bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Le nucléaire entre marginalisation et banalisation
Authors: Bozo Frédéric 
Published: November 2007

The Nuclear Issue: Caught Between Marginality and Banality, by Frédéric Bozo
Cold-War Europe was, until the revolution of 1989, the favoured geostrategic framework for the atomic phenomenon. International relations were structured by the nuclear factor which was in turn stabilised by the international System. With the end of the Cold War this balance could be threatened. It is not sure if and how the nuclear issue can escape the risk of instability. Before such questions may be answered a retrospective reflection must be undertaken on the determinants of nuclear stability in Europe during the Cold War.
Allemagne-Russie : les aléas d'un partenariat difficile
Authors: Stark Hans 
Published: November 2007

Germany and Russia : the Ups and Downs of a Difficult Partnership, by Hans Stark
If German-Russian relations remain close, six years after German reunification, there is no real partnership between the two countries. In spite of the 'friend-ship' between Helmut Kohi and Boris Yeltsin, certain frictions have arisen hetween the two governments, as a resuit of the refusal of the Russian government to grant greater autonomy to the German minority in Russia and to return German cultural goods seized by the Red Army at the end of World War II. As for Moscow, it draws attention to the reluctance of German economic and financial leaders to invest in Russia and looks very unfavourably on German initiatives in favour of enlarging the Atlantic Alliance eastwards.
L'institution militaire, le pouvoir et la société civile en Russie
Authors: Fedorov Yuri 
Published: November 2007

The Military Institution, Power and Civil Society in Russia, by Iouri E. Fedorov
The Russian, and later Soviet army, has always played a central role in the country's history. Even today, a general — Alexander Lebed — has acquired considerable political clout. Once again, this begs the troubling question of the potential political role of the army in Russia. Lt is these complicated relations between the army, the power and the civil society that the Russian professor, Iouri Fedorov, specialised in the study of the military institution, here analyses. Diminished by the disappearance of the Empire, made poorer by budgetary restrictions, the disorganized Russian army has, since 1992, undergone a real depoliticization and against its will got involved in the domestic Chechen conflict. However, in its majority, the army still supports an authority regime in Russia. Its size means that there cannot be an electoral victory without its support and that of its families. The political establishment must take into account its views, its quest for an improved standard of living and even the attitude of the military elite with respect to foreign policy towards the countries of the CIS and the West.
Fédéralisme et gouvernement régional en Russie
Authors: Raviot Jean-Robert 
Published: November 2007

Federalism and Regional Government in Russia, by Jean-Robert Raviot
As a fedération, Russia must have a policy with regard to the heterogeneous territories of which it is composed. The legacy of the USSR is problematic: it has left Russia with administrative entities of an unequal status. Jean-Robert Raviot analyses this asymetry which characterizes Russia's federal organization. The republics and the regions enjoy varying degrees of autonomy, are variably endowed with diverse natural resources and hence are inequally wealthy, and above ail exhibit different levels of federal identity and integration. "Each case is special" and the present central government, since the war in Chechnya, has adopted a cautious policy of "case-by-case federalism". The dialogue between central government and its peripheries, far from being over, is conducted by executive powers embodied more often than not by the presidents of the republics or the chiefs of the regions. Tatarstan is a case in point, its president having full powers over his fief. The recent gubernatorial election makes relations more complicated. Jean-Robert Raviot questions the future of a federal system where the rules of the game are far from clear.
Les modes d'adaptation de la société russe
Authors: Rousselet Kathy 
Published: November 2007

The Ways in Which Russia Adapts, by Kathy Rousselet
The Russian socioeconomic situation, far from being on the brink of chaos, seems to be relatively stable. Russians, with low material requirements inherited from the Soviet era, have no further expectations from the State and even distrust it, developing an "ascetic culture". In the absence of a strong State, society, like firms, is reorganizing and regulating itself on the basis of personal and informal relations. Faced with a society that is increasingly fragmented, Russians prefer the private sphere, especially that of the family and the community, which supports a System of reciprocated mutual aid, conflict resolution and social integration. The informal sphere, the spontaneous response of society to this period of transition, could prove to be temporary, even if it is a fundamental element of Russian sociopolitical culture.
Le legs afghan
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2007

The Afghan Legacy, by Olivier Roy
The Afghan State, Consolidated by its role as a buffer State during the nineteenth century Anglo-Russian rivalry, must today redefine itself within the new strategie context. Existing borders tend to be blurred as Afghanistan and the region as a whole are increasingly divided along ethnie Unes. The Russian retreat from Central Asia seems to be permanent, and the new strategie deployment is focused upon Caspian supplies of hydrocarbons, for which Afghanistan offers apotential transit, at least whilst the American embargo against Iran lasts. Pakistan is thus endeavouring to establish a protectorate over Afghanistan in order to fill the void left by the Russian retreat. However, a remaining sense of Afghan identity may create anti-Pakistani feelings, whilst the end of the American embargo against Iran would rob Afghanistan of all strategie interest.
Union monétaire européenne et coopération monétaire internationale
Authors: Eichengreen Barry , Ghironi Fabio 
Published: November 2007

European Monetary Union and International Monetary Coopération, by Barry Eichengreen and Fabio Ghironi
We describe the opportunities and perils for international monetary cooperation associated with EMU. While institutional and intellectual support for monetary-policy coordination within Europe will be strengthened by EMU, a limitation of the Maastricht Treaty framework concerns relations between the « ins » and the « outs » — between member states that will and that will not be founding members of the monetary union. While this problem can be remedied, it presently looms as the principal threat to monetary cohesion in Europe and to the broader program of economie and political integration with which EMU is linked. By comparison, institutional and intellectual support for transatlantic monetary coopération, and for G7 monetary cooperation more generally, remains deficient. The advent of Stage III will only highlight these limitations.
L'avenir de l'Union européenne
Authors: De Schoutheete Philippe 
Published: November 2007

The Future of the European Union, by Philippe de Schoutheete
The European debate focuses on issues such as the ratification of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the implementation of Monetary Union and the agenda 2000. But it is also crucial to think about the future development of the Union. The Treaty of Amsterdam underscores certain weaknesses in the method of negotiating European treaties, but its actual content is not as insignificant as often claimed. The absence of a common political vision among European leaders is disturbing and will also affect the implementation of Monetary Union and the enlargement negotiations. A minimum amount of agreement is needed on the objectives pursued. Such agreement can be sought around the definition and implementation of a European economic and social model on the one hand and around the Union's foreign policy on the other.
Y a-t-il une politique européenne de non-prolifération nucléaire ?
Authors: Labbé Marie-Hélène 
Published: November 2007

Is There a European Nuclear Non-Proliferation Policy?, by Marie-Hélène Labbé
The EU Member States hâve différent nuclear statuses and have competing industries. Yet a European non-proliferation policy has emerged thanks to the necessity of avoiding cacophony during the great negotiations on non-proliferation. It is mainly reactive to American policy and often guided by economie concerns. Its ambiguities could easily be revealed in fortheoming negotiations.
Ce que dévoile une guerre. Algérie, 1997
Authors: Stora Benjamin 
Published: November 2007

What a War Reveals. Algeria, 1997, by Benjamin Stora
This article offers an original vision of a conflict that has claimed about 100,000 victims in the space of six years. By placing these issues in a long-term context, it attempts to explain phenomena like extreme violence, the role of the religious factor or the French perception of the « second Algerian war », which often appear to be confused or vehicles prejudice.
La Méditerranée, un enjeu qui mérite une politique plus audacieuse
Authors: Ghilès Francis 
Published: November 2007

The Mediterranean, an Issue that Deserves a Bolder Policy, by Francis Ghiles
The European Union will not take up the challenge of a renewed Mediterranean policy if the only criterion it uses is the signing of free-trade agreements with the countries of the Mediterranean basin. If it wishes to bond the countries on the southern shore to Europe and form an area of shared prosperity, it will have to devise a financial instrument equal to the challenges — a guarantee fund for both private and public investments.
Le débat sur la mondialisation : leçons du passé
Authors: Rodrik Dani 
Published: November 2007

The Globalization Debate: Lessons of the Past, by Dani Rodrik
By letting markets play an ever-greater rôle and by calling the welfare state into question, globalization is affecting the labour market and income distribution, generating tensions between those who benefit and those who are still excluded from the process and consequently weakening the post-war social contract. In the context of a globalized economy, national governments nevertheless retain an essential role, and national sovereignty ail its prerogatives. Globalization is therefore not irreversible. It is all the more fragile in that it revives the dilemma between markets' inegalitarian logic and democracy's egalitarian logic. Now global capitalism will only be able to survive if it relies on a political legitimacy which only national States can guarantee, particularly by developing their own specifie models.
Kosovo : une crise peut en cacher une autre
Authors: Bougarel Xavier 
Published: November 2007

Kosovo: One Crisis May Conceal Another, by Xavier Bougarel
In their haste to denounce the rise of nationalistic feelings in the Balkans, many observers disregard another facet of reality in the Balkans: the fragility of national identities and State institutions. In the 1980s Kosovo became the scène of a confrontation between two radically opposed nationalist projects whose contradictions and limits and, more generally, the disintegration of the communities to which they relate, explain the recent exacerbation of the crisis between the Serb and Albanian communities, marked as they are by deep historical and cultural rifts. Are we heading towards the establishment of a Greater Albania or a new Albano-Albanian war?
La politique allemande de sécurité et de défense à la croisée des chemins
Authors: Meiers Franz-Josef 
Published: November 2007

German Security and Defence Policy at the Crossroads, by Franz-Josef Meiers
Following the Washington and Cologne resolutions, Germany's security and defence policy is facing some far-reaching changes. The mission, numbers, structure and equipment of the German armed forces must be adjusted to the range of missions that will be most likely in the 21st century, as has been done by Germany's main European allies, France and Great Britain. It is necessary to have recourse to smaller, more flexible projection forces that can be deployed quickly over great distances.
Les relations franco-américaines à l'épreuve de la crise au Kosovo
Authors: Kramer Steven Philip 
Published: November 2007

U.S.-French Relations After Kosovo, by Steven Kramer
U.S.-French relations suffer from a lack of mutual trust based on two centuries of difficult history. In addition, U.S-French security interests do not coincide. Although both nations believe in the importance of playing an active role in global security and cooperate effectively in specifie cases like Kosovo, their long term goals are different. The United States wishes to perpetuate an Atlanticist security System; France advocates greater European independence. No solution to the debate over ESDI will occur without a breakthrough in U.S.-French relations, but past expérience indicates that no such breakthrough is likely to take place. The future of U.S.-French relations will probably resemble the past, conflict over doctrine, cooperation over concrete issues.
Les ambitions de l'Europe : de l'après-Kosovo aux indicateurs de cohérence
Authors: Dumoulin André 
Published: November 2007

Europe's Ambitions: From After-Kosovo to Cohérence Indicators, by André Dumoulin
Europe's voluntarist security and défense policy during the post-Kosovo period reveals a number of institutional, operational and doctrinal dilemmas for the Union, while ill-concealing the numerous underlying divergences that will flow from this ambition in the Transatlantic arena. The apparent soundness of the foundation on which Europe's pragmatic new security and defense policy is based will certainly require quite a number of adjustments between the US and its allies.
Le rôle des idées dans les relations internationales
Authors: Hassner Pierre 
Published: November 2007

Ideas and International Relations, by Pierre Hassner
After the defeat of the totalitarian idéologies of the 20th century, the future belongs neither to pure pragmatism nor to the clash of civilizations. Ideas are as important as ever, but they no longer form coherent wholes. They are hard to disentangle from interests and passions. This is the conclusion drawn from the debate in international relations theory, from cursory examination of the wars and revolutions of the 20th century, and from the present struggle between universalism and particularism which is at work both in the debate around globalization and in the successes and failures of religious movements.
L'Afrique et le XXe siècle : dépossession, renaissance, incertitudes
Authors: M'Bokolo Elikia 
Published: November 2007

Africa and the 20th Century : Dispossession, Rebirth, Uncertainty, by Elikia M' Bokolo
Rather than seeing a single Africa evolving through successive phases -European conquest, colonization, decolonization, independence... -, the 20th century has witnessed several Africas intermingling, fighting and influencing each other : a dominated Africa, which lasted longest, beginning with the modem age and of which the 20th century is only a phase ; a reviving Africa, that of self-willed players determined to emancipate the continent and establish it as a subject in international relations ; a new Africa, the result of many different dynamics, which harbours the uncertainty of an open future.
Les femmes dans les relations internationales
Authors: Gaspard Françoise 
Published: November 2007

Women in International Relations in the 20th Century, by Françoise Gaspard
Women were for a long time missing from the history of international relations. In this respect, the 20th century stands out, at best, as a late reorientation of a phenomenon which reach a peak in the 19th century. In France, the creation of the ENA, in 1945, started the beginning of a new era, by allowing women to reach high positions in the administration. But it was necessary to wait until 1972 for a French woman to be made an ambassador. On the international scene, from 1946 onward, the rights of women have been progressively recognized, thanks to the UN. But an equality gender policy is still to be fully implemented. Even though many agreements proclaim it, few States, even in the West, make the effort to respect it.
Octobre 1917 : révolution dans les relations internationales. Les trois leviers de la politique étrangère soviétique
Authors: Ferro Marc 
Published: November 2007

October 1917 : a Revolution in International Relations, by Marc Ferro
1917 : Whereas Europe sinked into the depths of war, the czars' empire fell over into a new world, that of Marxism-Leninism. Relinquishing the role of spreading the révolution outside the USSR's borders, the Soviet leaders brought three major changes in international relations : a questioning -although rather limited - of traditional diplomacy, the use of national communist parties in the management of foreign affairs, and a true nationalities policy allowing the right to self-determination.
Le traité de Nice : déconstruction ou refondation de l'Union ?
Authors: De La Serre Françoise 
Published: November 2007

The Nice Treaty: a Deconstruction of a Recasting of the Union?, by Françoise de La Serre
The Nice Treaty fulfils the necessary preconditions for enlargement in terms of institutional reform. But is that sufficient to ensure a capacity for governance in the enlarged Union? In spite of some not inconsiderable progress, there is room for doubt. By anticipating a follow-up to Nice, and the opening of a new institutional construction-site in 2001, the existing members acknowledge that the debate is far from over and that some vital questions need answers: what project and what institution for Europe?
Vladimir Poutine et l'Occident : l'heure est au pragmatisme
Authors: De Tinguy Anne 
Published: November 2007

Vladimir Putin and the West: Towards Pragmatism, by Anne de Tinguy
The weakening of Russia, the United States' disaffection for it, the European Union's expansion to the East — which could just as easily be a factor of isolation as a historie opportunity — and Nato's similar encroach have led President Putin to review his country's foreign affairs priorities. The Washington partnership, a symbol of power, was traditionally at the centre of Soviet then Russian policy. Currently, Russia would seem to have no alternative: at the risk of not finding its place in a rapidly changing world, she must somehow integrate herself in Europe. This does not mean renouncing its status of Eurasian state and the "most important country in the CIS". Pragmatism and dynamism, which are meant to compensate for the paucity of means at Russia's disposal, dominate the "Putin method".
Les enjeux régionaux autour du Pakistan
Authors: Cordonnier Isabelle 
Published: November 2007

Regional Challenges around Pakistan, by Isabelle Cordonnier
There are several regional challenges around Pakistan closely dépendent on domestic conditions. Through Pakistan's bilateral relations with two of its main neighbours - India and Afghanistan -, two major challenges appear: the nature or regional power in Southern Asia, and the settlement of territorial conflicts inherited from colonisation. The stability of the Indo-Pakistani relation is a critical challenge, not only at a regional level, but also at a global one. Because both countries have an open nuclear capacity and ballistic arsenals reaching the other's territory, South Asia emerges as the region where the nuclear and ballistic capacity to prevent the escalation of conflicts to the extremes is actually tested.
L'évolution des conflits en Afrique subsaharienne
Authors: Porteous Tom 
Published: November 2007

Evolution of Conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa, by Tom PORTEOUS
The evolution of conflicts in Africa is inséparable from the political processes of transition and transformation that have been taking place in African societies since decolonisation. In the 1990s, the withdrawal of Cold War super-power patronage and international pressure on Africa to libéralise both economically and politically led to a spate of new conflicts which were above ail symptomatic of the weaknesses of African states now exposed to fresh shocks and pressures. The principle characteristics of these wars include the extraordinary regionalization of conflicts, the multiplicity of belligerents and other actors, the range and mutability of political and economie motivations, and the brutal strategies employed. But conflict resolution has not been helped by a tendency to see conflict in the narrow context of development and humanitarian goals. A broader political perspective is required. There are signs of a reduction of conflict in Africa over the past couple of years, a consequence of a new détermination by some African and Western leaders to take a more holistic approach. But real challenges lie ahead, including the impact of HIV/AIDS, and shifting Western policy in the wake of 9/11 and the war in Iraq.
L'année 2003 dans l'Histoire : « tournant », « rupture » ou « continuité » ?
Authors: Grosser Pierre 
Published: November 2007

2003 in History: "Turning Point" or "Continuity"? by Pierre GROSSER
This contribution raises the question of the significance of 2003 as the possible end of an historical period. Does it mark the end of the period ushered in by the 11th of September? Or the real end of the post Cold War era? Or the end indeed of that part of the post-1945 world masked by the confrontation between the East and the West (the establishment of the System based on the United Nations, the emergence of the Trans-Atlantic partnership, the pursuit of the de-colonisation, etc)? It also examines whether the behaviour of the United States in 2003 is part of a longer history, or whether we are not witnessing a sort of revolution in its foreign policy.
La Résistance comme référence légitimatrice de la violence. Le cas de l'extrême-gauche italienne, 1969-1974
Authors: Sommier Isabelle 
Published: November 2007

Resistance as legitimation of violence. Tbe case of the italian extreme-left. (1969-1974).
Isabelle Sommier. [86-103].
1969-1974 is the genesis period of the italian armed struggle. It is mainly characterized by the efforts made by the first fighting groups to construct a filiation with the Resistance movement. Their regard to mimesis makes clear the wbole construction of the "cause" of violence and the mobilization of ressources (names, patterns of action). The symbolic struggle between the extreme-left and the PCI can be understood in the same way. The cultural legacy of the PCI isthus claimed, reexamined (and therefore competeted witb) in order to support the armed
La compétence morale
Authors: Memmi Dominique 
Published: November 2007

La compétence morale.
Dominique Memmi. [104-124].
Participer activement à l'élaboration d'une morale collective quand aucune institution, aucun groupe constitué ne vous en donnent expressément mandat, réclame d'importantes dispositions à la mise à distance : de ses désirs, de ceux des autres. Elles sont liées à l'occupation de certaines positions sociales, biographiques ou disciplinaires. Les représentations qu'inspirent ces dernières, les intérêts psychiques, symboliques ou matériels qui leur sont attachés sont cependant dûment retravaillés, c'est-à-dire publiquement neutralisés, désaffectés et universalisés afin de laisser place à une énergie expressive apparemment sans objet, sans visée autre que la production normative elle-même. Or cette mise à distance et la gratuité dont elle se revêt autorise la séparation et la distinction d'un groupe en formation, qui se voit ainsi doté de cette autorité sociale minimum qu'est la compétence morale.