bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
L'émigration des Juifs d'URSS et son incidence sur la politique israélienne
Authors: Munnich Laurent 
Published: November 2007

L'émigration des Juifs d'URSS et son incidence sur la politique israélienne, par Laurent Munnich
L'émigration massive des Juifs d'URSS est en passe de modifier profondément la situation intérieure et extérieure de l'Etat hébreu. Le phénomène démographique est d'une rare ampleur. En dépit du discours officiel, l'économie israélienne sera confrontée à une tâche d'intégration très difficile. Les nouveaux immigrants devraient avoir du mal à se retrouver dans le clivage politique droite/gauche existant actuellement ainsi que dans les partis religieux. L'impact culturel de cette immigration risque d'être très fort. Du point de vue international, la normalisation des relations induites par Moscou va susciter un véritable désenclavement diplomatique. L'ensemble du processus laisse l'OLP dans l'embarras.
Etats-Unis 1990 : le débat sur l'immigration
Authors: Kaspi André 
Published: November 2007

The United States in 1990's : Debates on Immigration, by André Kaspi
The United States are still the first country of immigration in the world. Despite restrictive laws dating back to 1965, Asiatic and Hispanic people, political refugees and the poor in the third world will go to America. There arises a debate on legal and illicit immigration. Americans are getting more and more inclined to make a selection among people candidates for immigration according to their professional qualifications or their socioeconomic backgrounds. But the problem of integrating newcomers is far from being sorted out no matter whether it is économie, educational or cultural. Some differences will arise between foreign communities ; Hispanics do not get integrated so quickly as Asiatics do. On the whole, the United States have not given up their customary welcoming policy but try to adjust it to the present circumstances.
La Corée du Nord entre l'orthodoxie et l'ouverture : un communisme dans l'impasse
Authors: Cabestan Jean-Pierre , Seizelet Eric 
Published: November 2007

North Korea Between Orthodoxy and Overtures : Its Communism at a Deadlock, by Jean-Pierre Cabestan and Eric Seizelet
North Korea is today in a growing state of weakness both on political matters and in political and military independence. Kim Jung-IVs position weakens as he fights for the succession of his father and there is hardly room left to diplomatie manœuvre for the country. Pyongyang has consequently tried to relaunch negotiations on the future of the peninsula and suggested to Japan to begin negotiations for bilateral relations to be normalized. This watershed in the government's diplomacy does not solve ail the questions about its abilities to undertake domestic changes and to initiate a positive dialogue, the only way to go into a real process of detente in the peninsula.
Les changements des années 1989-1990 et l'Europe de la prochaine décennie
Authors: Védrine Hubert , Musitelli Jean 
Published: November 2007

The Changes of 1989 and 1990 and the Next Décade in Europe, by Hubert Védrine and Jean Musitelli
How can the collapse of the Soviet Empire be turned to advantage in creating a new Europe, in which old adversaries will work successfully together ? This is the problem confronting Western governments after the 1989-1990 collapse of the order established at Yalta. Several conditions must first be satisfied : that Germon reunification be accomplished democratically and peacefully ; that security be strengthened by the conventional forces treaty, and that long-term stability take precedence over any short term panaceas. Though there is great anxiety concerning future developments in the Soviet Union, it is essential to continue the process of European construction negotiations and the Atlantic alliance should be combined with European defence initiatives. A system of cooperation and assistance towards the former Communist states needs to be worked out to help them over the hump of political and economie transformation. This will require increased cohesion and effectiveness on the part of the Community and the creation of a framework for concerted action open to ail European States — the Confederation proposed by François Mitterrand.
La politique communautaire et occidentale de Bonn : un examen de passage pour l'Allemagne unie ?
Authors: Bitterlich Joachim 
Published: November 2007

German Western and Community Policy : An Appraisal of Developments, by Joachim Bitterlich
Reunified Germany must be aware that its position and role in Europe are not eased by its unity and have on the contrary become more difficult. It is also clear that its partners need time to adjust to German unity, to which, after initial hesitation, they gave their full political support. Germany should now be judged on the objectives it sets itself. It must seek in its European and foreign policy to build a new role as agent for peace both in Europe and the world rather than content itself with policies of continuity. Chancellor Kohl has thus chosen as his guiding principle that German unity and unity of Europe should march side by side.
Succès et cataclysmes d'une démocratie : l'opinion publique russe en 1991
Authors: Levada Iouri 
Published: November 2007

The Strains and Stresses of Democracy : Russian Public Opinion in 1991, by Iouri Levada
The key events of 1991 — the coup of 19th-21st August, followed immediately by Yeltsin's counter revolution — originated in the failure of perestroika, the conservative putsch, and rising strength of the democratie forces reinforced by public discontent and the declining credibility of the old administration and its slogans. However the « democratie » orientation of public opinion and its predilection for Western models of economie development was based to a large extent on illusions about the character of the « West ». The use of the word « democratie » to characterise the opponents of communism obscures their real convictions and tactics. The nature of these « democratie » forces and their relation to democracy is still not clear.
Démocratisation et mouvances ouvrières
Authors: Desert Myriam 
Published: November 2007

Democratisation and the Labour Movement, by Myriam Désert
This study examines the interaction of democratie forces propelled from « above » and reactions from « bellow » at worker level. Moves to stimulate greater labour productivity, raise the awareness of workers of their status as citizens with a right to make their own daims and demands. After a brief spell of concordance between workers' aspirations and the aims of perestroika, horizontal and vertical rifts have begun to appear. The idyllic picture of a society marching united towards democracy has given way to one of social division and contradictory currents. The elements preventing the formation of a Consolidated labour movement are analysed as are the channels by which labour demands are expressed. AU these will influence the nature of the political culture which emerges.
Une doctrine nucléaire européenne : pour quoi faire et comment ?
Authors: Bozo Frédéric 
Published: November 2007

A Western European Nuclear Deterrence Posture : Why and How ?, by Frédéric Bozo
It may seem odd to discuss the possibility of a West European nuclear deterrence posture in a context characterized by the end of East-West confrontation and the decreasing strategie importance of the nuclear element in European and global security. Yet, as this article argues, it is precisely the radical transformation of the role of the nuclear element in the international System which should prompt a European approach to nuclear deterrence after the Cold War.
Dilemmes et stratégies de la France dans la nouvelle Europe (1989-1991)
Authors: Hoffmann Stanley 
Published: November 2007

French Dilemmas and Strategies in the New Europe (1989-1991), by Stanley Hoffmann
The sudden end of the cold war in Europe, the collapse of the Soviet Empire and the fall of the Berlin wall put the French government in an awkward and paradoxical situation. It was awkward, because France had been concentrating its attention on Western Europe, on the progesss of the European Community ; the momentous events in the East risked changing the priorities and delaying the « deepening » of the Community. h was paradoxical, because, for almost 45 years, France had denounced the division of Europe, the « order of Yalta » ; and yet, now that the partitions had fallen, French authorities, elites and publics seemed dazed. The evolution in the definition of French interests and objectives has been proceeding step by step and the changes in France's outlook are likely to continue. Over time, the French search for distinctiveness and autonomy may transfer its focus from France to a Europe in which France will continue to play an important role. Thus, France would become an « ordinary » European nation, encased in a highly original Community.
Les opinions publiques, obstacle à l'intégration européenne
Authors: Story Jonathan 
Published: November 2007

Public Opinions as Obstacle to European Intégration, by Jonathan Story
Both the SEA and the Maastricht treaty were negotiated by elites and presented for ratification to the parliaments and peoples of the European states. The aim of the complex exercise was to préserve and embed Western Europe society, which had prospered in the past 45 years, so that a hard core of Europe would radiate its values and wealth into the wider, more turbulent Europe opened up by the end of the cold war. But « Maastricht » is a design for a new Europe, which casts shallow roots in European political cultures, and opinions. The old methods of haggling over details, because of disagreements about ends, have prompted member states to protect or project their interests into the negotiations, while postponing the two major questions facing Europe — money and défense — for further debate in 1996. Mean-while, national identifies are challenged by the immediate concerns, innate mutual suspicions, and the return of conditions of flux to world and European affairs. « Maastricht » is the point where European diplomacy and statecraft — elitest by origin, inspiration and context — meets democratie endorsement or rejection. The struggle for Europe's future has only begun.
Le rôle du GATT et les enjeux de l'Uruguay Round
Authors: Messerlin Patrick A. 
Published: November 2007

The GATT and the Uruguay Round, by Patrick A. Messerlin
Born in difficult circumstances, GATT bas promoted a strong economie growth during the post-War era. Its resounding success flows from the fact that GATT is realistic. Its text merely requires transparent and non discriminatory protection. GATT Rounds which are hased on mercantilist but realistic negotiating techniques have been able to generale progressive trade liberalizations taking into account all the conflicting interests. The Uruguay Round bas three major economie objectives : to reduce tariff « peaks » which bave survived or reemerged in industries, to open trade in agriculture and services, and to improve rules on contingent protection and on intellectual propriety rights. For the European Community, this Round represents a challenge. In sharp con- trast to the US the Community has exhausted benefits from regional integration. As a result, it has special duty in the future (until now discharged by the US) ; to be for the Community's and world's benefit, the pivotal supporter of good functioning of the GATT multilateral disciplines.
Le régionalisme et la nouvelle théorie du commerce international sonnent-ils le glas du GATT ?
Authors: Sapir André 
Published: November 2007

Do Regionalism and the New Theory of International Trade Sound the Death Knell for the GATT ?, by André Sapir
The Uruguay Round and more generally GATT itself are in trouble. Obviously the serious macroeconomic problems facing our economies, especially the sharp increase in unemployment, are not conducive to the seulement of an agreement on the trade liberalization. However, the crisis that the Uruguay Round is experiencing is above ail structural. Two factors play a crucial role towards creating the state of relative torpor that the G A TT finds itself in at the moment : firstly efforts toward regional liberalisation have become common and sustained ail over the world ; secondly the « new » theory of international trade reflects the growing importance of increasing returns to scale and imperfect competition in modem industry. Although this theory doesn't call into question the policy recommendations of the classical trade theory based on comparative advantage, it has weakened the cause of free trade. There are several options available to the European Community with respect to the crisis in the international trade System.
La politique étrangère des Etats baltes
Authors: Kionka Riina Ruth 
Published: November 2007

The Foreign Policies of the Baltic States, by Riina Ruth Kionka
During the initial post-Communist period, the foreign policies of the Baltic states were directea almost singularly toward enhancing security. Above ail, this meant normalizing relations with Russia and integrating into Western European structures. The Baltic efforts were complicated by an extremely fluid external environment — dominated by increasing chaos in Russia and evergreater uncertainty in the West over the shape of a post-Communist Europe — and by the need to institutionalize nationality policy at home. The primary results of this early phase of foreign policymaking were, paradoxically, a deepening of the security dilemma for the Baltic states vis-à-vis Russia as well as the decreasing relevance of the concept of « the Baltic states » as a politically useful category.
Le conflit serbo-croate et l'éclatement de la Yougoslavie
Authors: Simic Predrag 
Published: November 2007

The Serb-Croat Conflict and Break-up of Yugoslavia, by Predrag Simic
The civil war in Yugoslavia is one of the most serious security threats in Europe after the end of the cold war. Basically, this conflict is the consequence of the long-lasting crisis and the dissolution of Yugoslav communism that made the unresolved ethnie, confessional, territorial and other disputes among the Yugoslav peoples escalate into an armed conflict. By its significance, the most important among them is the rivalry between the two most numerous South Slav nations — the Serbs and Croats — that marked the history of the common state since it was created in 1918. As the break-up of Yugoslavia coincided with the broad geopolitical changes in Europe, this crisis was quickly internationalized while the foreign actors sided with the conflicting parties following cultural similarities and common interests. The disappearance of Yugoslavia from the political map of Europe opened the process of geopolitical « remaking of the Balkans », that will most likely lead to its division along the confessional boundaries between Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam. This will turn the whole region into an area of permanent crisis and instability. The alternative to this would be a reestablishment of the Yugoslav or creation of a Balkan community and a graduai integration of the region into the European structures, but at this moment either local or international actors show no interests in achieving such solution.
La question albanaise
Authors: Stark Hans 
Published: November 2007

The Albanian Question, by Hans Stark
In the South of the Balkan Peninsula where it has long served as a buffer state between powers, Albania, the only European country with a Muslim majority, plays a central role in a dominantly Othodox and hostile environment. Albania's borders were drawn up (in the 1913 Treaty of London) according to geopolitical rather than ethnie criteria. With Albanians spread out over five states it seems unlikely that the simple désire of Ramiz Alia's government for integration will be sufficient to curb Albanese irredentism. Whilst the thorny question of Kosovo, Northern Epirus and minorities remain unanswered Albania's relations with its neighbours, especially Greece and Serbia, cannot be 'normalized'. In addition to being the poorest country in Europe, Albania has the highest birth rate in the Balkans and will, until these problems are solved, constitute an important factor of instability for the whole region.
Les répercussions économiques de l'unification allemande et leurs conséquences pour la Corée
Authors: Yeon Ha-Cheong 
Published: November 2007

Economie Repercussions of German Unification and Their Consequenses for Korea, by Ha-Cheon Yeon
South Korea has not failed to follow carefully the steps of German reconciliation and the unification process. It has tried to find inspiration from it, without making the same mistakes. Seoul should be ail the more watchful since the problems of the unification between the two Koreas wiïl be even more insurmountable than in Germany. However North Korea aspires to lift the iron curtain wbicb divides the penninsula, at the same time, it fears too-rapid development, being overwhelmed with economie and social troubles and, at last, a sacrifice of the material well-being and the économie competitiveness of its citizens and firms. So, the Seoul watchword is graduai reconciliation during a decade, walking toward a progressive unification, resulting from a slow and controlled process.
L'Asie et l'Europe : une nouvelle alliance pour le XXIe siècle
Authors: Goh Chok Tong 
Published: November 2007

Asia and Europe : a New Alliance for the 21st Century, by GOH Chok Tong
During an era marked by increasing globalisation, Asia and Europe need each other. Europe can help Asia to develop and in return Asia's growth can give new life to European économies through a partnership based on a new balance of power. In order to achieve this, an open international economie order must be maintained and new producers integrated into this. At the same time Europe must be aware that growth in Asia represents an opportunity to be seized, rather than a threat, since investment and development of commercial exchanges with Asia will improve the standard of living in Europe.
Sécurité européenne : l'impossible statu quo
Authors: Guéhenno Jean-Marie 
Published: November 2007

European Security: the Impossible Status Quo, by Jean-Marie Guéhenno
Despite tbeir importance, events in Russia will not upset the European security architecture. The only two determining factors are the évolution of European construction and the United States. On the one hand the Union cannot maintain indefinetely the present ambiguity of reserving the possibility of future integration without really putting it into motion. On the other hand America will either continue to withdraw its forces, thus eventually undermining NATO security guarantees or will maintain its presence. This second option should however he the resuit of a substantial tightening of Euro-American relations. There are four possible scenarios which may result from different combinations of these possibilities. The maintaining of the status quo is not one of them and the present ambiguities of the post-Cold War will disappear in the following years.
La France rattrapée par le drame algérien
Authors: Chenal Alain 
Published: November 2007

France Caught Up in the Algerian Drama, by Alain Chenal
Since 1988, Franco-Algerian relations have been marked by a solidarity between the two governments (despite doubts expressed when the Algerian electoral process was interrupted in January 1992) to the point that Paris appears to be the staunchest defender of the ideas of the Algerian government before the international community. In addition, France facing important elections itself wishes, as far as possible, to limit the effects of the Algerian crisis especially with regard to a possible influx into France of Algerian citizens. Recent crises have not really changed this directive which is far from finding unanimous support in French government circles.
Les relations franco-américaines
Authors: Andréani Jacques 
Published: November 2007

Franco-American Relations, by Jacques Andréani
Since the sixties, French and American international positions have become doser. Nevertheless, both countries have a tendency to interpret unfavourably the other's intentions, to exaggerate differences and to make them public. In the main these misunderstandings are due to memories of past disagreements and to the sometimes conflicting visions that each country has of its own international role. Moreover their relations suffer from the fact that the US finds it difficult to accept ail the consequences of European integration, even though it supports it in principle. The pursuit of the European project, inasmuch as it is shaped by French recommendations, is occasionally opposed to the American approach which tends to uphold NATO as the central element of European architecture, without adapting its integrated structure. Possible compromises, acceptable to the French, would require the American doctrine to become more flexible.
La France en quête d'une politique africaine ?
Authors: Marchal Roland 
Published: November 2007

France in Search of an African Policy?, by Roland Marchal
The French presidential élections do not seem to have essentially changea France's African policy: vital décisions are not being taken and the government is simply content to deal with the situation on a day-to-day basis. Despite the désire to reform cooperation policy, the centres of decision-making remain scattered and networks of influence powerful. Whilst recommending the policies of structural adjustment called for by the Bretton Woods institutions, France continues to support African leaders who stand in the way of democratization. France should rather favor the State of Law and settle the important economie issues such as debt, regional integration and the future of the franc zone. France must work especially hard to ensure that there is greater European commitment to Africa, not only financially speaking but also politically. This would help to remedy the deficiencies of the United Nations.
La France et l'Europe centrale
Authors: Romer Jean-Christophe , Schreiber Thomas 
Published: November 2007

par Jean-Christophe Romer et Thomas Schreiber
Après une période faste, dans les années 60, la politique vis-à-vis de l'Est de la France ne réussit pas à retrouver le prestige qu'elle avait sous la présidence du général de Gaulle. Peu à peu, la France se trouve marginalisée en Europe centrale et orientale par la RFA dont le dynamisme contraste avec les errements des politiques françaises successives. La France a pourtant de nombreuses cartes à jouer dans cette région, à condition de renoncer à ses complexes d'infériorité et de supériorité.
Vers la fin de l'exception indienne
Authors: Bernard Jean-Alphonse 
Published: November 2007

La crise qui a secoué le pays en 1990-1991, a sonné l'heure de vérité pour les gouvernants de l'Inde. L'auteur expose comment l'occasion a été brillamment utilisée par le tandem P.V.N. Rao-Manmohan Singh pour normaliser le " modèle " indien dans un sens conforme à l'esprit du temps. Néanmoins, l'ag-giornarnento n'a pas été sans susciter des oppositions diverses qui ont fait perdre au parti du Congrès — jusqu'alors dominant — ses positions électorales dans de nombreux Etats. L'échéance des élections législatives de 1996, si elle devait confirmer l'effacement du parti au pouvoir, constituerait une épreuve non seulement pour les réformes économiques, mais aussi pour l'avenir du fédéralisme indien.
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