bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Formulation of Liberal and Conservative Programmes in the 1957 Canadian General Election
Authors: Meisel John 
Published: June 2006

In discussing the formulation of the programmes presented to Canada by the Liberal and Progressive Conservative parties in the general election of 1957 I shall pay little attention to the substance of what was offered. My concern will be almost exclusively to seek out the ways in which the platforms were formulated, and to draw some conclusions in the form of a hypothesis concerning the role of Canadian parties in reconciling the sometimes opposing pulls of our cabinet and federal systems.For more than twenty years one party had been in, the other out, of power: this circumstance necessarily made for profound differences in the way in which each shaped its programme before and during the campaign. The Liberals did little more than point to their record. The central theme of their campaign was that the party had done well in the past and, if returned, would continue doing equally well in the future. The Liberal programme, such as it was, was that of the Government. Not fashioned to suit the exigencies of the 1957 election, it had, in the main, evolved gradually as the consequence of the continuous interaction of the cabinet and the leading experts in the civil service.The cabinet contains representatives of the various provinces and major regions of the country, yet departmental responsibilities make it difficult for the leading ministers to be fully sensitive to the varied shifts of opinion within the party. It is perhaps possible to make too much of the distinction between the cabinet and the party in the cabinet system: the cabinet is composed of the party leaders. But there seems to have been a tendency for the Liberal party, so long in power, to leave much of the formulating of policy to the leaders who could utilize the skill and knowledge of the civil service. Much of what had, in the years immediately before the election, been called Liberal policies or the Liberal programme was actually the product of the intimate co-operation of leading civil servants and their ministers.
Changes in Canadian Sensitivity to United States Business Fluctuations
Authors: Rosenbluth G. 
Published: June 2006

In the perennial discussion of American influences in Canadian economic life, Canadian sensitivity to United States business fluctuations is a prominent topic. Through three-quarters of a century of “National Policy,” Canadian business cycle indicators have behaved like those of a “forty-ninth state,” and many Canadians feel concerned about the dependence of Canadian prosperity on conditions in the United States.Canadian economists have discussed the channels through which external influences reach Canadian business, and the probable trends in the strength of these influences. There have, however, been only very rough comparisons of the timing and amplitude of fluctuations in the two countries. This paper1 reports on a study of fluctuations in Canadian and United States time series, designed to determine whether there have been any significant shifts over the last half-century in Canadian sensitivity to United States fluctuations. An introductory section summarizes some Canadian discussions on the influence of external fluctuations, since these discussions suggest hypotheses relevant to the statistical investigation.
Puzzles of the “Wealth of Nations”
Authors: Cole Arthur H. 
Published: June 2006

Every well-bred economist knows that a man named Adam Smith was born at Kirkcaldy in 1723, published a somewhat notable book in 1759 entitled The Theory of Moral Sentiments, and in 1776, when he was fifty-three years old, produced an extraordinary pair of volumes called An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Most young economists nowadays, I fear, do not read either work of the great Scotsman as we all once did—in the days when one could still take time to enjoy also the leisurely pace of Thackeray and Dickens, even Scott. Students who just skim the Wealth of Nations, or parts of it, would surely miss what has attracted my attention; and even scholars interested in Smith's economic principles would hardly perceive what I have in mind, namely, that he was noteworthy for his “unbounded benevolence,” as one near-contemporary described him, and that he was “slow to think evil” as a recent biographer alleges.Apparently it was out of this abounding good nature that Smith alluded to “the avarice and injustice of princes and sovereign states, abusing the confidence of their subjects”; that he took opportunity to mention “the conveyances of a verbose attorney”; and that, with a more sweeping serenity, he recorded an observation of “the over-weening conceit which the greater part of men have of their own abilities.”Biographers of Smith have been led to state that perhaps he was not as obviously religious as some of his contemporaries. He was perhaps a deist, even if he was a philosopher and a friend of Hume. John Rae reported that Smiths “opening prayers” at Glasgow were thought to “savour strongly of natural religion,” and occasioned no little shaking of heads. Perhaps, then, one might expect Smith to have been somewhat less charitable toward wearers of the cloth than he was toward other groups.
Gaps in Available Statistics on Crime and Delinquency in Canada
Authors: Zay Nicolas 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the most significant gaps in the Canadian criminal statistics. It seems fairly obvious that in order to achieve this end, an answer has first to be given to the question, “What are the objectives of criminal statistics?” This sets the stage for working out, in far more specific terms, why the collection of statistics is undertaken, what information is sought, and what use is to be made of the findings, and by whom.The term “criminal statistics” is used very broadly to refer to all material collected regularly which gives information on any of the various phases of the law-enforcement process. Criminal statistics are an essential tool of administration and social planning for crime reduction. The basic postulate of this paper can be summarized as follows: Quantitative data obtained from the normal flow of activities of law-enforcement agencies at the various phases of the law-enforcement process become more meaningful when related to each other.
John Stuart Mill: Servant of the East India Company
Authors: Harris Abram L. 
Published: June 2006

It is generally known that John Stuart Mill spent his working career in the service of the East India Company, but very little has been written about him in this capacity. As an administrative official of the company, the home government of India, John Mill's activities have been greatly overshadowed by the influence exerted upon Indian policies by his father, James Mill, historian of British India and a member of the Examiner's Office of the Company from 1819 until his death in 1836. Like his father, John Stuart recognized the company's government of India for what it actually was—a despotism of an alien race, which, despite the good accomplished by it in the last decades of its existence, was established by conquest, treaty, and annexation. And yet, he spent almost half of his life as an official of this establishment, drafting dispatches to the India government, and, in defence of the company's rule against extinction by Parliament, wrote what Lord Grey described as the ablest state paper he had ever read.How did John Mill, the great exponent of nineteenth century liberalism, reconcile his employment as an official of a despotic government with his espousal of the principles of civil and political freedom? How, in other words, did he reconcile this freedom with colonialism? What conceptions did he entertain concerning: (1) the place of India in the history of civilization; and (2) its eventual emergence from British rule as an industrially transformed self-governing nation? These questions, arising out of Mill's career with the East India Company, have not been discussed in any of the numerous treatises on the great man. In considering them here we hope to fill this gap in the literature. Other questions, such as Mill's administrative skills and his influence upon the company's policies, cannot be taken up in this paper. The author does not share the view that Mill's influence at India House was insignificant. He is inclined to a moderate version of Henry Fawcett's opinion that all the important principles for governing the great dependency of India were laid down by Mill in the documents he drafted for the East India Company.
Protective effects of Peganum harmala L. extract, harmine and harmaline against human low-density lipoprotein oxidation
Authors: Berrougui Hicham , Isabelle Maxim , Cloutier Martin , Hmamouchi Mohammed , Khalil Abdelouahed 
Published: June 2006

Abstract
Oxidative modification of low-density lipoprotein (LDL) particles has been implicated in the process of atherogenesis. Antioxidants that prevent LDL from oxidation may reduce atherosclerosis. We have investigated the protective effect of Peganum harmala-extract (P-extract) and the two major alkaloids (harmine and harmaline) from the seeds of P. harmala against CuSO4-induced LDL oxidation. Through determination of the formation of malondialdehyde (MDA) and conjugated diene as well as the lag phase, the extract (P-extract) and compounds were found to possess an inhibitory effect. Moreover, harmaline and harmine reduced the rate of vitamin E disappearance and exhibited a significant free radical scavenging capacity (DPPH•). However, harmaline had a markedly higher antioxidant capacity than harmine in scavenging or preventive capacity against free radicals as well as inhibiting the aggregation of the LDL protein moiety (apolipoprotein B) induced by oxidation. The results suggested that P. harmala compounds could be a major source of compounds that inhibit LDL oxidative modification induced by copper.
The Nature of Political and Economic Development in the British Dominions
Authors: Plumptre A. F. W. 
Published: June 2006

Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa have two attributes which, taken together, distinguish them from all other countries: they are new countries and they are British Dominions. Economically, their outstanding feature is the relative abundance of their resources in relation to their population and supplies of capital. Politically, it is the fairly recent emergence of self-government under institutions modelled upon those of Great Britain and erected within the loose and conveniently ambiguous constitution of the British Empire. Culturally, too, they are predominantly British; although special reservations must be made in the cases of Canada and South Africa. As a result of their similarities it is possible to draw a number of general conclusions regarding the nature and direction of their growth.The nature of development in new countries should be a matter of interest to all students of economics and political science because (as Professor Mackintosh has recently pointed out in this Journal) it is in such countries that the impact of development may be most clearly seen and the problems of open, internationally exposed economies most effectively studied. Moreover, the subject is one of great practical importance. It should be familiar to “the Legislators of the Empire, and all who are set in authority over us; that all things may be … ordered and settled by their endeavours upon the best and surest foundations”. Indeed, this paper has been prepared as the background for a larger work on the administrative problems of central banking in the Dominions. This may account for special emphasis on some points, and relatively little on others (such as immigration) which might have been treated rather differently had a more general object been in view.
The Dominion Companies Act, 1934: An Appraisal
Authors: Smails R. G. H. 
Published: June 2006

It is self-evident that the existence of ten jurisdictions, each having the right to make its own laws for the incorporation and regulation of limited liability companies and each exercising that right, must not only complicate matters greatly for the individual investor, shareholder, or creditor but must also operate as a serious drag on the commercial and industrial development of the nation. One way out of the impasse in which Canada finds herself would be to secure an amendment to her constitution whereby the federal legislature would be given exclusive jurisdiction over companies, and the provinces would surrender their exclusive jurisdiction over property and civil rights so far as was necessary to ensure the effectiveness of the federal control over corporations. This solution is ideal rather than practical, for it assumes self-negation on the part of politicians and comprehension on the part of the electorates greatly exceeding any yet evinced.An alternative, but distinctly inferior, solution would leave the jurisdiction divided as it is at present but induce all ten legislatures to agree upon uniformity in the essential features of their company laws. This plan would do nothing to remove the handicap under which the federal legislature labours by reason of its lack of jurisdiction in the law of contract, but it has been talked about and is regarded by the mass of people as a practical step—notwithstanding the abortive results of the two Dominion-Provincial Conferences already held on the subject.
The Role of Intelligence in the Social Process
Authors: Urwick E. J. 
Published: June 2006

In his study of William Cobbett, Chesterton makes the paradoxical remark that poor Tom Paine really believed that the Age of Reason was just beginning when in fact it was just ending. For once, Chesterton is entirely wrong. The Age of Reason did begin at the close of the eighteenth century, and, like the nineteenth century, it has gone on ever since. The two preceding centuries had paved the way. Bacon gave it a definite start by holding out the dream of escaping, by the help of Intellect, from the “mera palpatio” (mere feeling our way) which had so far been our only mode of action in politics and all human affairs. The discoverers of the seventeenth century followed, with their shining proof of what Intellect could do to dissipate darkness and substitute certainty for mere groping, in our attempts to understand the world we live in. Astronomy, chemistry, physics were in turn illuminated by an almost dazzling light; and the very genuine triumphs of Intellect in its proper sphere predisposed the political and social thinkers of the eighteenth century (who believed that they too were intelligent) to have visions of a complete reign of Intellect in all departments of thought and activity.Bentham's disastrous philosophy was a cold attempt to realize these visions. Hope was turned into apparent certitude by the hedonistic calculus and an intellectually enlightened Democracy, for which there need be no more groping in the dark. Auguste Comte carried the claim of Intellect farther. The realm of Science—with its proved motto of “Savoir, pour prévoir, pour pouvoir”—was definitely extended to all existence, including the whole life of human society. The intelligentzia of the British world, who had already proved their intelligence by swallowing as final truth a political economy which was much less than half true, embraced the new vision with enthusiasm. The Age of Reason had arrived.
The Fusion of Government and Business
Authors: Corry J. A. 
Published: June 2006

Seventy years ago Bagehot composed his epitaph on the Poor Law Commissioners of 1834. To his own generation, it must have sounded like the last word on attempts to administer any aspect of public affairs by independent authorities without a responsible parliamentary head. The dethronement of the “three kings of Somerset House” demonstrated the prime condition of parliamentary government. The lesson they taught was obvious and the more thoroughgoing of Bagehot's contemporaries were all for denying to bureaucratic irresponsibility the solace even of a last sanctuary at the British Museum.Even fools, we are told, will learn the lessons of experience but it seems that some still more elementary form of education will have to be devised for political democracies. Parliamentary government has been adopted all over the world but it has always been accompanied by some defiance of basic principle. Some branch of government activity has always been wrongly sheltered from parliamentary discipline and guidance. With the twentieth century, these occasional infractions have become chronic. In England itself, affairs of the gravest national import are being entrusted to bodies without any direct responsibility to Parliament. To the democracy, the story of the “three kings of Somerset House” is a political fairy tale. It laughs and then runs off to play at trains with the London Transport Board. In some such fashion, we may surmise, Bagehot might have reasoned on the facts of to-day.
The Arcand Act: A New Form of Labour Legislation?
Authors: Marsh L. C. , Findlay M. , McGoun A. F. 
Published: June 2006

In a few economics text-books the labour market is still an area in which the free play of supply and demand brings about the equation of wages to the marginal product of labour. But the modern economist knows very well that “free competition” and “a living wage” are often incompatible, and that free competition itself is to-day little more than an expository device. The determination of wages, and of labour conditions generally, must take into account two important sets of influences, (a) the circumstances which affect the wage bargain between employers and employees, and (b) the extent to which “minimum wages” and basic living and working standards are fixed by the state. To the economic historian each of these opens up long chapters of social movements and state legislation which are more complete in most of the older industrial countries but to which many new pages have been added on this continent in recent times.This experience has established the recognition of two main methods, and their accompanying sets of principles, by which wages and working conditions have been raised irrespective of the rate set in theory or practice “by the market”. The first is that of collective as distinct from individual bargaining. Collective—which is for all practical purposes, trade union— negotiation involves two principles, of which one is better known than the other. The first is that the ordinary wage-earner, even vis à vis the small employer, has little or no bargaining power on his own: not only is his labour a perishable commodity, but also his employer is likely to be a great corporation and he is beset by the potential competition of the army of the unemployed—and it may be added, even in the best of times by the potential competition of the migrant from the farm, the real “marginal worker” of an agricultural country.
The Administration of the Canadian Income Tax Law
Authors: Elliott C. Fraser 
Published: June 2006

To administer the Canadian Income Tax Law, Canada is divided into nineteen districts. The districts are irregular in shape and of different areas. Their shape was influenced by the desire to have a district follow the railway lines. Recognition was given also to the main centres and provinces. In the beginning, sub-offices were required to serve the people, but experience has shown that they are not a necessity and most of them have been closed. The districts have remained unchanged for about ten years. Each is in charge of an inspector directly responsible to Ottawa.The amount of the revenue collected in each district is not a true criterion of the wealth of the particular district. Some small districts have the head office of a few large corporations in them. The district of London, Ontario, for instance, has in it such companies as the Ford Motor Car and Imperial Oil. Their income is derived from world-wide sources. Consequently on a revenue collection basis the district appears to have more wealth in it than it really has. It is the same with Toronto and Montreal.Usually a company files and pays its tax in the district where it has its head office, although the business of the company may be located in some other district. For example, the mines of northern Ontario are located in the Ottawa district but their corporate head offices are in Toronto, so they file and pay their taxes there. There is not any compulsion to pay in any particular district. Districts are established for the convenience of the public and returns can be filed in the district most convenient for the taxpayer.
The Reserve Bank of South Africa
Authors: Day J. P. 
Published: June 2006

During 1934 three countries of the British Empire established Central Banks. The Reserve Bank of India was established by an Act which received the Governor-General's assent on March 6 of that year; on July 3 assent was given to the Act to incorporate the Bank of Canada which opened for business in March, 1935; and on August 1, 1934, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand opened its doors. The fortunes of these new Central Banks will be keenly watched by those interested in central banking and the influence of monetary policy on economic welfare.Only one British oversea Dominion has, as yet, any experience of the running of a newly-created Central Bank. In Australia, the Commonwealth Bank is a commercial bank which has acquired the functions of a Central Bank, but the Union of South Africa in 1920 established an entirely new bank, just as Canada has now done, and the fourteen years' experience of the Reserve Bank of South Africa may usefully be studied by those who are taking an interest in the future of the Bank of Canada. Indeed, in several respects there is similarity between Canada and South Africa; in neither country is there a developed money market for short loans, nor is there much scope for open market operations; both countries possess valuable gold fields; both are debtor countries; each is linked closely to a foreign financial centre, South Africa with London, and Canada with New York.
Professor Cassel on the Statistical Determination of Marginal Productivity
Authors: Douglas Paul H. 
Published: June 2006

In recent years, an attempt has been made by the present author to measure the probable slope of the marginal productivity functions of labour and capital in various economies. This has been done by computing indexes of capital (C), labour (L), and product (P) for manufacturing in the United States for the years 1899-1922, Massachusetts 1890-1926, New South Wales 1901-1927, and Victoria 1907-1929. The formula used is that P' (representing an index of computed product) = b LkC(1−k). By making the sum of exponents equal to unity, we assumed for purposes of simplicity that production could be described by a homogeneous function of the first degree and that equal proportionate increases in the quantities of labour and capital would cause the same proportionate increase in product. The exponents of L and C were found by the method of least squares, so that the sum of the squares of the deviation of P′ from P would be reduced to a minimum, and the sum of the arithmetic deviations to zero. The exponents for labour and capital in manufacturing which were found by this method were as follows:It will be noticed that there is a substantial degree of similarity between the exponents found for these economies.A mathematical analysis of the above function discloses: (1) that the share of the net product to be received by a factor should, according to marginal productivity theory, be equal to its exponent; (2) that the elasticity of the marginal productivity curve of, and hence, under competitive conditions, the demand curve for, a factor is the reciprocal of the sum of the exponents of other factors. This would mean a “normal” elasticity of demand for labour of between −2.86 and −4.0, and for capital of between −1.33 and −1.54.