bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Bowshot and Marathon
Authors: McLeod W. 
Published: May 2006

In a searching analysis of ‘The Campaign and the Battle of Marathon’ (JHS lxxxviii [1968] 13–57) Professor N. G. L. Hammond has paid me the compliment of mentioning my discussion of the range of the ancient bow (17 n. 27). The evidence had suggested to me that the bowshot was ‘at least 160–175 metres, but not as far as 350–450 metres’. These results, in Hammond's words, fail to‘take into account the nature of the target. For instance his lower figure is based on the firing of incendiary arrows (his T1 = Hdt. viii 52.1), which needed no power of penetration, and the higher figure is based on unarmoured horses at that distance being out of range (his T2 = Hdt. ix 22–23), which is almost equivalent to the extreme range because a horse is easily stung into action by an arrow.’The near equivalence of ‘out of range’ and ‘within extreme range’ may raise an eyebrow; but let it pass. On the essential point we agree: in Herodotus ix 22–23, two stades is beyond effective bowshot.So far as the terminus a quo is concerned, the Persian fire arrows shot from the Areopagus must have had some power of penetration; for they were useless unless they stuck to the wooden wall. Moreover, the target was twenty-eight metres higher than the launching-point; if the line of flight were projected downwards to the level of the archers, the cast would have been greater. Again, Herodotus says that the Persians wound hemp around their arrows. Hollow heads for incendiary arrows (JSA-A iii [1960] 22–24) were apparently a later invention; at any rate piles from this assault on the Acropolis are all typical Iranian war-heads (Hesperia ii [1933] 341–342; iv [1935] 114–117). The tinder binding—bulky enough to keep a spark through the trajectory, and then to kindle the barricade—would interfere with the smooth flow of air past the shaft and curtail the range. It follows that, if a fire arrow from the Areopagus could reach the Acropolis 155 metres away, a war arrow from the same bow would carry even further. There are uncertainties, admittedly, but it seems unwise to jettison the testimony of Herodotus viii 52.1 on these grounds.
The Arabic version of Galen's De Sectis ad eos qui introducuntur
Authors: Wilkie J. S. , Lloyd G. E. R. 
Published: May 2006

In this study we have compared an Arabic translation with a well-edited Greek text, in the preparation of which, moreover, the editors have found no evidence of any major lacunae in their MSS, and which we may suppose to correspond closely with Galen's original composition. It was, consequently, from the first improbable that we should make any very striking discoveries: nothing was to be expected at all comparable with the indubitable evidence for the inversion of a leaf in the codex from which are derived our Greek manuscripts of Galen's An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur (Furley and Wilkie, CR xxii [1972] 164–7).For anyone interested in the Arabic translations of Galen's works there was, however, a compensatory advantage in the possibility thus presented of assessing the quality of the Arabic version. The reputation of the translator, Hunain ibn Isḥāq, has, indeed, already been long established; and we were prepared to find his translation at the least respectable; it is safe to say, however, that we have found it uniformly excellent.
The pagan holy man in late antique society
Authors: Fowden Garth 
Published: May 2006

A Love and desire, to sequester a Mans Selfe, for a Higher Conversation … is found, to have been falsely and fainedly, in some of the Heathen; AsEpimenidesthe Candian,Numathe Roman,Empedoclesthe Sicilian, andApolloniusof Tyana; And truly and really, in divers of the Ancient Hermits, and Holy Fathers of the Church.F. Bacon,Of friendshipThe holy men of Greco-Roman paganism will never inspire either the reverence or the fascinated horror that the ascetics and monks of early Christianity have commanded ever since they first impinged on the common mind in the time of Antony and Athanasios. Writing for a Christian audience, Francis Bacon could dismiss the semi-mythical Epimenides and Numa, and notorious exhibitionists like Empedokles and Apollonios, as self-evident imposters; while in our own less devout times the abundance of the hagiographical literature ensures that the Christian saint will preoccupy scholars for the indefinite future, if only as the unwitting patron of a mass of historical and sociological data that is only just beginning to be analysed. Yet this is poor excuse for neglecting the pagan holy man, who came in the later Roman empire to play a conspicuous part in his own religious tradition, and also affords instructive points of comparison with his Christian competitors. This paper offers a first orientation towards such wider perspectives, by investigating the social and historical consequences entailed by the distinctive pagan concept of personal holiness. It will be suggested that a tendency to associate holiness with philosophical learning (Section I) determined the essentially urban (II) and privileged (III) background of the pagan holy man, and also encouraged his gradual drift to the periphery of society (IV).
ΚΥΡΙΕ, ΔΕΣΠΟΤΑ,Domine. Greek Politeness in the Roman Empire
Authors: Dickey Eleanor 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWhy did the Greeks of the Roman period make such extensive use of the vocative κύριε, when Greeks of earlier periods had been content with only one vocative meaning ‘master’, δέσποτα? This study, based primarily on a comprehensive search of documentary papyri but also making extensive use of literary evidence (particularly that of the Septuagint and New Testament), traces the development of both terms from the classical period to the seventh century AD. It concludes that κύριε was created to provide a translation for Latindomine, and thatdomine, which has often been considered a translation of κύριε, had a Roman origin. In addition, both κύριε anddominewere from their beginnings much less deferential than is traditionally supposed, so that neither term underwent the process of ‘weakening’ which converted English ‘master’ into ‘Mr’. δέσποτα, which was originally far more deferential than the other two terms, did undergo some weakening, but not (until a very late period) as much as is usually supposed. These findings in turn imply that Imperial politeness has been somewhat misunderstood and suggest that the Greeks of the first few centuries AD were much less servile in their language than is traditionally assumed.
Anankein Herodotus
Authors: Munson Rosaria Vignolo 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThis paper examines Herodotus' use of words of the ἀνάγκη family in order to determine which external or internal constraints the historian represents as affecting the causality of events. M. Ostwald's Ἀνάγκηin Thucydides(1988) provides a foundation for examining the more restricted application of these terms in Herodotus (85 occurrences vs. 161 in Thucydides). In Herodotus, divine necessity (absent in Thucydides) refers to the predictable results of human wrongdoings more often than to a force constraining human choices. This represents an especially ambiguous Herodotean category, however, and is expressed by a wider range of terms than those with ἀνάγκη-stems. The analysis of natural ἀνάγκη yields more clear-cut results. (1) In Herodotus (and not in Thucydides) ἀνάγκη often qualifies an aggressive compulsion applied by a personal agent. (2) Victims of this despotic ἀνάγκη are partially excused, but those who resist it earn Herodotus' praise. (3) Most importantly, Herodotus (unlike Thucydides) never in turn applies ἀνάγκη words to circumstances that motivate imperialistic actions, especially starting a war. (4) Whereas in Thucydides agents are ‘compelled’ to act also by fear and other internal impulses, the only psychological factor to which Herodotus applies ἀνάγκη words (and this time mostly in a positive sense) is moral obligation.Herodotus' concept of ἀνάγκη is moralistic, and consistent with his unwillingness to justify imperialism, his practice of assigning responsibility, and his high regard fornomos, on the one hand, and freedom on the other. The narrator's involvement in these principles is reflected in Herodotus' use of ἀνάγκη terms in self-referential statements of the type ‘I am compelled/not compelled to say x.’ These statements represent the narrator as the opposite of an imperial subject and analogous to the most admirable of his characters on the receiving end of compulsion. He is a free agent, who disregards political pressure and is exclusively compelled by the rules that apply to him as researcher and truthful recorder.
Philochorus, Pollux and thenomophulakesof Demetrius of Phalerum
Authors: O'sullivan Lara 
Published: May 2006

AbstractA board of ‘law-guardians’, ornomophulakes, has long been associated with the Athenian regime of Demetrius of Phalerum (317-307 BC). The duties of Demetrius' officials have been surmised from an entry onnomophulakesin theAtthisof Philochorus (FGrHist328 F64), which lists their central functions as the supervision of magistrates and the prevention of illegal resolutions by the assembly and council. This understanding of the fourth-centurynomophulakesstands in contradiction to the explicit testimony of Pollux (8.102), who asserts that Demetrius changed the name of thehendeka, the eleven Athenian gaolers, tonomophulakes. A case is made here for the acceptance of Pollux, a case based on textual grounds and on comparison with other reforms associated with Demetrius. It is further argued that Philochorus' description applies – as the sole excerpter of the Atthis to give a temporal context, theLexicon Cantabrigiense, indeed states – tonomophulakescreated in the aftermath of Areopagite reform in the mid-fifth century, and that Demetrius' officials were linked to these earlynomophulakesthrough their inheritance of different aspects ofnomophulakiaassociated with the early Areopagus.
Odysseus on the Niobid Krater
Authors: McNiven Timothy J. 
Published: May 2006

The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.
The Mausoleum of Hadrian and the Pons Aelius
Authors: Pierce S. Rowland 
Published: May 2006

The drawings (plates XII–XVIII) which accompany this article were prepared during my tenure of the Rome Scholarship at the British School at Rome; and, while they may be sufficient for the architect or the layman to obtain a better realisation of the original state of the monument, it has been thought that an attempt should be made to discuss, in greater detail than it is possible to present on the drawings, the various considerations and data upon which an essay in the restoration of an ancient building must necessarily be based. To this end the following article has been prepared.I wish to acknowledge, with many thanks, the valuable help and advice which I have received from Dr. Thomas Ashby, late Director of the British School at Rome, especially in connexion with the first section of the article, and also the suggestive criticisms which I received from Dr. Ashby and Prof. Ch. Hülsen during the preparation of my drawings.
A military diploma
Authors: Smith A. H. 
Published: May 2006

The military diploma, which is here published, was acquired by the British Museum in 1923. It was bought from a dealer at Cairo, and was included in a purchase consisting mainly of MSS. made by the Museum jointly with the University of Michigan. No further source can be named, but the contents make it probable that it was found in or near the Arsenoite Nome.The document conforms closely to the normal type. It consists of a pair of bronze tablets measuring 16 by 19 cm. Two holes pierced in each near the angles of a long side (one is now lost from the first tablet) served for the insertion of rings to form hinges. Two holes pierced near the centre of each long side served for the wire or string, which fastened the tablets, and was sealed by the seven witnesses who attested the certificate. On the outside of the second tablet are remains of the metal shield which protected the seals, but which has itself perished in almost every instance.
The New Fragments of Gaius
Authors: de Zulueta F. 
Published: May 2006

In a previous article (JRS XXIV, 168–86) we reproduced the new text and discussed its critical significance. It contains two new passages, the contents of the first of which are studied here. The passage (PSI 1182, 11–43, Gaius 3, 154a) runs:‘Sed ea quidem societas de qua loquimur, id est quae nudo consensu contrahitur, iuris gentium est; itaque inter omnes homines naturali ratione consistit.’ (Here the new text begins) ‘est autem aliud genus societatis proprium civium Romanorum. olim enim mortuo patre familias inter suos heredes quaedam erat legitima simul et naturalis societas, quae appellabatur ercto non cito, id est dominio non diviso : erctum enim dominium est unde erus dominus dicitur : ciere autem dividere est : unde caedere et secare dicimus. alii quoque qui volebant eandem habere societatem poterant id consequi apud praetorem certa legis actione. In hac autem societate fratrum ceterorumve qui ad exemplum fratrum suorum societatem coierint illud proprium erat, quod vel unus ex sociis communem servum manumittendo liberum faciebat et omnibus libertum adquirebat: item unus remcommunem mancipando …’
Roman Citizenship in Laconia
Authors: Box Herbert 
Published: May 2006

Of the names that follow it is impossible to say in general that they give any obvious or likely clue to their origin. These notes merely indicate what seem possibilities in each case. The same order is followed as in the preceding group.ΆϰύλιοςThis is the Greek form of the nomen Aquilius or Aquillius. It occurs as the name of a gymnasiarch with the praenomen Γάϊος at Asine in Messenia. Tod says that the letters are late and carelessly cut. No date can be fixed for the document. The only Roman official of this name who seems to have been connected with Achaia in imperial times was L. Aquillius C. f. Florus Turcianus Gallus, who governed the province probably not later than the reign of Augustus. Gaius is a praenomen in his family.
The New Fragments of Gaius: Part III.—The legis actiones
Authors: de Zulueta F. 
Published: May 2006

Previous articles have discussed the critical significance of the new text, PSI 1182, and the new information on consortium. The text has now begun to affect general treatises, such as those of E. Betti, R. Monier, and W. Kunkel. The following special literature may be added to what has been previously cited :—V. Arangio-Ruiz, Cours de dr. rom. (Les actions), Naples 1935, and ‘Il nuovo Gaio,’ Bull. Ist. Dir. Rom. (BIDR), xlii, 571–624. F. Lanfranchi, ‘Appunti sul “consortium” familiare nei retori romani,’ Stud, et Doc. hist, et iuris, fasc. 2, 1935, 373–8. A. E. Giffard, ‘Iudicis postulatio et actio ex sponsione,’. Rev. hist. dr., xiii. 514–6, and ‘Varron, De L.L., vi, 64–5,’ Rev. de philol., ix, 82–3. F. de Zulueta, Supplements to the Institutes of Gaius, Oxford 1935 (separate; also incorporated in Poste's Gaius). C. W. Westrup, Family property and patria potestas, Oxford 1936. G. I. Luzzatto, Sulle origini e la natura delle obbligazioni romane, Milan 1934. P. Meylan, Acceptilation et paiement, Lausanne 1934. Cf. H. F. Jolowicz, JEA xxii, 1936, 81, 86.It remains to consider the new evidence on iudicis postulatio and condictio (PSI 1182, 178–220). We begin by recalling the augmented text (Gaius 4, 17a–20).
The Date of Julius Caesar's Departure from Alexandria
Authors: Lord Louis E. 
Published: May 2006

Julius Caesar defeated Ptolemy xii on the Nile on March 27th, 47 B.C. After establishing Cleopatra and her brother, Ptolemy xiii, on the throne of Egypt, Caesar proceeded against Pharnaces whom he defeated at Zela, in Pontus, on August 2nd. How long did Caesar delay at Alexandria before leaving for this campaign ?The length of his stay after the battle of the Nile is variously estimated. Ferrero says that Caesar remained at Alexandria for two months, leaving on the last day of May. Professor Adcock agrees with Ferrero and so does Carcopino. O. E. Schmidt and Rice Holmes calculate that Caesar left Alexandria on the 7th or 8th of June. Judeich and E. Meyer place the date of his departure on June 20th, while Heitland and Weigall give him a reprieve from active service till the first week in July.
The Helmet of Constantine With the Christian Monogram
Authors: Alföldi Andreas 
Published: May 2006

The final settlement which began in A.D. 300 between the menacing power of Christianity and the forces of the state, was the unavoidable consequence of a long and slow development. The men who then stood at the head of the Roman Empire were compelled to become the protagonists in the last act of this great drama and, clearly as its final issue may have been indicated from the first, by the positions they adopted materially affected the course of the drama.As all know, the climax was reached with the conversion of Constantine. Quite recently, however, so eminent a Byzantine scholar as H. Grégoire has disputed the belief that the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge was won in the sign of the Cross, and, as more than one serious student has accepted his view, we shall have to follow in rather closer detail his brilliant description of the political developments of these years. We shall readily admit with him that the account of Eusebius in the Vita Constantini, i, 28–30, is a highly-coloured romance and panegyric, marred by rehandling and later interpolation, and quite inconsistent with the information of Lactantius: yet, despite all this, it has a definite kernel of history in it, as I hope soon to show.
Bowls by Acavnissa from Birdoswald, Mainz and Cologne
Authors: Oswald Felix 
Published: May 2006

An interesting bowl in terra sigillata (form 37) with the cursive signature ACAVNISSA was found last year in excavating Birdoswald; and, since the only other known bowls by this potter, were found at Mainz and Cologne, a description of these two bowls may be of some interest, especially from a chronological point of view.The glaze of the Birdoswald bowl is poor and the figures are in places somewhat blurred. The decoration consists of an alternation of two panels separated by bead-rows ending in rosettes (pl. IV, nos. 1 and 2). In the first panel there is a medallion of ‘cog-wheel’ pattern with inner concentric ring; it encloses a bird (to right) with upstretched wings, similar to Déch. 1010, but slightly smaller. This bird was first used at Lezoux by the Trajanic potters LIBERTVS and BVTRIO and later by the Hadrian-Antonine potters ALBVCIVS, ADVOCISVS, MERCATOR (not the South Gaulish potter of this name), PAVLLVS, PATERNVS, SERVVS and CINNAMVS; in its smaller form it occurs on a bowl by MAPILLVS (37 MAPILL OF at Corbridge).
The Last Days of Cleopatra : A Chronological Problem
Authors: Skeat T. C. 
Published: May 2006

Of all the Ptolemaic kings and queens of Egypt none met so intensely dramatic a fate as the last Cleopatra, and of none are the closing days more minutely described. In these circumstances it is all the more remarkable that there is no surviving record, even approximate, of the date of her death, nor, so far as I am aware, has any modern historian seriously attempted to determine it.We may commence our investigation with the capture of Alexandria by Octavian. The date of this event is known from one literary source, Orosius (VI, 19, 16), who probably derived his information from Livy, and one inscription, the Fasti Antiates (CIL 12, p. 248= x, 6638). Both give the date as 1 August, and this may be taken as correct.
The Credentials of L. Caesar and L. Roscius
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton 
Published: May 2006

In 49 B.C., on 23rd January by the contemporary calendar, now running over six weeks ahead of schedule, nearly a fortnight after Caesar had crossed the Rubicon and nearly a week after the Republican exodus from Rome, Cicero at Minturnae wrote to Atticus, who had remained behind, as follows (VII, 13a, 2):L. Caesarem vidi Minturnis a.d. VIII Kal. Febr. mane cum absurdissimis mandatis, non hominem sed scopas solutas, ut id ipsum mihi ille [sc. Caesar] videatur irridendi causa fecisse, qui tantis de rebus huic mandata dederit; nisi forte non dedit et hic sermone aliquo arrepto pro mandatis abusus est.
The Fall of Jerusalem and the ‘Abomination of Desolation’
Authors: Dodd C. H. 
Published: May 2006

The Gospel according to Luke contains two passages which allude, with some particularity, to a forthcoming siege and destruction of Jerusalem; viz. XIX, 42–4, XXI, 20–4.The latter of these two passages (with which we may conveniently begin) stands in a context where Luke, to all appearance, is using the Gospel according to Mark as a source. The Marcan parallel to Luke XXI, 20–24 forms part of what is often called the ‘Synoptic Apocalypse’, or, more appropriately, the ‘Apocalyptic Discourse’, since its literary form is not that of an apocalypse; it is in the main a Mahnrede making use of apocalyptic motives, and concluding with a few sentences of straightforward prediction in the apocalyptic manner (XIII, 24–7).
The Poetry of Ethics: Horace, Epistles
Authors: Macleod C. W. 
Published: May 2006

In 23 B.C. the first three books of Horace's Odes appeared. In the years which followed, up to the completion of Epistles 1, his work took a new direction, and the ethical themes which had had a marked place in his lyric verse became his entire concern: in his own words (Ep. 1.1.10–11),nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono;quid verum atque decens euro et rogo, et omnis in hoc sum.What Horace describes in this context, at the very beginning of the book, is a kind of conversion to philosophy; and so the reader is at once drawn to ask what philosophy means to the poet. Before considering this question by scrutiny of the poems, two more general ones should be raised: first, what are the dominant features of ancient ethics as a whole and how far does it differ from modern ethical systems or moral thinking? Second, what part did moral philosophy play in the life of Romans in Horace's time? The answers I shall give to these very large questions are pragmatic and limited: they are meant simply as preparation for considering Horace's Epistles.