bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Assessment of the toxicological interaction of sertraline with cholinesterase inhibiting insecticides in aquatic insects using the black fly, Simulium vittatum IS‐7
Authors: Overmyer Jay P. , Smith Paul F. , Kellock Kristen A. , Kwon Jeong‐Wook , Armbrust Kevin L. 
Published: January 2009

AbstractSertraline is a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) prescribed as an antidepressant. Although SSRIs are known to block serotonin reuptake sites on cell membranes, they also have been shown to inhibit acetylcholinesterase (AChE) activity. Thus, the interaction of these chemicals with other AChE inhibitors, namely, organophosphate and carbamate insecticides, is of interest. In addition, these insecticides have been shown to interact with serotonergic neuronal pathways creating questions as to how these chemicals might interact. In this study, the interactive effect of sertraline (SSRI) in binary combinations with carbaryl (carbamate insecticide) and diazinon (organophosphate insecticide) was assessed using a 48‐h acute toxicity test with black fly larvae, Simulium vittatum IS‐7. Results showed that observed mortality was bracketed by the independent action model and concentration addition model with the independent action model slightly underestimating mortality and the concentration addition model slightly overestimating mortality. Varying the concentration of the chemicals in the mixture did not indicate that sertraline was interacting with the insecticides to make them more toxic or vice versa. These results indicate that sertraline and the insecticides are likely eliciting toxicity at separate neuronal pathways since no interaction was observed. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Environ Toxicol 2010.
Vitamin D deficiency in patients with erythropoietic protoporphyria
Authors: Spelt J. M. C. , de Rooij F. W. M. , Wilson J. H. P. , Zandbergen A. A. M. 
Published: January 2009

SummaryBackground:The main symptom of patients with erythropoietic protoporphyria (EPP) is painful photosensitivity, starting within minutes of sun exposure and leading to sun‐avoidance. As 80–100% of vitamin D is synthesized under the influence of sunlight, we investigated whether the avoidance of sunlight exposure in the Dutch EPP patient population causes vitamin D deficiency. Furthermore, we studied the relation between vitamin D levels, total erythrocyte protoporphyrin and quality of life.Methods:In a cross‐sectional study of 48 Dutch EPP patients (mean age 41.4 years; range 16–77; 23 male, 25 female), we assessed serum 25‐hydroxyvitamin D (25(OH)D) levels between June and November 2007, as well as total erythrocyte protoporphyrin (TEP) levels and Dermatology Life Quality Index (DLQI) scores.Results:Mean serum 25(OH)D was 66 nmol/L (range 18–140, quartiles 36, 87). Twenty‐two patients (46%; 15 male, 7 female) were vitamin D deficient. There was a significant difference (p = 0.029) in mean serum 25(OH)D between female (mean 75 nmol/L, range 18–140) and male patients (mean 55 nmol/L, range 18–115). The level of serum 25(OH)D showed a negative correlation with total erythrocyte protoporphyrin (TEP) (Pearson rank correlation (rp) = −0.337; p = 0.034). Serum 25(OH)D was inversely associated with scores of the Dermatology Life Quality Index (DLQI) (Spearman's rho correlation (rs) = −0.486; p = 0.001).Conclusions:The prevalence of vitamin D deficiency is high in the Dutch EPP population, especially in male patients, and correlates with the severity of EPP. Screening for and treatment of vitamin D deficiency should therefore be implemented in the care of these patients.
Effects of Growth Conditions on Structural Properties of ZnO Nanostructures on Sapphire Substrate by Metal–Organic Chemical Vapor Deposition
Authors: Wu CC , Wuu DS , Lin PR , Chen TN , Horng RH 
Published: January 2009

Abstract
ZnO was grown on sapphire substrate by metal–organic chemical vapor deposition using the diethylzinc (DEZn) and oxygen (O2) as source chemicals at 500 °C. Influences of the chamber pressure and O2/DEZn ratio on the ZnO structural properties were discussed. It was found that the chamber pressure has significant effects on the morphology of ZnO and could result in various structures of ZnO including pyramid-like, worm-like, and columnar grain. When the chamber pressure was kept at 10 Torr, the lowest full width at half-maximum of ZnO (002) of 175 arc second can be obtained. On the other hand, by lowering the DEZn flow rate, the crystal quality of ZnO can be improved. Under high DEZn flow rate, the ZnO nanowall-network structures were found to grow vertically on the sapphire substrate without using any metal catalysts. It suggests that higher DEZn flow rate promotes three-dimensional growth mode resulting in increased surface roughness. Therefore, some tip on the ZnO surface could act as nucleation site. In this work, the growth process of our ZnO nanowall networks is said to follow the self-catalyzed growth mechanism under high-DEZn flow rate.
Short Paper: Reevaluating the tectonic uplift of western Mount Carmel, Israel, since the middle Pleistocene
Authors: Zviely Dov , Galili Ehud , Ronen Avraham , Salamon Amos , Ben-Avraham Zvi 
Published: January 2009

AbstractReevaluation of geological and archaeological evidence from western Mount Carmel constrains its maximal tectonic uplift since the Middle Pleistocene. Tabun Cave, presently 45 m above sea level (asl), revealed human occupation from about 600 ka to 90 ka before present. The 25 m thick archaeological strata at Tabun are composed of laminated fine sand, silt and clays. Moreover, no marine deposits were found in Tabun or nearby caves. Since sea level in the last 600 ka reached a maximal of 5 to 10 m asl, Tabun Cave could not have been uplifted since then by more than 35 to 40 m, that is a maximal average rate of 58 to 67 mm/ka.
Ninetenth-Chntury Arabic Archives of West Africa
Authors: Smith H. F. C. 
Published: January 2009

It has long been well known that West Africa in the nineteenth century was the scene of a number of Islamic politico-religious movements promoted by Fulani or Tukulor mujaddidīn. It is also common knowledge that these movements resulted in the establishment, inter-alia, of three great confederations of emirates each recognizing an amīr al-mu'minīn. Thus we have:(a) The ‘Fulani Empire’ in Hausaland and neighbouring territories (founded by Usman dan Fodio from 1804) of which certain important elements persist in the governmental and social structure of the Northern Region of Nigeria down to the present day;(b) The ‘Fulani Empire’ of Macma (founded from 1818 by Ahmadu bi Hammadi) persisting until 1863;(c) The ‘Empire’ of Al-Hajj 'Umar b. Sa'īd (founded from 1848) which covered an area of some 150,000 square miles in the Upper Niger-Senegal region (including the land of the Caliphate of Macina which it destroyed) and was broken up by the French at the end of the nineteenth century.
The Changing Character of Moroccan Reformism, 1921–1934
Authors: Halstead John P. 
Published: January 2009

Moroccan nationalism began as a religious or cultural reformist movement based on Salafiya, a form of religious fundamentalism which arose in late nineteenthcentury Egypt as an effort to restore the original purity of Islam and the independence of the Muslim peoples. The Moroccan movement was first expressed in the 1920's by the foundation of the ‘free schools’ and the formation of secret discussion societies, neither of which represented more than a small, concerned elite and whose organization was rudimentary in the extreme. By 1934, it was transformed by events and hard experience into an essentially political and social reform movement which, while not yet a mass party, had become ‘national’ to the extent that it could demonstrate the support of important segments of Moroccan society and which had created a skeletal structure which the post-war movemen would flesh out.The article represents part of the research for a book on the origins and rise of Moroccan nationalism, 1921–1943.
The Emergence and Consolidation of the Monarchies of Enarea and Jimma in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Abir Mordechai 
Published: January 2009

In most of Ethiopia the Galla preserved, to a great extent, their ‘democratic’ traditional social and political institutions until the twentieth century. However, in the second quarter of the nineteenth century, one hears of five Galla centralized despotic monarchies in southwestern Ethiopia. It seems that this was the culmination of a long process by which the authority of the traditional officeholders among the Macha Galla was gradually strengthened. As the Macha became more sedentary, they were greatly influenced by the Sidama among whom they lived and by Muslim merchants from north Ethiopia who settled in the area from the beginning of the nineteenth century. The most famous among the Macha monarchies were Limmu-Enarea and Jimma-Kakka. It is believed that Enarea was established by Bofo (Abba Gomol), the son of Boku, in the first or possibly in the second decade of the nineteenth century. Jimma-Kakka emerged in the 1830s, after a number of Jimma tribes were united by Abba Jifar-Sana.One is led to believe that the monarchical system was adopted by the Macha tribes in order that they might be better able to take advantage of the revival of trade between southwestern Ethiopia and the coast. Enarea and Jimma clashed continuously, from the late 1830s, over the issue of the revenue from this trade. Finally, in the third quarter of the century Jimma emerged triumphant and Enarea sank again to obscurity.It is intriguing to speculate on the possible crucial influence of commerce, aided by Sidama tradition and Islam, on the emergence of the Macha Galla monarchies.
The Gambia, the Colonial Office, and the Opening Months of the First World War
Authors: Hatton P. H. S. 
Published: January 2009

This article deals with the reaction of the Colonial Office to the problems—commercial and military—posed for the Gambia by the outbreak of the First World War. It argues that in the Colonial Office discussions about these problems two distinctly different attitudes can be distinguished. The younger junior officials tended to advocate government intervention to ameliorate specific economic problems, while the political heads and senior officials remained firmly attached to the dogmas of laissez faire. Conversely, the former group did not share the doubts of the latter as to whether the dogmas of patriotic bravery should be made to apply to African natives.The subject-matter—the dislocation of commerce consequent upon French failure to purchase her usual share of the groundnut crop, the ensuing financial difficulties of the Gambia government, defence problems revealed after the mis-identification of H.M.S. Highflyer—is based on material from the Colonial Office archives.
Aspects of Bureaucratization in Ashanti in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Wilks Ivor 
Published: January 2009

The Ashanti bureaucracy as we know it from the nineteenth century owed its structure and character to reforms in government initiated by Osei Kwadwo (1762–77) and pushed forward by his successors Osei Kwame (1777–ca.1801) and Osei Bonsu (ca.1801–1824). Many previously hereditary offices became appointive: biographical studies of leading officials in the early nineteenth century show that they were appointed, and promoted, by the king on merit, without regard to their origins. Freemen and slaves, Ashanti and non-Ashanti, were recruited into the bureaucracy. Administrative skills tended to be transmitted through patri-kin, and in the course of the nineteenth century powerful groups grew up which, generation after generation, provided the king with trained officials. An administrative class emerged, distinguished from other elements in society by its dependence upon the king for its very existence. Elaborate checks were instituted to prevent the bureaucracy transforming itself from a controlled to a ruling one.Bureaucratization in Ashanti produced little quantitative change in the pattern of office growth. Its effects were upon the quality of government. A distinction began to take shape between the king acting in his private capacity through his palace functionaries, and in his public capacity through his bureaucratic officials. Government became increasingly efficient, and was extended over fields of activity previously untouched. The growth of the bureaucratic process was reflected in the increasingly absolutist nature of the Ashanti state.
The Concession Policy in the French Congo and the British Reaction, 1898–1906
Authors: Cookey S. J. S. 
Published: January 2009

In 1899 the French Colonial Ministry parcelled out the greater part of the French Congo among various concession companies in imitation of a similar policy adopted earlier by the Congo Free State. British companies which had pioneered the trade found themselves being treated as squatters and interlopers subject to legal prosecutions. They claimed that the French government had infringed the provisions of the Berlin Act and called for the diplomatic support of the Foreign Office. Their call was backed by the British Chambers of Commerce.For long British humanitarians had been decrying the treatment of Africans in the Congo basin whose lands were being expropriated, and they had repeatedly appealed to the British government to ensure that the provisions of the Berlin Act were enforced. Consequently, the British merchants and the humanitarians found common ground for agitation.In the face of such a powerful combination the Foreign Office had to act and protracted Anglo-French negotiations ensued. They were brought to an end in 1906 when the French government, while maintaining the principle of concessions, agreed to compensate the British firms for their losses.
Radiocarbon Dates for Sub-Saharan Africa—IV
Authors: Fagan Brian M. 
Published: January 2009

The fourth radiocarbon list contains many new and important dates. Only isolated readings are still available from West Africa, but some later Iron Age sites have recently been dated. The first samples for the Kenya Highlands date food production in that region to the first millennium b.c., while important dates from Uganda confirm the traditional datings of Bigo and Bweyerore. Samples from Kilwa on the Tanzanian coast are somewhat at variance with other dating evidence.Dates for the Angola Iron Age range between a.d. 760 and the fifteenth century, while the Leopard's Kopje industry of Rhodesia has been dated for the first time.The list is completed with many isolated dates from all parts of the subcontinent.
Yoruba Armament
Authors: Smith Robert 
Published: January 2009

A study of the weapons used by the armies is relevant to different aspects of Yoruba history, mainly military and political but also economic and even cultural. The article concerns those weapons which were in use before, as well as after, the general introduction of firearms into Yorubaland (which took place only between about 1820 and 1850). Oral and written tradition provides the background for the surviving weapons. Many of these weapons, or their ceremonial or symbolic counterparts, are preserved for ritual reasons by chiefs and societies.Two main types of sword were in use among the Yoruba: the two-edgedida, reminiscent (although often only distantly) of European late-medieval swords, and the curved single-edgedagedengbe. Various kinds of knives were also carried by warriors. Staff weapons consisted of the spear or lance, used by infantry and cavalry, and the throwing spear or javelin. The most important missile weapon was the bow; an example of a crossbow has also been found. The iron heads and barbs of spears and arrows conform to the main types found elsewhere in West Africa. A variety of percussion weapons (clubs) can be distinguished, in both wood and iron. The war standard provided a rallying point in battle. The arms, accoutrement and dress of the warrior can be reconstructed in some detail.The evolution of these weapons was affected by the strategy and tactics of Yoruba warfare, the nature of the countryside (savanna and forest), the materials available, and imported prototypes. Most military equipment was of local manufacture, though European, North African and northern Nigerian influence can be detected.
The Difaqane: The Mfecane in the Southern Sotho Area, 1822–24
Authors: Lye William F. 
Published: January 2009

The accounts of theDifaqanewritten in all the major histories of South Africa are based on three books which were written over fifty years ago: G. W. Stow,The Native Races of South Africa; D. F. Ellenberger and J. C. Macgregor,The History of the Bosuto; and especially the earliest, G. M. Theal,History of South Africa.Certain contradictions exist between the story as told in these accounts and the evidence brought to light by the publication of the journals of Robert Moffat and David Livingstone. The object of this study is to reconstruct the events of the wars from the broadest possible evidence to give a more complete description, and thereby to test the revision implicit in the new information.This revision is required properly to identify the participants in the battles which were observed by Europeans in the western Tswana lands, especially the battle at Dithakong. In the earlier histories all the battles were attributed to the ‘Mantatee’, a name properly applied to one group of Tlokwa ruled at the time by the regentess, MmaNthatisi. Now it is possible to show that these Tlokwa were never in the west, but restricted their migrations to the valley of the Caledon River. Nor can their enemies, the Hlubi of Mpangazita and the Ngwane of Matiwane, be blamed, for they too remained in the east. Rather, the victims of these three bands, the Sotho peoples of the Caledon valley, can be identified as the aggressors among the Tswana beyond the Vaal. Moffat identified the Phuting of Tshane and the Hlakwana of Nkgaraganye. Livingstone demonstrated the role played by Sebetwane and his Fokeng, and Thomas Hodgson implicated Moletsane, the Taung.While many gaps in our information still exist, this reconstruction seems to justify the revision of the accepted account of theDifaqane.
Towards an ‘Islamic Policy’ in French West Africa, 1854–1914
Authors: O'brien Donal Cruise 
Published: January 2009

The French government, in the early part of this period, from 1854 to the turn of the century, did not have a consistent or systematic ‘Islamic policy’ for ts colonial possessions. There were, however, certain patterns of administration which, quite unintentionally, gave a new impetus to the spread of Islam in Vest Africa. The first section of the article deals with this period, when the basis for later policy was laid but when policy was not yet systematically articulated.The creation of the Service des Affaires Musulmanes et Sahariennes in Paris in 1900, and of the Service des Affaires Musulmanes in Dakar in 1906, together with the works of scholar-administrators such as Le Chatelier, Arnaud and Marty, marks the definition of a general policy towards Islam in colonial territories. This policy was aimed, in particular, to secure the loyalty of the Muslim notables, and to use them as intermediaries and tools of administration.In a final section, the article deals with the renewed fear of Islam which affected France, with the intensification of pan-Islamic propaganda from Turkey immediately before the First World War, and with the change in policy which resulted. The outbreak of war, which enabled the Muslim élite to demonstrate its real loyalty to France, provided, however, a final reassurance.
France and Fragmentation in West Africa: 1945–1960
Authors: Skurnik W. A. E. 
Published: January 2009

The term ‘balkanization’, as applied to colonial policy in Africa, frequently suggests a European ‘divide and rule’ policy, intended to fragment pre-existing African unity. An examination of the policy of France towards the former federation of French West Africa indicates that the term is inaccurate to describe French policy.The federation was created by the French for the French. It served to streamline French administration during the period of expansion, to help develop the component territories' economies, and to guarantee the security of French private investments. France conceived of the territories as the basic political units and hence modern political life was implanted there rather than in the federation. Post World War II French public investments flowed chiefly to the territories, common federal services were decentralized as territories acquired expertise and funds to run their own, and the quasi-federal Senate called the Grand Conseil was allowed to expire. Other aspects of French policy had unintended centrifugal effects, such as the metropolitan party structure and consequent dispersal of African representatives in Paris, and the influence of some French parties in Africa. Since 1956, France logically responded to African leaders' demands for more power and eventual autonomy in the territories, and left it to the Africans to decide whether or not to continue their federal relationship.By 1956, the federation had outlived its usefulness to France. It is improbable that the metropole could have ‘saved’ it, because political territorial roots were too strong, the Africans were not agreed, and relations between France and Africa had already become mainly bilateral with the territories directly. Consequently it appears that the federation, a purely French creation, was simply permitted to fade away once its functions were no longer relevant to French needs. It is true that France preferred eight small, powerless states to a strong federation when national independence approached, but ‘powerless’ and ‘strong’ in this context are but relative terms. The story of the federation of French West Africa suggests that such political structures can survive the colonial period only if they are anchored in fundamental African needs; this was not the case with that federation.
The Development of Kwahu Business Enterprise in Ghana Since 1874—An Essay in Recent Oral Tradition
Authors: Garlick Peter C. 
Published: January 2009

The Kwahu, an Akan people living on the eastern border of Ashanti in Ghana, are well known for their business activities. An enquiry into the reasons for their predominance among the largest shopkeepers by turnover in Accra traced the history of Kwahu business activities back to the British—Ashanti War of 1874, when the Kwahu broke away from the Ashanti Confederacy. The Kwahu trade with the north in slaves was replaced by the rubber trade, which continued until 1914. Rubber was carried to the coast for sale, and fish, salt, and imported commodities, notably cloth, were sold on the return journey north. Other Kwahu activities at this time included trading in local products and African beads.The development of cocoa in south-eastern Ghana provided opportunities for enterprising Kwahu traders to sell there the imported goods obtained at the coast. Previously itinerant traders, the Kwahu began to settle for short periods in market towns. In the 1920s, the construction of the railway from Accra to Kumasi, growing road transportation, and the establishment inland of branches of the European firms reduced the price differences which had made trading inland so profitable.In the 1930S the spread of the cocoa disease, swollen shoot, in the hitherto prosperous south-east, finally turned Kwahu traders' attention to Accra.Trading remained the most prestigious of Kwahu activities, and young men sought by whatever means they could to save the necessary capital to establish a shop. But Kwahu traders very rarely developed beyond one-man businesses. Profits were siphoned off into buildings and farms which would provide security for times of sickness and old age. (In this respect the Kwahu are typical of Ghanaian entrepreneurs, with some exceptions.)There is little evidence that this enterprising group of people can provide the new entrepreneurial organization or capital required by a developing country.