bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Land tenure in Attica and Solon'sSeisachtheia
Authors: Hammond N. G. L. 
Published: May 2006

A great advance in this subject was made by A. J. V. Fine, who studied the extantὅροιand some of the literary evidence, but the general tendency in recent writing about Solon has been to dwell on the views of other scholars rather than to assess the ancient evidence. In seeking to redress the balance in this paper, I acknowledge my debt to the authors of the books and articles which I have used and cited. Our chief task is to discover the conditions under which various forms of property and especially landed property were held in seventh-century Athens; for this is essential, if we are to shed any light on Draco's laws of debt and Solon'sSeisachtheia.Many explanations of Solon's work have been based on the axioms that land in Attica had passed into the possession of individuals long before the time of Solon and was therefore available in his time for mortgage, seizure and sale. This axiom was expressed thus by Swoboda: ‘one thing is quite certain, that private ownership is of high antiquity among the Greeks and the persistence of clan- or family-ownership till Solon's day appears absolutely excluded’; and Glotz drew the logical deduction that during the seventh century land in Attica was changing hands more and more from day to day. The purpose of this paper is to show that this axiom is incorrect in respect of one kind of land and that a new explanation may be advanced. It is divided into five parts: the organisation of society in early Attica, the tenure of property, theSeisachtheia, fourth-century explanations of Solon's reform, and a summary of conclusions.
The Return of Orestes
Authors: Kenna V. E. G. 
Published: May 2006

In their accounts of the return of Orestes, the three great tragedians show respect for the ancient tradition and the greatness of it by their several interpretations. Each preserves the general tenor of the legend. Electra awaits the return of her brother to avenge her father's death. The secrecy of his return delays recognition, but once Orestes is made known to his sister the punishment of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus becomes inevitable. Of the differences in action and character in each play, the most significant is the means whereby the recognition of Orestes takes place. This affects not only the mood of each tragedy, but its construction.The recognition scene placed early in the Choephori (224) presents an almost rustic simplicity (lines 228, 231, 232). This matches the lament and slow movement of the invocation by Orestes, Electra and the chorus that follow. The audience are spectators of a simple action from which the drama as simply proceeds. Such simplicity rightly receives an archaic treatment derived from a great religious tradition. The Euripidean version, psychologically more complicated, shows the interplay of personal relationships largely dependent upon memory. This complexity, expressed in the intricate nature of prologue, delays the recognition of Orestes by Electra. Yet in Euripides (Electra 577) the scene still occurs comparatively early—perhaps in deference to tradition, or perhaps that the movement of vengeance can be more fully displayed. In Sophocles (Electra 1224), however, the recognition scene is placed towards the end of the play.
Mycenae, 1952
Authors: Wace A. J. B. 
Published: May 2006

The British excavations at Mycenae in 1952 were conducted with a research grant from the American Philosophical Society assisted by contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trustees, and the British School at Athens, under whose aegis the work was carried out. The principal objectives were the ruins by side of the modern carriage road once tentatively called a Hellenistic Gymnasium, further investigation of the Prehistoric Cemetery outside the Lion Gate to the west, the clearing of the House of the Oil Merchant (found in 1950 and formerly called the House of Stirrup Jars) and of the House ofthe Wine Merchant (found in 1951 and part of the Cyclopean Terrace Building).The so-called Hellenistic Gymnasium, now completely cleared, proved to be a Fountain House to be identified with the Perseia Krene seen by Pausanias among the ruins of Mycenae. Here presumably Tsountas found the inscribed poros base which mentions Perseus and clearly belonged to a fountain. There are two basins, one wide and one narrow, built against a terrace wall of ashlar poros of late classical date. The existing ruins are Hellenistic, but overlie an earlier water channel. The water was probably led down from the well-known spring (now called neromána) which lies about twenty minutes above the acropolis to the east. Built into one of the basins is an inscription dating from the second quarter of the fifth century B.C., a boundary stone from a shrine of Hera. The identification of this Fountain House as the Perseia Krene confirms yet further the accuracy of Pausanias' account of Mycenae.
Plutarch's Style in the Marius
Authors: Carney T. F. 
Published: May 2006

In writing on Plutarch as a literary artist there is a tendency to confuse Plutarch's personality, which appears from his writings as ingenuous and somewhat naïve, with his style, which has all the sophistication of the classical renaissance of which his writings form a part. Actually, extensive acquaintance with many aspects of literary craftsmanship is visible in his work. His careful avoidance of hiatus was noticed as long ago as 1841 by Benseler. More recently it has been discovered that Plutarch writes rhythmical prose, with a great preference for certain definite forms. He is thoroughly versed in the various schemata for the presentation of material. Boissonade termed his style a mosaic because it is so well adapted for dealing with the various themes occurring in theLives;Plutarch has in fact perfect command over matter and form as a result of a thorough acquaintance with a rich literary tradition.The metaphors and similes which appear in thisLifeseem on a first reading in ill accord with the sophistication of its general craftsmanship. They are stereotyped into the thought-content, and even the diction, traditional for the symbolism they express. Their infrequency and the elaboration of the metaphors in particular makes them stand out starkly. This conspicuousness and careful articulation is significant. The metaphors and similes are in fact strikingly put so that they emphasise the passages in which they occur, and recall one another vividly to mind. Analysis reveals that they are used in two ways: as points of reference and emphasis (they occur only at important junctures) and to indicate the unity of lengthy passages. Long and elaborate metaphors occur at 11.1, 35.1, and 46.4, marking respectively the Germanic war, the civil war, and Marius' fate and death. A metaphor and simile grouped together, at 23.1 and at 32.1, 3 respectively, tell of Catulus' reverse and the Social War; two similes commence the developments which are to lead to Marius' death at 45.1–2. Less striking metaphors anticipate the civil war (10.5) and the Marian massacre (43.4).
Alexander's Macedonian Cavalry
Authors: Brunt P. A. 
Published: May 2006

Sir William Tarn devoted some of the best pages in his Alexander the Great to Alexander's Macedonian troops. He has made many improvements on the account given by H. Berve. Yet doubts may be voiced or amendments suggested.I. ProdromoiIt is known that the Companion cavalry at Gaugamela were formed in eight squadrons or ilai (Arr. iii 11.8), of which one was the royal squadron par excellence or the ‘agema of the Companions’. It is unlikely that the number of ilai had been reduced since 334, as reinforcements had probably more than compensated for losses (section V). Plutarch, however, says in his life of Alexander (16.2) that at the Granicus Alexander plunged into the stream with 13 ilai. His account of the battle closely resembles Arrian's, and he cites Aristobulus on the number of Macedonian casualties. The statement quoted probably then corresponds to Arrian's (i 14.6) that Alexander ordered the prodromoi and Paeonians under Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, into the river, together with one foot regiment which was preceded by Socrates' cavalry squadron, and that he himself followed with the whole right wing. Plutarch's 13 squadrons may thus be identified with the 8 squadrons of the Companions plus 5 of prodromoi and Paeonians. The Paeonians themselves can be classified, perhaps by error, as prodromoi (Arr. iii 8.1) or distinguished from them (i 14.1 and 6; ii 9.2; iii 12.3); they could have formed only a single squadron, distinct from 4 squadrons of prodromoi under command of the same Amyntas (Arr. i 12.7) or sarissophoroi (iv 4.6) of whom we hear elsewhere.
Did Arethas read Athenaeus?
Authors: Wilson N. G. 
Published: May 2006

I begin this note by announcing a palaeographical discovery of some interest concerning the famous Venetian manuscript of Athenaeus (MS. Marcianus gr. 447), which is our only source for most of the text of that author. Examination of the handwriting has convinced me that folios 3–348, nearly the whole manuscript, were written by John the Calligraphier, the scribe who was commissioned by Arethas of Caesarea to produce well-known and important copies of Plato (MS. E. D. Clarke 39) and Aristides (MS. Laurentianus Plut. 60.3 and Parisinus gr. 2951). The accompanying illustration should make the identity clear (see plates xi). It is worth noting that owing to a special circumstance the two previously published facsimiles did not permit the identification of the hand. They were both selected from a part of the book where John wrote in a rather larger hand than usual; for in this manuscript, unlike the others that he copied, his writing gradually became larger as he progressed. This, however, was a habit common to many scribes and does not cast any doubt on the validity of identifying his hand here.The first consequence of identifying the hand is that it becomes possible to date the manuscript fairly precisely. The other books written by John are dated to A.D. 895 and c. A.D. 917–28, and as the span of thirty-five years is at least as long as a calligrapher can be assumed to have exercised his profession, it seems reasonable to place the Athenaeus between the two other books.
A Latin Commentary (? Translated by Boethius) on the Prior Analytics, and its Greek Sources
Authors: Minio-Paluello L. 
Published: May 2006

Cod. Florence Bibl. Nazion. Centr. Conv. Soppr. J.VI.34—formerly in Niccolò Niccoli's and St. Mark's libraries—written in a beautiful French hand of c. A.D. 1150–1200—contains the second edition of Boethius's translation of Pr. An. Many scholia, written on the margins and between the lines by the same calligraphic hand which wrote the Aristotelian text or by a hand very similar to and contemporary with it, accompany the translation in this MS. They are mainly concentrated in about one-half of the work, viz. in book i.23–30 (4ob–46a) and book ii (52a–70b); quite a few accompany i. 1, 5–6, 30–45 (24a, 27b–28a, 46a–50a); almost none is to be found in i. 10–14, 17–22 (30b7–33b25, 37a25–40b10). Arrangement and writing suggest that the scribe intended to give the reader Aristotle's text together with what was available to him of an authoritative commentary.The scholia range, in nature and extent, from short glosses on single words or phrases and short summaries of sections of Aristotle's work to detailed explanations and doctrinal developments of important or difficult passages. Here and there carefully drawn diagrams illustrate logical rules and geometrical examples. The following scholia are mainly chosen from book i; others, from both books, will be given farther on.
Plato, Phaedo 74 A–B
Authors: Tarrant Dorothy 
Published: May 2006

The questions involved in this passage continue to be matter of debate. At this point in the dialogue the Forms are not yet regarded as causes, or as ‘in’ particulars; they are here introduced as in each case the perfect type, which particulars so named imperfectly resemble. Thus, equal things are described as being ‘like’ αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον How far can this statement be reconciled with the case of the other Forms, which are presently instanced as on a par with ‘the Equal’ (75 c–d, οὐ γὰρ περὶ τοῦ ἴσου νῦν ὁ λόγος ἡμῖν μᾶλλόν τι ἤ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δικαίου καὶ ὁσίου). Further, what is the point and significance of the plural phrase αὐτὰ τὰ ἴσα?(I) αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον Plato does not at any point in his argument indicate that he finds any difference in status between αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον and the other perfect types. He refers to it in terms which become familiar in relation to the Forms of being. Thus, 74c, ἐκ τούτων . . .τῶν ἴσων, ἑτέρων ὄντων ἐκείνου τοῦ ἴσου 74d, ὅταν τίς τι ἰδὼν ἐννοήσῃ ὅτι βούλεται μὲν τοῦτο . . . εἶναι οἶον ἄλλο τι τῶν ὄντων, ἐνδεῖ δέ, κτλ 75a, ἰδόντες τὰ ἴσα ἐνενοήσαμεν, ὅτι ὀρέγεται μὲν πάντα ταῦτα εἶναι οἶον τὸ ἴσον, ἔχει δέ ἐνδεεστέρως . . . ἐκείνου τε ὀρέγεται τοῦ ἔστιν ἴσον, καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐνδεέστερά έστιν 75b, εἰληφότας ἐπιστήμην αὐτοῦ ἴσου ὅτι ἔστιν It is after this passage of exercise, so to speak, in the concept of αὐτὸ τὸ ἴσον that he explicitly (75c–d, already quoted) places this Form on a level with αὐτὸ τὸ καλόν and the rest.
Al-Fārābī's Theory of Prophecy and Divination
Authors: Walzer R. 
Published: May 2006

It is the purpose of this paper to draw the attention of classical scholars to an Arabic theory of prophecy and divination which, though known for a long time in the original text and in modern translation, has quite escaped the notice of those interested in the history of late Greek philosophy and its continuation in mediæval Islam. I mean here by prophecy and divination, like the Arabic author I am going to deal with, all kinds of apparently supernatural knowledge, concerned with the realm of the transcendent as well as with particular events in the future and special happenings at the present time. The possessors of this knowledge are characterised as individuals of a peculiar excitability and a range of imagination which exceeds the normal. Attempts at explaining phenomena of this kind in rational terms were not uncommon in Greek philosophy from Plato's days down to late Neoplatonism. I propose to show that the Arabic theory continues these Greek discussions and to suggest that it represents, at the same time, a facet of Greek thought which has not survived in its original context.Al-Fārābῑ (c. A.D. 870–950), a well-known Muslim Neoplatonist and Aristotelian of outstanding importance in the history of Islamic philosophy, deals at some length with prophecy in his workThe Views of the People of the Best State. Since, in accordance with the Greek tradition, he connects divination and prophecy with an innate faculty of the soul itself, and does not describe it as a state of possession by supernatural powers, his explanation of these phenomena is linked up with his analysis of man and his Neoplatonic-Aristotelian metaphysics. Prophecy is auxiliary to the rational faculty and as such an indispensable ingredient in man's perfection; divine inspiration (wahy) can be understood as the union of the highest philosophical knowledge with the highest form of prophecy; but the primacy of reason and philosophy is maintained, prophecy being confined to the faculty of imagination, which is given a less humble position than in Aristotle'sDe anima, but still ranked as inferior to philosophy.
The Casting-Technique of Certain Greek Bronzes
Authors: Raven-Hart R. 
Published: May 2006

It is here suggested that the carved effect of many Greek bronzes, or of parts of them, is due rather to their having been cast from carved originals than to extensive tooling of the metal cast as is frequently assumed.Many of the early small Greek bronzes (Geometric and Archaic: especially at Olympia) present this appearance, looking as if they had been carved rather than modelled. This could be explained in one of two ways: (1) by assuming very extensive tooling of the bronze after casting from a modelled original; or (2) by assuming that this original was carved and not modelled.The first seems to be tacitly accepted by many writers, and is explicitly stated by some. It is of course entirely possible; but after all the Greek craftsmen were practical men, and extensive tooling is not only laborious and therefore expensive, but is also dangerous in that any slip of the tool may ruin not only the cast but the whole work of the artist if this was originally in wax, lost by cire perdue casting. If it were possible to do the carving on the original, of some material softer than bronze, and above all if it were possible to replace and re-carve a mis-carved portion of that original, any sculptor would be inclined to prefer such a process to cold work on the bronze.The second assumes that the original was carved. Seltman definitely adopts it: ‘from about 800 B.C. for more than three centuries the Greeks generally made their small bronzes from carved wooden models’, by means of ‘wet clay moulds, which, after being sun-dried, would be taken from the wooden figures and fired’. Against this is the fact that it would not be possible to remove those ‘clay moulds’ except in many separate parts, owing to the under-cutting of many of the examples he figures; and this for originals only a few inches high, so that these parts would be so minute as almost to demand tweezers and a watchmaker's glass to handle them.
Alexander's March from Miletus to Phrygia
Authors: Stark Freya 
Published: May 2006

The march of Alexander from the Granicus to Issus is given by Arrian in less than a dozen pages scattered among various sieges that are more fully described; Plutarch, Diodorus and Quintus Curtius do less, and no more than a page or two apiece has come down to us on the whole of these movements.Although his first meeting with Asia was probably the most important experience in Alexander's adult life, and though the Anatolian campaigns lasted a year and a half, or even a little more, out of the short total of eleven years that were left him, the poverty of the sources has imposed its brevity on modern historians also. Professor Tarn—who is as much a bedside book to modern devotees as the Iliad was to their hero—describes the marches and countermarches of Asia Minor in little more than three pages; and there is a great gap left us from classical times between Xanthus and Phaselis in Lycia. It would be absurd to think of filling it. But after sailing down the coast, I believed that some evidence might be gathered by comparing the written scraps left us with the nature of the places recorded, provided this were done before the road-building policy of modern Turkey succeeds in changing the pace of living in these mountains. Hitherto their ruins have scarcely been altered except by a natural decay; and the methods of travel being as slow as ever they were before, except along a very few roads, the flavour of their past is preserved.In this essay the geography is attempted, with the problems and such answers to them as my rather intermittent journeys seemed able to provide. Someone better equipped than I am may find the outline useful and venture more profitably, before too much time goes by; for the interest is not one of geography merely. By visualising the routes which were chosen, the motives and processes by which that choice was made become clearer; and behind these motives and processes is the most dynamic being that the world has perhaps ever known.
Law-Making at Athens at the end of the Fifth Century B.C.
Authors: Harrison A. R. W. 
Published: May 2006

For students of Athenian private and public law it is a painful, but undeniable fact that there is still grave uncertainty as to the precise methods by which statutes, one of the most important sources of law, were made at the most formative period of the history of the system from the middle of the fifth century B.C. onwards. There have been two fairly recent and conflicting attempts to clear up some of the main points, those of Kahrstedt and of Mrs. Atkinson. Neither treatment seems wholly satisfactory, and in particular neither seems to take any account of J. H. Oliver's publication of additions to the code or of Ferguson's paper on these same additions. It may therefore be worthwhile re-examining the evidence for one chapter at least of the story, the chapter covering roughly the twenty years beginning in 411 B.C.I cannot avoid a word on sources, in the historical not the legal sense. In the literary field historians and political theorists are very unhelpful. The problem does not seem to have interested them. Here therefore we have to rely mainly on two other classes of authority, firstly, grammarians and lexicographers, who were interested in the archaisms of the laws of Drakon and Solon, secondly, and most fruitful of all, the orators. In the orators we must distinguish between the documents cited in the texts and the orators' own words. I do not discuss the validity of the cited documents, but must content myself with saying that with regard to the more important documents which are here relevant there is now fairly general agreement among scholars that they are genuine. Statements of the orators themselves must always be examined under the microscope and allowance made for possible distortions due to the speaker's desire to support the particular point which he is making.
The Danaid Tetralogy of Aeschylus
Authors: Diamantopoulos A. 
Published: May 2006

The humour of the passage in the Frogs (1419 ff.), in which the tragic poets reply with riddles on burning political issues, is explicable: research on the Eumenides shows that in this play Aeschylus projected political notions in much the way that he is presented by Aristophanes speaking in the Frogs: concentrating the attention of the spectator on the past of the Areopagus and on the circumstance of its foundation, he touches directly on the question which arose in 462–1 through the abolition of the political competence of this body, but he replies to it through a parable which is enigmatic for us. It is obviously such an expression as this that Aristophanes had in mind. It rests with philological and historical criticism to show whether in surviving tragedies other than Eumenides themes of an immediate public interest are put forward under the cover of myth, themes which, through ignorance of the date or of the exact conditions of the composition of the plays, have so far not been revealed. This essay examines from this point of view the Danaid tetralogy of Aeschylus.The subject of the Danaid tetralogy is taken from the story of Danaos and his daughters. For this, Aeschylus could draw on both a literary source, the Danais, and probably also on Argive traditions.Very little is known about the Danais. It did, however, include an account of the events which took place in Egypt between the houses of Danaos and Aigyptos, and it is likely, therefore, that it traced the course of this quarrel from the beginning.