bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Interpretation of Origin Statistics
Authors: Ryder N. B. 
Published: June 2006

The most important source of data for research into Canadian society is the federal census. These decennial inventories, of which there have been nine since Confederation, contain hosts of numbers, most of them unfortunately rather widely ignored by social scientists. Of the battery of questions to which every individual is subjected, a few are singled out as yielding fundamental facts, and appear again and again in the tabulated product in cross-classification with other subjects. The three basic attributes, which are the sine qua non of a personal census, are age, sex, and geographical location. Next to these in importance, if we may judge by the volume and detail of published tabulations and analysis, is origin. Now the intriguing circumstance about this highly emphasized piece of information is that it remained undefined until 1951. There was no explicit indication of the operations required to identify the referent of the term. Furthermore, the answers obtained and published clearly applied to an array of different types of evidence, which could easily overlap for a given individual.Consider, for example, the 1941 census, and its question, there termed “racial origin.” The “Instructions to Commissioners and Enumerators,” which are required reading for anyone making serious use of census statistics, give the following clues:What is racial origin? The word “race” signifies—“Descendants of a common ancestor.” [It may be asserted that this does not specify a practicable operation.] … a person's racial origin and nationality very often are different …. The name of a country from which a person came to Canada gives no indication of that person's racial origin …. The word “Canadian” does not denote a racial origin, but a nationality; the same applies to the word “American” …. What determines racial origin? As a general rule a person's racial origin is to be traced through his father ….
The National Housing Act, 1954
Authors: Poapst J. V. 
Published: June 2006

The year 1954 was an active one in the development of Canada's financial system. Important revisions were made to banking legislation. The statutory minimum cash reserve ratio required of the chartered banks was changed from a fixed daily ratio of 5 per cent to a daily average of 8 per cent which the banks must achieve for the calendar month. The central bank was granted another tool of monetary control—the right to alter the minimum cash reserve ratio. The chartered banks were admitted to new fields of lending. In June another step was taken to broaden the short-term money market when the chartered banks commenced to make day-to-day loans. These developments reflected a desire on the part of the monetary authorities to increase the sensitivity and flexibility of the nation's financial system.Meanwhile Canada's fourth housing act was passed. The National Housing Act, 1954, marked the federal government's twentieth year of continuous assistance to housebuilding. Like its forerunners, the Dominion Housing Act of 1935 and the National Housing Acts of 1938 and 1944, the new act provides assistance primarily through the medium of the mortgage market. All the acts have been concerned with the provision of mortgage credit for housebuilding at terms more favourable to the borrower than those prevailing in the conventional loan market.
The Capacity Concept and Induced Investment
Authors: Bowman Raymond T. , Phillips Almarin 
Published: June 2006

According to the principle of acceleration, net induced investment is proportional to the rate of increase in national product. The principle is usually qualified by a statement to the effect that if the economy's production is at a rate lower than some previous peak, the proportionality may not hold. Once, however, capacity is reached, increases in the rate of production will induce investment.This paper derives its relevance from the current attempts to construct a set of dynamic input-output equations which will generate demand for additional stocks of capital facilities on the basis of a set of capital coefficients and measures of capacity for the “industries” of the system. The basic arguments set forth are applicable also to tests for the feasibility of solutions of static input-output systems with respect to existing stocks of capital, but most attention will be directed to the dynamic formulation.Professor Leontief's dynamic input-output equations are of the form:Xi represents the rate of output of the ith industry, Yi is the amount of this output taken by the autonomous final demand sector and aik is the now familiar coefficient of production, the amount of the ith industry's product which the kth industry purchases per unit of output of the kth industry. This much of the equation set is identical to the static input-output system. The dynamic addition is in the bik capital coefficients, which measure the amount of stock of the ith industry's product held by the kth industry per unit of annual output, and in the values, which are the first derivatives of the annual rates of output of the various industries with respect to time. The capital coefficients are accelerator values for each industry with respect to all other industries. The summated value,is the instantaneous annual rate of induced investment for the economy at any given moment of time.
Urban Building and Real Estate Fluctuations in Canada
Authors: Buckley K. A. H. 
Published: June 2006

This study of urban building and real estate activity in Canada is concerned primarily with housing. It is part of a broader project stimulated by Silberling's thesis that among the various components of durable capital formation in the United States only investment in housing and in transportation have acted as prime movers determining the general level of economic activity. This paper falls into two parts, the first dealing with the nature of building and real estate cycles in selected cities in Canada, and the second relating these fluctuations to the growth and movement of population. Basic tables and brief notes on sources are included in an appendix.The top section of Chart 1 is an index of urban building activity in Canada from 1866 to 1946. This index reflects four and a half major cycles in the eighty years since the Dominion was established. The cycles are similar in many respects to those found by American students. This Canadian index, like those used to illustrate the long cycles in American building, is based on building permits issued in major cities, and has been adjusted to eliminate the influence of changes in the cost of construction. Table I compares upper and lower turning points in the index with those reflected in Mr. J. R. Riggleman's index of deflated values of urban building permits per capita in the United States.
Conservation Policy and Capital Theory
Authors: Scott Anthony 
Published: June 2006

Conservation is a word which occurs more and more frequently in politics. The “conservation of natural resources” appears both in the government accounts and in election speeches as a phrase which covers public spending on forests, waters, minerals, and fisheries, regardless of the ultimate purpose of that expenditure. Payments to American farmers, which enable them to achieve higher output and receive larger incomes, are blithely described as “conservation” without reference to whether or not the transaction has increased the nation's stock of natural resources.Conservation is a field of study for many of the sciences. Originally, I think I may say, the child of the forestry profession (indeed in the United States the profession of forestry might almost be described as the child of the conservation movement), it has received increasing attention from many other fields. In the 1920's, conservation of oil resources became the slogan of the petroleum companies, swamped by new discoveries. They lost interest when demand increased relative to the newly controlled supply. In the 1930's, low demand for farm output, grave drought conditions, and allegedly increasing soil erosion made “conservation” a good cry for those who would give aid to agriculture. During the last war, farm specialists pushing soil conservation continued to hold the stage, but since then the public has heard increasingly from scientists and business men connected with fisheries, petroleum, water power, forestry, and even minerals. The current approach is to discuss the interrelation of the use of all the natural resources and to stress the necessity of conserving such resources simultaneously.
The Bank of Canada's Approach to Central Banking
Authors: Neufeld E. P. 
Published: June 2006

There is little doubt that the Bank of Canada and Canadian monetary policy have been subjected to more public criticism since 1954 than at any other time since the Bank began operations in 1935. The force and the persistence of the criticism may in part be explained by a coincidence of events which included a move toward severe monetary restraint, a change of governor at the Bank of Canada, two national elections, and a change in government. Public criticism has for the most part concerned itself with the degree of monetary restraint or monetary ease in the economy generally and in specific sectors, with the timing of changes in policy and with the appropriateness of policy in the light of economic conditions. This paper will let those matters rest. Rather it will try to determine whether in a more fundamental sense the Bank's operations are in some respects open to criticism.There would appear to be four important aspects to the Bank of Canada's approach to central banking: the Bank's interpretation of its role in the allocation of capital; its conception of the mechanism by which monetary policy becomes effective and of the bounds within which monetary management must operate; its method of making quantitative monetary controls more effective; and its emphasis on the use of moral suasion. The third section will include an examination of the new Bank Rate.
A Synoptic View of some Simple Models of Growth
Authors: Asimakopulos A. , Weldon J. C. 
Published: June 2006

There are two things we would like to do in what follows. The first is to provide a comparative anatomy of some of the simple, basic models of economic growth. The second is to offer the thesis that within this selection of models surprisingly little has been added to the structure of Sir Roy Harrod's “Essay in Dynamic Theory.” If the Harrod model is prefaced by F. P. Ramsey's account of savings, and supplemented by J. von Neumann's existence theorems for growth in a disaggregated economy, that range includes the essential ideas of the entire selection. Many issues have been clarified by the later items. Useful elaborations have been developed, chiefly in an improved treatment of money and of technological change. But other elaborations have been at best ornamental, and purely analytical improvements have been very small. In the spirit of this assessment we maintain that it is a mistake to link Harrod's model with that of E. D. Domar in the often encountered Harrod-Domar model: the Domar model is much the narrower in scope.These views might depend on the choice we have made of simple models, but we believe they reflect instead the aptness and durability of the Harrod scheme. In any case we are not attempting either a review article or an exercise in the history of economic thought. Our interest is in analysis, and we identify our choice of models by a short list of specific references, drawing upon associated commentaries only for help in interpretation. The list goes back no earlier than to 1928 and F. P. Ramsey's classical “Mathematical Theory of Savings.”
Late Nineteenth Century Business Cycles in Canada
Authors: Chambers Edward J. 
Published: June 2006

The last third of the nineteenth century, covering the years from Confederation until the beginning of the era of rapid expansion on the Western prairies, was a formative period for Canada. It is surprising that this period has as yet received little attention from economic historians, for analyses of demographic and economic changes during these years may yield high returns in the form of a more sophisticated interpretation of Canadian development.One of a number of important yet neglected aspects of these years in Canada is the business cycle, and the purpose of this paper is to report some new research in this area. A study of business cycles, as opposed to “panics,” implies the existence of a clearly defined cyclical sequence that becomes apparent once an economy has reached a certain state of commercialization. While the process of commercialization in Canada generally lagged behind that in the United States it is clear that even before Confederation a viable market economy had been created in the united province of Ontario and Quebec. There is good reason to believe that by the time of Confederation factor and product markets were functioning quite smoothly and that the price system was playing a prominent role in allocating resources.The two most authoritative, though far from definitive, accounts of cycles and growth in the late nineteenth century are contained in the works of Breckenridge and Skelton. Other students of Canadian economic history have relied heavily upon Skelton's findings about the pace and nature of activity in the post-Confederation years. Skelton concludes that the short period from 1869 to 1873 was a prosperous one, despite the abrogation of reciprocity with the United States, because (1) exports to the latter were well maintained, (2) Canadian producers were successful in finding new domestic markets, and (3) there were expanding sales to the United Kingdom. In contrast the period from the mid-seventies through the mid-nineties he considered to be “Days of Trial” during which Canada waited grimly for a favorable turn in its economic fortunes. In the late nineties Canada's “hour had struck” with emerging opportunities for agricultural expansion in the prairie west.
La Dimension politique de L'action rationnelle
Authors: Lemieux Vincent 
Published: June 2006

The author wishes to show that there is a political dimension to rational action—a dimension which can be expressed in terms of the power which its possessors exert on one another. This power constrains their decisions, and may he said to limit the rationality of their action, in the same way that lack of information and conflict of values hinder rational action. This dimension is absent from economic theories of rationality, especially from the theory of games. But political man cannot be treated in terms of existing notions of economic rationality, even when these are enlarged—that is to say, enfeebled—as in the work of Downs. The reason is that the power of one man over another is inherent in politics. This power must be integrated into our idea of political rationality. The solution can be found through Dahl's formula for the measurement of one man's power over another.The author extends Dahl's formula to cover cases in which several persons exert power over each other. After identifying sixteen “rules of power” which define all possible positions in a game where each of two persons has two alternatives, he investigates various situations with the aid of these rules, showing that conventional game theory must be modified when some players compete with one another, or when they co-operate.The ideas of power, and of rules of power, are said to be useful for a more rigorous political science, which could be divided into “macro-politics” and “micro-politics.” The concluding paragraphs of the paper contain definitions and explorations of these two terms.
Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation
Authors: Horowitz G. 
Published: June 2006

In the United States, organized socialism is dead; in Canada socialism, though far from national power, is a significant political force. Why this striking difference in the fortunes of socialism in two very similar societies?Any attempt to account for the difference must be grounded in a general comparative study of the English-Canadian and American societies. It will be shown that the relative strength of socialism in Canada is related to the relative strength of toryism, and to the different position and character of liberalism in the two countries.In North America, Canada is unique. Yet there is a tendency in Canadian historical and political studies to explain Canadian phenomena not by contrasting them with American phenomena but by identifying them as variations on a basic North American theme. I grant that Canada and the United States are similar, and that the similarities should be pointed out. But the pan-North American approach, since it searches out and concentrates on similarities, cannot help us to understand Canadian uniqueness. When this approach is applied to the study of English-Canadian socialism, it discovers, first, that like the American variety it is weak, and second, that it is weak for much the same reasons. These discoveries perhaps explain why Canadian socialism is weak in comparison to European socialism; they do not explain why Canadian socialism is so much stronger than American socialism.
The Motivation of Economic Activities
Authors: Parsons Talcott 
Published: June 2006

Specialization is, without doubt, one of the most important factors in the development of modern science, since beyond a certain level of technicality it is possible, even with intensive application, only to master a limited sector of the total of human knowledge. But some modes of specialization are, at the same time, under certain circumstances, an impediment to the adequate treatment of some ranges of problems.The principal reason for this limitation of the fruitfulness of at least some kinds of specialization lies in the fact that the specialized sciences involve a kind of abstraction. They constitute systematically organized bodies of knowledge, and their organization revolves about relatively definite and therefore limited conceptual schemes. They do not treat the concrete phenomena they study “in general” but only so far as they are directly relevant to the conceptual scheme which has become established in the science. In relation to certain limited ranges of problems and phenomena this is often adequate. But it is seldom, after such a conceptual scheme has become well worked out, that its abstractness does not sooner or later become a crucial source of difficulty in relation to some empirical problems. This is apt to be especially true on the peripheries of what has been the central field of interest of the science, in fields to which some of the broader implications of its conceptual scheme and its broader generalizations are applied, or in which the logically necessary premises of certain of these generalizations must be sought.
The Canadian Constitution and the United Nations Charter
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

The British North America Act of 1867 recorded in its preamble that the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick had “expressed their desire to be federally united” and then proceeded to give legal effect to that desire. For a long time Canada has been classified as a federal state in contrast to the unitary state which “Legislative Union” would have produced. If, however, Professor F. R. Scott is correct in asserting that “an established convention leaves little doubt that we can amend our constitution whenever a mere majority of our Senate and House of Commons demand it,” Canada has finally joined the ranks of the unitary states, since, as a result of this “established convention,” the provisions of the B.N.A. Act by which “in each Province the Legislature may exclusively make laws in relation to matters coming within” certain “Classes of Subjects” could be altered at will by the Parliament of Canada.It is true that in making the statement which has been cited, Professor Scott was primarily concerned with showing how completely autonomous Canada has become and not with the federal character of the Canadian constitution. But the example which he selected to illustrate the convention, viz. the opposition of Quebec to the amendment of 1943, was phrased so as to carry the implication that provincial opposition does not matter whatever the nature of the proposed amendment may be. It may well be that the Parliament of the United Kingdom would, in practice, enact any amendment for which the Canadian Parliament asked. But, as we are in the sphere of convention and not of formal law, it is also possible that, as between Canada and the provinces, a convention would be recognized limiting the type of amendment for the enactment of which the Parliament of Canada should ask. As constitutional conventions are apt to be the embodiment of common sense and fair play, and to admit of reasonable exceptions to fit whatever emergencies may arise, it is not impossible that it would be generally recognized as unconstitutional for the Canadian Parliament to ask, without consulting the provincial governments, for an amendment extending its own legislative power and diminishing the legislative power of the provincial legislatures. Emergency action taken in war-time is hardly a complete test for a convention for, as Professor Scott observes, “the demands of total war are such that in the result Canada may almost be said to possess a unitary form of government in war-time (p. 334).” A generous interpretation of constitutional conventions in time of war may well be expected to go hand in hand with a generous construction of the written law by the courts.
Government Forecasting in Canada
Authors: Bates Stewart 
Published: June 2006

The most significant economic events of the past twenty years in the world at large, were the boom, the depression, the re-armament, and the war, and the lesson of this precarious period, more than of any other perhaps, is the necessity of trying to look ahead. The issue is not whether we should make forecasts or avoid forecasts. It is whether we should look ahead in a haphazard, unorganized way, or whether we should try to systematize our outlook, appraising current and foreseeable trends as part of a broader programme for maintaining high employment and sustained levels of income. Part of the federal government programme devoted to these ends, has been to set up a research unit which among other jobs, is attempting to develop a technique of forecasting suited to Canadian conditions, and which is trying to extend this as a basis for consideration of policy. This paper is a report on the progress of this forecasting unit: an attempt to state its objectives, the stage of development of its procedures, and its difficulties as they are now seen.These remarks should be prefaced by reference to an informal committee on forecasting, established in Ottawa by representatives of several federal departments. Much of the forecasting work is reviewed by that committee, and the content of this paper is much affected by its work. But this paper expresses a personal view of the matter, for which that committee would probably be unwilling to take much responsibility.