bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Adult Education and the Rural Community
Authors: Giffen P. J. 
Published: June 2006

The subject of adult education has been chosen for this paper in order to provide a point of orientation for the discussion of certain related social problems of the western farming community. The conclusions are based upon field studies of several contrasting rural communities in Manitoba carried out under the direction of the Manitoba Royal Commission on Adult Education. Some characteristics of governmental institutions, farm movements, and farming conditions are peculiar to that province but basic similarities in the social structure of farming communities throughout the Prairie region mean that most of the findings have a wider application. It is necessary for reasons of space to treat ethnic communities only briefly, but this brevity may be partially justified on the grounds that the British-origin farming community represents the ideal type to which the ethnic communities are assimilating at various rates.The difficulty of defining adult education may be avoided by noting briefly its place in the educational process. In complex societies the term “education” has commonly been used to apply to the explicit function of the formal institutions through which social groups prepare young candidates for adult participation. It is apparent that, in terms of this social function, education is part of the more inclusive processes of socialization and acculturation necessary to all social groups and carried out in many societies without benefit of formal institutions. To prepare the young for integration in social groups as adults it is necessary that they acquire and incorporate in their personalities at least a minimum of the normative behaviour patterns necessary to various social roles as well as learn such elements of the cultural tradition (systems of knowledge, techniques, value-patterns, language, art, and the other expressional forms) as the adults controlling the training deem desirable. Although an unprecedented amount of training is acquired within formal institutions in our society, these institutions provide only part of the training necessary for social participation as an adult.
The Cost-Profit-Output Relationship in a Soviet Industrial Firm
Authors: Ronimmois H. E. 
Published: June 2006

The interrelationship of costs of production, profit, and output of a firm is a central problem of modern economic analysis. This problem has been so far conceived and investigated chiefly for a free market economy. The corresponding analysis of the equilibrium of a firm under the conditions of perfect and imperfect competition represents the first stage of what is known under the name of “the theory of value.” This analysis is a joint contribution of economists of many countries and a cornerstone of modern economics.The parallel problem in a nationalized industry subject to complete government control (the problem of the interrelationship between controlled costs of production, controlled profit, and planned output) has so far escaped the attention of analytical economists. This gap in analysis is due partly to the fact that the dogmatic treatment of central planning in the hands of political writers has induced some authors to believe that central planning and nationalization succeed in abolishing this important problem altogether. Outputs are believed to be determined by targets and hence to be independent of profit considerations. In addition, some economists have been led to believe that the tools of modern economic theory in general, and the intellectual apparatus of the theory of value in particular, are inappropriate for dealing with what are believed to be problems of administration rather than economic problems proper.
The 1937–8 Recession in Canada
Authors: Chambers Edward J. 
Published: June 2006

There have been numerous studies of Canadian cyclical experience during the Great Depression beginning in 1929. Similarly, the cyclical experiences of 1937–8 in both the United States and the United Kingdom have been fairly popular subjects for examination. However, it is interesting that no intensive analysis of Canadian experience during the 1937–8 recession has been made, but rather it has been treated as an afterthought to studies of the 1929 downturn instead of receiving the specialized attention which it merits. As a result there are doubts about its exact timing, about the magnitude of the fluctuations involved, about the influences exerted upon Canadian activity by the comparable American and British recessions, and certainly there has been a tendency in some recent works to provide a very facile interpretation.The 1937–8 recession is a subject of interest for several reasons. It is the last pre-war cyclical movement, and roughly coincides with similar economic changes in Canada's major trading partners. Cyclical movements in Canada do not always coincide with those in the United States, as was evident in 1948–9 and 1926–7, but when they do, a close examination of what has happened in Canada and of possible interrelationships between the Canadian and American experience may improve our understanding of Canadian cyclical patterns. This paper first represents a modest attempt to single out those sectors of the economy in which the cyclical downswing was concentrated, and second offers a tentative interpretation of the causal elements at work in this particular cycle.
Morals and Politics: The Current Debate
Authors: Joynt Carey B. , Hayden Sherman S. 
Published: June 2006

Bitter disputes regarding the relation of morals to politics did not begin with Machiavefli but have been almost continuous since his time. No wonder, therefore, that the conflict has broken out in our own day with specific reference to American foreign policy. Now, as in times past, the proponents of differing viewpoints utter harsh and dogmatic judgments concerning one another. This is probably unavoidable if one considers that the issue is both vital and highly controversial, but recent arguments have thrown more heat than light upon the ancient dilemma. It is therefore proposed, in this paper, to ascertain what nub of truth there is in the arguments.Most jarring to American traditions are the central tenets of what might be called the “realpolitik school” of American policy. There are many advocates of this view, but it finds its most complete expression in the writings of Hans J. Morgenthau. Although the theories of this school have many ramifications, its central position might be stated somewhat as follows:International politics consists of a struggle for power between nations. This struggle goes on continuously and, apparently, never ends. Since each nation is only interested in maximizing its own power, the one true guide to a successful foreign policy is “the national interest.” Idealism is sentimental and Utopian. The brute facts of power render idealism not only a luxury but a delusion.
Some Recent Developments in the Dominion Bureau of Statistics
Authors: Goldberg S. A. 
Published: June 2006

In a discussion of recent developments it is well to keep in mind that the new grows out of and is founded on the old; that, in statistics as in other fields, our achievements of the present evolve from the endeavours of the past. Similarly our future gains will represent a further stage growing out of our present and past accomplishments.In Canada we have had a well-developed statistical system for many years. The decennial population and distribution censuses, annual industrial censuses, foreign trade and balance of payments statistics, price and agricultural statistics, to mention only some of the more prominent examples, had been securely established as “going concerns” prior to the Second World War. From this substantial base, the war and events in the post-war years hastened the process of extension into new statistical fields and the qualitative improvement of our whole statistical system.While our present achievements stem from past accomplishments, one can discern a substantially different attitude toward statistics now than in pre-war years, by public and private bodies alike. There appears to be a much more widespread awareness of the importance of quantitative data in the solution of problems of various sorts than formerly. This is a natural concomitant of an advancing industrial society. The rapid expansion of the Canadian economy, the vigorous emphasis on social welfare, the increasing complexity of our social structure, and the broader role in economic and social affairs that governments have been forced to assume, all find expression in pressing and persistent demands for more statistics of the highest quality by business, governments, and the public at large. In addition, the work of the United Nations Statistical Commission, the Statistical Office of the Economic and Social Council, and other international bodies have created new demands for statistical information.
The Implications of United States Policy for the Canadian Wheat Economy
Authors: Britnell G. E. 
Published: June 2006

Some confusion regarding the present position ot the Canadian wheat economy is inevitable if one reads the newspapers at all. One press report will suggest a temporary lull in the almost monotonous prosperity in which the prairies are said to have basked for the last ten years or more; another suggests blue ruin and a return to the hungry thirties. The Toronto Globe and Mail, viewing the essentially simple economic and social phenomena of the hinterland as from a metropolitan eminence, attempted a compromise some weeks ago in a cartoon showing a horde of embattled western farmers descending on Ottawa demanding justice and parity in a fleet of Cadillacs. Yet the gibe seems a bit unfair at a time when the wheat farmer does not know where his next Cadillac is coming from. All this may suggest that an effort is necessary to find some middle path between the unfailing optimism of the Minister of Trade and Commerce, whose department and board have in their custody and care the disposition and sale of our wheat, on the one hand, and the almost unrelieved pessimism of certain other V.I.P.'s and the Interprovincial Farm Union Council on the other.If there are problems facing the prairie economy today they can hardly be charged either to reckless expansion of wheat acreage or to improvident gambling on high prices for wheat in the world market. Perhaps it is prairie experience with the heavy human and capital losses of prolonged depression, through the thirties and early forties, which explains why the wheat grower seems to have put so much emphasis on stability in the post-war period.
Combines Policy: An Economist's Evaluation
Authors: Stykolt Stefan 
Published: June 2006

The object of combines policy is to preserve effective competition by reducing the monopolistic attributes of markets, industries, or industry-market complexes. Neither effective competition nor monopolistic attributes can be measured without ambiguity. Efforts to protect the former and dispose of the latter cannot be evaluated by the customary criterion of economic efficiency, namely, the ratio of the quantity of competition preserved–or of monopolistic elements removed–to the quantity of resources devoted to the purpose.The following, then, is a collection of qualitative comments, rather than an evaluation. The amount of resources devoted to combines policy is taken as given. The manner in which they have been used is considered on the premise that there are always some markets in which competition can be made more effective by public intervention. The resources in question are those of the Combines Branch of the Department of Justice. While the entire policy includes also the work of the Minister of Justice, of the Attorneys General of the several provinces, and of the courts, in this paper attention is mainly directed to some of the reports prepared under the authority of the Combines Investigation Act since the end of the Second World War. The choice of markets where the threat to competition must be checked, and of remedies by which the threat is to be reduced, has a bearing on the effectiveness of combines policy.
On the Problem of Social Welfare Functions
Authors: Weldon J. C. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with the “General Possibility Theorem” of Dr. K. J. Arrow. Since the theorem is certainly elegant and probably important, it is proper as well as convenient to refer to it from this point on as Arrow's theorem. The theorem deals with the problem of discovering a rule by which social preferences can be constructed from individual preferences. Such a rule, or social welfare function, gives a social ordering of alternatives of any kind for every possible arrangement of the corresponding individual orderings. Arrow's theorem declares that no social welfare function exists that satisfies those conditions that most of us would consider essential to a satisfactory rule. The outcome is something of a shock to preconceptions.In what follows two aspects of Arrow's theorem are considered. In the early part of the paper the theorem as such is examined. A brief and informal statement of Arrow's argument is followed by a formal statement of the conditions on which the argument depends. A proof of the theorem is offered that seems to be rather more naturally constructed than the original. A set of conditions is proposed (derived from Arrow's proof) that is weaker than the original set, that seems to be at least as plausible, and that leads to the same conclusion by a short and direct route. In the later part of the paper, methods of circumventing the theorem (there seems to be no way of removing it) are explored.
Canada First: A Minor Party in Microcosm
Authors: Hougham G. M. 
Published: June 2006

“If we introduce overmuch idealism into explaining the formation of either of the North American polities, the record of mankind is against us. So is our own history. The thirteen colonies came together not primarily because of the joy in making a great free American community, but because disintegration stared them in the face and men of substance saw in union salvation for their fortunes. It is no reflection on British North Americans that they too made their union under duresse.”The establishment of a wider Canadian union had been discussed for a number of decades before Confederation but the motivation in a common allegiance to Great Britain and in intermittent flashes of national sentiment had proven wholly inadequate to overcome the obstacles of provincial particularism and cultural differences, of paucity of communication and contact among the colonies, and of the contrasting economic orientation of central Canada and the Maritime region. In the years immediately prior to Confederation these divisive elements were finally outweighed by the mounting pressures of political dead-lock, economic uncertainty, and fear and jealousy of the United States. The leaders of the Confederation movement variously gave expression to these pressures. National sentiment was still a distinctly secondary factor, however, and only a few of the leaders betrayed in their speeches evidence of a broad vision of Canadian nationhood.
Measurement of Real Output
Authors: Berlinguette V. R. 
Published: June 2006

Until recently, except in the relatively limited field of industrial production, no measure, in volume terms, of the over-all output of the Canadian economy was available. The estimates of Gross National Product had been published only in current dollars. The release, since 1950, of Gross National Expenditure in constant dollars, and especially the historical series from 1926 to 1950 published early last year, provided economists, statisticians, and the business community in general with an analytical tool of unusual relevance and value.In recent years, because of violent changes in prices, unadjusted value series, used in isolation, have become increasingly inadequate as indicators of economic trends. Of necessity, interest has shifted to measures of volume. For some purposes, as in studies of productivity and real growth of the economy, constant dollar series provide at least an over-all framework and some generalized magnitudes. I will attempt to describe in this paper the work now being done at the Dominion Bureau of Statistics in the field of real output. The discussion of scope, principles, methods, and problems of the projects involved is preceded by a short summary of the history and background of the work.
Seals and Symbols: From Substance to form in Commonwealth Equality
Authors: Mallory J. R. 
Published: June 2006

According to the Balfour formula, enunciated by the Imperial Conference of 1926, the position of the United Kingdom and the dominions was that of “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate to one another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.” Equality of status as a declared principle was one thing: its application in constitutional procedure was another.For equality of status did not necessarily mean equality of function. There was a deliberate ambiguity in the 1926 declaration. The United Kingdom and some of the dominions were satisfied with the principle of equality, for an attempt to define its meaning in institutional terms would reveal the disagreement which had been so carefully glossed over. The United Kingdom did not like to think of the dominions as functionally autonomous, for if they were, the sacred shibboleth of the diplomatic unity of the Empire would be undermined, and there were not many in the dominions who were prepared to bear the full burden of the bureaucratic, diplomatic, and military structure which real independence would bring. So, on the whole, ambiguity was preferred. Today, this ambiguity has been resolved. In fact, the Commonwealth in 1926 meant something rather different than it has now come to mean, though both meanings can be covered by the Balfour formula.
St. Justin: A Case-Study in Rural French-Canadian Social Organization
Authors: Garigue Philip 
Published: June 2006

St. Justin occupies a special place in the social study of French Canada. It was there that Léon Gérin began, in 1886, his pioneer study of the rural communities of the province of Quebec. It was on the basis of the data he collected there that he formulated his analysis of rural French Canada as a close causal cycle in which the dominant factors were the family, the land, and religion. The basis of his argument is the proposition that the people of St. Justin lead a life which “presents itself here as a simple juxtaposition of families which are very nearly all equal; nearly all occupied in agriculture; nearly all self-sufficient; but none of which has a higher ambition than to transmit intact the family property to one of the children, although favouring, within the limits of its resources, the settlement of the other children outside the family home.”He elaborated this proposition into a complex of interlocking institutions which gave to the inhabitants of St. Justin a definite form of social organization, as well as a definite culture. In fact, he built a model which has remained unequalled in the analysis of French Canada. Presented as a functional entity, St. Justin was made to represent a stage in the historical, as well as the geographical, development of Quebec. According to Gérin, St. Justin had reached a balanced relationship among its various institutions. The family unit was said by him to be stable and well-integrated. The size of the farm was in direct relation to the size of the family, and the work on the land, carried out by the members of the family, was limited to their needs. The total output thus depended on the quantity of labour each family could supply for a given unit of land, and on the natural fertility of the soil. The general expectation of the members of a family was limited to the creation and maintenance of a unit of property large enough to supply their daily needs, maintain the aged, and provide for the settlement of those who would have to leave the household to go elsewhere. Such an aim demanded a high degree of personal sacrifice from all the members of a family, and tended to turn family property into a communal possession. While the stability of the family was obtained in this manner, the stability of the community had been achieved through the creation of a single broad social class.
The Political Ideas of Thorstein Veblen
Authors: Hodder H. J. 
Published: June 2006

Partly because of the extensive range of his thought and partly because of the diffuseness of his style, Veblen is a difficult thinker to classify. Several writers have made passing references to traces of anarchism in his works but most of them consider it a minor aspect of his thought. The thesis of this paper is that Veblen's political and social thought can be most clearly understood and evaluated in terms of philosophical anarchism.Anarchism is as old as society itself; at least it has been traced back to Zeno of Citium, the founder of Stoic philosophy. The Greek derivation of the word is “without a ruler,” not “without order.” Elements of anarchism form a more important part of many political theories than is sometimes recognized, and it has found able exponents in Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tolstoy, Thoreau, and Whitman. What distinguishes the anarchists from other political philosophers is the degree to which they carry their attack on existing institutions and believe in a principle of harmony in nature or human nature which will emerge if these institutions are eliminated. This principle, if followed, will eliminate the need for coercion and the state which they think is based on coercion. Only voluntary functional associations will remain in the anarchist's society but the principle of harmony will prevent the emergence of chaos. Quite clearly this is a philosophy of extremes and suffers the advantages and disadvantages of such a philosophy. In a unique way it forces its critics to examine their fundamental assumptions afresh. But because of the extreme assumptions made, anarchists' writings in general, and Veblen's in particular, abound in contradictions between freedom and authoritarianism.