bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Excavations at Tille 1979–1982 an Interim Report
Authors: French D. H. , Moore J. , Russell H. F. 
Published: January 2007

The village of Tille, now named Geldibuldu, is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the western end of the modern bridge which takes the Adıyaman—Urfa/Diyarbakır road across the river. Tille village lies on the north side of the modern road at c. 30 km. east of Kahta and c. 60 km. east of Adıyaman. It is not large; the number of houses is small. The village is surrounded by gardens, particularly on the east, south and south-west sides; there are several fountains in and near the village. A good spring rises on the hillside south-west of the village and provides the main source of water for irrigation (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXIIIa, b).The village is a muhtarlık, although the present muhtar does not reside in Tille; he lives in a mezraa of the village, Karatilbe, one of six such independent hamlets of Geldibuldu muhtarliǧı: Kefiri, Açoǧlu, Körseluk, Tilbe, Karatilbe, and Semagün, all forming part of the territory of Geldibuldu.
A Statue for Šū-Suen
Authors: Sollberger Edmond 
Published: January 2007

1. The tablet published here for the first time belongs to the Musée d'art et d'histoire of Geneva. In 1960, as my employment at that museum was drawing to a close, I copied the tablet for publication but circumstances beyond my control (to borrow that well-worn but convenient cliché) delayed its publication long enough to enable me to offer it here as a modest tribute to my old friend and former colleague, “R.D.B.”, an archaeologist who has always appreciated the services epigraphy could render to archaeology.2. The text (copy on p. 74 below) reads in transliteration and translation:(1) 3 ma-na na4 za-gìn(2) mu urudualam lug[al]a-ab-ba sig-ga a-a[b] -ba igi-nim-da gú-[ ḡar-šè](3) mu sukal-mah-šè(4) ki lú-diḡir-[ra]du[b](!)-[sar-ta](5) a-a-ḡu10[šabra](6) šu-ba-an-[ti](7) iti á-ki-[ti](8) mu dšu- d E[N.Z]U[1]ugal
The Hittite Titletuhkanti-
Authors: Gurney O. R. 
Published: January 2007

The so-called Tawagalawas Letter – the longest and most controversial document in the Ahhiyawa dossier – opens with the well-known incident in which (as hitherto understood) Tawagalawas sends a message to the Hittite king demanding recognition as a vassal and requesting the dispatch of thetuhkanti- to conduct him into the royal presence. The king dispatches theTARTĒNU, one of his sons, but Tawagalawas refuses to go with him and demands immediate recognition on the spot. The demand is refused and the king protests to the king of Ahhiyawa in this letter about the insult inflicted on his representative.Dr. Itamar Singer has shown, in an article later in this volume, that the applicant for vassaldom was most probably not Tawagalawas at all but Piyamaradus, whose activities are the subject of the rest of the document. The present article however is concerned rather with the rank of the envoy sent by the Hittite king.
Towards a Chronology for the Anatolian Early Bronze Age
Authors: Easton D. F. 
Published: January 2007

Renfrew has rightly remarked that in Anatolian Early Bronze Age chronology “the basic problem is to decide how to correlate the Trojan early bronze age periods … with the sequence of Tarsus”. It is largely to this problem that the following article is addressed.Professor Mellink has argued that Troy I is contemporary with Tarsus EBII on the grounds that Troy II and Tarsus EBIII appear to her to be contemporary. Since she places the start of Tarsus EBI atc.3000 B.C. this scheme places the beginning of Troy I considerably after that date, perhaps atc.2700 B.C. Mellaart, by contrast, disputes the equation between Troy I and Tarsus EBII and argued at first that Tarsus EBIIIa must begin later than the beginning of Troy II, envisaging a period of overlap. He has subsequently suggested that it actually follows theendof Troy II. According to this correlation Troy I would be contemporary with Tarsus EBI, and not Tarsus EBII.
On the Problems of Karatepe: the Hieroglyphic Text
Authors: Hawkins J. D. , Davies A. Morpurgo 
Published: January 2007

The great bilingual of Karatepe is one of the best understood inscriptions in Hieroglyphic Luwian, though not all problems have yet been solved. On the one hand some readings remain uncertain, since no full set of photographs is available, and on the other hand the grammatical and semantic interpretation is not always clear in spite of the help provided by the Phoenician version. In this paper we propose to tackle some of the problems still open, taking as a starting point the text and interpretation published by Piero Meriggi in his Manuale (II/1, 69 ff.), which at present offers the most complete and up-to-date version of the inscription.In transliterating we adopt the values listed in Anatolian Studies XXV (1975), 153–5, which we also used in our transliteration and discussion of the last part of KARATEPE (JRAS 1975/2, 124 ff.). We here use the same section and word numbering as in the latter contribution.
Iron Sands from the Black Sea
Authors: Tylecote R. F. 
Published: January 2007

The use of iron-bearing sands such as those of the Black Sea has often been thought of as an early source of iron ore by archaeo-metallurgists. Indeed Japan was an avid user of such material as late as the 19th century, and its use was being considered by the Turkish authorities in 1975.The black sands of the south side of the Black Sea are very extensive, and obvious to the layman because of their unusual nature. They are also highly magnetic and quite a high proportion can be picked up with the aid of a small permanent magnet. On two occasions samples were taken and examined for their iron content and to see how reducible they were, i.e. how easy it would be for early smiths to use them. The analysis of two batches is given in Table 1. The first sample was taken from near Kirazlik, which is 42 km. west of Trabzon, and the second from sites extending from 4 km. west of Ordu to 10 km. west of Ünye. It is clear that there is not much difference in the composition from the two sites which are about 100 km. apart.
Turkish Kilims
Authors: Mellaart James 
Published: January 2007

In every aspect of Turkish studies, the non-Turkish scholar is at a disadvantage in trying to understand the complexities of the Turkish heritage. However hard we may try to learn and understand the language, customs, arts and crafts, through a lifetime of labour, enthusiasm and long residence, our Turkish colleagues should be able to do this better and with greater understanding. During the nineteenfifties, while living in Ankara, one used to regret the lack of interest in Seljuk art and architecture and complain about the absence of any reliable information about the flat woven rugs known as kilims that were just starting to appear in the market.Things have greatly changed in the thirty years that have since passed; and there is a healthy revival in Turkish art of the Seljuk and Ottoman periods, not only in Turkey, but at last also in the West. The interest in Turkish kilims is a modern phenomenon; we have valuable studies on the Türkmen nomads of Anatolia, which never even mention the word kilim. In Turkey also few scholars, except Yusuf Durul who has devoted his life to the study of Yörük textiles, were attracted by kilims. Samples of Old Turkish carpets and kilims, published by the Sümerbank, Istanbul, 1961 broke the ice, at least in Turkey. Then came an exhibition at the Textile Museum, Washington D.C. in 1969 and its fine publication by A. N. Landreau and W. R. Pickering entitled From the Bosporus to Samarkand. Flat woven rugs (1969), followed in rapid succession by three publications by the Akbank in Turkey: C. Kerametli and Z. Güvemli: Türk ve Islam Eserleri Müzesi (1974); Belkis Acar's Kilim ve düz dokuma yaygilar (1975) and Yusuf Duru's Yörük kilimleri (1977) all published in Istanbul. Then came a kilim exhibition in London, published by D. Black and C. Loveless in The undiscovered kilim, London 1977, followed by W. T. Ziemba, A. Akatay and S. L. Schwartz: Turkish flat weaves, London 1979, and now we have a sumptuous book by Yanni Petsopoulos: Kilims, Thames and Hudson, London 1979 (price £38.00) with not less than 278 illustrations of Anatolian kilims alone, many in colour and all old, i.e. before the introduction of chemical dyes, tentatively put at 1900, and nearly all in western collections, many private.
Royal Titles from the Mesopotamian Periphery
Authors: Hallo William W. 
Published: January 2007

Much attention is currently lavished on the roles of the Mesopotamian core area relative to those of the periphery which surrounded it in a great arc. The periphery drew much of its cultural inspiration from the core, but not in any kind of monolithic way: present indications are that it was more often open to influence from what might be termed “Akkadian” than “Sumerian” traditions. In matters of script, language, calendar, legal terminology and numerous other features, it seems to have perpetuated innovations ultimately going back to Sargonic rule or inspiration. But it is equally clear that the direction of influence was not exclusively outward from the core to the periphery. As the example of the geographical atlas of the Ancient Near East attested at Ebla and at Abū Salābīk has already shown, it sometimes went the other way. The case of the royal titulary may provide a further example of the influence of the periphery on the Mesopotamian core.Twenty-five years ago, I studied the evolution of the royal titulary in essentially historical terms, as I attempted to date the first appearance of each royal title within Mesopotamia. Only occasional suggestions were offered for the possible prehistory of some titles outside Mesopotamia. These suggestions can now be followed up and expanded in the light of additional data.
Back to Alanya
Authors: Lloyd Seton 
Published: January 2007

At Oxford in the late summer of 1989, I was kindly escorted by Professor Gurney to visit Mr. Roger Mason, among whose recent discoveries was the so-called Medici-Lazara map of the Alanya fortress, now published in AS XXXIX 83–105. I had the privilege then of seeing the map itself and, although this was not an occasion for detailed discussion, obtained a clear understanding of its importance. Before I left Mr. Mason was good enough to provide me with copies of the maps and of the long article on the subject which he was about to publish. The latter consists primarily of an impressive dissertation on the historical setting of the document and its place in the early development of paramilitary cartography, followed by an examination in great detail of its topographical accuracy, as related to the evidence of the surviving ruins. For purposes of comparison, reference had necessarily to be made to the survey carried out by the present writer in collaboration with Dr. D. S. Rice, published in 1958 by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara (Alanya (Ala'iyya)).In conversation with Mr. Mason and in his writing, I became aware of his strongly felt affinity with the Florentine cartographer—his professional predecessor by almost four centuries—who had produced this “multiplane perspective” from the sketches and reports of “naval observers”, probably onboard ship. By whatever means it was achieved, the result is a remarkable historical document, well meriting the industry which Mr. Mason has applied to its detailed examination and the many pages which he has devoted to the consideration of its overall veracity. Nevertheless, in reading the arguments which are explored in these pages, one is conscious of two weaknesses in his approach to the task which he has set himself.
A Great Queen on the Sphinx Piers at Alaca Hüyük
Authors: Alexander Robert L. 
Published: January 2007

Since the first European visited Alaca Hüyük 150 years ago the site has been noted for its gateway dating from the Hittite empire, fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. Within a few decades of the discovery, excavations revealed a large number of sculptured orthostats flanking the entry, but the piers with sphinx protomes have always been above ground and have given the entrance its name, the Sphinx Gate. Nineteenth-century travellers noted on the inner face of the eastern sphinx pier the fragmentary representation of a figure above a two-headed eagle clutching two rabbits (Pl. XXXIX, a). The relief is visible to everyone entering the city through this gateway. The parallel figure on the other pier, the subject of this report, has rarely been mentioned.The late morning sun highlights remnants of a female figure on the inner face of the western sphinx pier (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXVIII, a, b). The upper part, from a point below the waist, and the whole front are destroyed, but there is no doubt of the back contour of the long robe, its surface covered by a series of striations sweeping down and back into the train.
Excavations at Gritille (1982–1984): the Medieval Period A Preliminary Report
Authors: Redford Scott 
Published: January 2007

Gritille is the modern name for a mound lying on the right bank of the Euphrates River in southeast Turkey. Four years of excavation by a team led by Professor Richard S. Ellis of Bryn Mawr College concentrated on uncovering two main occupation levels bracketing the site's long sequence, the Neolithic and the Medieval. This article will focus on the last three seasons of excavation on top of the mound.The mound of Gritille lies 10 km. upstream from Samsat (Greek Samosata, Arabic Sumaisāṭ), a major halting point on the medieval road from North Syria through Urfa (Greek Edessa, Arabic ar-Ruhā) to Malatya (Greek Melitene) and central eastern Anatolia. It was at Samsat that the crossing of the Euphrates was attempted. Samsat was also a stop for East–West traffic from Diyarbakır (Āmid) to Birecik (Bīra) and beyond, but the road through Nisibin (Nusaybin) and Harran (or Urfa) to Birecik seems to have been heavily travelled in the late Middle Islamic period (Fig. 1).
Tette and the Rebellions in Nuhassi
Authors: Bryce T. R. 
Published: January 2007

KUB XIV 17, which belongs to the Detailed Annals for Mursili's 7th year, records a rebellion against Hittite rule in this year by the people of the Nuhassi lands. In view of the loss of the entire first column of the tablet and the very fragmentary nature of the first few lines of the second column, the events leading up to the rebellion are far from clear.In considering what these events may have been, I would like to begin with the restorations and translation which Goetze proposes for lines 1–6 of the second column:
Sakçagözü Material in the Gaziantep Museum
Authors: French D. H. , Summers G. D. 
Published: January 2007

After the completion of the new Museum in Gaziantep, the then Director, Bay Hasan Candemir, asked the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara to undertake the task of refurbishing and rearranging the material (in the Gaziantep Museum) from the 1949 excavations. It was not until 1986 that the B.I.A.A. was able to organize a team suitable for the work of restoration and refurbishment. Since 1986 two further seasons have been completed in the Museum of Gaziantep: Spring 1987 and Spring 1988. The report here is based on the activities of Spring 1986 and Spring 1987.The original work at Sakçagözü was, of course, carried out by Professor John Garstang who in 1908 and again in 1911 excavated on the site still called locally Coba Höyük (“mound A”). His aim was to reveal the Iron Age relief sculptures which had been discovered there. During the course of excavation he encountered pottery and other remains which were clearly earlier than the period represented by the sculptures.Professor Garstang also excavated at Songrus Höyük (“mound B”) and took the opportunity to make trial excavations at Keferdiz Höyük (“mound C”).
Balboura Survey: Onesimos and Meleager, Part I
Authors: Coulton J. J. , Milner N. P. , Reyes A. T. 
Published: January 2007

In the course of the survey of the surface remains of the North Lycian city of Balboura, our attention was drawn to three small buildings near the southwest corner of the agora (Fig. 1), because their association with a series of inscriptions casts an interesting light on the society of the city. Most of these inscriptions have long been known, although three are unpublished, but their significance cannot be fully appreciated without some knowledge of the buildings and statue bases with which they are associated. Our aim, therefore, is to consider the architectural and epigraphic evidence together.The buildings concerned (Figs. 2–4) are, from west to east, an exedra set up by Onesimos the city slave (demosios), with statues of the Demos and Boule of Balboura; a temple of Nemesis, also built by Onesimos; and a second exedra, set up by the wealthy Meleager, son of Castor. All three buildings face southward onto a paved street, and turn their backs to the agora, which was set at a lower level to the north.
Excavations at Büyüktepe Höyük, 1991: Second Preliminary Report
Authors: Sagona Antonio , Pemberton Elizabeth , McPhee Ian 
Published: January 2007

The second season of excavations at Büyüktepe Höyük, a collaborative project between the University of Melbourne and Erzurum Museum, took place between 5 June and 10 August. We are very much indebted to Mesut Güngör, Acting Director of the Museum, and his staff, in particular Hilmi Özkorucuklu, assistant at the museum and representative of the Ministry of Culture, for their cooperation. Thanks are once again due to the authorities in Demirözü for facilitating our work.An outline of objectives appeared in the last preliminary report. In order to determine the nature and extent of occupation at the site for all major periods, the excavation strategy for 1991 was as follows (Fig. 1):1. To investigate by means of broad, horizontal exposures the western flank of the site on the basis of the promising results obtained from last year's sondage in R35a.2. To enlarge the exposure of the circular structure on the summit of the site first identified in 1990.3. To examine the saddle between the two hills of Büyüktepe.
Honour where Honour is Due: Regional Features on Honorific Monuments of Pisidia?
Authors: Vandeput Lutgarde 
Published: January 2007

During the survey campaigns of 1986, 1987 and 1988 at Sagalassos, one of the main cities of ancient Pisidia, the visible remains on both the Upper (S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1987, p. 38; S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1988, pp. 62-3; M. Waelkens, 1992, pp. 50-1) and the Lower Agora (S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1989, p. 68; M. Waelkens, 1989, p. 121, Fig. 6; M. Waelkens, 1992, p. 51) were examined and a series of honorific monuments of varying shape on both the agoras were recorded. The excavation of these squares during this year's campaign (1992) uncovered even more of them. Larger, free-standing honorific monuments adorn the centre of the Upper Agora; smaller monuments were placed around the edges, in front of the porticoes. From the remains, it appears that especially the eastern side of the Upper Agora, together with its corners were regarded as very suitable for this kind of honorific monuments. Similar small memorials also enliven at least the eastern and the southern borders of the Lower Agora.The diversity in form and the richness of decoration and mouldings of some of these small monuments are eye-catching and deserve a more detailed analysis. Unfortunately, although similar memorials most likely decorated most of the other Classical cities in Asia Minor, they have hardly received any attention hitherto. This paper is a first attempt to classify the small honorific monuments in Sagalassos.
Pioneer, Scholar, and Victim: an Appreciation of Frank Calvert (1828–1908)
Authors: Robinson Marcelle 
Published: January 2007

For over a century, the names “Schliemann” and “Troy” have been virtually synonymous, and the story of Schliemann's boyhood dream to discover Troy has gripped the imagination of millions. This romantic tale, though created for a different purpose, effectively obscures the fact that Schliemann would never have excavated Hissarlik—then the suspected site of Troy—had it not been for Frank Calvert, a man of whom, thanks in large part to Schliemann's misrepresentations, few people had ever heard. Only in recent years, when Schliemann's claims were finally examined impartially, has there been any appreciation of the debt Schliemann owed to Calvert, and of Calvert's own archaeological achievements. Today, Calvert's contributions to other fields of scientific study are beginning to be mentioned, but Calvert himself still remains virtually unknown.Frank Calvert was a pivotal figure in the history of the Troad. He deserves recognition for a number of reasons, not the least of which is the fact that he prepared the ground for Schliemann and, by his generosity and constant assistance to Schliemann, enabled him to transform himself with such spectacular success from a businessman into an archaeologist.
Thalatta, Thalatta: Xenophon's view of the Black Sea
Authors: Mitford Tim 
Published: January 2007

The moment when the Ten Thousand sighted the Euxine is one of the most haunting scenes to come down to us from the ancient world. Retreating from Cunaxa near Babylon in 401 BC, Xenophon describes how the Greeks fought their way northwards across Kurdistan to scale the Pontic mountains, and reached the sea at the Greek city of Trapezus, already more than two centuries old. By linking Xenophon's famous account with Hadrian's inspection of his eastern frontier, their route across the mountains, and their triumphant viewpoint, can be determined with some certainty.About 120 miles before the Greeks reached the Black Sea, the ruler of a large and prosperous city called Gymnias, probably the modern Bayburt, sent a guide to Xenophon.
Sennacherib and Tarsus
Authors: Dalley Stephanie 
Published: January 2007

The aim of the research presented in this paper was to find out more about Tarsus in the time of Sennacherib and his successors from a Mesopotamian standpoint, and to discover whether Assyrian influence persisted into subsequent periods.Two fragments of text attributed to the Babylonian priest Berossus, who lived in Babylon under Antiochus I, have been transmitted by Eusebius and were attributed to Polyhistor and to Abydenus as intermediaries. They relate the deeds of Sennacherib in Cilicia. Both versions say that he built the city of Tarsus in the image of Babylon. Both versions say that Sennacherib defeated Ionians or Greeks in Cilicia. The version of Polyhistor claims that Sennacherib left a statue of himself in Cilicia with a record of his deeds inscribed in ‘Chaldaean’ script, and the text claims, in saying ‘as he (sc. Sennacherib) reports’, to be derived from a contemporary account of Sennacherib's deeds (Burstein 1978: 24 fn 79). Abydenus' version says that the king had his deeds inscribed truthfully and mentions that he built a ‘temple of the Athenians’ and erected bronze pillars.
Alahan and Zeno
Authors: Elton Hugh 
Published: January 2007

AbstractFollowing Gough, the late Roman church complex at Alahan in Isauria is usually described as a monastic site built by the emperor Zeno (AD 474–491). Recent reinterpretation of the site by Mango and Hill has suggested that it was not a monastery but a pilgrimage site. This paper argues that none of the physical evidence at the site gives good reason to think of it as built by Zeno. The usual lavish scale of imperial patronage is missing. Alahan was a rural church complex built in the late fifth or early sixth century, whose most important feature is its state of preservation.