bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
NGO Strategies for Promoting Corporate Social Responsibility
Authors: Winston Morton 
Published: August 2006

This article describes and evaluates the different strategies that have been employed by international human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in attempting to influence the behavior of multinational corporations (MNCs). Within the NGO world, there is a basic divide on tactics for dealing with corporations: Engagers try to draw corporations into dialogue in order to persuade them by means of ethical and prudential arguments to adopt voluntary codes of conduct, while confronters believe that corporations will act only when their financial interests are threatened, and therefore take a more adversarial stance toward them. Confrontational NGOs tend to employ moral stigmatization, or “naming and shaming,” as their primary tactic, while NGOs that favor engagement offer dialogue and limited forms of cooperation with willing MNCs.The article explains the evolving relationship between NGOs and MNCs in relation to human rights issues and defines eight strategies along the engagement/confrontation spectrum used by NGOs in their dealings with MNCs. The potential benefits and risks of various forms of engagement between NGOs and MNCs are analyzed and it is argued that the dynamic created by NGOs pursuing these different strategies can be productive in moving some companies to embrace their social responsibilities. Yet, in order for these changes to be sustainable, national governments will need to enact enforceable international legal standards for corporate social accountability.
Corporate Codes of Conduct and the Success of Globalization
Authors: Sethi S. Prakash 
Published: August 2006

This article focuses on the expanding role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in developing countries, within the context of globalization and free trade. It demonstrates that the current state of globalization does not conform to the conventional notion of free trade. Therefore, given the prevailing circumstances, MNCs have an unfair advantage in expropriating a greater share of gains from efficiency and productivity from international trade than would be possible if labor had greater mobility or more equitable bargaining power.The article presents evidence that the arguments advanced by MNCs in defense of their position are factually incorrect and logically flawed. Next, the article examines the efforts made by MNCs to ameliorate some of the adverse conditions arising from their overseas manufacturing and sourcing operations. The findings show that most of these efforts are more rhetorical than substantive.Finally, it outlines a framework that allows multinationals to undertake meaningful actions that would both minimize the adverse consequences of, and enhance the positive benefits emanating from their overseas operations. These actions must be independently verifiable and transparent if MNCs are to gain credibility and public trust.A failure to undertake meaningful reforms will retard or even reverse the process of globalization, thus depriving all concerned of globalization's attendant benefits. Even more ominously, such a failure would seriously undermine democratic values and erode the very foundations of political and economic freedom in large parts of the world that sustain private enterprise, property rights, respect for individual freedom, and protection of human rights.
The Constructive Role of Private Creditors
Authors: Porzecanski Arturo C. 
Published: August 2006

During the past couple of years, policy-makers in Washington and other capitals of G-7 countries have been flogging the idea that the functioning of the world's financial markets must be improved by making it easier for insolvent governments, especially in emerging markets, to obtain debt relief from their bondholders and bankers.Most savvy investors, financial intermediaries, and emerging-market government officials, however, are at a loss to understand why the G-7 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) believe the international financial system would function better if there were specific mechanisms to facilitate sovereign bankruptcies.
International Justice as Equal Regard and the Use of Force
Authors: Elshtain Jean Bethke 
Published: August 2006

Elshtain presents a case for the primacy of politics if one would argue persuasively about international justice. Without political stability, all attempts to assist developing states, or to sustain persons caught in the chaos of “failed states,” must fail. A concept of justice lies at the heart of this discussion and revolves around the fundamental questions of to whom justice is owed and in what justice consists.Have we any obligations beyond our own borders? If so, what form do these take? These questions are addressed by developing a concept of comparative justice indebted to the just war tradition and tying it to the equal moral regard of persons. This leads, in turn, to two further difficulties. First, what does it mean to make a claim under the equal regard norm? Just war criteria posit certain universal claims in a political universe in which particular bodies politic either respond, or do not, to such claims in light of their own principles and interests. The article develops a citizenship model for cases of humanitarian intervention, rejecting any and all approaches that involve an asymmetrical valuing of human life.Second, who can be called upon to use coercive force in behalf of justice? Elshtain argues that all states have a stake in creating and sustaining an international system of equal regard. But, at present, there is no universal body that can be turned to with any confidence in situations of catastrophic violence, like ethnic cleansing. UN Peacekeepers are effective only after a measure of order is restored. As a result the state, or states, with the greatest capability to project power bears the lion's sharer of responsibility for enforcing an equal regard norm. Elshtain acknowledges the difficulties of articulating a strong universal justice claim while assigning a particular state, or states, and their people a disproportionate enforcement burden. But that best describes the present moment and it is better by far that those with power deploy that power within a framework of principles and constraints rather than solely along the lines of classic realpolitik.
The Guilt of Nations?
Authors: Olick Jeffrey K. 
Published: August 2006

“What responsibility do ordinary people bear for atrocities committed in their names? According to modern democratic sensibilities, responsibility is an individual affair. The idea, as in Exodus (20:5), that the sins of the fathers could be delivered unto the third and fourth generations goes against the grain. It seems to be part of the collectivistic thinking that characterizes modernity off its rails, a pre-modern remain that produces outbursts of racism, nationalism, and genocide. That is not to say that we are not interested in accountability for political crimes. International human rights entrepreneurs have pressed for holding dictators accountable and have supported efforts to obtain reparations and other forms of redress. But we are very careful to avoid charges of “collective guilt,” which often sound more like the problem than the solution. We don't want to start a culture war or clash of civilizations!…In contrast to the Mitscherlichs, Sebald is thus very much a man of his times, free of the older orthodoxies of the West German memory wars. For decades, the politics of memory in West Germany was divided between those who feared “too much” memory and those, like Jung and the Mitscherlichs, who believed Germans needed to work through their (collective) guilt if they were to overcome the symptoms of repression. Sebald does indeed pose a strong ethical and political-cultural imperative to remember, but his lecture was controversial because the lost memory it laments is that of German suffering, which heretofore has been the rallying cry of the extreme right. In this regard, Sebald is only one example of a surprising recent interest in the memory of German suffering from the left…. How legitimate is this new interest in German suffering, previously associated with nationalist revanchism and discreditable positions? The answer depends on the purpose…”
The Preventive Use of Force: A Cosmopolitan Institutional Proposal
Authors: Buchanan Allen , Keohane Robert O. 
Published: August 2006

Preventive use of force may be defined as the initiation of military action in anticipation of harmful actions that are neither presently occurring nor imminent. This essay explores the permissibility of preventive war from a cosmopolitan normative perspective, one that recognizes the basic human rights of all persons, not just citizens of a particular country or countries. It argues that preventive war can only be justified if it is undertaken within an appropriate rule-governed, institutional framework that is designed to help protect vulnerable countries against unjustified interventions while also avoiding unacceptable risks of the costs of inaction. The key to ensuring the fairness of rules governing the preventive use of force is accountability.This essay proposes a scheme that would make those promoting and those rejecting the preventive use of force more accountable. The proposal contains the following crucial features:States proposing preventive war are required to enter into a contract with a diverse body of states as a condition for authorization of their actions;Prior to taking preventive action, states must make an evidence-based case to the UN Security Council, and agree in advance to submit themselves to an evaluation by an impartial body after the preventive action occurred;Both proponents of action and those opposing it will be held accountable ex post for the accuracy of their prior statements and the proportionality of their actions;Sanctions will be imposed against intervening states or states that opposed preventive action, respectively, depending on the findings of the ex post evaluation.If preventive action were blocked in the Security Council, states seeking to engage in preventive action could then present their case in a different body–a coalition of democratic states–with its own ex post and ex ante accountability procedures.
Informing the Integration Debate with Recent Experience
Authors: Minear Larry 
Published: August 2006

The overriding challenge faced by policy-makers in the post–Cold War era is not, as many would have us believe, the achievement of integration of humanitarian action into the prevailing politico-military context. It is rather the protection of its independence. The debate, rather than focusing on fitting humanitarian action more snugly into the given political framework, should explore how to ensure the indispensable independence of humanitarian actors from that framework.The experience of the Humanitarianism and War Project, an action-oriented research and publications initiative studying humanitarian activities in post–Cold War conflicts, suggests the essential elements of such independence. They include structural protection for humanitarian action against political conditionality; more sensitivity to local perceptions regarding humanitarian actors and action; tighter discipline within the humanitarian sector by those providing assistance and protection; increased attention to the origins of aid resources and of the personnel administering them; greater participation and ownership by local institutions and leaders in crisis countries; and an agreed overarching political framework that gives higher priority to human security.
Severe Poverty as a Violation of Negative Duties
Authors: Pogge Thomas 
Published: August 2006

Mathias Risse discusses whether the global system of territorial sovereignty that emerged in the fifteenth century can be said to harm the poorer societies. This question is distinct from the question I raise in my book—namely, whether present citizens of the affluent countries, in collusion with the ruling elites of most poor countries, are harming the global poor. These questions are different, because present citizens of the affluent countries bear responsibility only for the recent design of the global institutional order. The effects of the states system as it was shaped before 1980, say, is thus of little relevance to the question I have raised. A further difference is that whereas Risse's discussion focuses on the well-being of societies, typically assessed by their GNP per capita, my discussion focuses on the well-being of individual human beings. This difference is significant because what enriches a poor country (in terms of GNP per capita) all too often impoverishes the vast majority of its inhabitants, as I discuss with the example of Nigeria's oil revenues (pp. 112–14).My focus is then on the present situation, on the radical inequality between the bottom half of humankind, suffering severe poverty, and those in the top seventh, whose per capita share of the global product is 180 times greater than theirs (at market exchange rates). This radical inequality and the continuous misery and death toll it engenders are foreseeably reproduced under the present global institutional order as we have shaped it. And most of it could be avoided, I hold, if this global order had been, or were to be, designed differently. The feasibility of a more poverty-avoiding alternative design of the global institutional order shows, I argue, that the present design is unjust and that, by imposing it, we are harming the global poor by foreseeably subjecting them to avoidable severe poverty.
Interaction between Fosamprenavir, with and without Ritonavir, and Nevirapine in Human Immunodeficiency Virus-Infected Subjects
Authors: DeJesus Edwin , Piliero Peter J. , Summers Kim , Wire Mary Beth , Stein Daniel S. , Masterman Amanda , Lou Yu , Min Sherene S. , Shelton Mark J. 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT
Fosamprenavir (FPV) with and without ritonavir (RTV) was added to the antiretroviral regimens of human immunodeficiency virus-infected subjects receiving nevirapine (NVP) to evaluate this drug interaction. Significant reductions in plasma amprenavir exposure (25 to 35%) were observed following coadministration of 1,400 mg of FPV twice a day (BID) and 200 mg of NVP BID. A regimen of 700 mg of FPV BID plus 100 mg of RTV BID may be coadministered with NVP without dose adjustment.
Interaction of the Gelsolin-Derived Antibacterial PBP 10 Peptide with Lipid Bilayers and Cell Membranes
Authors: Bucki Robert , Janmey Paul A. 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT
PBP 10, an antibacterial, cell membrane-permeant rhodamine B-conjugated peptide derived from the polyphosphoinositide binding site of gelsolin, interacts selectively with both lipopolysaccharides (LPS) and lipoteichoic acid (LTA), the distinct components of gram-negative and gram-positive bacteria, respectively. Isolated LPS and LTA decrease the antimicrobial activities of PBP 10, as well as other antimicrobial peptides, such as cathelicidin-LL37 (LL37) and mellitin. In an effort to elucidate the mechanism of bacterial killing by PBP 10, we compared its effects on artificial lipid bilayers and eukaryotic cell membranes with the actions of the mellitin, magainin II, and LL37 peptides. This study reveals that pore formation is unlikely to be involved in PBP 10-mediated membrane destabilization. We also investigated the effects of these peptides on platelets and red blood cells (RBCs). Comparison of these antimicrobial peptides shows that only mellitin has a toxic effect on platelets and RBCs in a concentration range concomitant with its bactericidal activity. The hemolytic activities of the PBP 10 and LL37 peptides significantly increase when RBCs are osmotically swollen in hypotonic solution, indicating that these antibacterial peptides may take advantage of the more extended form of bacterial membranes in exerting their killing activities. Additionally, we found that LL37 hemolytic activity was much higher when RBCs were induced to expose phosphatidylserine to the external leaflet of their plasma membranes. This finding suggests that asymmetrical distribution of phospholipids in the external membranes of eukaryotic cells may represent an important factor in determining the specificity of antibacterial peptides for targeting bacteria rather than eukaryotic cells.
Evidence of Antibiotic Resistance Gene Silencing in
Escherichia coli
Authors: Enne Virve I. , Delsol Anne A. , Roe John M. , Bennett Peter M. 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT

The possibility that unexpressed antibiotic resistance genes are carried by bacterial genomes is seldom investigated. Potential silencing of the resistance genes
bla
OXA-2
,
aadA1
,
sul1
, and
tetA
carried on the plasmid pVE46 in a recent porcine isolate of
Escherichia coli
was investigated following oral inoculation of the strain into organic piglets. A small proportion of isolates recovered from feces did not express one or more resistance genes, despite retaining the pVE46 plasmid. Different combinations of unexpressed resistance genes were observed, and 12 representative isolates were selected for further study. Surprisingly, in most cases the resistance genes and their promoters, although not expressed, were intact, with fully wild-type sequences. Apart from four isolates exhibiting intermediate-level tetracycline resistance, no mRNA for the unexpressed genes was detected. Silencing of resistance genes was reversible at low frequencies between 10
−6
and 10
−10
. Introduction of the plasmid from silenced isolates to another strain restored expression, indicating that gene silencing was a property of the host chromosome rather than the plasmid itself. When the same recent porcine
E. coli
strain carrying the unrelated plasmid RP1 was inoculated into piglets, three isolates (of 9,492) that no longer expressed RP1-encoded resistance genes were recovered. As with pVE46, in most cases the coding sequences and promoter regions of these genes were found to be intact, but they were not transcribed. Such gene silencing indicates a previously unrecognized form of transcriptional control that overrides standard expression signals to shut down gene expression. These findings suggest that unexpressed resistance genes may occur in the wild and hence may have clinical implications.
Efflux Pump Overexpression in Multiple-Antibiotic-Resistant Mutants of
Bacteroides fragilis
Authors: Pumbwe Lilian , Glass Daniel , Wexler Hannah M. 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT

Multidrug-resistant mutants of a wild-type
Bacteroides fragilis
strain (strain ADB77) and a quadruple resistance nodulation division family efflux pump deletion mutant (ADB77 Δ
bmeB1
Δ
bmeB3
Δ
bmeB12
Δ
bmeB15
) were selected with antimicrobials. Ampicillin, doripenem, imipenem, levofloxacin, and metronidazole selected for mutants from both strains; cefoxitin selected for mutants from strain ADB77 only; and sodium dodecyl sulfate selected mutants from ADB77Δ
bmeB1
Δ
bmeB3
Δ
bmeB12
Δ
bmeB15
only. The mutants overexpressed one or more efflux pumps.
Endocarditis Caused by Extended-Spectrum-β-Lactamase-Producing
Klebsiella pneumoniae
: Emergence of Resistance to Ciprofloxacin and Piperacillin-Tazobactam during Treatment despite Initial Susceptibility
Authors: Zimhony Oren , Chmelnitsky Inna , Bardenstein Rita , Goland Sorel , Hammer Muntz Orly , Navon Venezia Shiri , Carmeli Yehuda 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT

Three episodes of bacteremia occurred in the course of prosthetic valve endocarditis caused by an extended-spectrum-β-lactamase (ESBL)-producing
Klebsiella pneumoniae
strain. The second isolate developed resistance to ciprofloxacin and the third isolate to piperacillin-tazobactam (PIP-TZ) following sequential therapy with each agent. The first isolate was resistant to PIP-TZ only at high inocula, the second isolate acquired increased transcription of the
acrA
gene, and the third isolate became resistant to PIP-TZ due to loss of β-lactamase inhibition by TZ. We question if and how PIP-TZ susceptibility should be reported for ESBL-producing
Enterobacteriaceae
.
In Vitro Activity and In Vivo Efficacy of Icofungipen (PLD-118), a Novel Oral Antifungal Agent, against the Pathogenic Yeast
Candida albicans
Authors: Hasenoehrl Andreja , Galić Tatjana , Ergović Gabrijela , Maršić Nataša , Skerlev Mihael , Mittendorf Joachim , Geschke Ulrich , Schmidt Axel , Schoenfeld Wolfgang 
Published: August 2006

ABSTRACT

Icofungipen (PLD-118) is the representative of a novel class of antifungals, beta amino acids, active against
Candida
species. It has been taken through phase II clinical trials. The compound actively accumulates in yeast, competitively inhibiting isoleucyl-tRNA synthetase and consequently disrupting protein biosynthesis. As a result, in vitro activity can be studied only in chemically defined growth media without free amino acids that would compete with the uptake of the compound. The MIC of icofungipen was reproducibly measured in a microdilution assay using yeast nitrogen base medium at pH 6 to 7 after 24 h of incubation at 30 to 37°C using an inoculum of 50 to 100 CFU/well. The MICs for 69
Candida albicans
strains ranged from 4 to 32 μg/ml. This modest in vitro activity contrasts with the strong in vivo efficacy in
C. albicans
infection. This was demonstrated in a lethal model of
C. albicans
infection in mice and rats in which icofungipen showed dose-dependent protection at oral doses of 10 to 20 mg/kg of body weight per day in mice and 2 to 10 mg/kg/day in rats. The in vivo efficacy was also demonstrated against
C. albicans
isolates with low susceptibility to fluconazole, indicating activity against azole-resistant strains. The efficacy of icofungipen in mice and rats was not influenced by concomitant administration of equimolar amounts of
l
-isoleucine, which was shown to antagonize its antifungal activity in vitro. Icofungipen shows nearly complete oral bioavailability in a variety of species, and its in vivo efficacy indicates its potential for the oral treatment of yeast infections.