bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Early Paestan Pottery
Authors: Trendall A. Dale 
Published: May 2006

The main lines of the development of South Italian pottery from its beginnings shortly after the middle of the fifth century to the period about 380 when provincialism or local characteristics began to make themselves felt have already been laid down by the researches of Beazley, Moon, Watzinger and others, but a detailed study of the great bulk of South Italian pottery which falls after that date and its division into its several fabrics has yet to be made. Patroni blazed the trail, and Macchioro tried to map out the new territory, but his frontiers have so often been proved inaccurate or arbitrary that a new map is badly needed.One of the most clearly defined of all the local fabrics is that attributed to Paestum. Walters was the first to recognise a style of Asteas, Patroni extended this to Paestum, and since then it has been generally accepted as rightly named. The evidence of recent finds in a necropolis at Spinazzo Sta. Venere near Paestum helps to confirm this attribution, which I am taking for granted here, though I hope to go more fully into the question later in a paper on Paestan pottery after Asteas, with which the new finds are mainly concerned.
The Growth of Athenian Imperialism
Authors: Meiggs Russell 
Published: May 2006

By 446/5 the Delian League had become the Athenian empire. Peace had been made with Persia, but Athens had firmly retained her hold over the allies. More important, Sparta recognised the Athenian claim in the Thirty Years' Peace. ‘We will allow the cities their independence,’ Pericles could say on the eve of the Peloponnesian War, ‘if they were independent when we made peace.’ So much is clear, but the chronology and nature of the development of Athenian imperialism are both uncertain. We are coming to know or reasonably to guess considerably more of the decisive transition to empire following the Peace of Callias, but the imperial measures of those crowded years can only be appreciated in true perspective if we have a right understanding of the preceding period. The main purpose of this study is to re-examine the development of Athenian imperialism in the fifties.In his concise summary of Athens' rise to power, Thucydides emphasises the significance of the reduction of Naxos: to contemporaries Athenian action may have seemed less questionable. The Persian danger was still serious, and history had shown that the largest of the Cyclades might be a menace to the Greek cause, if it got into the wrong hands. Certainly the League was still popular after the collapse of Naxos, as Cimon's Eurymedon campaign clearly shows. From Caria to Pamphylia the Greek cities welcomed freedom from Persia and gladly entered the League: only at Phaselis was the show of pressure needed.
The Causes of Greek Decline
Authors: Walbank F. W. 
Published: May 2006

In one of the most popular anthology passages in Latin, Servius Sulpicius, writing to console Cicero for his daughter's death, describes how, as he reached Greek waters, sailing from Asia, he began to look about him at the ruins of Greece. ‘Behind me was Aegina, in front of me Megara, on the right the Piraeus, on the left Corinth, cities which had once been prosperous, but now lay shattered ruins before my sight.’ Oppidum cadavera he goes on to call them—corpses of cities! The picture, it will probably be objected, is overdrawn; certainly the ruin of Greece was, by Cicero's time, already a rhetorical commonplace, to be echoed by Horace, Ovid and Seneca in turn. But it was based upon an essential truth. The Saronic Gulf, once the centre of the world, was now, for all that Greece meant, a dead lake lapping about the foundations of dead cities. In that tragic decay—which was not confined to mainland Greece—we are confronted with one of the most urgent problems of ancient history, and one with a special significance for our generation, who were already living in an age of economic, political and spiritual upheaval, even before the bombs began to turn our own cities into shattered ruins.This, then, is my reason for reopening a subject on which there is scope for such diverse opinion: adeo maxima quaeque ambigua sunt. If any further justification is required, then I will only add that the recent publication of Professor Michael Rostovtzeff's classic study of the social and economic life of the Hellenistic Age is at once an invitation and a challenge.
The Poseidon Isthmios by Lysippos
Authors: Zadoks-Jitta Annie 
Published: May 2006

From an old Italian collection there has come to Holland the bronze statuette here published, representing Poseidon as he is known to us from several marbles and bronzes and numerous Hellenistic and Roman coins. The god is shown leaning forward on his raised and bent right leg, his right forearm resting on his thigh, his left hand raised high. The statuette, which measures 17½ cm. in height, is in an excellent state of preservation; only the tops of the thumb and of three fingers of the right hand are missing; too vigorous cleaning has removed much of the patina; on the right side of the neck is a hole, probably a vent. The statuette is of very fine quality and excellent workmanship. In spite of its small size it is impressive and monumental, and strongly recalls a life-sized original; evidently this was a modelled, not a sculptured one; we have to think of a bronze statue. Coins of Demetrios Poliorketes, the figure on which shows exactly the same posture as our bronze, tell us that the right leg rested on a rock and the left hand held a trident.The most famous of this well-known type is the Lateran statue, which has been much discussed as to the authorship of its original. Unfortunately this is rather a bad example of a Roman copy, made in a very classicist taste, probably in the first half of the second century A.D.; moreover, it has been much restored. Helbig tells us that nose, left arm, both legs up to the knee, ship, dolphin and plinth are restored, while parts of the hair and beard are new.
Two Notes on Ptolemaic History
Authors: Tarn W. W. 
Published: May 2006

Ptolemy I, son of Lagos and Arsinoe, is usually supposed to have belonged, through his mother, to a cadet branch of the Argead house and to have been a third cousin of Alexander. But a fragment of Euphantus, so far unexplained, leads up to the conclusion that his mother was not of the blood royal and that he had no connexion with the royal house at all. Hellenistic literature was full of fictitious relationships, which often found their way into history as facts; and we seem to have here another case of the same sort.Euphantus is contemporary evidence for the period during which Ptolemy I was king. He was a pupil of Eubulides and the first philosophic teacher of Antigonus Gonatas; supposing he went to him when Antigonus was thirteen, as Aristotle did to Alexander, he was a known man in 307 or 306, while Ptolemy took the crown in 305. As he wrote a treatise on Kingship for Antigonus he was alive in or after 276, after Ptolemy's death; he wrote a history of his own time, and died of old age.
Threatening, Abusing and Feeling Angry in the Homeric Poems
Authors: Adkins A. W. H. 
Published: May 2006

At other times and in other places I have tried to show, by means of a study of the manner in which Homer uses words, the nature of the Homeric field of values. I have also tried to show the effect of that field of values on the concepts of punishment, honour and friendship. In this paper I wish to develop the enquiry in a rather different direction, but using the same tools and method of approach. I shall begin by discussing some peculiarities of behaviour of certain Homeric words, leave, at first, the questions I shall ask hanging in the air, and then attempt at the end to show how these peculiarities fit together into a pattern, a pattern imposed (or encouraged) by Homeric values and the structure of Homeric society.I begin with the word νεικείειν. LSJ renders this as ‘quarrel, wrangle with’ or transitively ‘chide, rail at, upbraid’, Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum, as increpo. Ebeling's rendering I find unhelpful, since I am as unsure of the implications of increpo as of νεικείειν. I understand the words LSJ uses, but (as presumably we all do) regard wrangling with someone as a different activity from chiding or rebuking him, and each as distinguishable from railing at him. What induced Homer to use the same word in Greek was presumably that he saw a resemblance between these activities stronger than their differences: at all events, the likelihood that this was the reason is strong enough to make it worth while to look for the resemblances by studying some examples of the usage of νειείειν.
Mycenae, 1953
Authors: Wace A. J. B. 
Published: May 2006

The British excavations at Mycenae in 1953 had the following main objectives: the further exploration of the Prehistoric Cemetery outside the Cyclopean walls to the west of the Lion Gate, the area south of the Perseia Krene where a fine wall of ashlar poros was discovered in 1952, the houses to the north and south of the House of the Oil Merchant, and further investigation of the Cyclopean Terrace Building. At the same time work was begun on the excavation of the area within the Acropolis between the South House and Tsountas' House. The excavations were supported by a research grant from the American Philosophical Society, with contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, the Bollingen Foundation, and the British School at Athens, under whose aegis the work was conducted.In the Prehistoric Cemetery several tombs of the Middle Helladic period were discovered. On the northern edge of the cemetery an interesting group of graves was found, one of the latest Mycenaean period, L.H. IIIC, and two of the developed Geometric period. With the larger of the latter, a cist grave, nineteen vases were found which included undecorated vases of excellent fabric and a shallow bowl of ‘Pie Ware’ which demonstrate the contemporaneity of these styles. These vases, together with two others from a Proto-Geometrie grave dug into the ruins of the House of Shields, form a series illustrating the gradual evolution of culture at Mycenae from the end of the Bronze Age into the Iron Age. They show that there was no sudden break in its development, but only a slow evolution as in Attica. The ‘Dorian Invasion’ was not a cultural revolution.
Homer in Arabic
Authors: Tritton A. S. 
Published: May 2006

It is notorious that the Arabs knew almost nothing about Homer beyond that he was a poet. In a book entitled siwān al-hikma (the cupboard of wisdom) by Muhammad b. Tāhir b. Bahrām al-Sijāzi (†c. A.D. 980) a chapter is given up to him. It says that Aristotle relied on his poems continually and all praised him for his skill as a poet, his solid knowledge and excellent counsel. One Stephen (probably the son of Basil) translated some of his poems into Arabic. To the question, ‘Who is the greatest Greek poet?’, Diogenes replied, ‘Each one of them—in his own estimation; but most say Homer’. A brief dialogue is quoted:Homer. I wonder that men, who can copy God, do not do so but copy animals.
The Tombs of the Byzantine Emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople
Authors: Downey Glanville 
Published: May 2006

One of the most impressive manifestations of the majesty and the antiquity of the Byzantine Empire must have been the great series of imperial tombs in the mausoleums of Constantine and Justinian which were attached to the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople. Beginning with the burial of Constantine the Great (d. 337), the mausoleums served as the resting-places of most of the emperors (often with members of their families) who reigned during the next seven centuries, the last emperor to be buried there being Constantine VIII (d. 1028). The mausoleums then became full, and the emperors began to be buried in other churches and monasteries in Constantinople, often in establishments which they themselves had founded. There are not many comparable series of royal burials, and the presence of these tombs, as a visible record of the greatness of Byzantium, was one reason why the Church of the Holy Apostles enjoyed a celebrity only second to that of St. Sophia.The emperors, beginning with Constantine the Great, understood very well the importance of placing the imperial burials in a worthy setting. The significance of the burials is illustrated by a report of a speech of Leo V, the Armenian (813–820), in which Leo is supposed to have remarked that the orthodox emperors were all buried respectably at the Holy Apostles, while the others died in exile or on the field of battle. In reality most of the emperors who reigned before the time of Leo V were buried at the Holy Apostles, and nearly all of those who reigned between his time and the beginning of the eleventh century were buried there.
Prometheia
Authors: Fitton-Brown A. D. 
Published: May 2006

This paper is a much revised version of that read to the Classical Association at Bangor on April 11, 1956; here I intend to concentrate on the development of the trilogy with particular reference to the Prometheus Purphoros, on the meaning of the trilogy and (in an excursus) on the questions of authenticity and date.The Medicean Catalogue records three Prometheus plays by Aeschylus—our surviving Προμηθεὺς Δεσμώτης , the much-cited Προμηθεὺς Λυόμενος and the Προμηθεὺς Πυρφόρος Pollux ix 156, x 64 (with citation) adds a Προμηθεὺς Πυρκαεύς The Luomenos followed on the Desmotes and included the actual release of Prometheus. Pollux' citation of the Purkaeus has an anapaest in the fourth foot, suggesting that the play was satyric and therefore probably to be identified with the satyric Prometheus recorded as accompanying the Persae group of plays; with it should probably be associated the verse in Plutarch: τράγος γένειον ἆραπενθήσεις σύ γε (TGF 207: τοῦ δὲ σατύρου τὸ πῦρ ὡς πρῶτον ὤφθη, κ.τ.λ. ) and also the long fragment recovered from Pap. Oxy. 2245. These last two items go some way to show that the Purkaeus dealt with the original discovery or bestowal of fire; with regard to its omission from the catalogue, it should be borne in mind more constantly than it has been that the other plays which accompanied the Persae—the Phincus and the Glaukos of Potniai—have been omitted too; and while it is hard to imagine what particular misfortune can have befallen a number of plays of the same group, it would be rash to assume that there can have been none.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1948–9
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

The present bibliography, which relates to the years 1948 and 1949, follows the same general lines as its predecessors. Books and articles not accessible to me are marked by an asterisk. Once again I ask all scholars who have facilitated my task by sending me copies of their works to accept this expression of my heartfelt thanks.Death has deprived Greek epigraphical studies in recent years of some of their outstanding exponents. Among these I name K. M. Apostolides, C. Blinkenberg, G. F. Hill, P. Jouguet, E. Kalinka, O. Kern, A. Körte, A. Rehm and J. Zingerle. G. Klaffenbach pays a warm tribute to the character and work of F. Hiller von Gaertringen, and H. Bengtson to that of E. Ziebarth.
Sense and Common-sense in the Development of Greek Philosophy
Authors: Kirk G. S. 
Published: May 2006

This paper forms a brief and synoptic study of the use made by Greek thinkers of explanations and causes that lie outside immediate sense-perception; and of the extent to which these unperceived causes outstripped not merely sense but also common-sense, so as to become, simply judged in themselves, unexpected, improbable, or paradoxical. I propose first to examine the main Presocratic philosophers and their predecessors, to discover how far their theories exceeded the range of sense-perception on the one hand and common-sense on the other; then to assess more briefly the reaction of the Sophists, Socrates and Plato, with some consideration of Aristotle and his successors and special attention to the concept of teleology. The aim of this survey, from which much will inevitably be omitted, is to direct from a fresh angle a slender ray of light on the nature of Greek speculative thought—on the character of its dogmatism and the character of its assumed clarity.If philosophy is the search for causes, then it must soon concern itself with the unseen, with what lies beyond perception. Proximate causes of particular sensed events may be found in other sensed events; but the philosopher's attempt to explain man's experience as a whole requires the inference of causes and relationships outside the immediate range of direct physical experience.
Armillae
Authors: Rumpf A. 
Published: May 2006

Every schoolboy knows the legend of Tarpeia, who betrayed the Capitol to the Sabines. She demanded what they carried on their left arms: quod vulgo Sabini aureas armillas magni ponderis brachio laevo … habuerint (Livy, I, II). The enemy pressed in and treacherously fulfilled their ambiguous promise by throwing their shields on her instead of the golden ornaments and so killed her. In later years the antiquarian remembers the story when before the Mons Tarpeius in Rome. The historian justifiably disregards the tradition. The mythologist is interested in parallels from Greek or folk-lore. The archaeologist is only concerned when dealing with the denarii of L. Titurius Sabinus or of P. Petronius Turpilianus with the representation of Tarpeia dying under the shields.At the date of these coins, first century A.D., the story, told most fully in Livy I, 11, Dionysius of Halicarnassus II, 38, and Plutarch, Romulus, 17, was naturally well known. Its oldest form is more important than its alteration to serve Roman patriotism or the desire for a romantic novel. According to Dionysius, who enters most carefully into the question of sources, it was already noted by Q. Fabius Pictor and L. Cincius Alimentus, and was therefore current in the last half of the third century B.C.
The Burgon and Blacas Tombs
Authors: Corbett P. E. 
Published: May 2006

There are in the British Museum two groups of Greek vases, from two burials, which may for convenience be called the Burgon and Blacas tombs, after their finders. The present article gives the evidence for their discovery and an account of the individual vases; for those which have already been published in theCatalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museumand in theCorpus Vasorum, I confine myself to major additions to the bibliography and to supplementary comment, while the unpublished pieces receive fuller treatment.Thomas Burgon (1787–1858), a Turkey merchant who lived in Smyrna till 1814 and returned to the Aegean on various occasions after that date, made good use of his opportunities for excavating and collecting antiquities; he was no dilettante but a knowledgeable and careful worker, and when his business failed in 1841 he and his collection found a refuge in the British Museum. His name has long been familiar to the student of Greek vases from the Burgon amphora, the earliest known Panathenaic amphora, which is conspicuous both for its own merits and for its importance for the chronology of black-figure vase-painting; very conveniently, the Burgon amphora came from the Burgon tomb, in which it was associated with six much smaller vases.
The Seal of Posidippus
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh 
Published: May 2006

My business is with a poem preserved on two wax tablets from Egypt in Berlin (Inv. no. 14283), dating from about the first century A.D., and first published by Hermann Diels in 1898. Here is a bibliography:(1) H. Diels,S.B. der Berl. Akad.1898 847 f. (with photographs of both tablets).(2) R. Ellis,American Journal of Philologyxxi (1900) 76 f. (irresponsible conjectures on the text; utterly worthless).(3) W. Crönert,Archiv für Papyrusforschungi (1901) 517 f. (brief general comments).(4) W. Schubart,Papyri Berolinenses(1911) no. 17; photograph of the first tablet with transcript of that part of the text which it contains (all except the last five lines).(5) W. Schubart,Symbolae Philologicae O.A. Danielsson octogenario dicatae(1932) 290 f. (new transcript, account of the manuscript, brief commentary and critical discussion).(6) D. L. Page,Greek Literary Papyrii (Loeb Classical Library, 1942; reprinted 1950) no. 114, p. 470 f. (brief discussion, text and translation).(7) C. A. Trypanis,Classical Reviewn.s. ii (1952) 67–8 (note on authorship with brief remarks on text).(8) W. Peek,RExxii 1 (1953) 430, 440 f., s.v. ‘Poseidippos’ (general discussion).(9) E. Heitsch, ‘Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der römischen Kaiserzeit’,Abh. der Ak. der Wiss. in Göttingen, phil.-hist. kl., dritte folgeno. 49 (1961 1) 21 (text and apparatus criticus based on Schubart).
Le Texte d'Aristote Physique H, 1–3 dans les versions Arabo-Latines
Authors: Mansion Augustin 
Published: May 2006

Dans un travail déjà anciennous avons attiré l'attention sur l'intérêt que présentait pour l'histoire de la constitution du texte de la Physique d'Aristote latraduction arabo-latine de ce traité attribuée à Michel Scot ou à son école, et jointe, dans les éditions du XVIe siècle, comme dans les mss., à la version latine du Commentaire d'Averroès. En conclusion de cette étude nous avons appuyé—peut-être unpeu trop—sur la parenté du texte dont dérive la version arabo-latine avec celui du cod. E, le meilleur des mss. de Bekker. Sir David Ross, à qui ces pages sont offertes en hommage, a repris les données fournies par notre travail, mais a été amené par une étude plus minutieuse des leçonsen présence, à modifier ou à redresser nos conclusions. Il juge que le texte auquel remonte la version se trouve à peu près à mi-chemin entre celui de E et celui du groupe des autres mss. principaux de la Physique.Notre travail antérieur ne portait que sur les quatre premiers livres de la Physique. Nous voudrions entreprendre ici un travail analogue sur une base à la fois plus étroite et plus large. Nous nous limiterons tout d'abord aux trois premiers chapitres du texte secondaire du livre VII de la Physique. Mais au lieu d'en examiner une seule version arabo-latine, nous en rapprocherons les deux versions médiévalesfaites sur l'arabe, lesquelles remontent respectivement au XIIe et au XIIIe siècle: dans la mesure où elles convergent elles pourront nous renseigner ainsi en même temps sur certaines caractéristiques du texte arabe dont elles dépendent et par là sur la teneur du texte grec dont dérive en dernière analyse ce texte arabe.