bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Date of the Neo-Hittite Enclosure in Karatepe
Authors: Ussishkin David 
Published: January 2007

The dating of the Neo-Hittite enclosure in Karatepe, discovered about twenty years ago by H. Th. Bossert and his Turkish colleagues, forms a problem of primary importance, the solution of which could have deep repercussions on wide fields of study. Even though Azitawadda, the builder and ruler of Karatepe, has left a relatively long bilingual inscription, it lacks the direct and conclusive evidence which might have proved its dating. It is not surprising, then, that several scholars differ widely on the date of Karatepe.The dating generally accepted today is the one put forward by Bossert in 1948, who proposed that Karatepe was built, and Azitawadda reigned, during the second half of the eighth century B.C. This dating is mainly based on three arguments each of a different kind: firstly, it was assumed that “Awrikku king of the Dannunites” (Á-wa+ri-ku-sof the Hittite hieroglyphic inscription), whom Azitawadda mentioned as his benefactor, must be identified with “Urikki of Que” who, as related in the annals of Tiglath-Pileser III, paid a tribute to Assyria probably in 738 B.C. Secondly, a palaeographical analysis of the script of Azitawadda's Phoenician text indicated that the letters are of a rather “developed” and late type, a fact which points to as late a date as possible for this inscription. Thirdly, the artistic style of the reliefs seemed to be late, and as argued by E. Akurgal, to be much influenced by Assyrian art.
The God on the Stag: A Late Hittite Rock-Relief on the River Karasu
Authors: Hellenkemper Hansgerd , Wagner Jörg 
Published: January 2007

The number of known Hittite rock-reliefs in Anatolia is limited: Karabel, Manisa, Yazılıkaya, Gavurkalesi, Fıraktin, İmamkulu, Taşcı, İvriz, Gezbeli, Sirkeli, and Hemite. Except the Late Hittite relief of Ivriz, the monuments, mostly scattered on the fringe of the highland, have to be ascribed to the Imperial Age (1450–1200 B.C.). Their geographic distribution allows some conclusions as to the extent of the Hittite sphere of influence. The question of the monuments' function is but one of the numerous problems still to be solved.Apart from the reliefs of Yazılıkaya, Gavurkalesi and Fıraktin, which are all part of a sanctuary, the majority of the monuments at first sight seem to have been put up to demonstrate political power and may be interpreted as representations of the kings (Imamkulu, Taşcı, Gezbeli, Sirkeli and Hemite) or of local dynasts (Karabel and Manisa). This applies especially to the reliefs of Gezbeli and Hemite, which in their overall conception are so designed that the political element seems to dominate over the religious. Upon closer examination, however, we must admit that this explanation applies only perhaps to some of the Imperial Age monuments; those monuments in which the kings are shown in an attitude of prayer or as gods appear to have been erected with religious motives in mind. A further indication of religious function is the fact that the monuments are often associated with water in the form of a spring or a river.
Oinoanda: The Doric Building (Mk 2)
Authors: Coulton J. J. 
Published: January 2007

The investigation of the building which is the subject of this paper was undertaken in 1975, 1977, and 1981 in the course of the survey of Oinoanda conducted by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara. I am most grateful to Mr. A. S. Hall, director of the survey, for inviting me to participate in it and for supporting my work on the site, to Bay Sırrı Özenir, Bay Osman Özbek and Bay Edip Özgür, successive representatives of the Turkish government, for much assistance, and to Mr. P. Forster and students of the Department of Land Survey of the North-East London Polytechnic for more technical aid.Before discussing the building itself, some general remarks on the development of the survey are required. The initial survey of the site was begun in 1974 by a group from the North-East London Polytechnic led by Mr. A. Slade. An arbitrary bearing was defined as grid north and a datum point for levelling was arbitrarily allotted a height of 1000 m. Extension of the survey in 1977 established that the level of the acropolis summit in terms of this arbitrary datum is approximately 1095 m., whereas the actual height above sea level is 1532 m.
Bel-epuš and Tammaritu
Authors: Leichty Erle 
Published: January 2007

In 1965 Richard D. Barnett, then keeper of Western Asiatic Antiquities at the British Museum, asked me to undertake the compilation of a catalogue of the Sippar collection of cuneiform tablets in the British Museum. This collection, containing more than 30,000 tablets, was obtained by Rassam and others towards the end of the last century and at the beginning of this one. Most of the Sippar collection consists of economic texts from the Neo-Babylonian period. However some texts from other periods and other genres and even texts from other sites are included. Since 1965 I have spent almost every summer working on the Sippar catalogue. The project is now drawing to a close and the resulting catalogue will appear soon in three volumes. It seems only fitting that I use this opportunity to honour Richard D. Barnett by publishing a most interesting text from the Sippar collection.The text published below is a deposition by a man named Bel-epuš in which he divides all of his worldly goods between his wife and his servants. The reasons he may have had for writing this deposition are suggested below.
Eight New Fragments of Diogenes of Oenoanda
Authors: Smith Martin Ferguson 
Published: January 2007

All but one of the previously unpublished fragments of Diogenes' inscription presented in this article were discovered at Oenoanda by members of a British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara team in the summer of 1977. The exception is NF 108, which (see under NF 108, Discovery) was recorded by an Austrian epigraphist a mere seventy-five summers earlier.In 1977 the aims were to carry forward the topographical and epigraphical survey begun in 1974 and continued in 1975 and (in a very limited way) 1976, to study the architecture of the city, and to make plans for a major excavation of the site. The work was again carried out with the kind permission and encouragement of the Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüǧü in Ankara and with generous financial support from the British Academy, and it is a pleasure to express sincere gratitude to both bodies.The members of the team were: Mr. A. S. Hall (Director), Mr. R. P. Harper (Assistant Director), Dr. J. J. Coulton, Dr. R. J. Ling, Dr. Lesley Ling, and three student-members of the Department of Land Surveying, North-East London Polytechnic—Messrs. David Chapman, Simon Dykes, and David Howarth. The representative of the Turkish Government, as in 1974 and 1976, was Bay Osman Özbek.
Metal Resources in Ancient Anatolia
Authors: De Jesus Prentiss S. 
Published: January 2007

The rich metal deposits of Anatolia have been, for archaeologists and historians, a matter of much confusion. Small wonder, when we discover that the reporting of the basic geological data through the years has been altered, interpreted and reinterpreted to the extent that the picture no longer resembles its original form. Particularly lacking in the archaeological literature on Anatolian metal resources is an up-to-date account of the metalliferous deposits available in antiquity. Although a number of attempts have been made to give an over-all view of Anatolia's ore deposits, much of the potentially useful data is published in geological journals which, unfortunately, have been routinely ignored for their archaeological importance.The recent article in this journal by J. Yakar is another of the attempts to interpret the movements of Anatolian peoples with respect to the natural resources of the land, in this case metal resources. However, Yakar's article draws on much out-dated information, and he is a victim of the often rash convictions of Forbes. As a corrective, let us focus on the basic geological data. Yakar suggests that the metal resources of the West and Southwest were the main impetus behind Hittite involvement in the region.
R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies No. 4 Latin Inscriptions from Ladik and Sinop
Authors: French D. H. 
Published: January 2007

This short note is here presented as an illustration not only of the material which will be published in the final volumes but also of the aims and methods of the R.E.C.A.M. work.Four inscriptions form the core of this article. Two are from the area of Ladik (now renamed Halicı), the ancient Laodiceia Combusta; both are unpublished. The remaining two are from Sinop, the ancient Sinope; one has been published previously, the other is a new, unpublished fragment of a known inscription. The full text of these two Sinop documents can now be significantly revised. Of the two Ladik inscriptions, one was seen in the course of my researches on the milestones of Asia Minor (CIL XVII fasc. 5); the other came to light amongst the papers left to the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara by Professor W. M. Calder.I am grateful to the Ministry of Culture, General-Directorate of Antiquities and Museums for permission to publish this material.
Four Latin Inscriptions From Satala
Authors: French D. H. , Summerly J. R. 
Published: January 2007

Recent work, published in Anatolian Studies and other journals, has drawn attention to the site of Satala, the modern Sadak (in the province of Gümüşhane, district of Kelkit, map Erzincan 116-p). The importance of Satala is self-evident but the impending loss of Samosata, the base of the legio XVI Flavia Firma, has increased the archaeological value of the remaining two legionary centres, Melitene and Satala. It is to be hoped that further work at Sadak will augment the four texts presented here.The following inscriptions were recorded in Sadak village in 1981, at the house of Ahmet Yegin, who had brought them from a field across the valley to the north of the village outside the area of the Roman fortress. On the testimony of the owner and the other villagers, all the gravestones came from the same ancient cemetery and were found in situ. No others have since come to light (by 31. xii. 1982).
A Pilgrim Flask of Anatolian Origin from Late Byzantine/Early Ummayyad Jerusalem
Authors: Maeir Aren M. , Strauss Yael 
Published: January 2007

A large scale archaeological excavation was commenced in 1989, as part of the “Mamilla Project”, an urban re-development project carried out in the area to the west of Jaffa Gate, Jerusalem, Israel (Fig. 2). During the course of the first (1989) season, several complexes of buildings dating from the Late Byzantine and Early Ummayad periods were discovered. These buildings were part of the extra-mural quarters of Jerusalem at the time, and for the most part, were industrial and mercantile in nature.In area A2 of the excavations (Fig. 3), a row of shops was discovered. Of particular interest was the shop comprised of rooms L164 and L153, which contained several different types of installations, including what appeared to be washing basins and a bread-oven (Pl. XXXV (a)). In this shop a large collection of diverse finds was discovered, including a sizeable amount of local and imported pottery, coins, glass and additional small finds. This assemblage was securely dated to the mid-seventh century CE, i.e. the terminal Byzantine period and the incipient stages of the Ummayad dynasty.
Then and Now: a Medieval Visit to the Castle of al-Rāwandān recalled
Authors: Morray David 
Published: January 2007

In the topographical introduction to his biographical dictionary of people connected with the city of Aleppo, the seventh/thirteenth century north Syrian writer Kamāl al-Dīn ‘Umar b. Aḥmad Ibn al-‘Adīm includes a brief gazetteer entry on the castle of al-Rāwandān (present-day Revanda Kalesi), situated north of Aleppo on the way to ‘Ayn Tāb (modern Gaziantep):“It is a small castle on the top of a high hill, isolated in its situation. Neither mangonels nor arrows can reach it. At the foot of the hill there is a small settlement (rabaḍ). It is one of the strongest castles, and most favoured spots. A valley runs north and west of the castle, making for a fosse. It contains a permanent river.”
The Aqueduct at Amasya in Pontus
Authors: Oliver  , Nicholson Caroline 
Published: January 2007

Amasya, wrote a visitor at the turn of this century, is “the most picturesque town of all Anatolia, the Baghdad of Rûm”. Another called the city “l'Oxford de l'Anatolie”. One of its principal charms is the River Iris, the Yeşil Irmak, which runs through the town. Beautiful but not potable: “Tokat dumps in it, Amasya drinks it” is a Turkish proverb at least as old as Evliye Çelebi, who visited the town in the first half of the seventeenth century.In ancient times the city would seem to have taken its water from a source in the neighbouring hills. It was carried along an aqueduct cut, for the most part, into the face of the cliffs which form the side of the river valley south and west of the town and on the right bank of the river (Fig. 1). The castle of Amasya, on the left bank, had its own arrangements for water supply described by the geographer Strabo, a native of the city, and these should not be confused with the aqueduct on the right bank.
A Seal Impression from el-Qiṭār/Til-Abnu (Syria)
Authors: Archi Alfonso 
Published: January 2007

The seal rolled on the six sides of the envelope containing a legal document found at el-Qiṭār (Pls. XXXV–XXXVI), on the west bank of the Euphrates some 33 km. downstream from Tell Ahmar, has its best parallels in the imprints of the Hittite seals from Ugarit and Emar of the thirteenth century B.C.The scene is framed above and below by a border à guilloche. To the left is the Weather-god, standing on two triangles representing mountains, which do not seem to be marked with a scale pattern as in Yaz. 64.The god wears a beard and his hair falls in a long pigtail down his back to his waist. He is wearing a short kilt and probably a shirt which leaves his arms bare. On his head he wears a tiara with horns, and a curved sword hangs from his waist, with the tip pointing downward and with the usual half-moon pommel. In his right hand, raised behind his head, he brandishes an axe. Behind his back, beneath the pigtail, is a filling motif (cf. SBo II no. 229). His raised left arm reaches out in front, and on the fist rests the god's symbol: TONITRUS, L 199, to the right of which is a star.
Frank Calvert, Henry Austen Layard and Heinrich Schliemann
Authors: Arentzen Wout 
Published: January 2007

Within the past few years not a little has been written about the relationship between Heinrich Schliemann and Frank Calvert (see, for example, Traill, Calder 1986; Traill 1995; Robinson 1994; 1995; Allen 1999). The central thesis of these studies is that Schliemann mistreated Calvert in every possible way, not only financially, but also intellectually. For instance, ‘Schliemann's egotism and false claims have robbed Calvert of his proper place in the history of archaeology’ (Traill 1984).Such statements give the impression that Calvert was a better scholar than Schliemann and that there is still a good deal in his work, as there is in that of Schliemann, which can help us. From the above interpretation by Traill one could almost believe that it is a distinct loss that Calvert has become nothing but a footnote in the works of Schliemann and that it is high time for a revaluation. Robinson is the most ardent exponent of this attempted revision. She is of the view that the world was duped by Schliemann, and that everything would have been done much better by Calvert. If truth be spoken, Schliemann has robbed us of the knowledge that Calvert would have given.
Tarkasnawa King of Mira ‘Tarkondemos’, Boǧazköy sealings and Karabel
Authors: Hawkins J. D. 
Published: January 2007

The historical geography of Anatolia in the period sourced by the Boǧazköy texts (Middle-Late Bronze Age) has proved an on-going problem since they first became available, and nowhere was this more acutely felt than in southern and western Anatolia, generally acknowledged as the site of the Arzawa lands, also probably the Lukka lands. A major advance has been registered since the mid-1980s, with the publication and interpretation of the Hieroglyphic inscription of Tudhaliya IV from Yalburt, and the Cuneiform treaty on the Bronze Tablet of the same king. These two documents have established that the later territory of Rough Cilicia constituted the Late Bronze Age kingdom of Tarhuntassa with its western border at Perge in Pamphylia, and that the Lukka lands did indeed occupy all of (or more than) classical Lycia in the south-west. These recognitions, by establishing the geography of the south and south-west, correspondingly reduced the areas of uncertainty in the west.In 1997 I was fortunately able to establish the reading of the Hieroglyphic inscription attached to the long-known Karabel relief, which lies inland from Izmir in a pass across the Tmolos range between Ephesos and Sardis. This can be shown to give the name of Tarkasnawa, King of Mira, and those of his father and grandfather, also kings of Mira but with names of uncertain reading. This is the same king known from his silver seal (referred to as ‘Tarkondemos' from an early and incorrect identification), and impressions of other seals of his have more recently been found at Boǧazköy. Clearly he was an important historical figure.
The Achaemenid painted pottery of Hasanlu IIIA
Authors: Dyson Robert H. 
Published: January 2007

This paper presents data on the painted pottery of Hasanlu II/IIIA from an analysis of field records. The excavation programme at Tepe Hasanlu was carried out between 1956 and 1977 for the University of Pennsylvania Museum, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the Archaeological Service of Iran. Period II/IIIA, the final pre-Islamic occupation of the site, dates to the Late Achaemenid-Early Hellenistic period. The painted pottery includes Western Triangle Ware, Cream-slipped Bichrome Ware, Brown-line Ware, and Classic Triangle Ware.Site and sequenceHasanlu is one of several large Iron Age mounds in the Qadar River valley at the southern end of Lake Urmia in western Azerbaijan, Iran. It consists of a central Citadel Mound (25m above the plain and about 200m in diameter) surrounded by an Outer Town. It was occupied from about 5500 BC to about 280 BC and again in Islamic times.
The Origins of the Urartians in the light of the Van/Karagündüz excavations
Authors: Sevin Veli 
Published: January 2007

The Urartian Kingdom, as is well known, played a major power role on the stage of history in eastern Anatolia in the second half of the ninth century BC and remained powerful until the second half of the seventh century BC. With their highly advanced architectural traditions and organised state structure, the Urartians take their place among the most exciting civilisations of the first half of the first millennium BC in the Near East.Extensive detailed research and publication has been carried out on Urartian civilisation for over a hundred years, but the origin and dynamics of the development of this civilisation are still obscure. The Assyrian annals, which start from the 13th century BC, are at present the only source for understanding the early periods. These records were intended as propaganda and their accuracy is in many instances thus questionable.
Troy in recent perspective
Authors: Easton D.F. , Hawkins J.D. , Sherratt A.G. , Sherratt E.S. 
Published: January 2007

AbstractThe historic series of excavations of Hisarlik-Troy have been continued over the last 15 years by a collaboration between teams from the universities of Tübingen and Cincinnati with fruitful results. Over the year 2001 however the director, Manfred Korfmann, attracted sharp criticism from colleagues, largely through the medium of the press, for his methods and publications. He was accused of exaggerating the importance of the site in the Late Bronze Age, particularly as a political capital and trading centre of Anatolia, and more specifically of unduly inflating the results of his investigations of the lower city. A symposium was convened by the University of Tübingen in February 2002 with a view to discussing these criticisms and the defence in an academic atmosphere. The four authors of this article attended the Tübingen symposium. After listening to the contributions it seemed to us that an assessment of the issues from our respective view-points would be timely: thus a detailed consideration of the archaeological questions, a review of the notable recent progress in Hittite sources firming up the historical geography of western Anatolia, and an evaluation of Troy's position in Late Bronze Age trade. In all these areas we conclude that the criticisms of Korfmann are themselves considerably exaggerated.
Pollen sequences from the city of Sagalassos (Pisidia, southwest Turkey)
Authors: Vermoere Marleen , Six Simon , Poblome Jeroen , Degryse Patrick , Paulissen Etienne , Waelkens Marc , Smets Erik 
Published: January 2007

AbstractTwo pollen sequences from the Classical city of Sagalassos (Pisidia, southwest Turkey) show that the hills just north of the city were forested during the main occupation period of the city (late Hellenistic to early Byzantine). They demonstrate that there was a mixed needle-leaved forest ofPinus, Cedrus libaniandAbies cilicica. The platform on which the city sat was already deforested, as is indicated by the presence of pollen from various light demanding herbs. Furthermore, there is evidence that grapevines (Vitis) were cultivated, indicating that much of the land below the city was already exploited for agricultural purposes. Walnut trees were also cultivated near the city. It is probable that suburban farmsteads were present close to the city. The pollen sequences show that man-made deposits from high altitudes may contain important information on the former natural and cultural vegetation of mountain sites in Anatolia. Archaeologists and palynologists should draw more attention to these pollen rich man-made contexts.
Laminar fate of cortical GABAergic interneurons is dependent on both birthdate and phenotype
Authors: Rymar Vladimir V. , Sadikot Abbas F. 
Published: January 2007

AbstractPioneering work indicates that the final position of neurons in specific layers of the mammalian cerebral cortex is determined primarily by birthdate. Glutamatergic projection neurons are born in the cortical proliferative zones of the dorsal telencephalon, and follow an “inside‐out” neurogenesis gradient: later‐born cohorts migrate radially past earlier‐born neurons to populate more superficial layers. GABAergic interneurons, the major source of cortical inhibition, comprise a heterogeneous population and are produced in proliferative zones of the ventral telencephalon. Mechanisms by which interneuron subclasses find appropriate layer‐specific cortical addresses remain largely unexplored. Major cortical interneuron subclasses can be identified based on expression of distinct calcium‐binding proteins including parvalbumin, calretinin, or calbindin. We determined whether cortical layer‐patterning of interneurons is dependent on phenotype. Parvalbumin‐positive interneurons populate cortical layers with an inside‐out gradient, and birthdate is isochronous to projection neurons in the same layers. In contrast, another major GABAergic subtype, labeled using calretinin, populates the cerebral cortex using an opposite “outside‐in” gradient, heterochronous to neighboring neurons. In addition to birthdate, phenotype is also a determinant of cortical patterning. Discovery of a cortical subpopulation that does not follow the well‐established inside‐out gradient has important implications for mechanisms of layer formation in the cerebral cortex. J. Comp. Neurol. 501:369–380, 2007. © 2007 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.