bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Declining hepatitis C rates in first‐time blood donors: insight from surveillance and case‐control risk factor studies
Authors: O'Brien Sheila F. , Fan Wenli , Xi Guoliang , Yi Qi‐Long , Goldman Mindy , Fearon Margaret A. , Infante‐Rivard Claire , Chiavetta Jo Anne , Willems Bernard , Pi David , Fast Margaret , Delage Gilles 
Published: May 2008

BACKGROUND: Hepatitis C virus (HCV) rates have decreased steadily in first‐time donors in Canada since testing was implemented but reasons are unclear. A description of factors that may have played a role in this decline is reported.STUDY DESIGN AND METHODS: Descriptive analysis of first‐time blood donors by HCV positivity status and year (1993‐2006), sex, and age was carried out. HCV‐positive first‐time donors and matched controls participated in a confidential scripted telephone interview about risk factors in 1993 through 1994 and in 2005 through 2006, and risk factors independently predicting HCV positivity were determined with multiple logistic regression.RESULTS: HCV‐positive donations occurred most frequently in donors born between 1945 and 1964 and decreased in this birth cohort over time (p < 0.01). At present, most first‐time donors (74%) are born after 1964. History of intravenous drug use, sex with an intravenous drug user, blood transfusion, and tattoo independently predicted (p < 0.01) HCV positivity in both periods (1993‐1994 and 2005‐2006).CONCLUSION: Most HCV‐positive donors were born between 1945 and 1964, and the decline in HCV rates is associated primarily with this birth cohort. The key risk factors predicting HCV positivity did not change over the 13 years of the study. With approximately two‐thirds of HCV‐positive Canadians in the general population having been tested for HCV, potential donors may be aware of their HCV status and be likely to self‐defer. This, and an increasing proportion of first‐time donors born after 1964, may contribute to declining HCV rates in first‐time donors.
Prediction of red cell and blood volumes distribution by various nomograms: do current nomograms overestimate?
Authors: Holme Stein , Elfath M. Dean , Heaton Andrew , Whitley Pamela , McNeil Deanna 
Published: May 2008

BACKGROUND: Currently used formulas for estimation of a person's red cell volume (RCV) by weight and height are decades old and were based on the use of 51Cr isotopes and on a sample population, which may not be reflective of today's population. In this study, the accuracy and precision of the use of 99mTc RCV measurements in volunteers more typical of today's population were evaluated.STUDY DESIGN AND METHODS: The subjects were volunteers who met the requirements for a standard blood donation.RESULTS: The mean ± standard deviation (SD) 99mTc RCV for 127 males (mean weight, 83.2 kg; height, 180 cm) was 2062 ± 339 mL, and for 101 females (mean weight, 69.5 kg; height, 166 cm) it was 1320 ± 201 mL. These results were highly correlated with RCV results with the standard extrapolation 51Cr method with stored red blood cells (RBCs) and highly consistent (within ±10%) by repeated measurements with the same 22 donors over a 3.5‐year period. The RCV results correlated with estimates from the current formulas, but were on average 11 to 14 percent lower.CONCLUSION: The studies demonstrated that 99mTc is a reproducible and precise method for determination of a person's RCV and that current formulas may significantly overestimate the RCV of today's population. This is likely the result of a shift in population characteristics over the past four decades as reflected by an increased mean body mass index (from 25 to 28 kg/m2), which has not resulted in a proportionally increased RCV.
Does an alloimmune response to strong immunogenic red blood cell antigens enhance a response to weaker antigens?
Authors: Schonewille Henk , Brand Anneke 
Published: May 2008

BACKGROUND: It has been suggested that an immune response against the high immunogenic D antigen also augments the immune response to less immunogenic red blood cell (RBC) antigens. Based on the high antibody frequency, E and K antigens can also be regarded as strong immunogens. The question is whether the immunization against E and K antigens also enhances the formation of other antibody specificities. This question is in particular relevant for patients who are currently transfused with RH‐ and/or K‐matched RBCs.STUDY DESIGN AND METHODS: A retrospective multicenter study analyzed FY, JK, and MNS antibodies alone and in combination with anti‐E and/or anti‐K. Analysis was performed for primary and subsequent antibody responses.RESULTS: In the cohort analyzed, 5016 patients possessed 5981 antibodies. Antibodies directed to multiple blood group systems were present in 606 of the 779 (78%) patients with multiple antibodies. In 88 of 1270 (6.9%) patients, FY, JK, and/or MNS antibodies appeared simultaneous with anti‐E and/or anti‐K during a primary antibody response after transfusion. Patients formed antibodies to antigens in the FY, JK, and MNS systems equally often as first antibodies followed by anti‐E or anti‐K than as second antibodies after anti‐E or anti‐K were already present. Patients with anti‐E and/or anti‐K or with antibodies to antigens in the FY, JK, and/or MNS systems equally often formed additional antibodies during a second antibody response.CONCLUSION: An immune response against allogeneic RBC antigens defines good responders who readily form antibodies against other antigens. No support was found that the response against strong RBC antigens also enhances the formation against weaker antigens.
Acute hemolysis of transfused A2 red cells by an auto‐HI antibody
Authors: Darabi Kamran , Makar Robert S. 
Published: May 2008

BACKGROUND: Anti‐HI is a common cold autoantibody that complicates serologic testing for underlying alloantibodies and has only rarely been associated with hemolysis. An unusual case of an acute hemolytic transfusion reaction (AHTR) due to an anti‐HI autoantibody in a subgroup A1 patient transfused with A2 red blood cells (RBCs) is reported.CASE REPORT: A 56‐year‐old man presented to the hospital with anemia and gastrointestinal tract bleeding. His medical history was significant for congestive heart failure, obesity, and pulmonary hypertension. On admission, he was noted to have a hemoglobin level of 7.7 g per dL and therefore transfusion of RBCs was ordered. The patient was group A, D– with a reactive antibody screen due to a cold autoantibody with HI specificity. Further serologic investigation did not detect any alloantibodies. The patient was issued an electronically cross‐matched group A, D– unit of RBCs. Several hours after the transfusion, he was found to be producing “Coca‐cola”‐colored urine with gross hemoglobinemia visible in a posttransfusion specimen, indicating an AHTR. A transfusion reaction investigation excluded mistransfusion or a missed alloantibody and instead revealed that the patient's anti‐HI had a high thermal amplitude and that the implicated unit of RBCs was from the A2 subgroup. The patient subsequently tolerated transfusion of a unit of group A1 RBCs through a blood warmer without any signs or symptoms of hemolysis.CONCLUSION: This case illustrates that anti‐HI autoantibodies rarely may behave like alloantibodies and cause AHTRs. Subsequent RBC transfusion with an appropriate ABO group or subgroup through a blood warmer is well tolerated.
Government Program Usage and Political Voice*
Authors: Mettler Suzanne , Stonecash Jeffrey M. 
Published: May 2008

Objectives. Despite the scope of U.S. social spending, we know little about cumulative program usage among individuals or how it may influence their political attitudes or behavior. This article examines program usage among citizens and probes the association of usage with program assessment and the likelihood of voting.Methods. We examine these issues using the 2005 Maxwell Poll, which uniquely asked respondents about both usage of 18 social programs as well as attitudes about such programs and rates of political involvement.Results. The data indicate that direct experience of social programs is fairly common and widespread across the population, but beneficiaries of programs differ in their assessments compared to nonbeneficiaries. Most significant, after controlling for various demographic factors, we find that the greater the number of universal programs citizens have used, the greater the likelihood that they vote; conversely, the greater the number of means‐tested programs they have used, the lower their likelihood of voting.Conclusion. Experiences of social programs may influence voter turnout and may help explain why young and less advantaged citizens vote less than older citizens. Trends in social provision may be fostering inequality of political voice, particularly among younger generations.
Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*
Authors: Driskell Robyn , Embry Elizabeth , Lyon Larry 
Published: May 2008

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation.Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation.Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation.Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.
Democracy Out of Anarchy: The Prospects for Post‐Civil‐War Democracy*
Authors: Gurses Mehmet , Mason T. David 
Published: May 2008

Objective. This study explores the effects of civil war outcome on post‐civil‐war democratization. We employ an expected utility model to argue that the attributes of the civil war that lead to balanced power relations between the warring parties lead to higher levels of postconflict democracy.Methods. We estimate a series of OLS regression models with change in the level of democracy (from the prewar level to five and ten years after the conflict ended) as the dependent variable.Results. Civil wars that end in negotiated settlements are more likely to experience higher levels of democratization than civil wars that end in military victory by either side. Identity‐based conflicts lead to lower levels of democratization while previous democratic experience seems to decrease post‐civil‐war democratization. We find no support for the argument that high war costs and U.N. peace‐keeping forces produce higher levels of democracy.Conclusions. Civil war may lead to more inclusive polities if it serves to even the balance of power between contending groups in the nation. Power balance is more likely to bring about more democratic polities, especially where power sharing is formalized in a negotiated settlement.
Measuring Legislator Ideology*
Authors: Griffin John D. 
Published: May 2008

Objective. Previous models of roll‐call voting have either ignored the role of legislator ideology or have employed questionable measures of it. A defensible measure of legislator ideology is needed.Methods. This study surveys former members of Congress (MCs) to obtain a new measure of legislator preferences. The measure has several attractive properties, appears to be valid, and is unique compared to a preference measure others have used.Results. Validating the measure in a model of roll‐call voting reveals that the importance of legislators' ideologies is similar to that of their party affiliations.Conclusions. A useful measure of legislators' ideologies can be generated using a postretirement instrument.
Preferences for Juries Over Judges Across Racial and Ethnic Groups*
Authors: Rose Mary R. , Ellison Christopher , Diamond Shari Seidman 
Published: May 2008

Objective. The objective of this article is to explore whether a preference for juries rather than judges to decide legal cases varies across racial and ethnic groups. We hypothesized that minorities (African Americans, Hispanics), who generally express less trust in the legal system, may also express less trust in juries than non‐Hispanic whites.Method. A representative sample of 1,465 residents of Texas were surveyed and asked whether they would prefer a jury or a judge to be the decisionmaker in four hypothetical circumstances. Analyses control for a number of possible factors that might also predict views of the jury besides race and ethnicity.Results. Consistent with expectations, non‐Hispanic whites favored juries over judges, particularly if they imagined themselves as a defendant in a criminal trial. By comparison, African Americans and some Hispanics showed a weaker preference for a jury over a judge. African Americans had markedly lower support for the civil jury, but jury support was higher among minorities with prior jury service. Among Hispanics, respondents who took the survey in Spanish typically preferred a judge to make legal decisions.Conclusions. Faith in the jury as a more trustworthy decision‐making body is weakest among those groups that have a history of discriminatory treatment in the legal system and who are less acculturated on other measures, such as language dominance.
Personal Attributes and Latino Voting Behavior in Congress*
Authors: Rocca Michael S. , Sanchez Gabriel R. , Uscinski Joseph 
Published: May 2008

Objective. Researchers have long examined the nature of representation, paying particular attention to the dynamics of descriptive and substantive representation in racial and ethnic communities. The objective of this article is to determine the extent to which personal attributes influence the voting behavior of Latino members of Congress.Methods. We test the relationship between legislator's personal attributes and Poole and Rosenthal's DW‐NOMINATE scores for Latino members of the 101st–108th Congresses.Results. After controlling for institutional and electoral factors, results show that education, gender, nativity, and generation have significant effects on Latino legislators' voting behavior. Religion and national origin appear not to have an effect.Conclusions. This analysis shows that personal attributes predict Latino congressional voting even when controlling for district and institutional factors. As such, this study demonstrates that Latino legislators have in‐group differences and therefore should not be considered a monolithic group.
Anglo and Latino Differences in Willingness to Pay for Urban Public Services*
Authors: Alozie Nicholas O. , McNamara Catherine 
Published: May 2008

Objective. This research explores Anglo and Latino differences in willingness to pay for urban public services, assuming differences will impact service delivery in local government as the Latino population increases and becomes more visible.Methods. Survey data from a probability sample of Phoenix residents, now the nation's fifth largest city, are analyzed across 28 city services using multiple mechanisms that included a logit multivariate model.Results. Latinos are substantially more likely than Anglos to report willingness to pay for urban public services. These differences cut across services and are not mitigated by Latino income levels.Conclusions. Latinos are prepared to be full partners in improving service delivery in local government, even at the expense of out‐of‐pocket payment for services. Moreover, while increases in the Latino population will carry greater demand for more and high‐quality city services by Latinos, it is unlikely to alter the menu of preferred services along class or race/ethnic lines. The fact that Latinos seem generally more willing to pay for services also raises the possibility that Latinos are interested in investing in their communities, seeking more opportunities, and perhaps remaining in those communities.
Stagnation of Heights Among Second‐Generation U.S.‐Born Army Personnel*
Authors: Komlos John 
Published: May 2008

Objectives.The physical stature of a population is a useful supplementary indicator of the living standards of children and youth insofar as it is sensitive to income and medical care. It is, thus, somewhat of a conundrum that U.S. heights tended to stagnate between around the mid‐1950s to the mid‐1970s birth cohorts, an otherwise economically prosperous period. Because of the controversial nature of the finding based on the NHANES data sets we seek independent corroborating evidence.Methods.The height of U.S.‐born army personnel is analyzed in order to explore ethnic and second‐generation effects on height, in particular if these affect the trend among the birth cohorts of the 1950s and 1960s. We limit the regression analysis to U.S.‐born (non‐Hispanic) blacks and whites, controlling for ethnicity (own, mother's, and father's), foreign‐born parents, and region of their birth within the United States stratified by race and gender.Results.We find that none of the above variables affect the trend meaningfully: the height of U.S. military personnel tended to stagnate during the period considered. Only black males showed some improvement in height. Hence, the army data support the trends obtained from the civilian population, which cannot be controlled for second‐generation effects.Conclusion.The quality of nutritional intake and of medical care was not improving among children and youth in these decades in spite of the fact that the income of their parents was increasing.
Becoming a Dad: Employment Trajectories of Married, Cohabiting, and Nonresident Fathers*
Authors: Percheski Christine , Wildeman Christopher 
Published: May 2008

Objectives. This article considers how becoming a father affects men's employment levels and tests whether the effects of fatherhood differ by the relationship of the father to the child's mother at the time of the birth.Methods. We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to fit growth curve models of new fathers' employment trajectories for the first five years after they become fathers.Results. Prior to becoming a father, married men worked more hours per week and more weeks per year than cohabiting and nonresident fathers. By five years after the birth, differences in employment between unmarried and married fathers had diminished.Conclusions. The transition to fatherhood is associated with an increase in employment for unmarried fathers but is not associated with significant changes in employment for married fathers.
Framing Effects on Public Opinion During Prewar and Major Combat Phases of the U.S. Wars with Iraq*
Authors: Borrelli Stephen A. , Lockerbie Brad 
Published: May 2008

Objectives.Our purpose was to develop and test several hypotheses concerning the impact of poll‐question wording on aggregate public support for war. We drew on general insights from framing theory and specific insights from various theories of public support for war.Methods.Our database consisted of two collections of aggregate poll results drawn from the prewar and major combat phases of the Gulf War (1990–1991) and the Second War with Iraq (2002–2003). For each data set, we used multivariate OLS regression to gauge the impact of specific question‐wording variations on the percentage of respondents expressing support for war, controlling for systematic time and pollster effects.Results.Most of the hypothesized wording effects were significant in the expected direction. Mentioning WMDs, terrorism, Saddam, hostages, and international support for war boosted aggregate war support in one or both wars; mentioning the president, oil or gasoline, international opposition to war, and U.S. or Iraqi casualties depressed support.Conclusions.Various theories emphasizing different “rational” aspects of public attitudes toward war are supported. However, the significance of mentioning Saddam by name in the Second War with Iraq, and mentioning the president in both wars, would seem to imply framing effects based more on emotion and/or symbolism.
Single‐Mother Families and Air Pollution: A National Study*
Authors: Downey Liam , Hawkins Brian 
Published: May 2008

Objective. This study uses tract‐level demographic data and toxicity‐weighted air pollutant concentration estimates for the continental United States to determine whether (1) single‐mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts and (2) the percentage of single‐mother families in a Census tract is a significant predictor of tract‐level toxic concentration estimates.Methods. After calculating tract‐level toxic concentration estimates for the average female‐headed family, male‐headed family, and married‐couple family with and without children, we use fixed‐effects regression models to determine whether the percentage of single‐mother families in a tract is a significant predictor of tract‐level toxic concentration estimates.Results. Single‐mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts, and the percentage of single‐mother families in a tract remains a significant predictor of estimated toxic concentration levels even after controlling for many of the most commonly used variables in the literature.Conclusion. Environmental inequality researchers need to broaden their focus beyond race and income to include groups such as single‐mother families in their research.
Mapping Perceptions of Animal Experimentation: Trend and Explanatory Factors*
Authors: Crettaz von Roten Fabienne 
Published: May 2008

Objective. The goal of this article is to map out attitudes toward animal experimentation in Switzerland, more specifically, to document the current attitudes, analyze the change of attitudes over the last 10 years, and explain these attitudes.Methods. This study analyzes a series of Swiss surveys that measure public attitudes toward the environment and science (ISSP, 1994, 2000; EB, 2001, 2005).Results. It is shown that the relative majority of Swiss are against animal research in 2005 and that refusals are increasing since 1994. Attitudes toward animal testing are explained by attitudes toward science, attitudes toward nature, and values.Conclusions. The study of attitudes toward animal experimentation makes important contributions to sociology and, in particular, to the public understanding of science (PUS) research.