bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Life Insurance Savings in Canada
Authors: Poapst James V. 
Published: June 2006

Modern macro-economic analysis has emphasized the role of saving and investment in economic fluctuations. As the totals of saving and investment are important, so are their components; for the more that is known about the components the more meaningful are the aggregates. Life insurance savings merit investigation for at least two reasons. In the first place, they constitute an important medium through which personal savings are effected. In Canada from 1926 to 1948, except for the war years, 39.0 per cent of total net personal savings were realized through the purchase of life insurance.This voluminous flow of savings has produced an accumulation of investment assets which has attracted the attention of economists concerned with trends in the supply of equity capital and the stimulation of depression period investment. Since the rate of return expected on insurance investments is important in determining premiums, the investment practices of the insurance companies have a bearing upon the welfare of millions of Canadians. This concern of the economists about insurance investments is the basis of a second reason for examining insurance savings. In the various proposals involving insurance investment it appears that the savings side of the question has been too little emphasized. In the case of an investment intermediary, investment policy cannot be considered totally apart from the demand for the institution's product; the institution's demand for investment outlets is a derived demand.
Adaptation of Parliamentary Processes to the Modern State
Authors: Corry J. A. 
Published: June 2006

Adaption of Canadian parliamentary processes to the conditions of the modern state must aim at two objectives not easily reconcilable and not easily pursued at one and the same time. First, it is vital that we enable the Government to govern. Governing now involves a large annual volume of new and amending legislation, the devising of complex taxation measures for raising some $4 billion a year from the reluctant taxpayer, and the appropriation of this vast sum to the various items of expenditure. A very large portion of the time of the House of Commons is therefore needed for Government business.Second, it is equally vital to ensure effective responsibility of the Government to our elected representatives, to make it reasonably possible for the House of Commons to understand general Government policy as well as specific proposals for legislation, and to grasp the reasons why this policy and these measures are held to be necessary in the national interest. In addition, because the numerous policies being administered from day to day are more important than the new policies being proposed for adoption at any given time, it is necessary for the House to be able to learn enough about the actual running of the great business of the government of Canada to conduct an intelligent audit of the ramified activities of government. A large part of the time of the House is needed for these purposes.
Labour and Politics in New Zealand
Authors: Pauling Norman G. 
Published: June 2006

In the United States the chief concern of unionists has been the conduct of industrial negotiations, but in New Zealand and Australia the significant achievements of workers, almost without exception, have been gained through political action. Around the turn of the century, students of labour movements were led by the successes of Australasian workers to speculate about the different roads which workers had taken there and in the United States. As its general political and economic features became familiar, particularly such prominent ones as factory codes and arbitration procedures, political unionism ceased to be a curious phenomenon, and students turned their eyes elsewhere. In so doing, they lost sight of the subterranean forces and directing currents which have turned the energies of workers toward politics.Historically, the similarity between the United States and New Zealand is arresting. Both were frontier countries with fluid institutions and expanding economies, although New Zealand had no moving frontier as had the United States. Both were settled from England and inherited English legal and cultural traditions. Both early developed democratic political processes, and both were characterized by a high standard of living for workingmen as a result of the natural scarcity of labour typical of inaccessible and virgin countries. In both countries, the land offered an alternative to wage-earning which favoured social as well as occupational mobility. Both countries lacked the stratification of a traditional aristocracy. In both countries, extension of the franchise placed the political weapon in the hands of the people. The analogy is more than historical: today New Zealand and the United States are generally acknowledged to be among the leading nations of the world in terms of plane of living. What, then, explains the development in the United States of a system of collective bargaining by workers with their employers, and the growth in New Zealand of a system of bargaining vis-à-vis the state?
The Influence of Government on Labour Relations in France
Authors: Eastman Sheila 
Published: June 2006

The striking feature of labour relations in France is the wide scope of governmental regulation and influence. Employers and unions rarely succeed in solving their labour problems by joint action, and the strikes of August, 1953, attest to the discontent of a large portion of the French labour force.Until the First World War, relations between labour and management were on an individual, rather than a collective, basis. Employers and workers had organized for collective action, but, except in the printing and coal mining industries, relations between the trade unions, strongly influenced by syndicalism, and the defensive associations of employers were chiefly violent in nature. Both unions and employers opposed government intervention in the labour market, and the government respected this sentiment.During the war it became necessary for the government to bring employers and unions together on arbitration committees and in less formal discussions in order to encourage uninterrupted production through the peaceful settlement of industrial disputes. Thus the first widespread contact between employers and unions took place under the auspices of the government. The syndicalist philosophy of the French trade unions was abandoned, partly as a result of this demonstration of the importance of governmental support, and partly as a result of the political success of the Communists in Russia.
The Development of Democracy in Western Germany Since the Second World War
Authors: Hiscocks C. R. 
Published: June 2006

Nowadays we are often and quite rightly reminded of the price of liberty. But eternal vigilance is the price paid for maintaining liberty, not the cost of production. To build up and establish a tradition of political freedom demands more heroic qualities: inner conviction, selfless devotion, and a willingness to risk everything for the worth and dignity of the individual. The histories of Switzerland, Holland, Britain, and the United States record the cost of our inherited privileges.Germany has no tradition of political freedom. It is not that Germans have lacked heroism. They have played a great part in the struggle for religious liberty. They have been only too willing to die for their country's greatness. But the facts of geography and the course steered by their leading statesmen have diverted their attention from the advantages of political liberty.German liberals missed their last great chance as far back as 1848. The most remarkable and sinister of all Bismarck's feats was the way in which, by sheer force of achievement, he won over many of the leading German intellects to unrestrained nationalism. Readers of Treitschke's Deutsche Geschichte often find it difficult to believe that the historian was ever an ardent liberal. After the foundation of the German Empire of 1871, as Dr. Adenauer put it recently, “a nationalism founded upon might gradually replaced the ethical idea of national freedom.” The Imperial Constitution provided for a bicameral parliament and introduced manhood suffrage. But the Chancellor was nominated by the Emperor and was not responsible to parliament. Furthermore the Constitution was so devised that no laws could in practice be passed without the Chancellor's approval. In the words of Liebknecht, the German Socialist, the Reichstag turned out to be little more than a “fig-leaf’ to cover the nakedness of autocracy.
Humanisme et sciences sociales
Authors: Lévesque Georges-Henri 
Published: June 2006

« Dès que nous prétendons, écrivait un jour P.-H. Simon, découvrir au delà de nos désaccords, une ligne de convergence possible, nous sommes fatalement conduits à parler d'humanisme. Humanisme avec ce que le mot implique assez confusément de confiance dans l'espèce humaine, d'attachement à son passé, d'espérance en son progrès et de disposition à vouloir son bien, semble désigner le carrefour par où passent tous nos itinéraires spirituels… Seulement, quand on veut presser le sens du mot, on s'aperçoit que les difficultés demeurent. Humanisme est une de ces abstractions, dangereuses à force d'être commodes, où l'on peut tout mettre, Marx et l'Evangile, le libre examen et le sentiment de l'autorité, la tradition et la révolution. »Cependant malgré l'infinie et souvent contradictoire variété des définitions que les auteurs ont jusqu'ici essayées de l'humanisme, il semble qu'on puisse clarifier un peu le sujet en les ramenant toutes à trois types principaux selon qu'on envisage l'humanisme comme philosophie des humanités, comme métaphysique de l'homme ou comme attitude humaine.
Geo-Economic Trends in South Asia
Authors: Tayyeb Ali 
Published: June 2006

Few Parts of the world have been so effective in carving the trends of human thought and action as the peripheral regions of the Eurasian land mass. These can be divided into two broad regions: the smaller crescent of European marine powers west of the Dardanelles, and the larger crescent of Asian peninsulas to the southeast. In spite of the earlier cultural and political development of a few areas in the latter, the former have outstripped them in the race and during the last four hundred years have controlled their resources and destiny. Recent events, however, indicate the beginnings of a reversal of this process. While European states seem to some extent to be descending the peak of political and economic power, the South Asian lands are desperately trying to ascend it. The centre of the stage is quickly changing from Europe to Asia.The South Asian lands extend from the western Mediterranean to the eastern Pacific and cover 80 degrees of longitude and an average of 25 degrees of latitude. Comprising approximately one-tenth of the world's land area, they contain one-third of the world's population. Yet their combined national income is considerably less than that of the United States alone. The average individual monthly income in any of these lands is much less than the average individual daily income in the United States. This great discrepancy, rather than poverty, is the clue to South Asian behaviour and discontent. Poverty and degradation, which have become characteristic of the life of the Asian people, are usually blamed either entirely on the Western powers, or entirely on the Eastern people, depending upon whether one comes from the “subjugated” East or from the “exploiting” West. The very intensity of these two extreme accusations belies them; and truth, as always, is to be found somewhere between. It must be conceded that perhaps there would be fewer hospitals and schools, factories and railways, real and other assets, if the Western powers had not filled the political vacuum in the East; yet at the same time it is unjust to deny that many more of each of these improvements could have been made if political “morality” had been allowed to supersede the merely economic interests of the governing countries.
Anarchism and Individual Terrorism
Authors: Novak D. 
Published: June 2006

A significant aspect of anarchism, which brings it close to Russian nihilism and in the minds of some people is responsible for the erroneous identification of the two, is individual terrorism. Individual acts of violence, known especially in the last century as “propaganda by deed,” have been regarded by some anarchists as part and parcel of the over-all revolutionary activity which is to culminate in the overthrow of the existing social system by acts of mass violence. There were and are anarchists of different schools opposed to violence as a means towards the establishment of an anarchist society, and they include not only religious anarchists like Leo Tolstoy and individualists like Benjamin Tucker, but also many of those who at one time or another could be classed as anarchist communists, for instance, Francisco Ferrer, Louisa S. Bevington, and Gustav Landauer. The so-called philosophical anarchists are also opposed to violence, if by them are meant people who believe in the possibility or at least the desirability of realizing the ideals of anarchism but do not accept the usual anarchist analysis of the existing system or the methods generally advocated by anarchist groups for the achievement of anarchism. Thus Godwin, Tolstoy, and Tucker, could be included in this group, and among our contemporaries Bertrand Russell.In the present century anarchists have almost ceased in theory and practice to view individual terrorism as important. Violent acts have been usually perpetrated by people who had practically no significance as thinkers and writers. Alexander Berkman is probably the only notable exception here, while men like Kropotkin, fortunately for anarchism, propagated anarchist ideas by the written and spoken word rather than by “deed.”
Predictions Derived from the Employment Forecast Survey
Authors: Hartle Douglas 
Published: June 2006

Reliable predictions of future employment are but one of many pieces of intelligence useful to governments in the formulation and implementation of policies of economic stabilization. With the adoption of a stabilization programme in 1945 an explicit need for these predictions was created in the Canadian government. In that year the “Employment Forecast Survey” was initiated by the federal Department of Labour in an attempt to secure the data from which these predictions could be derived. This survey is still conducted by the Department.This article summarizes the results of an analysis of the predictions which were derived from data obtained by the Employment Forecast Survey from 1946 until 1957, when this method was abandoned, and a new technique of securing predictions from the data was adopted. Because these predictions were so little known outside Canadian government circles it may be useful to provide a brief description of the technique by which they were made, and an assessment of their reliability.The original conception of the survey was comparatively simple. It seemed reasonable, a priori, that the individual decision-makers in an industrial establishment would be able to forecast the future employment of their own establishment with considerable reliability.
The Brethren Known as Hutterians
Authors: Willms A. M. 
Published: June 2006

In his work on group settlement in western Canada Professor C. A. Dawson has described five major ethnic-religious groups but he has not treated one very distinctive Canadian people, the Hutterites, who prefer to be known as the Hutterian Brethren. There is a sociological study of this group by the Canadian Mental Health Association and several monographs on various aspects of Hutterite life have been published in the United States, but on their settlement in western Canada there is only an unpublished M.A. thesis. My purpose here is to outline briefly the coming of the Hutterites to Canada, their economic and social habits, and the problems they present to western Canada.The first Hutterites came to Canada in a delegation of three which arrived in Winnipeg in May, 1898, to explore the possibilities of moving the seven existing colonies from South Dakota to western Canada. The delegation was welcomed by the Commissioner of Immigration in Winnipeg and was supplied with free transportation to see southern Manitoba and Saskatchewan. On their return to South Dakota members of the delegation reported that though they had some doubts about the weather and the land they were “resolved to make a trial” at settling in Canada, if their requirements concerning schooling, military service, and freedom of religion were met by the federal government. Meanwhile a government agent was sent to the Hutterite colonies by the Department of the Interior to encourage the proposed move and to make a report on the Hutterities.
Local Autonomy and Central Administrative Control in Saskatchewan
Authors: Smiley Donald V. 
Published: June 2006

Several investigations dealing with provincial-local relations in particular jurisdictions in Canada have been undertaken in recent years. The prevailing emphasis has been on the distribution of taxation sources and the revenues derived from these sources between the two levels of government and, to a lesser degree, on the related question of the allocation of responsibilities for particular services between the provincial and local governments. The clear implications of most of this discussion are that all would be well with our local authorities if they were assured of revenues commensurate with their responsibilities and that local officials and their representatives admit to few ailments which more generous subventions from the senior governments would not cure.This paper attempts to focus attention on another aspect of central-local relations as strategic in determining the welfare of our local institutions as is the scale of central financial assistance. Characteristically, central governments not only provide a portion of the revenues expended by the local authorities within their boundaries but also engage in an extensive and varied range of activities to regulate, supervise, educate, and otherwise influence the conduct of elected and appointed local officials. Control, viewed broadly as any exercise of central influence, can take these forms: (1) legislative control, in which central influence is exerted through legislative enactments, and subordinate legislation issued under them, enjoining or requiring certain local activities or procedures; (2) judicial control, in which the central government requests a court of law to order particular local authorities or local officials to do or refrain from doing certain things as are allegedly required by law; (3) administrative control, in which elected or appointed officials of the central executive, acting within the authority conferred on. them by law, influence or attempt to influence the conduct of local governments.
The Customs Administration in Canadian Historical Development
Authors: Blake Gordon 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to attempt to place within the context of Canadian historical development an economic institution that has been relatively neglected. This institution is the customs administration. The justification for introducing it into the main stream of Canadian history is to be found in its ubiquity and pervasiveness, its antiquity and traditionalism, and its consequent conservatism and resistance to change. Such an institution seems capable of providing a strong element of continuity in Canadian development, and thus to invite analysis.The English customs administration was transplanted from a European island economy to a continental environment which contained elements markedly unfavourable to easy transition and adaptation. The administration has been called upon to meet constantly changing conditions, and, in so doing, has had to deal with a commercial community which must exist, for the greater part, on the basis of short-run decisions. As the administration has struggled toward long-run stability and uniformity of procedure, it has produced anomalies. It has had serious effects on business expectations by creating delay and uncertainty, and, on occasion, by insisting on excessive formality. The incidence of the burden imposed by the customs administration was probably not determinable, but its net effect has been to contract international trade.The customs is of ancient origin, and by the time it became relevant to Canadian history it had already undergone, in Europe, a great deal of scleriasis. It is the English customs that we are to be concerned with mostly in this analysis, since the Canadian customs, not surprisingly, is of pretty strictly Anglo-Saxon origin. According to Professor Gras, “the English Customs originated at home, on the initiative of the king, through prerogative right, and in money dues rather than prises.”
Frontiers and Forms of Enterprise: The Case of The North Pacific, 1785–1825
Authors: Elliott G. R. 
Published: June 2006

Despite the considerable influence exercised on North American historians by what Professor Careless has called “frontierism,” those who have dealt with the early history of the North Pacific have been almost unanimous in finding in metropolitan institutions the key to developments in that area. The usual interpretation is based on the hypothesis of a sharp competition for the North Pacific trade in furs between various forms of enterprise, each of which mirrored the institutions of the metropolis which had spawned it—a semi-government Russian corporation, government-directed Spanish enterprise (or lack of it), British enterprise almost hopelessly handicapped by obsolete trad¬ing institutions, and unrestricted (free) Yankee enterprise, with an occasional genuflection towards a similarly “free” enterprise based on Montreal but handicapped by the British connection. In that competition, it is alleged, the handicaps of government regulation precluded successful Russian, Spanish, or British competition with the “free enterprise” of the New Englander, and this, coupled with his superior resourcefulness and shrewdness—by-products, apparently, of the institutions of his particular metropolis—enabled him to dominate the North Pacific trade in furs.While this interpretation may “validate the status” of one metropolis and at the same time “denigrate that of others”—the purpose, Leach suggests,2 of national myths and legends—it appears to be founded on caricatures of the forms of enterprise there, and on some lack of appreciation of the global setting in which the trade was carried on. Those caricatures, it would seem, derive from a focusing of attention on particular, and allegedly deplorable, elements of the metropolitanism of Spain or Russia or Britain, and from the assumption that, despite the remoteness of the frontier, those elements com¬pletely dominated the enterprise of the various competitors. The failure to achieve a proper perspective of the place of the North Pacific in the overseas thrust of European powers probably derives from a lack of appreciation of ends other than business profits and of the existence of alternative oppor¬tunities for such profits.