bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
GEOGRAPHY, ECOLOGY, DEMOCRACY*
Authors: Lipietz Alain 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTCritical geography must go beyond the spaces of power to political ecology. Human activity is necessarily ecological, and so too are politics and democracy. Thus, the regulation of environmental contradictions raises fundamental issues of democratic politics and principles of social justice. The answers to environmental crises are not to be found in the state or the market, the two leviathans, but in the ability of humans to govern themselves democratically and justly in relation to the earth. Because landscape is the sedimented history of human transformations of nature, love of landscapes and their Otherness is a testing ground for a moral and democratic relation to nature.
CONSERVING THE RACE: NATURAL ARISTOCRACIES, EUGENICS, AND THE U.S. CONSERVATION MOVEMENT
Authors: Brechin Gray 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTProposing that much was deleted from the historical record when the death camps were opened in 1945, the article begins by examining the ties between the U.S. and German eugenics movements prior to the Second World War. Eugenics in the United States was closely linked with the fledgling conservation movement, particularly through the writings and activities of Henry Fairfield Osborn at the American Museum of Natural History and his close friend Madison Grant. In America, as in Germany, both movements were sponsored by the elite and served to justify aristocracy, and both derived much of their legitimacy from a social construction of Nature which increasingly replaced Divine Law.
JUST WAIT UNTIL THERE'S A DROUGHT: MEDIATING ENVIRONMENTAL CRISES FOR URBAN GROWTH
Authors: Nevarez Leonard 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTPro‐development water managers from a southern Californian jurisdiction secured voter approval for importing water supplies by mediating a six year drought. Through reorganized water management structures, unsustainable technological practices, and “crisis” discourses, water managers overcame residents' historic resistance to imported water by defining it as insurance against a “natural” emergency, not a social mechanism for growth. The research suggests how the environmental crisis can advance development‐oriented state agencies' hegemony. Given the otherwise general advocacy of environmentalism and “slow‐growth in the empirical setting, water managers” success in overturning sustainable water development regimes reveals potential contradictions within the “environmentalist” landscape.
LABORING FOR LOVE? A COMMENT ON ACADEMICS AND THEIR HOURS OF WORK
Authors: Wills Jane 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTEvidence would suggest that for those in work, the rigors of the contemporary labor market require them to work longer and harder than was previously the case. While new workplace cultures of obsessive over‐work have been documented amongst professionals in the private sector, the parallels have rarely been drawn with academic work. This paper uses original research material collated by students at Southampton University to discuss the changing nature of academic work and illustrate the social costs resulting from long hours of labor.
ELECTIVE ASSEMBLIES*
Authors: PASQUINO GIANFRANCO 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis review article will attempt to systematize the most important literature on legislative assemblies, to identify their weaknesses and to point out promising research lines. The material is classified under four sections: candidate recruitment and assembly composition, motivations of the political career, role of the representatives, and models and functions of legislative assemblies. The main conclusions are: that future research on recruitment must closely link changes in recruitment with legislative output in a diachronic perspective in order to produce meaningful results. Secondly, the study of motivations of the political career is still an interesting topic but should be supplemented by studies dealing with defeated candidates in a structural perspective (as some seminal works have already done). Thirdly, not enough is known, particularly in the European context, about representation: empirical studies are still needed which will take into consideration the aspects of accountability and responsibility. Finally, while some works have been done on the functions of elective assemblies, especially in the world of developed countries, theoretical confusion still exists. Two research lines should be pursued: the study of the relationships between political development, in its most comprehensive meaning, and elective assemblies; and the relationships between the executive power and elective assemblies as to legislative output, the measurement of its importance and the variables related to it (content, source of the initiative, procedure and type of government).
DIMENSIONS OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGE IN MULTI‐PARTY SYSTEMS
Authors: PESONEN PERTTI 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTRecent research on political dimensions in the Scandinavian party systems at five non‐electorate “levels” of dimensional analysis (content analysis of party programs, content analysis of expressions of party stances on current issues, positions taken by the parliamentary parties as behaving units, roll call analysis and interviews of individual legislators, and interviews with leaders and members of party organizations) justify the rejection of the unidimensional spatial model of party competition. Data on the social structure, attitudes and opinions, and voting behavior of the supporters of different parties provide indirect information about the dimensions of political cleavage. More directly, the “perceived party dimensions” can be concluded from aggregates of individual assessments for which the parties as such are the stimuli Averaged rank orderings of the parties provide ordinal measures that have been used as inputs for multidimensional scaling techniques.An experiment of measuring the mutual distances of political parties in Finland used percentages of the second and the two last party choices as measures of party distance. A qualitative analysis of the exceptions to regular orderings along the basic left/right dimension suggested the presence of six additional political dimensions: the producers and agriculture/the consumers and urban industries; the established parties/the temporary small parties; recognized and noted centers/the “forgotten people” (populist dimension); Finnish/Swedish; communism/non‐communism; and victorious/losing.Three developments can be envisaged in future dimensional analysis of multiparty systems: comparisons across countries, comparisons between different levels in the political system, and predictions of emerging political changes.
GOVERNMENT COALITIONS IN WESTERN EUROPE*
Authors: TAYLOR MICHAEL , LAVER MICHAEL 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTSeveral simple theories of government coalition formation are described and tested. A statistical method is presented for comparing the theories and evaluating each of them relative to a certain null hypothesis. The statistical tests are based upon the formation of 132 government coalitions in twelve countries of Western Europe during 1945–71.
THEORIES OF PUBLIC POLICY MAKING AND THF LOCATION OF NORWEGIAN DISTRICT COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
Authors: STAVA PER 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTFour theories for explaining public policy decisions are briefly presented. The theories are applied to the question of the location of Norwegian district colleges and universities (location by county, scope and timing). Eleven operational models provide the link between theory and data. The conclusion is that the legal‐bureaucratic theory best explains the location decisions. This structural theory works better than the three behavioral ones. It is argued that this shows how norms of equity and justice constitute the main constraints on these decision processes.
THE UNCERTAINTY OF THE PAST: ORGANIZATIONAL LEARNING UNDER AMBIGUITY*
Authors: MARCH JAMES G. , OLSEN JOHAN P. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTClassical theories of omniscient rationality in organizational decision‐making have largely been replaced by a view of limited rationality, but no similar concern has been reflected in the analysis of organizational learning. There has been a tendency to model a simple complete cycle of learning from unambiguous experience and to ignore cognitive and evaluative limits on learning in organizations. This paper examines some theoretical possibilities for assuming that individuals in organizations modify their understanding in a way that is intendedly adaptive even though faced with ambiguity about what happened, why it happened, and whether it is good. To develop a theory of learning under such conditions, we probably require ideas about information exposure, memory, and retrieval; learning incentives; belief structures; and the micro development of belief in organizations. We exhibit one example by specifying a structural theory of the relations among liking, seeing, trusting, contact, and integration in an organization. The argument is made that some understanding of factors affecting learning from experience will not only be important to the improvement of policy making in an organizational context, but also a necessary part of a theory of organizational choice.
THE IDEOLOGICAL DISTANCE BETWEEN THE TWO MAJOR PARTIES IN BRITAIN1
Authors: CHARLOT MONICA 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe commonly held idea that the two major British political parties are drawing nearer and nearer together is not belied by the facts. The ideological gap between the parties, measured on a series of left/right scales, has decreased since 1945. The closing of the gap is neither automatic–in 1970, for instance, the two parties drew apart–nor unilateral–both parties contribute to it.
THE GEOGRAPHICAL MATRIX OF PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION: A SPATIAL MODEL OF POLITICAL RECRUITMENT*
Authors: PEDERSEN MOGENS N. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTIn political systems that do not require the legislator to have his residence in the constituency which elects him, a data matrix can be created by juxtaposing the two variables of constituency affiliation and residence affiliation of legislators. This geographical matrix of representation will display a characteristic pattern which can be rendered understandable by means of a simple axiomatic model of political recruitment The model is based upon the assumption that rational office‐seekers and agents of selection will make their decisions with regard to nomination in such a way that the costs of communication between the representative and his constituency are minimized. This decisional premise is operationalized by means of the three spatial distances between residence, constituency, and the site of the legislature. From the triadic distance model a number of hypotheses are derived. These are tested by means of data on Danish legislators. As the model gains considerable support, the article concludes with a discussion of the possibilities of refining and further testing the model.
ON THE MODELLING OF POLITICO‐ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCE*
Authors: FREY BRUNO S. , SCHNEIDER FRIEDRICH 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTVarious analytic and simulation models designed to integrate the political and economic sectors are surveyed, stressing the interacting links going from the economy to the polity through the popularity function and in the reverse direction through the government's reaction function. Partial politico‐economic models concentrate on a particular trade‐off between goals, in particular between inflation and unemployment. The models of total politico‐economic interdependence study the interrelationship of the economy as a whole with the polity. They are studied theoretically and by simulation techniques. Ongoing research by the authors indicates that such models can be applied empirically; as an example an already existing econometric model of the German economy is extended by an endogenous government sector.
CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM*
Authors: LEHMBRUCH GERHARD 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe theory of consociational democracy has emphasized the internal conditions under which elites in “segmented pluralist” countries may choose such a strategy. This article suggests a distinction between genetic and sustaining conditions of this type of conflict management and, with the aid of this distinction, seeks to analyze the complex relationships between the internal structure of consociational democracies and their position in the international system. Consociationalism serves as a strategy for the settlement of international conflict (and may be imposed from outside) or for the preservation of national integrity in a situation of international conflict. On the other hand a reduction of foreign policy loads may contribute to the stabilization of consociational democracy; this may explain why most consociational democracies are small countries.
ON THE PRIORITIES OF GOVERNMENT: A DEVELOPMENTAL ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC POLICIES *
Authors: ROSE RICHARD 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe article provides a classification of the activities of the modern state, embracing 32 Western‐type nations from 1849. The first two sections of the paper elaborate a comprehensive conceptual framework for classifying activities as defining, mobilizing of physical resources, and providing social benefits. These three types of activities are shown to have developed sequentially in the order named. A mortmain proposition is tested and confirmed demonstrating that states tend not to abandon activities. A convergence proposition is tested and rejected; there is no common pattern of resource mobilization and social services in contemporary industrial nations. The concluding section considers the priorities of states when constrained by resource limitations. Priorities are examined in terms of effectiveness and efficiency; the likelihood of creating losers as well as beneficiaries; and the need to maintain defining activities as a sine qua non of the existence of the state.
THE FOREIGN SOURCES OF FOREIGN POLICY: CAUSES, CONDITIONS, OR INPUTS?*
Authors: GOLDMANN KJELL 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTAgainst the background of the current tendency of foreign policy analysts to emphasize the so‐called domestic sources of foreign policy, this article discusses the role played by external factors. Three different ways in which the student of domestic sources of foreign policy may conceive of the interplay between foreign and domestic factors are suggested. The significance of domestic factors for the analyst whose primary focus is on the foreign ones is then discussed. Empirical illustrations are taken from Sweden's foreign and defence policy.
POLITICS, DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL POLICY: A CROSS‐NATIONAL ANALYSIS
Authors: HANIFF GHULAM M. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTSocial policies, of the type examined in this study, are greatly shaped by a nation's level of socioeconomic development rather than by political conditions. The socioeconomic variables that best account for policy differentials among nation‐states are wealth and literacy. On the whole, wealth is the best predictor of social policy output. Ceteris paribus, political variables which seem to be important for social policy are political competition and political stability, despite the generally weaker relations between political system characteristics and policy outputs.Generally, it could be predicted with a high degree of probability that nation‐states which are stable and which enjoy a high per capita income would also have a comprehensive system of social welfare measures.
POLITICAL DIMENSIONS AND MODELS OF POLITICAL PARTY SYMPATHY: EMPIRICAL STUDIES OF SWEDISH ATTITUDE DATA *
Authors: LINDÉN MICHAEL 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTMain theoretical considerations, methodological strategies, and empirical results of a research project based on Swedish political attitude data are summarized. The goals of the research project were, first, to suggest basic dimensions relevant for descriptions of Swedish political attitudes and parties and, second, to judge the cognitive relevance of these dimensions for political party sympathy. Data were collected from attitude questionnaires answered by representatives of the five largest Swedish political parties (serving as subjects). Analyses and empirical tests were based on factor analytical and Euclidean distance approaches. Results indicate five “party‐politicized” dimensions and a strictly (alternative modified) hierarchical model is suggested as the most relevant reflection of cognitive structures and processes involved in political party sympathy.
THE OSTROGORSKI PARADOX: A PECULIARITY OF COMPOUND MAJORITY DECISION *
Authors: RAE DOUGLAS W. , DAUDT HANS 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTIn the article it is shown that if during an election each voter picks the party with which he agrees on a majority of issues, it is nevertheless possible that a majority of voters disagrees with the winning majority party on every issue. This ‘inverted majority decision’, here called the Ostrogorski‐paradox, resembles the structure underlying the Condorcet paradox and Simpson's paradox. Each concerns a relation of pairwise decision or observation functioning in an n‐wise world.Our object here is to point out a possible paradox of parliamentary democracy, and to sketch some of its relationships to other paradoxes.
THE FRENCH REFERENDUM OF APRIL 23, 1972
Authors: LELEU CLAUDE 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe French referendum of April 23, 1972, on the treaty concerning the entry into the EEC of Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland and Norway is analysed with the help of new index numbers and a new method of cartography. Compared to the general election of March 1973, this referendum, despite an exceptionally low participation stemming more from indifference towards the European question which affected all the political groups than from the Socialist Party's appeal for non‐participation, remained characteristic of traditional patterns of electoral behaviour.
ITALY'S REFERENDUM ON DIVORCE: SURVEY AND ECOLOGICAL EVIDENCE ANALYZED*
Authors: MARRADI ALBERTO 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis article is a much‐abridged version of a study appearing in the Italian political science journal after the referendum of May 12, 1974. Data from twelve nationwide sample surveys and results of the 1972 national election are put to use in the analysis. Changes in opinions pro and anti‐divorce are mapped through the seven years preceding the vote. Male sex, bigger commune size, higher education, social class, income, and political involvement are found to be associated with pro‐divorce feelings; age, religiosity, and church attendance with anti‐divorce feelings. In step‐wise regressions, the influence of these variables appears to vary greatly from one area to another, while the influence of party preference is uniformly high. This provides the ground for running ecological regressions of the percentage votes against divorce on the joint percentage polled in 1972 by the two parties who campaigned against divorce (the Christian Democrats and the neo‐fascist MSI). At various levels of aggregation, the correlation coefficients are uniformly high, ranging from .81 to .94. Through detailed analysis of scattergrams, nine ecological areas are singled out and mapped; historical and sociological reasons for the existence of such areas, as well as deviant provinces, are given.
THE CUMULATION PROBLEM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AN ESSAY ON RESEARCH STRATEGIES*
Authors: SJÖBLOM GUNNAR 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTAfter a discussion of possible components in a definition of “cumulation” and of the relative lack of cumulation in political science, a scheme for research strategies is outlined with the aim of facilitating cumulation, or at least facilitating a diagnosis of the state of political science in this respect. The scheme includes three types of studies: (1) analysis of the formal properties of theoretical approaches in political science, (2) content analyses in the form of inventories of problems, propositions and concepts in the discipline, (3) evaluational analysis, i.e. an assessment of what “theory criteria” to use for evaluating the approaches and of the probable relations between these criteria.
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN SNP VOTING AND THE DEMAND FOR SCOTTISH SELF‐GOVERNMENT
Authors: MILLER WILLIAM L. , SARLVIK BO , CREWE IVOR , ALT JIM 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTEvidence is presented both for and against several explanatory models of SNP electoral support. There are remarkable similarities of timing and psychology between SNP support and support for Liberals or abstention in England. Yet SNP support matches attitudes towards more self‐government. It would appear that SNP support has been caused by Britain‐wide influences breaking the constraints that formerly kept the self‐government cleavage out of party politics.
POLITICAL GENERATIONS: THE CASE OF CLASS AND PARTY IN BRITAIN1
Authors: THORBURN PHYLLIS 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTPolitical generation effects on British party preference and on the association between class and party are examined through cohort analysis of the Oxford Mobility Study, a survey of men aged 20–64. The evidence shows a decline in Conservative strength across the cohorts along with higher levels of non‐partisanship in the younger cohorts. There is a decrease in class polarisation, but it is not symmetrical: Labour appears to have maintained its position as the party of the working class whereas middle class radicalism has increased.
GENERATIONAL CHANGE WITHIN THE ITALIAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY ELITE
Authors: DALTON RICHARD 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe Italian Christian Democratic Party leadership is presently being challenged by a third generation of members who seek to substantially alter party policy. Because of resistance from the center to this encroachment two important effects can be noted. First, a significant number of the younger generation are deserting the DC and seeking alternate political solutions. This group is largely leftist in sentiment and have sought to create either a “new left” or have actually joined Communist and Socialist electoral lists. With the removal of this first group from party participation a second group, rightist in political orientation, is gaining in strength. Although this is a slow movement, and not necessarily irreversible, it does reflect the increased importance of the laical left on Italian politics and the removal of the DC left from active support of the party.
ANALYZING PAIRS IN CROSS‐NATIONAL SURVEY RESEARCH
Authors: JENNINGS M. KENT 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTOne device for studying political generations and political socialization is the use of parent‐offspring sampling designs. A key advantage of such linkage designs is that they permit two types of analysis. First, aggregates may be compared, thus allowing an assessment of generational or group correspondence and congruence. Second, the pairs can be used as the unit of analysis for assessing the degree of pair or lineage correspondence. Levels of pair and group correspondence are not necessarily identical for the same set of data. Examples of four major combinations of correspondence levels were found in a study of Austria, Great Britain, the Netherlands, West Germany, and the United States.Among the problems attending pair analysis are the usage of percentage agreement versus correlational techniques and the tendency to view pair correspondence as static rather than dynamic. Illustrations of these problems come from an American socialization panel study. Problems in studying group correspondence include efforts to specify life cycle, generational, and period effects. Alternatives to simple aggregate comparisons include a variety of regression and analysis of variance techniques as well as simpler devices for depicting generation and lineage gaps. For both pair and aggregate analysis the availability of cross‐national data is an opportunity for theoretical and substantive advancement.