bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Presidential Papers as a Political Science Concern
Authors: Vose Clement E. 
Published: April 2006

Among the modest number of widely-accepted generalizations about American history is the proposition that many subjects that were once ignored altogether or dealt with privately here, over the decades, come to be regarded as societal problems regulated best, or at least inevitably, by the national government in Washington. Whatever its applications otherwise, this description appears to fit the handling of the papers of Presidents of the United States from 1789 onwards. A backward step in this trend seemed to be signified on Pardon Day, September 8, 1974, when Philip W. Buchen, Counsel to the President, released two legal documents that expressed President Ford's conclusions about the Presidential materials of Richard Nixon. The bottom line was that the papers and other records, including tapes, retained during the Administration of former President Nixon in the White House offices “are the present property of Mr. Nixon.”Beginning with these documents, this report will describe each of the key events from September, 1974 to the end of January, 1975 concerning the wise handling of Presidential materials. The chief focus will be on the litigation challenging Nixon's ownership, especially the participation as a party by The American Political Science Association. We will examine the initial judicial phase of this controversy including the ruling of Judge Charles R. Richey on January 31, 1975 favorable to the Association and its allies.
Political Scientists' Evaluations of Sixty-three Journals
Authors: Giles Michael W. , Wright Gerald C. 
Published: April 2006

Professional journals are central in our professional lives. They are a primary means of communicating new ideas and research findings to other political scientists, and hence help record, however haltingly, our collective progress in understanding the political world. In a business where one's academic contribution is frequently taken as a tally of publications, the journals also function as an important instrument of professional advancement. Counts of vitae entries, however, seem to be generally weighted by judgements of quality; but the quality assessed quite often appears to be of the journal in which an article appears rather than the quality of the specific article. It is interesting therefore, and perhaps prudent to consider how the community of political scientists evaluate the journals in which we publish. This short note presents some data on this question.Our data were gathered from questionnaires mailed in April 1974 to a sample of 515 political scientists affiliated with Ph.D. granting institutions. The number of usable returned questionnaires is 255 for a response rate of 50 percent. Respondents were asked to rate 63 journals presented alphabetically with additional space provided for the rating of journals not included on the list. The respondents were instructed to rate each journal in terms of the general quality of its articles. The rating scale ranged from 0 to 10 with 0 = poor, 2 = fair, 4 = adequate, 6 = good, 8 = very good, and 10 = outstanding. Respondents were asked only to rate those journals with which they were familiar. In addition to the ratings, information was also gathered on the age, academic rank, academic affiliation, graduate school, recent journal publication information, and areas of professional interest of the respondents.
Federalism and the Academic Community: A Brief Survey
Authors: Stenberg Carl W. , Walker David B. 
Published: April 2006

No general consensus exists concerning the status of American State and local government and intergovernmental relations as fields within the discipline of political science. Any attempt to make such an evaluation by gauging the attention given to these subjects in colleges and universities should distinguish between the two basic roles of American higher educational institutions—research and teaching.Some observers have noted that in recent years political scientists have become increasingly interested in conducting research in American State and local government. As late as 1963, however, a large number of the members of the American Political Science Association responding to a questionnaire survey of trends in their discipline indicated that State and local government were areas in which the least significant work was being done. Yet, five years later, in a symposium on the advance of political science as a discipline, it was contended that:State and local politics as a field of political science is no longer a ‘lost world’ or the site of ‘Dullsville.’ Rather than being the laggard of the discipline that some political scientists perceive it to be, the study of state and local politics has reentered the mainstream of political research. Much of the work in political science which has influenced the drift of the profession has been within its domain.
Teaching Political Science
Authors: Fein Leonard J. 
Published: April 2006

Since we have hardly any criteria for measuring good teaching, we have hardly any instructions on how to be a good teacher; so much so, that the issue itself is generally treated with some embarrassment in academic circles. Except as one is truly an extaordinary teacher, in which case we defer to his gift, sustained interest in teaching is viewed as something of a gaucherie. This shocks our friends and distresses our students, but it makes perfectly good sense, since we conventionally assume that good teachers are born, not made. (If they were made, then we should be able to make them; since we do not profess to know how to make them, yet they continue to turn up here and there, they must be born.)The logic is somewhat circular, and quite like a self-fulfilling prophecy. Having established that good teaching, when it happens, is essentially accidental, and hence not scientifically reproducible, we snicker at the “educationists” who profess to have identified “rules” for our work. There does exist, for example, a body of literature which employs scientific standards to identify the best methods for presenting various kinds of knowledge to students. Yet this is a literature which is almost totally unknown to anyone who is likely to make use of it. Thus its validity has not been tested, except experimentally.Although random efforts to improve the quality of teaching, and perhaps to apply the same standards in our analysis of teaching that we apply in our research, seem to be increasing, it is, on the whole, unlikely that they will grow substantially. For the most part, such efforts are directed at curricular revision, or at restructuring of course contents; they rarely deal with the nature of the relationship between the teacher and his students. And, even when they do, they must overcome an ethic of futility which is firmly established in our graduate schools.
Relevant Data for Political Science in the 1970 Census
Authors: Goldfield Edwin D. 
Published: April 2006

If, prior to the 1968 election, anyone had any doubts that the population statistics from the 1970 census would be of value to political scientists, those doubts would have been dispelled by the intensive use of census data in a publication of the U. S. Senate Republican Policy Committee on “Where the Votes Are,” and by the following statements in its introduction:—Important laws may hinge on particular present or future population figures. Examples: Medicare, Mass Transit, Water Supply, School Classrooms, Food Production.—Population data and projections are of great importance in considering legislation for the good of the Nation, regardless of political affiliation.—Prosposed new legislation, or Government and political party policies, may depend upon—and with increasing frequency—the type and variety and number of America’s population.—And, also, elections are won or lost by these votes.Although the 1970 census reflects major changes in the method of collecting the data in the field, of processing the data, and disseminating the statistics, the content of the questionnaire does not differ significantly from 1960. Virtually all of the key items included in the 1960 census have been retained in 1970; a few new inquiries have been added on a sample basis; several questions have been reworded; and there are some changes in sampling rates.
The Status of Women in the Profession: Tokenism
Authors: Jaquette Jane 
Published: April 2006

The woman who is now entering (or contemplating entry) into the political science profession confronts a field that is biased against her (“political science is no place for a woman”) and which admits her only grudgingly and accords her limited status. The following is a summary of the data now available on the status of women in the profession.From the survey conducted by the APSA Committee on the Status of Women (1969, 473 departments responding), we have the following information on female participation:23.2% of undergraduate majors are women17.5% of graduates enrolled are women14.7% of Ph.D. candidates are women8.7% of those receiving the Ph.D. 1960-1968 are women8.6% of assistant professors are women6.7% of associate professors are women; and4.1 % of full professors are women.
The 1970 APSA Elections
Authors: Taylor Charles L. , Tullock Gordon 
Published: April 2006

The annual election for officers and members of the Council of the American Political Science Association took place between November 2 and 23, 1970, with results reported in the Winter, 1971, issue of this journal. Voting was for one President-elect, three Vice Presidents, one Secretary, one Treasurer and eight members of the Council. There were two candidates each for President-elect, Secretary and Treasurer, five for Vice President and sixteen for Council. These candidates were nominated and supported by a variety of groups and three of these groups—The American Political Science Association nominating committee, the Ad Hoc Committee and the Caucus for a New Political Science—fielded complete or virtually complete slates.This report is an analysis of some of the patterns in the voting. We have worked with constraints, however. Since we received only ballots for the candidates, we were unable to analyze voting on constitutional amendments and resolutions or to look at candidate voting patterns in conjunction with voting patterns on issues. Secondly, there was the limitation inherent in any secret ballot; it was not possible directly to relate voting patterns to attributes of the voters. Thirdly, we did not receive the ballots until early April, 1971. Carding and analyzing them took so much time that we were not able to do all that we had planned. Thus this article is a great deal less comprehensive than we would have liked.
On the Fate of the Ph.D. Dissertation in Political Science
Authors: Yoels William C. 
Published: April 2006

As any recent Ph.D. recipient can attest, the writing of a doctoral dissertation is at times a process fraught with uncertainty and anxiety over the “meaning” of one's work and its implications for the growth of knowledge in the discipline. The dissertation usually marks the first opportunity for a graduate student to exercise a great deal of independence and autonomy on a research project of one's own choosing; and the successful defense of the completed dissertation represents the final phase in a socialization process designed to initiate the newcomer into the sacred “holies” of academic folkways and mores.From its inception in 1861, when Yale became the first American university to grant the Ph.D. degree, the doctoral degree was viewed as a “research degree” and the writing of a dissertation was justified in terms of making an “original contribution” to the scholar's own discipline. A casual glance through several recent graduate school catalogues indicates that the official rhetoric concerning the dissertation continues to stress the notion of an “original contribution.”
Portents and Prospects: Graduate Study and the Profession
Authors: Siffin William J. 
Published: April 2006

The supply of Ph.D. level political scientists is astonishingly and ominously out of phase with prospective demand. Drastic changes in our graduate enterprises are inevitable. Some will be deliberate. Others will be forced upon us by uncontrollable events.What Do the Numbers Show?Concerning Supply. About 5000 new political science doctorates were granted between 1969–70 and 1975–76. In the same period 11,927 students embarked upon Ph.D. programs; 1443 were admitted in 1974–75, and another 1174 in 1975–76. 6150 graduate students were active in American Ph.D. programs in 1975–76.Back in the 1950s and 60s, 46% of those who entered our Ph.D. programs completed their work within five to eight years. Between 75% and 85% of them sought or desired academic employment.If the same ratios applied to the Ph.D. starters for 1969–70 through 1975–76, then as many as 5500 more Ph.D.s could appear on the scene between 1974 and 1984, more than 4000 of them seeking academic employment. A relatively high percentage would be women.
Student Power in the 1970 Elections: A Preliminary Assessment
Authors: Murphy William T. 
Published: April 2006

The Cambodian invasion and the tragedies at Jackson and Kent State this spring led to explosions on college campuses all across the country. There was a great deal of talk of massive student intervention in the fall congressional elections and universities adopted various measures in response to the crisis. Some abandoned institutional neutrality by taking positions condemning the President's actions, others scheduled fall courses on elections and “practical politics”, while others opted for some variant of the two week “Princeton Plan” pre-election recess.Most observers assumed that student political interest would remain high and that the student impact would be significant. By early summer university-based groups had been set up to lobby congressmen to support “end the war amendments”, to raise money for anti-war candidates, and to supply student volunteers to work actively for such candidates.
The Reagan Budget: A Significant Departure from the Past
Authors: Gist John R. 
Published: April 2006

In the aggregate President Reagan's budget does not differ significantly from budget growth during the early 1970s. If the budget is slightly disaggregated, however, it is clear that the Administration is dramatically altering U.S. spending patterns.As part of his program for economic recovery announced last February and March, President Reagan called for $475 billion in budget reductions over fiscal years 1981–86. He also proposed the use of the budget reconciliation process provided for in the 1974 Congressional Budget Act as the vehicle for implementing the first installment of these massive cuts in federal spending. In this paper I will discuss the Reagan budget plan in broad outline, and then compare certain aspects of it with the outcome of the reconciliation process and with some recent budget trends.
Reagan and the New Deal: Repeal or Replay?
Authors: Smith Bruce L. R. , Carroll James D. 
Published: April 2006

President Reagan's success lies not in the size of federal budget cuts but in that he has been able to make cuts at all. He has a long way to go before the New Deal is repealed or even derailed.The Reagan budget has been viewed as revolutionary, as an unprecedented break in the tradition of modern social policy. According to Russell Baker, “… in the end even the Democrats were agreeable to the death of the New Deal, which took place this week at the Capitol.” Yet this view runs up against the fact that Ronald Reagan cut his political teeth on the New Deal, admired FDR and emulated his political style, was an ardent Democrat and an early labor organizer, and has cast his political appeal to many groups who were raised up by the New Deal to non-poor status. Is the Administration of President Reagan a repeal of the New Deal or a replay? A close look at the budget, and the political context that produced the budget, gives some partial answers.For our purposes, the New Deal is defined as the loose set of principles and policies that has developed from the 1930s to the 1970s and formed the “mainstream” of American domestic politics. For the moment we consider the Great Society to be part of that tradition. President Reagan himself apparently does not share this assumption, viewing the New Deal as having more in common with progressivism than with the Great Society of Lyndon Johnson.
Continuity and Change, Predictability and Change, in the Politics of Presidential Selection
Authors: Shafer Byron E. 
Published: April 2006

Political scientists are charged with explaining the recurrent elements in the politics of presidential selection. Journalists are charged with explaining the elements of the moment. The best political scientists are nevertheless able to apply their larger analytic framework to the specific developments of the day. Just as the best journalists are able to frame those developments in some larger theoretical context. Political history, however, has been notably unkind to political scientists and journalists alike, when it comes to predicting the specific outcome of contests over presidential nominations—and elections. Inevitably, then, the year 1984 appears as the next challenge to scholarly, and journalistic, interpretation.The principal sources of change in the contemporary politics of presidential selection, those categories of events which are the meat of working journalists, are themselves comparatively stable and would thus seem ideally suited to the investigations of working political scientists as well. These include the institutional framework for the nomination and then the election. They include the field of contenders which begins the chase for a nomination, and narrows in the conflict over final election. They include major public issues, both those which surface with some regularity and those which really are specific to one presidential year. And they include the organized interest groups, recognized constituencies, and rank-and-file individuals who participate at varying levels and in varying mixes from campaign to campaign. In the face of these regularized elements of change, of course, the strategies and tactics of elite contenders and mass participants also reliably shift. For 1984, every one of these categories shows some further evolution, or at least some new, noteworthy twist.
Constituencies and Strategies
Authors: Hamilton Charles V. 
Published: April 2006

Whether it is the politics of the nomination process, the politics of the general election, or the politics of governance, it is safe to say that all candidates will firmly announce that they represent “all the people.” Each will pronounce profusely that he or she “owes no one or no special interest group.” And each will insist that he or she will pursue policies based on principles, not on pressures.So much for the rhetoric, and it is quite expected and understandable. Of course, it is acceptable to be against “big government” or “big business” or “special interests.” That, too, is expected. A serious (meaning, even slightly possible) contender for, and occupant of the White House will not long remain so if he or she bluntly announces otherwise, that is, that one's candidacy is largely reliant on farmers, or business, or unions, or minorities (racial or otherwise).The reality, however, is frequently somewhat different, and it is not necessarily a matter of political cynicism to say this. The nature of the three forms of the electoral/ governance system almost dictates that people who strive to govern one system develop strategies to appeal to several constituencies. Specifically, in order to be nominated one must court delegates. In order to be elected, one must count state electoral votes. In order to govern, one must construct still other kinds of coalitions. Always, at each step, the system mandates strategies that disaggregate the electorate into manageable blocs and available constituencies.
Mass Media and Presidential Selection
Authors: Rubin Richard L. 
Published: April 2006

Presidential candidates know that the “press” (that is, print and electronic media) is often a decisive force in American electoral politics and spend much of their time trying to manipulate it for their own benefit. To politicians it is really a personal political matter, and the tendency when they speak about it is to both personalize and over-generalize the decisiveness of its influence. Thus, in 1976, Ted Kennedy stated flatly, “The press made Carter,” whereas Jimmy Carter repeatedly complained of the press's crucial role in “unmaking him” as president.To political scientists the impact of the press, particularly television, is of primarily “systematic” importance rather than of personal interest—except of course, for those who would like to spend some years in Washington as advisor-practitioners. Scholars and students know that television has changed things a lot, but we are not exactly sure how much and what kind of responsibility the press as a whole bears for the substantial institutional changes that have occurred in the last two decades. Let me offer briefly some of the conclusions I have come to after researching, thinking, and writing for some years on this topic. I shall look, first, at what is new about television news compared to the pre-electronic era and, second, how the most significant of these mass communications changes have affected our electoral institutions and the presidency itself.
Challenges of Professional Development for Political Science in the Next Decade and Beyond
Authors: Walker Jack L. 
Published: April 2006

Political scientists have been experiencing a 30-year boom in students, resources, opportunities and salaries unlike none other in the history of the profession, but there is little doubt that trends in all these areas are now turning downward. Some lingering skepticism remains about the magnitude of the coming troubles, but most members of our profession are aware not only that the boom is over, but that something ranging from a recession to a thumping depression is almost upon us.The Committee on Professional Development has been formed in response to the gathering difficulties faced by political scientists. The Committee's task is to identify and precisely describe the problems being encountered by the profession and to suggest solutions. We begin by communicating with members of the National Association through its committees and publications, but hope that our reports and proposals might also stimulate debate and action within political science departments across the country. The profession still is in the early stages of what surely will be an extremely trying period of its history. If foresight is exercised, however, and we are flexible enough to adapt to changing social needs, it is possible that some of our problems can be transformed into opportunities. Our Committee is intended to aid in this important process of adaptation by encouraging the entire profession to discover new bases for intellectual growth.