bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Implications of the Radcliffe Report for Canada
Authors: Neufeld E. P. 
Published: June 2006

The Radcliffe Committee was appointed by Treasury Minute in May, 1957, “to inquire into the working of the monetary and credit system … [of the United Kingdom], … and to make recommendations.” It held eighty-eight meetings, collected three volumes of written evidence and one volume of evidence given orally, compiled new statistical information, and finally on July 30, 1959, presented a unanimous report to the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury. The public saw the Report three weeks later.The prestigious composition of the Committee and the controversial ground which it was required to investigate alone ensured widespread attention for the Report. But the virtual flood of detailed comment emanating from academic economists and financial journalists in the United Kingdom is not entirely explained by this; nor even by the Committee's controversial views on matters of monetary theory and central banking practice. Because the views of the Committee on monetary policy and theory are not always fully developed, and in some instances appear to be ambiguous and contradictory, the Report offers limitless opportunities for articles on “What Radcliffe Really Meant,” including, of course, analyses of the essential deficiencies of the interpretations suggested. Unfortunately, the Report is such that the views of the Committee are easily misinterpreted, a danger of which this writer is aware, but one which he may not have succeeded in avoiding in every instance.
The Role of the Medical Profession in the Formulation and Execution of Public Policy
Authors: Taylor Malcolm G. 
Published: June 2006

The role of “interest” or “pressure” groups in the United States congressional system has been subjected to analysis by American political scientists for at least three decades, but it is only in the last four or five years that studies have appeared of their role in the British cabinet system, and only one major study of an interest group has appeared in Canada. This disparity in interest is the result no doubt of the more vocal and widespread manifestation of the influence of pressure groups in the wide-open congressional system, but one has the uncomfortable feeling that their less obtrusive role in the cabinet system has been equated with a lesser importance in the political process.Like the sociologist, the political scientist may be interested in groups as organizational or power systems, in the sense that they are private governments, or he may extend or even limit his interest to the relations of these private governments with each other and with public governments, particularly in the manner and extent of their influence on public policy. For the political scientist concerned with public administration, interest will be extended to the role, if any, played by groups in the execution of public policy. From all three aspects, the medical profession as an interest group is a happy choice for examination, for not only does it provide insights into private government, and have a major influence on public policy, but it seems safe to state that in Canada, at least, no other private group is as deeply involved in public administration, and this despite the fundamental antipathy between the healing arts and bureaucracy.
Direct and Representative Democracy in West Germany: The Atomic Armament Issue
Authors: Braunthal Gerard 
Published: June 2006

Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Simon de Montfort would have enjoyed the clash that recently took place in the Federal Republic of Germany between the adherents of increased direct democracy and the proponents of a system of pure representative democracy. At stake was the crucial issue of atomic armament for the West German defence forces. Should the basic decision be made by the people through a referendum, or by their representatives in parliament? This constitutional and political question was referred to the Federal Constitutional Court, which reached a verdict of importance to the future of the Republic-and to political scientists.This essay is designed to serve as a case study of a nation in the twentieth century in debate over the scope of direct democracy within a representative system. It also seeks to assess the rationale of transferring, on occasion, the power to make decisions in the realms of foreign and military policy from the executive and parliament to the people themselves. And finally it attempts to evaluate the interplay of political parties and interest groups, and the conflict over jurisdiction between the national government and the constituent Laender in the context of the proposed referendum.
Ontario Provincial Elections, 1934–55: A Preliminary Survey of Voting
Authors: Wrong Dennis H. 
Published: June 2006

In this paper I intend to do little more than sketch in very broad outline some of the main features of the electoral anatomy of the province of Ontario as revealed by the official provincial election returns. Since I have relied solely on the actual voting record, which is, of course, tabulated by constituencies, my method is ecological and, unlike survey methods, provides only rough and indirect measures of the social and economic factors related to voting behaviour. My findings are entirely descriptive and do not go much beyond what is accessible to any alert newspaper reader who may have followed Ontario politics over the past two decades.The chief methodological problem confronting ecological analysts of voting behaviour is how to equate electoral units with the administrative units by which population characteristics are tabulated in the census. In Ontario the smallest units for which official election statistics are given are polling subdivisions, but these fail to correspond to any units for which data on population characteristics are available. However, data on voting by townships can be derived from the election returns, and the census tabulates population characteristics by townships. I have made some determination of the voting habits of ethnic groups from data on townships, but have not set out these findings in detail in the present paper, which does not analyse units smaller than constituencies, and is thus confined to a very broad scrutiny of differential voting patterns.
The Dual Mandate of Social Science: Remarks on the Academic Division of Labour
Authors: Hughes Everett C. 
Published: June 2006

When Carl A. Dawson, a Canadian of American sociological training, went to McGill University in 1922, he went as a pioneer. He succeeded to the directorship of a school of social work, but the sociological point of view he brought was novel in Canada. Robert M. Maclver had taught at Toronto in the twenties. After he left to continue his work with great distinction in the Graduate Faculty of Political Science at Columbia University, the late Professor E. J. Urwick carried on in somewhat the same mood. It was the mood of the British scholarly liberals in which interest in welfare politics joined with social philosophy. Courses called sociology had certainly been offered in other Canadian universities, usually as a sort of sideline.I do not believe that there had been any formal courses in sociology in the French universities of Canada, but Léon Gérin, Edouard Montpetit, and other French-Canadian scholars had long since studied, and in some measure emulated, the work of Frédéric LePlay, that same LePlay whose name lived on more among British sociologists than among those of his own France. I have no doubt Montpetit was familiar with Durkheim, whose work had so great an influence first on American sociologists and, later, on British and American social anthropologists. One should add that during all of this time Marius Barbeau, an anthropologist of British training, was rummaging around for evidence of the nearly lost arts of early French Canada. He had no fixed place in a university. Edward Sapir, also an anthropologist and one who had a great influence on American sociologists and social psychologists, had spent some time in Canada under the same auspices as other Canadian ethnologists–the Bureau of Mines. The sociological mood was not completely wanting in Canada, but sociologists were, to put it mildly, not a group with strong vested interests. In fact, the students of that time were inclined to complain that sociologists assigned them far too many books and articles concerning the States. Professor Dawson warned me, when I joined him in 1927, that my predecessor, also an American, had been given quite a runaround on this point. When it came up in one of my classes, I countered by assigning large doses from English social and housing surveys. When the students complained of that, too, I suggested that we might all get together and create our own research on Canada.
The Impersonal Market
Authors: Elliott G. A. 
Published: June 2006

It would not be appropriate for me tonight to say anything at all closely related to the work I have been doing or anything that might be thought to be related to government policy. Accordingly, if you find that my remarks are somewhat lacking in content—as you very well may—I hope you will choose to attribute the deficiency, in part at least, to my high regard for the relevance of economics.While I was trying to hit upon a topic which was sufficiently non-technical and general for the occasion, it occurred to me that it might be interesting to look once again at some analytical models of the market, developed over the years by a few of the great economists of the past, and at the characteristics with which, in their theoretical works, they endowed their market operators, to see in what ways and in what degrees they made their markets impersonal, as distinct from self-regulating or automatic; and, then, to consider some of the ways in which general attitudes to the market system may have been influenced by the degree to which markets have been impersonal, and by the kind and extent of the changes that the expansion of the market economy tends to bring about. Primarily I will have in mind modern Western economies.I have called my talk “The Impersonal Market” and I introduce at the outset two quotations which serve to define the sense in which the word “impersonal” is used, and at the same time illustrate two distinct though similar attitudes to the market. One of them comes from a student of law who has extended his interests to include social science generally, and one from an economist of very great distinction.
Intra-Party Democracy: A Case Study
Authors: Hoffman David 
Published: June 2006

The principle of intra-party democracy underlying the so-called constitutional crisis within the Labour party in Great Britain—a struggle between the party conference and the parliamentary party over the creation of defence policy—has for some time been the subject of widespread discussion in academic journals and the “responsible press.” This paper examines the difficulties within the organization of the United Farmers of Ontario when intra-party democracy resulted in a clash between the parliamentary and mass sections of the party, and attempts to relate the implications of this study to the general question of the distribution of power in parties of extra-parliamentary origin.The domination of the Legislative Assembly from 1919 to 1923 by an alliance of the United Farmers of Ontario and the Independent Labor party provided Ontario with its unique experience of “third-party” government. The suddenness of the intervention of these parties into the traditional order of Ontario's Conservative-Liberal politics was matched only by their equally rapid exit after less than four years of power. Standing as it did at the forefront of a wave of protesting third parties in the following two decades, the event is of considerable significance both for its contribution to a general understanding of the problems of third parties and for the opportunity it affords as a case study of farmer-labour co-operation. Although intra-party democracy was important for both members of the union, this paper deals with its effects on only one of the parties—the United Farmers.
The Problem of “Minority” Government in Canada
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

During the election of April, 1963, Liberal speeches and editorials tended to depict minority government (that is, government by a cabinet with less than half the seats in the House of Commons) as a nameless, faceless horror, the political fate that is worse than death. The authors of these productions are now hard at work trying to prove themselves wrong. They may not find it easy. For they face three deeply rooted popular notions on the subject; indeed, it was precisely because these notions were so widespread and so deeply rooted that the appeal to vote for a winner proved so powerful.The first is that minority governments are altogether exceptional, abnormal, almost unheard of, except, of course, among benighted continental Europeans and other “lesser breeds without the Law.” This is simply not so. We have had relatively few minority governments, colonial, Dominion, or provincial, in Canada; but Britain, Australia, and New Zealand have had plenty. Britain, from 1834 to 1931, had sixteen, which held office for a total of thirty-two years out of the ninety-seven. In Australia, before federation, minority governments were the rule rather than the exception in New South Wales, South Australia, and Tasmania till the 1890's, and in Victoria till the 1880's (New South Wales often had three or four governments in a single Parliament, South Australia four or five), and there have been plenty of minority governments in the states since federation. The Commonwealth itself had nothing but minority governments (six of them) from its inception till 1909, and another as recently as 1941–43. Minority governments were the rule also in New Zealand till the 1890's (one Parliament saw six governments). So it can scarcely be maintained, rationally, that minority government is something monstrous and unnatural, foreign to the whole spirit of British parliamentary institutions.
The Economics of Stunted Growth
Authors: Dehem Roger 
Published: June 2006

“There is scarcely any inquiry more curious, or, from its importance, more worthy of attention, than that which traces the causes which practically check the progress of wealth in different countries, and stop it, or make it proceed very slowly, while the power of production remains comparatively undiminished, or at least would furnish the means of a great and abundant increase of produce and population.” This introductory sentence is borrowed from T. R. Malthus' Principles of Political Economy, Book II, “On the Progress of Wealth” (2nd ed.), p. 309.It is indeed curious that 152 years after Malthus' inquiry, and, what is more, twenty-six years after the Keynesian revolution, stunted growth remains a problem. Canada, for example, is exceptionally well endowed with natural riches, has a relatively well-educated, young, and increasing population, and enjoys a privileged position alongside the world's richest market. Yet, Canadian economic growth has been mysteriously stunted. Although Canada's recent evolution is perhaps the most puzzling to a foreign observer, stunted growth is not peculiar to this country. The United Kingdom, Belgium, and the United States are other instances. Until some ten years ago, France was generally considered as irretrievably condemned to economic stagnation, owing, it was said, to the characteristics of her population, and her institutions.
The Inflow of Long-Term Capital and the Canadian Business Cycle 1950–1960
Authors: Penner Rudolph G. 
Published: June 2006

Canada's recent return to a pegged exchange rate marks the end of a highly interesting experiment in international economic policy and the end of an era in the history of the Canadian balance of payments. It is now appropriate, therefore, to look backwards and to examine the effects of changes in the balance of payments on the Canadian economy during the period in which the value of the Canadian dollar was allowed to fluctuate freely. Only a very narrow aspect of the problem is examined in this paper, namely, the effect of the large long-term capital inflow of the 1950s on the Canadian business cycle. This problem is interesting not only for its own sake, but also because the cyclical effect of a capital inflow is extremely important in determining whether the borrowing country achieves its potential or required growth rate.If, for our purposes, we define the potential supply of goods and services available to an economy as domestic production at full employment plus imports minus exports, a capital inflow increases that supply by bidding up the value of the Canadian dollar until sufficient upward pressure on imports and downward pressure on exports is imposed to transfer the capital inflow in real terms. This increase in supply implies that planned aggregate expenditures in Canada can increase without exerting inflationary pressures on the economy. A capital inflow allows a higher level of investment expenditure and this raises the potential rate of growth of the productive capacity of the economy.
Economic History and Economic Underdevelopment
Authors: Supple Barry E. 
Published: June 2006

Discussing the economic backwardness of Ireland in the late seventeenth century, Sir William Petty delivered himself of an apt, if indelicately worded, opinion. “Their Lazing,” he wrote of the Irish, “seems to me to proceed rather from want of Imployment and Encouragement to Work, than from the natural abundance of Flegm in their Bowels and Blood.” He continued this somewhat unorthodox analysis by listing the factors which destroyed or frustrated the incentives to increase production in Ireland; and, in the process, he succeeded in anticipating more than one modern idea on the subject. He even dealt with visible and disguised unemployment, and recommended, along lines fashionable today, that the surplus labour be employed in the creation of capital: improving rivers and constructing roads, bridges and buildings–“works,” as he succinctly put it, “of much labour and little art.”Although this article concerns neither Petty nor Ireland directly, the former's observations on the latter provide a useful introduction to its principal topic–the historical nature of economic underdevelopment. If we study the earlier history of today's highly developed economies, what sort of economic and social landscape do we find, and how does it compare with the structure of preindustrial economies in the mid twentieth century?
Labour Relations Boards and the Courts
Authors: Cunningham W. B. 
Published: June 2006

There are three types of boards for making Canadian labour relations policy effective: conciliation boards; arbitration boards; and labour relations boards. The conciliation and arbitration boards are ad hoc bodies appointed to deal with particular disputes. The labour relations boards (or LRB's) are permanent bodies, some of which sit continuously and deal with hundreds of disputes a year. Of the three types the LRB's are the most important. It is surprising that so little has been written about them.This paper deals with one part of our experience with LRB's—the fate of their decisions when these are challenged in the law courts. Towards the end of the paper I comment briefly on the general problem of government policy and judicial review—a topic of importance to anyone concerned about the effectiveness of government policy, the containment of power, and the question of justice for the individual. In this larger perspective the LRB experience may be viewed as something of an illustrative case study.Since 1944 a corner-stone of Canadian labour relations policy has been the certification of unions as exclusive bargaining agents for a defined unit of employees. An employer cannot legally refuse to bargain with a properly certified union; thus the policy is properly called compulsory collective bargaining. To receive certification a union usually has to have as members a majority of the employees in the appropriate bargaining unit; alternatively, a majority of the employees in the unit must have indicated by secret ballot that they wish the union to be their bargaining agent. For this policy to be applied two primary questions must be answered: (a) What unit of employees is appropriate for collective bargaining? (b) What union, if any, do a majority of the employees in that unit wish to have as their bargaining representative? The principal task of a labour relations board is to provide answers to these questions.
The Cost of Protectionism with High International Mobility of Factors
Authors: Dales J. H. 
Published: June 2006

Given the Ricardian assumption that factors of production, though completely mobile nationally, are completely immobile internationally, trade theory proves that real income per capita in a country with an effective protective tariff will be lower than it would be in a free trade situation. Does the proposition hold if we assume international mobility of the factors of production? Our first inclination is to say that it does, because (a) the excess costs above world costs of producing protected commodities must be paid for by the consumers of the commodities, and (b) the consumers must be the domestic population, since commodities produced at costs above world costs cannot be sold to foreign consumers. On the other hand, it seems paradoxical to talk of imposing costs on people who are internationally mobile, and who can therefore avoid the burden of a protective tariff in whole or in part by emigration to a country where the burden is either non-existent or lighter. If there is protected production there must be a burden; but since the costs of protection can be avoided by emigration there can be no burden. The apparent contradiction could, of course, be avoided by taking the position that it is impossible to create, or expand, protected industry by means of a tariff in a country whose population is not imprisoned within its own borders by the Ricardian assumption. The contention of this paper, however, is that a country can establish protected industry—manufacturing, let us say—within its borders even when its population is free to emigrate. Our problem is to show how this outcome is possible.The problem may be rephrased by noting the converse of the proposition stated in our introductory sentence, namely, that a tariff must effect a reduction in real income per capita in a country in order to be effective, i.e., to lead to the development of protected production. Accordingly, if we can describe a mechanism by which a protective tariff results in a reduction of real income per capita in a country whose population is free to emigrate, we will have shown the tariff to be effective.
Capital and Labour Requirements for Canada's Foreign Trade
Authors: Wahl Donald F. 
Published: June 2006

Since Professor Leontief published his study of American foreign trade factor requirements in 1953, much has been written about the problem. This paper reviews the discussion briefly, and provides some data indicating the factor requirements for Canada's foreign trade.This paper uses conventional input-output methods; one may criticise input-output results in a number of ways, the most obvious of which is to say that the algebraic solution does not represent the total picture. Professor Leontief, in a reply to Professor Granick and others, willingly admitted that the total picture includes resource endowments in each trading country, primary factors of production, shapes of production functions, input-output relations which govern the transformation of resources into goods and services, and consumer preferences for different bundles of production which can be supplied with alternative combinations of factor inputs. But in addition to this general limitation of the approach there are several specific criticisms.