bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Sequencing embedded multimodal representations in a writing to learn approach to the teaching of electricity
Authors: Hand Brian , Gunel Murat , Ulu Cuneyt 
Published: February 2009

AbstractIn the study of science topics especially in physics students are expected to move between different modes of representation when dealing with a particular concept as any science concept can be represented in several different modes. The difficulty for students is that they are often unable to move between these multi‐modal representations and thus struggle with having a rich conceptual understanding of the topic. In this study students are asked to explain their understandings of the topic through writing and embedding different modes of representation, text only, text plus math, and text plus graph. A pre‐post test design was used to compare performances of groups who used different modes in their writing during a three‐staged unit of electricity. While students' scores were not statistically different at the end of the first stage, at the end of the stage 2, students who were asked to embed mathematical representation in their letters to explain concepts of Faraday's Law of Induction had test scores that were significantly better than either of the other two conditions. At the end of the stage 3 there were several statistical mean differences noted supporting the pattern of the advantage of using embedded text plus mathematical representation in writings. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. J Res Sci Teach 46: 225–247, 2009
Public acceptance of offshore wind power projects in the USA
Authors: Firestone Jeremy , Kempton Willett , Krueger Andrew 
Published: February 2009

AbstractAlthough a rich literature exists on public concern for the effect of land‐sited wind power structures on cultural landscapes and the benefits of community involvement in this issue, less is known about how society perceives sea‐based structures. Offshore wind power has existed for some time in Europe; in the USA, its development has been hampered by opponents of the Cape Wind project off of Massachusetts. At present, the developer of the proposed Cape Wind project and a second developer proposing a project off of Delaware each strive to erect the first offshore wind power project in the Americas. Here, we examine public opinion. We first provide background on the case studies, then a review of prior studies of support and opposition of wind power projects in order to place the mail surveys within the context of the wider literature. After detailing the methods employed, we analyse the results and provide insights into the similarities and dis‐similarities that are revealed in the data, with the intent of gaining a broader understanding of how individuals think about offshore wind power. The strikingly higher public support for offshore wind development in the mid‐Atlantic, and especially off Delaware, suggests the possibility of substantially higher US public acceptance of offshore wind power than previously anticipated. Moreover, when offshore wind power is seen as transformative, we find substantial support even for residents near the first developments—residents who thus inherently take more risk. Potentially increasing acceptance of wind power, we argue, portends the shape of things to come. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Synthesis and Crystal Structure of the First Thallium Hydrous Nesosilicate Tl4SiO4·0.5H2O
Authors: Britvin Sergey N. , Siidra Oleg I. , Krivovichev Sergey V. , Depmeier Wulf 
Published: February 2009

AbstractOrange prismatic crystals of the first thallium hydrous nesosilicate Tl4SiO4·0.5H2O have been obtained by evaporation from aqueous solution. There are three symmetrically independent Tl+ cations and five symmetrically independent oxygen atoms in the structure of Tl4SiO4·0.5H2O. The O(4) and O(5) atoms belong to water molecules. Coordination polyhedra of the Tl+ cations are strongly distorted because of the stereoactive behavior of lone electron pairs. The structure of Tl4SiO4·0.5H2O contains sheets of SiO4 tetrahedra and Tl coordination polyhedra. The sheets have the composition [Tl3SiO4]– and are parallel to [100]. Within the sheets, SiO4 tetrahedra link to thallium polyhedra though common corners. The sheets are linked by dimers of face‐sharing Tl(3)O5 polyhedra, thus providing interconnection of the sheets into a framework. The framework has large elliptical channels occupied by water molecules (OW2) and electron pairs of Tl+ cations.The comparison with some other M+ (M = K, Ag, Tl) silicates is given.
Solvothermal Synthesis, Crystal Structure and Properties of the First Organic‐templated Holmium Sulfate [C2N2H10]3[Ho2(SO4)6·2H2O]
Authors: Zhou Wanli , Chen Qi , Zhu Dunru , Xu Yan 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThe first organic amine‐templated holmium sulfate [C2N2H10]3[Ho2(SO4)6·2H2O] (1) has been synthesized solvothermally and has been structurally characterized by single‐crystal X‐ray diffraction studies, IR spectroscopic, thermogravimetric (TG) and inductivity coupled plasma (ICP) measurements. Crystal analyses of compound 1 showed a novel inorganic layer constructed from the zigzag and helical [–Ho–O–S–O–]n chains, both of the chains are connected by μ‐2 SO42– groups to form 10‐membered rings. The solvent plays an important role during the formation of 1.
Pariah states and nuclear proliferation
Authors: Harkavy Robert E. 
Published: February 2009

In recent years, a new international actor—the pariah state—has mounted the global stage. Although rough historical precedents may be discerned, the present international system appears to have produced a novel phenomenon, whereby some isolated small states, lacking assured and credible outside security support, find themselves unable to take advantage of traditional balance-of-power mechanisms. Taiwan, South Africa, and Israel fit this description best, South Korea less so; Pakistan and Chile are also candidates.Insecurities about conventional arms sources and big-power support in crises involving national survival have driven pariahs to consideration of nuclear “equalizers,” notwithstanding dilemmas involving the viability of applicable nuclear strategic doctrines. There are also some indications of nascent interpariah security ties, perhaps nuclear ones. Although there are some prospects for amelioration of the situations of some pariahs—in part because of threats to go nuclear—serious impasses remain for U.S. and other major powers' policies.
Neomercantilism and international economic stability
Authors: Guerrieri Paolo , Padoan Pier Carlo 
Published: February 2009

In a recent paper, Barry Buzan disputes the widespread theory that associates a liberal international economic structure positively, and a mercantilist structure negatively, with international security. We do not take issue with Buzan's arguments on this point; rather we disagree with some of his assumptions concerning the relationship between mercantilistic policies and the international economic order. Those of Buzan's points that we question represent generally accepted views in the literature on mercantilismBuzan's definition of mercantilism focuses essentially if not exclusively on protectionist trade policies. We prefer a more general definition based on Keynesian and post-Keynesian literature. By including the macroeconomic goals of neomercantilism, this definition accounts for a country's foreign economic policy.
Argentine Territorial Nationalism
Authors: Escudé Carlos 
Published: February 2009

One important cultural factor which has contributed to inhibiting regional cooperation and integration in Latin America lies in the intense territorial nationalism prevailing in several of the Spanish-speaking countries. This frequently underrated phenomenon is an outgrowth of the great number of territorial disputes still to be found in the region and the indoctrination of public opinion through the educational systems and the mass media that often accompanies them.1 At least the following disputes can be considered as having greatly affected the international relations of these countries in recent years:Argentina vs. Chile. The core of the problem (the dispute over three tiny islands in the Beagle Channel) was solved with the Treaty of Peace and Friendship signed in 1984 and ratified in 1985, but it almost led to war in 1978 and was an excuse for intensive nationalistic indoctrination over several years. It generated arms races and military mobilisation, concomitantly frustrating a natural potential for economic complementarity and integration. The territorial disputes yet unsolved are very minor, but distrust will probably linger on for many years.
The Challenge of Cooperation: Argentina and Brazil, 1939–1955
Authors: Porcile Gabriel 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThis article analyses the variables shaping economic relations between Argentina and Brazil in the 1939–5 5 period, namely changes in the international economy, bilateral trade, the industrial structure and domestic politics. It is argued that although rivalry prevailed in most of the period this was qualified by the interest of Argentina and Brazil in securing the gains from trade and in enhancing their position in the international system. The balance of these contending forces was a pattern of limited or restrained cooperation. If significant trade concessions were offered, their institutional framework remained unstable and fragile. This was reflected in the uncertainty that plagued bilateral trade and in the failure of more ambitious initiatives aimed at economic integration, as those proposed in the Pinedo Plan and in the economic union agreements of 1953–54.
‘Republicanos’ and ‘la Communidad de Peruanos’: Unimagined Political Communities in Postcolonial Andean Peru
Authors: Thurner Mark 
Published: February 2009

AbstractAlthough unimagined and unanticipated within the Creole nationalist ‘discursive frameworks’ of the liberal-republican state, nineteenth-century Andean peasant communities sought mediated re-insertion in the postcolonial Peruvian Republic. Key to peasant political engagement in the Andean region of Huaylas-Ancash was the tactical deployment of ‘Indian rights’ of colonial origin to make moral and material claims on the postcolonial caudillo state. In Huaylas-Ancash peasant claims and political practices destabilised liberal notions of ‘republic’ and ‘republican’ citizenship, and eventually challenged the teleogical historicity of Creole nation-building itself.
Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the Refusal of History
Authors: Starn Orin 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThis article examines the history and ideology of the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). The rebels claim to embody a distinctively Peruvian Marxism. However, a close examination of the party betrays a conspicuous indifference to Peruvian culture and traditions. The distinctiveness of this largest and most diverse of the Andean nations disappears in the orthodoxy of a universal Marxism, in this respect placing the Shining Path within the long legacy of the imperial inscription of Latin American history into the preconceived categories and linear narratives of Western philosophy and science.
The Lawyers and New Granada's Late Colonial State
Authors: Uribe Victor M. 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThis article presents a portrait of New Granada's colonial lawyers. Though it focuses primarily on individuals qualified to practise law before theAudiencia, it deals not just with practising lawyers as such but also with those who, despite being qualified to practise law, ended up choosing other occupations; in particular, joining the bureaucracy. It examines the social characteristics, family strategies, and bureaucratic careers of these professionals to demonstrate how, as chief competitors for state jobs, lawyers complemented their clans' power in important ways. By providing a vital component of the colonial elite's survival kit – bureaucratic power – they increased their families' overall influence, honour, and social status. In doing so, some lawyers came to build true family-bureaucratic networks which proved resistant to the late colonial Bourbon reforms that sought to undo them.
Central-Bank ‘Distress’ and Hyperinflation in Argentina, 1989–90
Authors: Beckerman Paul 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThe essential explanation of Argentina's 1989 hyperinflations is that the stabilisation programmes immediately preceding them drove the public sector in particular, the central bank – into ‘debt distress.’ These stabilisation programmes sought to anchor prices on an appreciated exchange rate, sustained by tight monetary policies that maintained high interest rates. The problem was that the government and the central bank had heavy domestic-debt burdens, and their combined interest bill far exceeded their non-interest surplus. To finance the interest without creating money, the government and central bank had to add continually to the outstanding debt stock as they capitalised the interest due. The debt swelled, and interest rates were pressured upward. Heavy pressure against the exchange rate, devaluation and hyperinflation then ensued when the public-sector debt stock exceeded what financial markets could be persuaded to hold at reasonable interest rates.
The Prehistory of Samba: Carnival Dancing in Rio de Janeiro, 1840–1917
Authors: Chasteen John Charles 
Published: February 2009

AbstractRio's pre-Lenten carnival and its Afro-Brazilian dance, samba, have been symbols of Brazilian identity since the 1930s. This article explores the choreographical antecedents of samba, before the crystallisation of the modern dance genre with that name, highlighting the importance of earlier social dances in the evolution of the twentieth-century symbol. It traces the development of carnival dancing in Rio de Janeiro from the time when few danced, through the long reign of the polka, to the emergence of generalised carnival street dancing around 1889. A modified view of the roots of samba has interesting implications for on-going debates on the social meaning of Brazilian carnival.
Caciquismo in Rural Mexico During the 1920s: The Case of Gabriel Barrios
Authors: Brewster Keith 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThis article focuses upon thecacicazgoof the Indian leader, Gabriel Barrios Cabrera, who controlled the Sierra de Puebla, Mexico during the 1920s. An analysis is made of the methods employed by Barrios to establish a loyal following, and how his military potential gave him the opportunity to attain regional political dominance and beneficial relationships with his federal military and political superiors. It is argued that Barrios's actions were so strongly influenced by the Sierra's singular history and socio-ethnic characteristics, that previously identified trends in post-revolutionary regional politics cannot easily be applied to this isolated mountainous region.
Guerrillas and the State: The Role of the State in the Colombian Peace Process
Authors: Boudon Lawrence 
Published: February 2009

AbstractThis article examines the Colombian peace process since 1982, arguing that the government must strengthen the state and expand its presence into the remote areas in which the leftist guerrillas have established para-statal organisations. The traditionally weak Colombian state has allowed rebel groups to flourish in isolated areas. However, President Ernesto Samper has announced a new initiative that features an ambitious plan to strengthen the state. The plan includes judicial and social reforms that address many of the guerrilla demands, but also threaten to undermine their para-statal organisations. Massive oil discoveries and tax reforms could provide the necessary funding.
The Formation and Transformation of Political Identity: Leaders of the Chilean Left, 1968–1990
Authors: Hite Katherine 
Published: February 2009

AbstractBased on a study of the 1960s generation of Chilean left-wing leaders, this article offers a three-dimensional model of individual political identity to examine how leaders justify their contributions to society and the political programmes of which they are a part. The central dimension of individual political identity is that of cognitive frameworks, that is, individuals' fundamental approaches to politics, rooted in the values they assign to ideas, political organisation and their relationships to fellow political leaders and activists. The article identifies four cognitive ideal-types: political party loyalists, personal loyalists, political thinkers and political entrepreneurs. The article concludes that the conceptualisation of individual political identity is a powerful explanatory framework for understanding the formulation and reformulation of political thinking and action, particularly in periods in which political institutions are in a state of flux or crisis.
Black Political Protest in São Paulo, 1888–1988
Authors: Andrews George Reid 
Published: February 2009

Beginning with Brazil's origins as a nation, and continuing to the present, the relationship between race and politics in that country has been a close and integral one. Portuguese state policy made black slavery the very foundation of Brazil's social and economic order during three centuries of colonial rule. That foundation remained in place even after independence, with the paradoxical result that Brazil became ‘the last Christian country to abolish slavery, and the first to declare itself a racial democracy’. Indeed, perhaps nowhere is the connection between race and politics in Brazil more evident than in the concept of ‘racial democracy’, which characterises race relations in that country in explicitly political terminology.This article explores some of the connections between race and politics in Brazil by examining four moments in the history of black political mobilisation in that country. Geographically, it focuses on the south-eastern state of São Paulo, which by the time of emancipation, in 1888, housed the third-largest slave population in Brazil (after neighbouring Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro), and which has formed a centre of black political action from the 1880s through to the present. Chronologically, it focuses on: the struggle for the final abolition of slavery in the 1880s; the rise and fall of the Frente Negra Brasileira in the 1930s; the black organisations of the Second Republic; and the most recent wave of black protest, from the mid-1970s to 1988.The purpose of such an exercise is twofold. First, placing these moments of black mobilisation in a century-long time-frame makes it possible for us to see them not as isolated episodes, but as chapters in a long-term, ongoing history of black protest and struggle in Brazil.
Family Affairs: Class, Lineage and Politics in Contemporary Nicaragua
Authors: Vilas Carlos M. 
Published: February 2009

As I get older I give more importance to continuities, and try to discover them under the appearances of change and mutation. And I have reached the conclusion that there is only one great continuity: that of blood.Class structure never entirely displaces other criteria and forms of differentiation and hierarchy (e.g. ethnicity, gender, lineage) in the constitution of social identities and in prompting collective action. Class as a concept and as a point of reference is linked to these other criteria; often it is subsumed in them, thus contributing to the definition of the different groups' forms of expression and of their insertion into the social totality. But class does not eliminate these other criteria nor the identities deriving from them, nor can it preclude the relative autonomy derived from their specificity, as they define loyalties and oppositions which frequently cross over class boundaries. The relevance of these criteria in Latin America is even greater since the society's class profile is less sharply defined because of the lower level of development of market relations and urban industrial capitalism.Several studies have pointed to the importance of ruling families in shaping the socio-economic structure of Latin American countries, their political institutions and their cultural life. Prominent families have been considered the axis of Latin America's history from the last part of the colonial period until the beginnings of the present century – and until even more recently in some countries. Interestingly enough, these historical studies have contributed to a better understanding of one of the features most frequently discussed in today's sociological studies of Latin America: the weak or inchoate differentiation between public and private life and between collective and individual action.
The Colonial Economy: The Transfer of the European System of Production to New Spain and Peru
Authors: Assadourian Carlos Sempat 
Published: February 2009

Research into the economic structures established by Spain in the Indies, based on sources which allow at least an approximate reconstruction of reality, dates only from the last thirty or forty years. The advances made, despite the uncertainty still surrounding certain aspects of the processes of production, appropriation and distribution, enable us to abandon traditional conceptions of this economy as isolated, closed, rustic in its technology, archaic or ‘feudal’.The dominant profile of the economic structures imposed on New Spain and Peru, especially during a fifty-year cycle the nature and timing of which will be discussed below, was shaped by the transfer of the European system of mercantile production, in terms of both its technological bases and the legal structure and methods of calculation which governed its reproduction. Thus, we retain the adjective ‘colonial’ for this modern economy, in as much as its development was conditioned by the need to maximise shipments of silver to the metropolis and, in pursuit of this aim, the indigenous population was subjected to severe oppression. Likewise, the metropolis maintained a high level of control over the internal economic dynamic of these regions and a monopoly of their foreign trade.Towards the mid-sixteenth century the expression ‘conquista y población’ was frequently invoked to characterise Spain's dominion in the New World. ‘Conquista’ referred to the initial feat of arms, by which the papal right to grant lands to the Catholic monarchs (hitherto only valid within the order of European nations) was imposed on the indigenous kingdoms and domains of the Indies.