with the establishment of the Principate there began a process of arbitrarily worsening the conditions of exile and even substituting the death penalty. But during the present century another view has been put forward—a view developed in most detail by R. S. Rogers in his Criminal Trials and Criminal Legislation under Tiberius (1935). In this book Rogers asserts positively and often that the Lex Julia embraced two different kinds of treason—high treason, which he calls by the old name of Perduellio, and Maiestas, which often amounted to no more than slander of the Princeps or his family—and that two different penalties were prescribed, viz. death (with confiscation of property and damnatio memoriae) for Perduellio, exile for Maiestas.
Felicitasat Surrentum (Statius,SilvaeII. 2)
Authors: Nisbet R. G. M. 
Published: May 2006

The Surrentinum of Pollius Felix encouraged Statius to play on the meaning of felicity. The villa's prospect extended to Naples and Limon (near Pausilypum), where an inscription of A.D. 65 already attests the name of the family. Nereids climbed the rocks to steal the fortunate proprietor's grapes, and Satyrs tumbled in the sea in the eagerness of their pursuit. A local Siren flew up to hear songs better than her own (112 f.),hic ubi Pierias exercet Pollius artes,seu volvit monitus quos dat Gargettius auctor,seu nostram quatit ille chelyn, seu dissona nectitcarmina, sive minax ultorem stringit iambon.In other words Pollius was a poet (cf. 39 f.; III. I. 66 f.), who wrote hexameters, elegiacs, and iambi; that is why Statius refers to hiseloquentiaandfacundia, for Schanz-Hosius are wrong to include so private a person among the orators. In particular he seems to have composed didactic verse on Epicurean subjects. In a context referring to the Siren and immediately after a mention of Pierian arts,volvit monitus(co-ordinate withquatit, nectit, stringit) surely refers to something more than an interest in philosophy (thus Vollmer's commentary) or an avoidance of public life (J. H. Mozley's Loeb edition).
The Treaty of Apamea (188 B.C.): the Naval Clauses
Authors: McDonald A. H. , Walbank F. W. 
Published: May 2006

Two years ago when McDonald (JRS LVII (1967), 1–8) discussed the strategic aspects of the treaty of Apamea in its ‘territorial clause’ (Polyb. XXI, 43, 5–6; Livy XXXVIII, 38, 4–5) he was concerned to define the ‘Taurus line’, in its general significance with relation to Antiochus' position in Cilicia. This involved the text of the clause as well as topographical study of central and southern Asia Minor. He did not go on to treat how Antiochus might use naval transport and ‘combined operations’ at coastal landing points to turn the ‘Taurus line’ against Rhodes and Pergamum, and return to the Aegean.The ‘naval clauses’ of the treaty represent Rome's decision to block any such move, however unlikely, by reducing Antiochus' strength at sea and imposing geographical limits on where the craft permitted to him might sail (Polyb. XXI, 43, 13–14 ; Livy XXXVIII, 38, 8–9).
Republican Denarii in Romania: the Suppression of Piracy and the Slave-Trade
Authors: Crawford Michael H. 
Published: May 2006

One of the most remarkable phenomena within the pattern of monetary circulation in antiquity is the presence of large numbers of Roman Republican denarii, for the most part struck betweenc.130 and 31 B.C., on the soil of present-day Romania, roughly ancient Dacia. Absolute figures are impressive; it has been calculated that taking together isolated finds, hoards closing with Republican pieces, nuclei of Republican coins in Roman Imperial hoards and Republican coins in collections in Romania the total comes to something like 25,000 pieces. But absolute figures are themselves unable to convey fully the uniqueness of the phenomenon; this emerges most clearly from a comparison with neighbouring territories.There are no known hoards of Republican denarii from the territory of the Moldavian S.S.R.; the territories of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary to the north-west have produced between them a mere handful of Republican hoards; Jugoslavia and Albania to the west and Greece to the south are slightly more productive, but display no trace of the feature characteristic of Romania, a great block of hoards, the latest coin of which belongs in the first century B.C.
The Date and Identity of Macrobius
Authors: Cameron Alan 
Published: May 2006

It has long been recognized that Macrobius'SaturnaliaandCommentaryon Cicero'sSomnium Scipionisare no less important as social documents of their times than for the precious antiquarian and neoplatonic lore they preserve. But which times ? And who was Macrobius ?In view of our relatively abundant prosopographical material from the late fourth and early fifth centuries, there should be a fair chance of identifying a man whose full name and rank stand on record: Macrobius Ambrosius Theodosius,vir clarissimus et inlustris.