bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The New York Direct Primaries Bill of 1909
Authors: Ludington Arthur 
Published: May 2006

The system of direct primaries for New York state proposed in the Hinman-Green bill (Senate, Int. 722; Assembly, Int. 1219) and advocated by Governor Hughes contains certain features which have never been embodied in the primary laws of any other state. The friends of direct primaries in New York have been sharply divided in opinion as to the merits of these features, some considering them an unfortunate compromise, designed to win the support of the party machines, and others regarding them as marking an advance over any primary law heretofore enacted. An outline of the bill and of the discussion which it has aroused, may be of interest to students of direct primaries in other parts of the country who have not had occasion to follow the New York situation in detail.The more novel provisions of the bill center about the method of proposing candidates for nomination to public office. Under most of the direct primary laws now in force the names of candidates for nomination are placed upon the official primary ballot by petition. Sometimes a declaration of candidacy by the candidate himself is all that is required—except for the payment of a fee, which is occasionally demanded under both systems. Under the Hinman-Green bill there will be two methods by which candidates for nomination may be proposed—or, to use the language of the bill itself, “designated”—and their names placed on the official primary ballot. The first method is by a majority vote of one of the party committees specially provided for in the bill; the second is by petition.
Electoral Reform in France and the Elections of 1919
Authors: Stuart Graham H. 
Published: May 2006

Unusual interest attaches to all of the continental elections of recent months—the first to be held after the long postponements caused by the war; but the elections in France derive special importance from the new electoral law of July 12, 1919, under which they were held.After a nine-year contest, the elements which have demanded scrutin de liste, or election on a general departmental ticket, instead of scrutin d'arrondissement, or election by small districts, have come off victorious. Each of the two systems prevailed at various times during the Restoration, the Second Republic, and the Second Empire.
Sub-Committees of Congress
Authors: French Burton L. 
Published: May 2006

Much has been written of the mechanics of legislation in the Senate and the House of Representatives, and of the work performed by the committees of the Senate and the House. Little attention, however, has been paid to the sub-committees of Congress notwithstanding the fact that sub-committees perform a highly important function in legislation.The Senate and the House are both such large bodies that it is imperative that the work of the bodies be handled initially through numerous committees. In the Senate there are seventy-four standing committees. In the House there are fifty-eight. The very reasons that make it advisable that committees be appointed at all in the Senate and in the House, make it desirable in certain cases that the work of the committees be even further sub-divided as occasion may warrant. When the work assigned to a standing committee of Senate or House is of a definite character that admits of practically no division, or when the committee itself of either body is small and appointed to have immediate consideration of a particular subject, the ordinary procedure is for the full committee to handle its work, without attempting to call upon members of the committee to act as a sub-committee, with the exception of sub-committee work in performance of a perfunctory duty, or, in the preparation, for instance, of a report where one member can prepare it far more expeditiously than could three members, five members, or the full committee.
Tendencies Toward Ministerial Responsibility in Germany
Authors: Shepard Walter J. 
Published: May 2006

When asked, “How far do you regard the present constitutional system of the Empire final?” Bismarck is said to have replied, “Final it is not. Doubtless we shall pass through the stages which you in England have passed through. But it will be a slow, gradual process, and we cannot foresee the direction which development will take.” That judgment expresses a strong belief in the evolution of constitutional government,—an evolution, moreover, which in general must follow the course of English political development, but which will doubtless unfold very slowly and reflect in its details the influences of special circumstances and local tendencies. To the general propositions which the Iion Chancellor stated, the student of comparative political institutions must give assent. Ever more clearly are we coming to see that the changes in the forms and organization of governments follow an orderly, developmental sequence.The belated evolution of parliamentary government in Germany is entirely explicable from the peculiar centrifugal forces which prevented absolutism, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, from accomplishing its great mission of national unity. That work was left to the nineteenth century. The results of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic era were; first, the widespread acceptance of the most advanced doctrines of constitutionalism and the adoption, in most of the smaller states of Germany, of constitutions more or less closely modeled on the French Charte; and, second, the dissemination of the idea of German national unity as the only secure protection against foreign aggression.
The Substitution of Rule for Discretion in Public Law
Authors: Freund Ernst 
Published: May 2006

The course of recent legislation for the regulation of commerce, trade and industry has created the impression that there exists a tendency in our law to transfer powers of determination from the courts which act according to fixed principles to administrative commissions or officials vested with large discretionary powers.Considering that normally the progress of law should be away from discretion toward definite rule, such a tendency should receive the most careful examination. The first inquiry should however be whether and to what extent the impression is substantiated by facts.The advent of the new administrative power is in the public mind associated chiefly with public utility and industrial commissions first created for the control of railroads, for the earlier powers over banks and insurance companies, as well as those of medical and other licensing boards, attracted relatively little attention or comment.
Looking Toward 1932
Authors: Myers William Starr 
Published: May 2006

It is an old axiom, replete with common sense, that there is no more uncertain field for prophecy than that of practical politics. This is especially true when any forecast must be made fourteen months ahead of time. All that the observer of contemporary American politics may do is to sum up, as far as possible, the existing state of affairs, and then make a series of guesses as to what may eventuate. This present article is written with these conditions in mind, and should be read in the same spirit.The present political situation would appear to be as follows. Normally, there are at least five million more Republicans than Democrats in the country. This is in large part due to the secession from the Democratic party in 1896 of large numbers of young men, just entering upon adult life or experiencing their first taste of business and finance, who were hostile to the late William J. Bryan and his “free silver” theories. These young men later were added to in large number by the strong, dominant, and attractive personality of Theodore Roosevelt, who typified to them the American spirit. Also the great, underlying influence of economic expansion, the financial and business domination of much of our national life, and the frank acceptance of these conditions by the Republican leaders of the first decade of this century strengthened and accelerated this movement in favor of the “Grand Old Party.” The young men of that time, now grown to middle age and national leadership in many walks of life, are the backbone of the financial support of the party today. And they have brought up their children to the same political allegiance.
The Time of Meetings of Congress
Authors: Brown Everett S. 
Published: May 2006

In public discussions of the proposed Norris “lame duck” amendment, and in demands by members of Congress for special sessions to meet temporary emergencies, the fact is often overlooked that Congress itself has the power to regulate the time of its meeting. The fourth section of Article IV of the Constitution provides: “The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.” Under this provision, the much-criticized rush of bills in the short session could easily be averted by an act convening Congress at an earlier date than the first Monday in December. So, too, a Congress whose final session was coming to a close could provide that its successor should meet immediately, instead of waiting until the following December. A Congress desirous of a special session on a problem like unemployment could call such a session irrespective of lack of action by the President, provided it could command a majority sufficient to over-ride a possible presidential veto. Of course such action could be taken only while Congress was in session, because, under the provisions of the Constitution, the President is the only person who, between sessions, is empowered to call special sessions.These statements are not the result of theoretical speculation, but rest firmly on the facts of our legislative history. Prior to 1821, no fewer than eighteen acts were passed by Congress appointing a different day for its meetings from that stipulated in the Constitution. Before referring to these acts more in detail, it would perhaps clarify matters somewhat to recall to mind how March 4 was decided upon as a limit of presidential and congressional terms. Article VII of the Constitution provided that the instrument should go into effect when ratified by nine states. This was accomplished on June 21, 1788.
Minority Control of Court Decisions in Ohio
Authors: Maddox W. Rolland 
Published: May 2006

The experience of Ohio with the requirement of concurrence of an extraordinary majority of the Supreme Court to declare a statute invalid is an illuminating commentary on the desirability of such a restriction. Much has been spoken and written on both sides of the question. Those who have seen laws embodying worth-while reforms invalidated by the courts, many times by bare majority decisions, have campaigned for a curtailment of the judicial prerogative. Publicists have expatiated on the evils of the situation. Textbook writers have embodied the arguments in their discussions. Teachers, it is to be feared, have quite glibly enlarged upon the necessity of unseating our “judicial obligarchy.”The late President Theodore Roosevelt, addressing the Ohio constitutional convention in 1912, urged that body to propose an amendment providing for the recall of judicial decisions. He failed to convince the convention of the desirability of his remedy, but he succeeded in creating a feeling that something must be done; and an amendment to the judiciary article was adopted, reading as follows: “No law shall be held unconstitutional and void by the Supreme Court without the concurrence of at least all but one of the judges, except in the affirmance of a judgment of the court of appeals declaring the law unconstitutional and void.” Since the Supreme Court is composed of a chief justice and six associate justices, the restriction amounts to a requirement of the concurrence of six justices in decisions of this kind.
The Economic Factor in the Roosevelt Elections
Authors: Ogburn William F. , Coombs Lolagene C. 
Published: May 2006

It seems to be generaally agreed that Franklin D. Roosevelt is very unpopular with the wealthier groups in society and that he is held to be a very warm friend of the poor. Indeed, it is sometimes asserted that no president since Jefferson has so divided the voters along economic lines as has Roosevelt. Popular opinion on this subject, as on many others, is likely to be exaggerated. In any case, it is well to check by measurement the idea that the rich are against Roosevelt and the poor are for him. This has been done in some of the sample polls. For instance, Fortune finds that the prosperous present about 15 to 20 per cent more opposition to Roosevelt than is found among the poor. Similarly, the Gallup polls have found over twice as much opposition to Roosevelt among the upper third of the population as among the lower third. Where these surveys of opinion on Roosevelt have been presented by social classes, there has been shown, in accordance with popular opinion, this division between the rich and the poor in their attitude toward Roosevelt. But the percentage difference is not quite so large as might be expected.This difference between the rich and the poor in attitude toward Roosevelt became accentuated around the middle of his first term. It is interesting to inquire into the extent to which those of the lower income groups voted for Roosevelt in 1932 and in 1936.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes Between April 16 and July 31, 1936
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. 
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here made only of units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him.Accident Prevention Conference. Public Act No. 629, 74th Congress, approved May 28, 1936, authorizes an appropriation for the “furtherance of the work of the accident prevention conference,” to be expended under the direction of the Secretary of Commerce. The Conference met at the call of the Secretary of Commerce early in 1936, but it is not, speaking strictly, a government agency. The appropriation authorized may be used for “fostering accident-prevention work on the part of organizations engaged in the promotion of safety and accident prevention; preparation and printing of material designed to enlighten the general public in matters of safety and accident prevention, such material to be disseminated through schools, newspapers, magazines, the radio, or any other means of intercourse or communication; the preparation and attempts to obtain enactment of uniform vehicle regulations in the several states; clerical assistance for the members of the General Committee of the Accident Prevention Conference; travel expenses incurred by members of the General Committee of the Accident Prevention Conference in the furtherance of the work of said conference.”
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between June 1 and September 30, 1939
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. 
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order or Reorganization Plans under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.Administrative Office of the United States Courts. Created by Public No. 299, 76th Congress, approved August 7,1939, effective 90 days thereafter. This office has charge of all administrative matters relating to the offices of clerks and administrative personnel of the courts, the disbursement of appropriations, and the preparation of budget estimates; this work having been formerly in the Department of Justice.
The Most-Favored-Nation Policy in Relation to Trade Agreements
Authors: Sayre Francis B. 
Published: May 2006

The virulent disease which has been attacking and crippling international trade, particularly since 1929, has manifested itself in two different forms. The one is mounting trade barriers, which tend to fence off nation from nation and thus effectively to check the flow of world trade. The other is the practice of discrimination, which nations are using in increasing degree to force markets out of the hands of their competitors or to gain political advantage of one kind or another. If economic stability is to be won and the peace of the world to be made secure, it is just as necessary to overcome the one as the other.The Trade Agreements Act was passed by Congress for the purpose “of expanding foreign markets for the products of the United States.” It is clear that the accomplishment of this purpose necessitates a program with a two-fold objective. The program must seek, first, the reduction or elimination of excessive trade barriers; and second, the elimination of trade discriminations.
Streamlining the Arms Program
Authors: Hall Marian Drake 
Published: May 2006

“Industrial management” and “efficiency engineering” have become by-words in private business; in the field of public administration, we hear of “control.” The second World War has given great impetus to the development of effective practices in “management” or “control” in government departments.As soon as the news of Pearl Harbor electrified the United States, armament production was expanded overnight to the limit of the country's resources. Pursuant to the defense program, the Department of War constructed not only many munitions plants, the great majority of them operated by private concerns under cost-plus-fixed-fee contracts, but also numerous storage depots and other installations owned by the Department of War and operated for the most part by its Ordnance Department, a division of the Army Service Forces.During the initial months of the war, the problem uppermost in the minds of those who were directing the nation's defense program was how to achieve mass production of arms—a goal doubly difficult to reach because of the need of using entirely new techniques of manufacture. Not until the problem of quantity production was solved could attention be concentrated on obtaining maximum efficiency in operations. Swift expansion in any productive activity will by its very nature arrive at that point of unwieldiness where streamlining becomes imperative. Furthermore, because of the labor shortage, which grew more acute with the induction of increasing numbers of young men into the fighting forces, consideration of the efficiency of war plants early became mandatory.
IV. Civil Liberties
Authors: Cushman Robert E. 
Published: May 2006

Before Pearl Harbor, many thoughtful persons believed that civil liberty in this country could not survive our participation in another world war. Today, civil liberty enjoys a vitality which even the optimist had hardly dared hope for. There are several reasons for this.First, since the last World War the American people have become “civil liberty conscious.” That war found us totally unprepared to deal with our sudden problems affecting civil liberty. Our legislatures had no experience in drafting, or our executive officers in enforcing, emergency restrictions upon free speech and press. Our trial courts faced new and difficult civil liberty questions with no established principles, no relevant Supreme Court decisions, to guide them. Since that time, the Supreme Court, in nearly a score of important decisions, has interpreted and strengthened our constitutional civil liberties. As a nation we are wiser; the costly mistakes of the last war have been thoroughly aired, and there is a healthy intention that they shall not be repeated.Second, the complete suppression of civil liberty in Axis-controlled countries has been a shocking and impressive object-lesson. We are forced to consider whether the witch-hunter and the “patrioteer” who would arbitrarily suppress minority opinion may not have much in common with the Nazi.
Power Politics and World Organization
Authors: Herz John H. 
Published: May 2006

Le Pouvoir est la manifestation supreme de la peur que l'homme fait à luimême par ses efforts pour s'en libirer. Là est peut-être le secret le plus profond et obscur de l'histoire. Ferrero, Pouvoir, p. 43.The current discussion of a future world order has made it plain that the problem of coming international relations is of a magnitude surpassing even that of winning the war. It is not intended here to add to the rising tide of concrete plans in this field, but rather to elucidate certain proposals in the light of some basic features of the present system of international relations and, starting from a clearer picture of what is, to seek to discriminate between what is desirable and undesirable, possible and utopian. Wrong concepts of the forces underlying the present system have too often produced “peace plans” built on the sands of wishful thinking, and therefore bound to be wrecked on the rocks of reality. Disappointment caused by the failure of ill-conceived devices, in turn, is apt to produce a “realism” which ridicules any attempt to discuss international relations in terms of a possible evolution toward a more integrated stage.Power, in modern international relations, has been the ultimate means of deciding issues and adjusting relationships among the units constituting international society. The states have regarded themselves as “sovereign” entities, not subordinated to any superior political power nor guided in their power politics by considerations of an a-political, i.e., power-alien, nature.
The League of Nations Covenant—1939 Model
Authors: Myers Denys P. 
Published: May 2006

Any constitutional instrument is subject to strains and stresses by reason of demonstrated inadequacy or omission at some times, and of failure to reflect the current state of mind of its constituents at others. The Covenant of the League of Nations, which is by way of a constitutional instrument in the hitherto unoccupied field between independent states, has had reputations as diverse as that of a straight-jacket and an empty sack. In the end, most of the waves of sentiment arrive at the customary human dilemma, that the trouble is not so much with the mechanism as with its human operators.The League of Nations has had a hectic existence for an institution just emerging from its teens. Its first ten years were a series of easy successes, but the eight years just past have confronted it with problems too tough for the morale of its members; or problems have been kept away from it because, if it cut at all, it would likely come too close to the quick.After this period of confusion, the members of the League, at the 19th session of the Assembly, took a series of actions to make the Covenant more useful to them. Resolutions of September 30, 1938, dealt with the question of the so-called separation of the Covenant from the peace treaties by approving amendments in the Preamble and Annex and Articles 1, 4, and 5 of the Covenant; and by interpretation with the procedure under Article 11, par. 1; the obligations under Article 16; and collaboration of the League and non-member states. Whether or not these decisions make any actual change from recent practice, the meaning of the Covenant is the clearer because of them, and its application will be more certain when the occasion arises.