bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Regional Party Voting in Jamaica (1959-1976)
Authors: Stone Carl 
Published: March 2007

The analysis of voting behavior patterns from electoral statistics aggregated by regions and urban and rural districts has a long and rich tradition (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967). This mode of electoral analysis has, however, declined in usage due to the emergence of the sample survey method, which allows for a more detailed analysis of individual voting choices and the related social and attitudinal factors which influence them.It is often forgotten, however, that aggregate analysis of area or geographically defined voting statistics is a low-cost research method when compared to the exclusive and much more expensive sample survey research method. Aggregate analysis can be applied effectively with careful adaptation to most of the areas of electoral analysis, particularly so in societies in which community and residential patterns are structured according to clear socioeconomic and stratification variables such as income, status, and occupation. This applies as well to societies in which regional and cerritorial divisions are more than just administrative units but represent focal points of local identities and loyalties.
Britain and Chile, 1851-1886: Anatomy of a Relationship
Authors: Mayo John 
Published: March 2007

In 1880, the famous Chilean politician and historian, Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna, wrote:There does not exist in the whole globe a country whose prosperity or adversity has a more direct influence as regards Chile than that which affects the welfare of the vast empire of Great Britain, the modern Rome [Chilean Times, 1880].
Have Import Substitution Policies Either Precipitated or Aggravated the Debt Crisis?
Authors: Pazos Felipe 
Published: March 2007

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the development policies applied to Latin American countries in the post-war period, particularly those designed to develop manufacturing production for the domestic market through tariff protection. The paper will try to find out whether such policies (1) brought about reasonably high rates of growth; (2) distorted the structure of domestic prices and hindered the later development of manufactures exports; (3) provoked persistent balance of payments disequilibria, thereby forcing the countries to borrow abroad in large quantities; and (4) weakened the countries' capacity to resume development in the future, once the current debt crisis is overcome.Advancing conclusions, the first and fourth questions can be answered with a relatively high degree of confidence: inward-oriented policies promoted a high rate of growth during the three decades spanning 1950 to 1980, but narrowed the import coefficient to a degree that will force the countries to depend almost solely on export promotion to resume their development in the future.
A North-South Dilemma: The Need and Limits of Conditionalities in the Americas
Authors: Mamalakis Markos 
Published: March 2007

Commerce and manufactures can seldom flourish long in any state which does not enjoy a regular administration of justice, in which the people do not feel themselves secure in the possession of their property, in which the faith of contracts is not supported by law, and in which the authority of the state is not supposed to be regularly employed in enforcing the payment of debts from all those who are able to pay. Commerce and manufactures, in short, can seldom flourish in any state in which there is not a certain degree of confidence in the justice of government.Adam Smith, The Wealth Of NationsBook y Chapter III, p. 862Economic relations between the United States and Central and South America are pervasive, complicated and ever changing. The nature of these relations, i.e., conflict, cooperation or neutrality in settling issues, depends on the degree and the form in which their respective markets for inputs (labor, land, capital and technology), outputs (goods and services), financial assets and unilateral transfers interact. These relations evolve around and arise from the movement of people, goods, services and financial assets between the North and the South, and within the South.
The Debt Crisis: The Baker Plan Revisited
Authors: Bogdanowicz-Bindert Christine A. 
Published: March 2007

When James Baker, US Secretary of the Treasury, took the rostrum at the IMF-World Bank annual meeting in Seoul, in October 1985, and told 9,000 delegates from 149 countries that the debt crisis could only be solved by an even closer cooperation of all parties concerned, more money from commercial banks, an enhanced role for the World Bank, and more growth in the developing world, everybody sighed with relief.The Baker declaration was significant as it had taken three years of muddling through crises for the Reagan Administration to recognize the debt crisis for what it is: a long term economic and political barrier to development that is slowly strangling world economic growth.
Sendero Luminoso and the Peasantry of Andahuaylas
Authors: Berg Ronald H. 
Published: March 2007

Since 1980 the maoist party known as Sendero Luminoso, the “Shining Path,” has been waging a guerrilla campaign against the civilian government of Peru. To the surprise of most observers, this group not only has survived but has expanded its scope of operations, kept the military on the defensive, and attracted a small but significant national following.This limited success is puzzling because of the movement's small size, its lack of arms and its extreme radicalism, in a country with a diverse and substantial Left. Sendero Luminoso, calling itself the Communist Party of Peru, holds to an orthodox Maoist philosophy.
Mexico's Development Experience, 1950-85: Lessons and Future Prospects
Authors: Ramírez Miguel D. 
Published: March 2007

In the late seventies and early eighties the Mexican economy was in a crisis situation. This crisis, however, did not manifest itself until August 1982 when the Mexican government sent shock waves through the international financial community by declaring a temporary moratorium on external debt payments. Six years earlier, during the waning months of the Echeverría administration, a similar financial and economic crisis had taken place amid rumors of an impending military coup. These adverse economic developments - and their challenge to the country's long-term political and social stability - stand in stark contrast to the so-called “miracle years” of the late fifties and sixties. During these years M éxico enjoyed high rates of economic growth coupled with annual rates of inflation (below 5%) which were the envy of the developing world.This paper will argue that, on closer examination, the rapid economic growth of this period was achieved as a result of economic and financial policies which, by exacerbating existing structural weaknesses endemic to the Mexican economy, paved the way for the crises of 1976 and 1982.
Soviet “New Thinking” and the Central American Crisis
Authors: Zubek Voytek 
Published: March 2007

A revolution can only be legitimate if it is capable of defending itself(Lenin,Sochinenia).While it is Still too Early to draw decisive conclusions about the ongoing process of reform in the USSR, there are some observations that might safely be made.Glasnosthas generally come to be viewed as a profound attempt to re-evaluate a number of time-honored principles of Marxism-Leninism before the actual undertaking ofperestroika(policy reform) itself. If the scope and potential success ofperestroikaare the subject of heated scholarly debate in the West, a consensus holds that, thus far, a process of rethinking, re-evaluating, and transforming approaches to domestic policies in the USSR lie at its core. In light of the importance of the reform for the evolution of the Soviet domestic system, its influence upon the conduct of Soviet foreign policy represents an intriguing area for examination.
Laundering the Gains of the Drug Trade: Miami and Caribbean Tax Havens
Authors: Maingot Anthony P. 
Published: March 2007

The Headlines Had a Tone of sensationalism in Trinidad'sSunday Guardian: “Drug Barons Taking Over Big Business: 'Dirty’ Money is being laundered into the system” (Guardian, 1988).Trinidadians, however, were hardly in a mood to accuse the normally staid TrinidadGuardianof sensationalism; the doings of drug barons is the subject of almost every dinner, cocktail party and informal conversation. Visitors are taken on tours of the new multimillion-dollar mansions springing up in formerly placid and genteel neighborhoods. Their massive walls and remote control cameras stand in stark contrast to the gingerbread quaintness of the adjoining structures (Interviews, 1988). But architectural divergency is the least of the contrasts so annoying to Trinidad citizens. What the Guardian calls the “satanic plot,” carried out by men of “prominence and respectability, ” is especially grating as the depressed economy has everyone else tightening belts or, worse, going into receivership. The court system is overwhelmed with drug and drug-related cases, and the main thrust of communityoriented philanthropy is the establishment of drug rehabilitation centers.
Putting Latin American Debt to Work: A Positive Role for the US
Authors: Ronald Scheman L. , Bailey Norman A. 
Published: March 2007

The long anticipated collapse of the economies of Latin America is already underway. The facts:•In Argentina, the currency devalued over 1,000% in less than four months and was close to a free fall as the Central Bank has no resources to stabilize the market and riots wracked provincial cities.•Brazil approaches hyperinflation now running at close to 1,000% as the government has given up on trying to curb inflation through traditional means and resorted to extensive indexing to enable the people to cope.
A Democratic Party Approach to Latin America
Authors: Moss Ambler H. 
Published: March 2007

As in most presidential election years, Latin America is not significant in the campaign issues presently under discussion, nor is it likely to become so before November 1992. This article focuses, therefore, not so much upon which issues might, or even should, be emphasized by the Democratic Party during the campaign, as upon what might be the design of a Latin American policy by a new Democratic administration in January 1993. Start, then, by assuming a Democratic victory in November.It would be reasonable to predict that Latin America will get more attention, of a different nature and on a more consistent basis, than it has during the Reagan-Bush years. The Democrats have had the affiliation of the greater number of this country's Latin Americanists, and their weight will be felt. They will want, demand, and probably get, some serious input.
US-Mexico Free Trade: Implications for the United States
Authors: Weintraub Sidney 
Published: March 2007

The Moment of Truth has come for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The US Congress will have to stop talking and vote to accept or reject the agreement negotiated among Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The disagreement on NAFTA in the United States is about free trade with Mexico, not with Canada. A US-Canada free trade agreement (FTA) already exists.This controversy over NAFTA has been fierce in the United States, much more so than in Mexico. This comparison speaks volumes about changing attitudes. It was almost unthinkable a decade ago that Mexico would so drastically alter its traditional position of maintaining economic and political distance from the United States. This change would not have been possible but for la decena trágica, the years of the 1980s. Beyond that, Mexico has more at stake in a free trade agreement. It has the smaller economy (about 1/27th that of the United States) so that changes, for better or worse, are magnified.
The Military and Democratization in El Salvador
Authors: Walter Knut , Williams Philip J. 
Published: March 2007

The recent coups and attempted coups in Haiti, Venezuela, and Peru serve as a sobering reminder of the military's central role in the political life of Latin America. Earlier assessments of the prospects for democratic consolidation now seem overly optimistic in light of these events. At a minimum, they point up the need to focus on the role of the military during transitions from authoritarianism and the consolidation of democratic regimes. As Stepan has suggested, prolonged military rule can leave important legacies which serve as powerful obstacles to democratic consolidation (Stepan, 1988: xi-xii). Understanding these legacies and the problems they present is essential in developing strategies aimed at democratizing civil-military relations.This is no less true in El Salvador, where the prospects for democratization are closely linked to the future of the country's armed forces.
Brazil's Foreign Policy Under Collor
Authors: de Cruz Junior Ademar Seabra , Cavalcante Antonio Ricardo F. , Pedone Luiz 
Published: March 2007

The low-profile foreign policy of the Fernando Collor de Mello government remained faithful to the major outlines which had guided Brazilian diplomacy for the last thirty years. In fact, during the 1990-91 period, the administration reaffirmed — in both actions and words —its commitment to such basic principles of Brazilian policy as national sovereignty, socio-economic development, international cooperation, multilateralism, universalism, and devotion to peace.In addition the government continued to pursue the twin goals of technological progress and regional integration, both tenets of Brazilian foreign policy since the 1950s which continued to rank high on the executive agenda in 1990-91.In fact, some of the above-named principles had become so established as national articles of faith that they were incorporated into the Federal Constitution of October 1988.
Soviet Policy toward Latin America: Time for Renewal
Authors: Bustamante Fernando 
Published: March 2007

Among the Many Changes initiated in the Soviet Union, President Gorbachev has not left untouched its policy towards the Third World. By the end of 1986, he had outlined a position radically different from that of his predecessors.What characteristics distinguish this new face which Moscow intends to turn to the less developed countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America?In the first place, the Soviet Union places strong emphasis on avoiding any more direct military obligations, such as those assumed in Angola, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and others in the past. The Soviet leadership has concluded that those obligations of “international solidarity,” far from representing gains and successes for the Kremlin, have represented a double loss.
The Political Impact of Free Trade on Mexico
Authors: Smith Peter H. 
Published: March 2007

the rule of free trade, taken by itself, is no longer able to govern international relations … Freedom of trade is fair only if it is subject to the demands of social justice.Pope Paul VIPopulorum ProgressioCurrent Debates over North American free trade focus almost exclusively on economic issues. Advocates claim that a trilateral agreement will provide impetus for sustained, long-term economic growth in Canada, Mexico, and the United States — and that it will provide a regional counterweight to the European Community (EC) and to Japan. Critics in the United States claim that the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) will encourage the export of US investment and employment to Mexico. Canadians fear accelerated debilitation of vulnerable sectors of the national economy, from natural gas to automobile parts. Skeptics in Mexico predict that NAFTA will perpetuate low wages for the Mexican working class and transform the entire country into a massive maquiladora.
Will Latin America Now Put a Stop to “Stop-and-Go”?
Authors: Ranis Gustav 
Published: March 2007

AbstractThis paper raises the question whether the current wave of macro-economic and structural reforms in latin America should be viewed as a decisive change in the continent's long-term development strategy or as part of but another stop-and-go cycle, for which the continent has been known in the past. While no unambiguous answer is provided, the paper outlines what is still needed in the way of persistent micro-economic policy change if obstacles of political economy, including an abundance of natural resources and relatively easy access to foreign capital, are to be overcome.
Poverty and Inequality in Latin America: Mesoeconomic Dimensions of Justice and Entitlements
Authors: Mamalakis Markos J. 
Published: March 2007

AbstractAccording to the present paper, absolute poverty and relative inequality have persisted in Latin America as a result of mutually reinforcing, and unfair, patterns of distribution of final private, broad, and total consumption and income. Furthermore, it is argued that the prevailing pattern, characterized by a vicious circle of distributive injustice in both consumption and income (production), can be broken only by mesoeconomic, sectoral constitutions and, thus, by public policies that uphold the principles of justice, freedom, and equality — on both the consumption and income (production) sides.
Patronage, Politics, and the Articulation of Local Community and National Society in Pre-1968 Brazil
Authors: Greenfield Sidney M. 
Published: March 2007

The following pages examine the relationship between the transactions that constitute systems of patronage and clientage and politics as it operated in the Brazilian state of Minas Gerais in the mid-1960s. The objective will be to show how the asymmetrical exchanges of patronage and the political-electoral system served to articulate local communities with the institutional systems of the larger society.The data and analysis will be presented through an examination of the activities of individuals in two small municίpio communities in the Zona da Mata of the State of Minas Gerais during the critical election campaign for governor in the year 1965. By examining some of the activities of a local doctor and a lawyer involved in politics, we shall be able to make explicit the transactional process by means of which segments of local communities in the region were articulated, through the political-electoral process, to the state and national level institutions of Brazilian society.
Political Attitudes of Mexican Women: Support for the Political System among a Newly Enfranchised Group
Authors: Blough William J. 
Published: March 2007

Any time a political system has to induct a formerly excluded group into the political process, there is apt to be some uncertainty about what the consequences will be. This has been true in the United States on several occasions. When the Nineteenth Amendment was under discussion, there was considerable interest in what effect the feminine vote would have. When Southern blacks began to vote in large numbers in the 1960s, politicians and scholars wondered what the consequences would be. In 1971, with the ratification of the Twenty-Sixth Amendment, the impact of the youth vote is being debated, even though we have twenty years of sophisticated behavioral research to guide our speculation.In the United States, the political process is basically stable and institutionalized. But many countries are not so fortunate, particularly those that are moving rapidly from a traditional to a modern style.
Mexico's Party Deputy System: The First Decade
Authors: Mabry Donald J. 
Published: March 2007

Mexico's party deputy system, created in 1963, has just completed its first decade of existence; enough experience has now been accumulated to evaluate its impact on the Mexican political system. This essay will examine the system in its following aspects: origins, implementation, amendments, beneficiaries, and effects.Since 1929 the government party (currently called PRI, Partido Revolucionario Institucional, but having existed under other names) has so completely dominated the electoral scene at the national level that only in the Chamber of Deputies has the opposition been able to take some electoral posts. Even in the Chamber, opposition groups have only been able to acquire a few seats by winning a majority of votes (Table l). PRI's success has been attributed to its superior organization, appeal, finances, and relationship with the government. The high point of majority-elected opposition in the Chamber came in 1952 when nine opposition deputies represented 5.5 percent of the Chamber. Between 1946 and 1964, no opposition party, of whatever ideological stripe, achieved more than six seats in the Chamber (3.7 percent).
Attitudes of Peruvian Highland Village Leaders Toward Military Intervention
Authors: Fishel John T. 
Published: March 2007

The military coup of October 3, 1968 appears to have inaugurated a new era in Peruvian sociopolitical life. Unlike earlier “revolutions,” the current one is neither a simple military intervention to give the traditional civilian system a breathing space nor is it the action of a traditional caudillo in alliance with the oligarchy. Rather, the Peruvian Revolution is a fundamental attempt to effect major structural changes in the sociopolitical economic order.In the six years of Revolutionary government, many changes have been made. The semi-feudal power of the traditional coastal agricultural oligarchy has been broken and partially channeled into the modern industrial economy with its attendant influence. The means to this end was, of course, the agrarian reform which turned the large, productive coastal haciendas into generally economically successful producers' cooperatives. Similar results have been obtained in the industrial, mining, and fishing reforms.
Soviet-Cuban Relations, 1956-1960
Authors: Boughton George J. 
Published: March 2007

In the growing body of literature on the Cuban Revolution, the subject of Soviet attitudes and policy toward Cuba has been neglected. While this neglect holds true for the entire period since 1956, it is particularly evident in the period between Castro's landing in Cuba in December 1956 and the signing of the Soviet-Cuban economic agreements of February 1960.The few works which touch upon this period describe the Soviet Union as having no interest in Cuba during Castro's struggle against Batista and as merely reacting to Cuban events and initiatives thereafter. In contrast to this view, the present paper will argue that the Soviet Union was actively concerned with Cuban affairs from 1956 to 1960. It was, at least partially, in response to Soviet policy that Castro began the negotiations with the Soviet Union that resulted in the economic agreements of February 1960.
The Economic Impact of an Externally Financed Loan Program
Authors: Dubner Howard E. , Weinkle Julian 
Published: March 2007

A loan is considered a purely financial transaction that alters the composition of particular portfolios while leaving the aggregate stock of assets unchanged. Because such a transaction does not of itself generate new production, its dollar value is excluded from the calculation of GNP. It is probably for this reason that the economic significance of lending programs for stabilization purposes has been largely neglected. The transfer payment is similar to the loan in that neither enters the income stream directly, yet the former is considered to have a substantial economic effect.In a development context external financing is thought to be a significant variable for increasing an economy's growth rate. The success of these loans in generating growth is usually measured by comparing the actual growth rate with some desired standard growth rate.