bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
“God Can't Cure Everyone”
Authors: Peters Shawn Francis 
Published: January 2008

AbstractThis chapter recounts the religion-based medical neglect-related deaths of several children in Oregon, including seven-year-old Tony Hays, who died in 1995 after his parents, members of a Fundamentalist sect known as the Church of the First Born, elected to treat his leukemia solely with prayer. A close study of events in Oregon – and of the religious beliefs of those involved – is especially fruitful because the state is home to one of the largest concentrations of faith-based neglect deaths in the country. Central to this section is a discussion of how prosecutors, judges, and lawmakers in Oregon struggled to balance statutory protections for the religious liberty of faith-healing parents against the state's obligation to safeguard the rights and welfare of children.
Karl Rahner's Theological Anthropology
Authors: Beste Jennifer Erin 
Published: January 2008

AbstractThis chapter draws on Rahner's best known writings in Theological Investigations and Foundations of Christian Faith to elucidate his account of the relation between the self, human freedom, and God's grace. Rahner believes that God creates humans as beings who essentially become themselves by responding in freedom to God's self‐communication. While Rahner acknowledges that persons are determined to a significant extent by cultural and biological factors (including interpersonal harm), he nevertheless argues that persons who possess reason ultimately have the transcendental and categorical freedom to realize who they will become before God. Rahner conceptualizes such freedom as the ability to effect a fundamental option to accept or reject God's self‐communication. Persons actualize this transcendental freedom through concrete acts of loving God and neighbor.
Ethical Directions
Authors: Beste Jennifer Erin 
Published: January 2008

AbstractThis chapter explores the ethical implications resulting from this revised understanding of the self, freedom, and God's grace—implications that are relevant to trauma survivors and to Christian communities as a whole. This chapter argues that this revised theology of freedom and grace intensifies our sense of collective responsibility for enabling one another's freedom before God. The chapter proceeds to examine how Christian communities can practically reach out to trauma survivors to facilitate healing and recovery from traumatic violence. There is hope that creative acts of neighbor‐love can mediate divine grace, fostering incest survivors' freedom to relate lovingly to God and neighbor.
Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares
Authors: Lahr Angela M. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Conservative evangelicals in the early Cold War were the forbearers of the New Christian Right of the 1980s. In the postwar United States, the evangelical subculture, which had become marginalized after the turn of the 20th century, mixed its own eschatology with the apocalyptic context of the beginning of the Cold War and the nuclear age. The atomic bomb, the new Israeli state, and the Cuban Missile Crisis all confirmed for evangelicals their belief that biblical prophecy about the end‐times was being fulfilled. Evangelicals who utilized religious practices like prayer and missions work in light of these events simultaneously responded politically within a Cold War context. Furthermore, Cold War secular apocalypticism helped to justify evangelical prophecy. These developments, alongside conservative evangelicalism's embrace of anticommunism, created a less‐marginalized subculture that fit comfortably into a dominant American political culture defined in dichotomous Cold War terms. Ironically, it was this earlier integration into the mainstream that paved the way for the rise of the religious right in the last decade of the Cold War. While the New Christian Right stormed onto the political scene, they did so by separating themselves from secular America. At the same time, a burgeoning evangelical left was advocating a different prophetic message—a call for social justice.
Putting the Trumpet to Their Lips
Authors: Lahr Angela M. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Evangelical Cold War missionaries spread a premillennial and “American” gospel in the Cold War. A “culture of urgency” drove both evangelical missionaries and U.S. political leaders, who spread their own Cold War message abroad. The American government sometimes used missionaries in its interactions with other nations, while foreign missionaries closely intertwined anticommunist and evangelical messages.
Introduction
Authors: Maria Vogt Katja 
Published: January 2008

AbstractIn addition to outlining the overall argument—that early Stoic political philosophy is deeply tied to the Stoic conceptions of reason, nature, and wisdom—the introduction explains two methodological assumptions. First, what we consider a contribution to ancient political philosophy need not be limited to questions about justice, institutions, and constitutions. Thus the Stoics' discussion of the law, and of the ways in which we should consider the concerns of all human beings as relevant to us, are well described as contributions to political thought. Second, after a brief historical sketch of early Stoicism, it is argued that the notion of ‘early Stoic philosophy’ is a worthwhile construct for the purposes of reconstructing the political thought of the early Stoics (most importantly, Zeno and Chrysippus).
2 The Community of All Human Beings
Authors: Maria Vogt Katja 
Published: January 2008

AbstractThe Stoics propose a cosmopolitan theory, but not in a modern sense of the term: their cosmic city is the cosmos. The Stoic theory is also not well described as impartialist or universalist; it calls for a certain kind of affiliation with all human beings. It is argued that the evidence does not speak in favor of seeing a marked development within early Stoicism: it does not seem that, while Zeno conceives of a city of sages, Chrysippus comes to compare the cosmos with a city, thus creating the notion of a cosmic city. Rather, it seems that early Stoic political philosophy is, throughout, concerned with a complex mix of two ideas—that the cosmos is the common home of all human beings, and thus like a city, and that, in order to truly live by the law of this cosmic city and thus be its citizen, one must be wise. These ideas are deeply connected with Stoic thought about affiliation (oikeiôsis): we should view everyone as belonging to us, thus understanding something which is the case (all human beings do belong to us as fellow‐inhabitants of the world); but only through gaining a full understanding of what this means (i.e., by becoming wise) can we achieve a full integration into the cosmos.
4 Law and Reason
Authors: Maria Vogt Katja 
Published: January 2008

AbstractIt is argued that the two dominant ways of reconstructing the Stoic conception of law—as a set of rules (rules‐interpretation) or as identified with the perfect decision‐making of the sage (prescriptive reason—interpretation)—miss important aspects of the theory. There is not enough textual evidence to show that the Stoics conceived of universal or general rules; even those texts which, by apparently mentioning exceptions, seem to imply the existence of rules are more plausibly interpreted without this assumption. The prescriptive reason—interpretation correctly captures key ideas of the Stoics' theory, but misses the substantive side of their conception of the law. A third interpretation is proposed that draws in crucial ways on the Stoics' substantive conception of reason. What the law commands is a life based on an understanding of what is valuable for human beings; the law thus is substantive without breaking down into rules—it is substantive in the same way in which perfect reason, which knows everything that is relevant to wisdom, is substantive.
Private Science, Public Injury
Authors: Shrader‐Frechette Kristin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter begins by explaining why the complexity of health-related science often makes it susceptible to manipulation. It then shows what some special interests do when they literally “buy” private-interest science through front groups, think tanks, and “hire education” (“hire education” refers to industry funding of academic research that serves its corporate goals). The chapter surveys how private-interest science is done — with incomplete data, contraindicated models, inadequately sensitive tests of pollution damage, and so on. Finally, the chapter shows how and why private-interest science often leads to death, injury, and flawed ethics.
Human Rights and Duties Not to Harm
Authors: Shrader‐Frechette Kristin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Building on the severity and inequity of public-health risks and the way polluters sometimes undercut rights to know and consent to these risks, by manipulating media or science, this chapter sketches an ethical response — the responsibility argument. It shows that because most citizens receive undeserved financial or medical benefits when minorities and poor people bear higher levels of pollution, citizens have prima facie ethical duties to help stop these harmful inequities.
Where We Go from Here
Authors: Shrader‐Frechette Kristin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter presents a brief, four-step strategy for practicing duties to help stop harm to life and to human rights. These four steps are: getting information about public-health threats, cooperating with others, evaluating health threats and alternative solutions to them, and engaging in organized action. It is argued that these four steps are best accomplished through piecemeal reform rather than revolution. A number of specific reforms are suggested for which citizens might work to reduce harms to life and to rights to know and to consent.
Missionaries and Modern Vedantists
Authors: Hatcher Brian A. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter considers in broad terms Christian suspicion of these so-called modern Vedantists. This is the context out of which the rubric of neo-Vedānta first emerged. Consideration of Christian attitudes toward the Sabhā highlights a central theme, not only in the further development of Tattvabodhinī thought but also in the subsequent emergence of modern Hinduism.
Introduction: An Ornament for Jewels
Authors: Hopkins Steven P. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
A thematic introduction to the life and work of Venkatesha (Vedantadesika), with a focus on Venkatesha's sacred biographies and poetry in Sanskrit, Tamil, and Maharashtri Prakrit connected to the Devanayaka Swami temple in Tiruvahindrapuram, Tamil Nadu. Includes a detailed historical introduction to South Indian bhakti literatures that shape Venkatesha's devotional poetics and Srivaisnava sectarian identity in the “age of the Acaryas” after the twelfth century C.E. Introduction also includes a discussion of the sources of Venkatesha's texts, his rootedness ion the cosmopolitan city of Kanchipuram, the thematic structure of the book and the importance of liturgical worship (darsana and puja), the themes of asymmetry and intimacy, and the “telescoping” form of the poems, to Venkatesha's bhakti poetics. Introduction concludes with a detailed section on translation, in theory and practice, pertinent to the author's goal of translating these medieval South Indian poems into contemporary American English verse.
A Garland of Nine Jewels: The Navamaṅimālai
Authors: Hopkins Steven P. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
A full translation of Venkatesha's Tamil prabandham, the Navamanimalai, with detailed thematic afterword and notes. Devotional themes include the poem's roots in classical Cankam Tamil poetics of akam and puram, the Tamil of the Alvars, particularly allusions to the poems of the female Alvar Antal, as well as poem's sequential description of various forms of the god Vishnu, in telescoping fashion, from the cosmic and most transcendent to the earthly and most accessible, including the ten avataras or “incarnations” of Vishnu through sacred “history.” Afterword also treats of the important themes of the “big in the little,” the image of the cowherd child‐god Krishna, the beauty (alaku) of the god's impassible body “that saves,” ritual surrender (adaikkalam), helplessness, and the passionate appeal to Vishu's “grace, mercy, power‐potenital of presence (arul).”
One Hundred Verses for the Invincible Lord of Medicine Hill: The Acyutaśatakam
Authors: Hopkins Steven P. 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
A full translation of Venkatesha's Maharashtri Prakrit poem Acyutashatakam, with deialed thematic afterword and notes. The Chapter situates Venkatesha's poem in the history of Maharashtri Prakrit, literary Prakrit “par excellence,” a distinctive literary language in pre‐modern South India that enjoyed a status often equal to that of Sanskrit or Tamil. Literary analysis includes themes of simplicity of expression, lack of extensive ornamentation, and the “structural brevity” of the arya meter, characteristics of both Prakrit poetry in general and of Venkatesha's poem. Themes of the afterword include a most important theme, developed throughout the book, of “asymmetry and intimacy,” Venkatesha's “dialectic of love, along with the role of the anubhava, divine mercy and human helplessness, and reflections on the role of translation.
One Nation under God, Divisible
Authors: Domke David , Coe Kevin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter tracks the rise of religious politics in modern America, from the Scopes trial to the Cold War to the civil rights movement, and ultimately to the mobilization of religious conservatives in the 1970s and 1980s behind leaders such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. It then describes four religious signals that politicians since 1980 have used to appeal to these newly mobilized religious conservatives and to political moderates who nonetheless want politicians to be people of faith. These signals — speaking the language of the faithful; fusing God and country; embracing religious symbols, practices, and rituals; and emphasizing bellwether moral issues — are perfectly suited for the modern media environment in which citizens must look for simple ways to navigate endless amounts of information. The chapter concludes by tracking trends in citizens' political identification, showing that Republicans have gained significant ground over that past several decades, and that evangelical protestants and Catholics have become crucial coalitions within the party.
God and Country
Authors: Domke David , Coe Kevin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter focuses on the second religious signal: fusing God and country. It examines four ways that presidents have fused God and country in their addresses: invoking the nation; setting the nation apart by declaring it to be special or distinct; calling for national renewal and rebirth; and sanctifying the nation by asking for God's blessing upon it, in phrases such as “God Bless America.” All of these approaches signal an appreciation of religious conservatives' world view, and evidence shows that the past four presidents have far exceeded their modern predecessors in the use of each. Further analysis shows that the past four presidents have also differed from previous presidents in the way they talk about the key American values of freedom and liberty. In particular, recent presidents have adopted a “prophetic” posture that suggests a certainty about God's wishes or desires. This stands in stark contrast to the more humble “petitioner” posture that characterized presidential rhetoric prior to 1981.
Religious Politics and Democratic Vitality
Authors: Domke David , Coe Kevin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter reflects on the workings of the God strategy, and on what its omnipresence means for American democracy. The God strategy's “golden rule” — exhibit faith, but don't be too strident or nakedly partisan in doing so — is discussed in relation to the 1992 presidential election and the 2006 midterm elections. In both cases, Republicans pushed too hard with the God strategy while Democrats responded with a religious politics of their own. And in both cases, the result was Democratic electoral gains. The chapter then discusses how America's current brand of religious politics puts at risk the Founding Fathers' vision for a democracy that would protect the church from the state and the state from the church. The chapter concludes by considering the role that mass media, the public education system, and religious institutions can play in preserving Constitutional protections.
Act II
Authors: Domke David , Coe Kevin 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
This chapter describes a key moment that signaled a shift in America's new religious politics: a 2006 event at the famous pastor Rick Warren's church that featured Republican Senator Sam Brownback and Democratic Senator Barack Obama. The chapter then briefly identifies a series of changes that may come as the God strategy develops in the years ahead, including a broader range of issues being emphasized by religious conservatives; conflicts between the familiar leaders of the religious conservative movement and the movement's emerging leaders; and the role that generational change will play as a younger, more religiously and politically moderate public begins to engage in the political world.
Christian Naturalism
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
William Bentley's Arminianism was hardly unique to him, but he also addressed other, more deep‐seated problems surrounding claims about God's attributes and God's power. These were problems that forced Christianity to confront reason in its formal sense, to answer the demands of ontology and epistemology, in short to account for both the Trinity that seemed contrary to the imperatives of rationalism and the providentialism that seemed contrary to the lessons of empiricism. Bentley's solution to the rational problem of the Trinity was to deny outright any divinity of Jesus (and of the Holy Spirit), a solution called Socinianism; his solution to the empirical problem of miracles and special providence was to argue that while God did indeed intervene in nature during the biblical era, in the post‐biblical ongoing present, He no longer does. God no longer needs to, since sending (the human) Jesus was the ultimate and thus last expression of God's will for humanity. And if Bentley's Arminianism was not uniquely his, these solutions—what one may call Christian naturalism—were. His Socinianism was a more stringent modification of the Trinity than was that of the “Unitarianism” of later New England (really Arianism), and no other cleric in Bentley's era came close to barring God from intervening in the natural realm.
Republicanism Emergent
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
If the factionalization of the 1780s allowed the coexistence in Bentley of both liberalism and libertarianism, the partisanship of the 1790s would force him into the political camp of one or the other. Unlike his liberal peers, Bentley would become a Democratic Republican, or, more loosely, a Jeffersonian. This shift began in 1785 with the arrival of William Hazlitt, an English Unitarian and member of the circle of English Rational Dissenters that moved around Joseph Priestley. Hazlitt convinced both Bentley and James Freeman, rector of Boston's King's Chapel, of Unitarianism (this was in fact the beginning of Bentley's Socinianism, a term used synonymously), and Bentley and Freeman began participating in a transatlantic network of disseminating Unitarian pamphlets into the public sphere. They met only casual resistance for the first few years, but then more rigorous resistance after the beginning of the French Revolution. After 1789, that is, Jacobinism and Unitarianism merged in the public mind, and supporters of one were linked with supporters of the other. In 1791 when a Church and King mob in Birmingham, England, destroyed Priestley's property, Bentley in Salem came to believe that the path to rational liberation was being blocked not so much by the ignorant masses themselves as by the liberal elites who were encouraging those masses.
The Liberal Symbiosis
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
By the middle of the 1790s Bentley was arrayed against classical liberalism in both its Christian and its economic forms. Those forms had in fact come together in a newly powerful symbiosis, both in the tangible sense of the Federalist Party and in the ideological sense of encouraging a mutually beneficial confluence of self‐defined morality, wealth, and divine pleasure. If Birmingham in 1791 and then the embargo in 1794 had begun the schism between Bentley and his liberal peers, Thomas Paine's Age of Reason finalized it. Bentley was not a deist, but Christian naturalism was ontologically no different than deism. So he was lumped in with Paine as a threat to Christianity by supernaturalists who themselves had decided to put aside their soteriological differences and unite against the philosophical threat. The second half of the decade brought more radicalism yet, most notably the writings of William Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft, just when Federalist fears and their resultant sedition laws aimed more suspicion yet at men like William Bentley. By 1800, a defensive Bentley's transformation from classical liberal to republican was complete.
Republicanism Victorious
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Until 1800, Salem was for all intents a one‐party town, the Federalists enjoying almost complete hegemony over local politics. But in 1800, the Democratic‐Republicans entered the fray with new life, and there was William Bentley squarely in the thick of things, helping edit the party newspaper, continuing his pleading from the pulpit, and helping his most prominent congregant, Jacob Crowninshield, run for office. The First Party System was, finally, fully formed in Salem. Crowninshield ran for office several time before finally winning the 1802 Congressional race against none other than Timothy Pickering, Salem's highest‐ranking and most ideologically extreme Federalist. Salem Republicans—the party of the rising middle class anxious to break the grip of elite power while keeping a newly sympathetic eye towards the lower sort—had accomplished a most unlikely coup. Other towns in Massachusetts were moving toward Republicanism too, but not for the reasons that Salem was. In Salem, Bentley was the deciding factor.
Vox Populi, Vox Dei
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Bentley had led the Democratic‐Republican Party to victory, but not all of Salem's Republicans followed along for the reasons he offered. Many, perhaps most, of Salem's Republicans were evangelicals, not rationalists. They supported the party not because of its advocacy of disestablishment—at least that was not an important part of the public rhetoric—but rather because they too were economic republicans, even if of a different sort than Bentley. They brought to the party a social ideology derived from Jonathan Edwards rather than from Rousseau. Even so, both Bentley and the evangelicals—Baptists and Methodists and New Light Congregationalists—stood on the essential common ground of Christian republicanism, and if it was an awkward fit for both factions, such was the nature of oppositionalism in New England's First Party System.
Epilogue
Authors: Ruffin J. Rixey 
Published: January 2008

Abstract
Bentley's importance peaked in 1805. Never again would he assume such a public or intellectually significant role as he did between 1783 and 1805. Nor would he bridge the chasms separating him from his liberal peers and from his evangelical contemporaries. Although he remained the pastor of the East Church until his death in 1819, in every real sense of the word he died alone.