bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Ou en Sommes-Nous avec L'Elite Intellectuelle D'Haiti
Authors: Lubin Maurice A. 
Published: March 2007

Nous sommes fiers de notre élite intellectuelle. Nous apprécions ses connaissances littéraires, artistiques, techniques. Nous tirons legitime vanité de ses productions intellectuelles.Il a été donné plus d'une fois de dresser le bilan de nos productions intellectuelles. II y a, par exemple, d'Ulrick Divivier la BibliographieGenérale et Méthodique D'Haiti (2 volumes, Port-au-Prince, Imprimerie de l'Etat, 1941, 315 et 411 pages), des Anthologies de Poésie et de Prose Haitiennes et l'important travail de Max Bissainthe Dictionnaire de la Bibliographie Haitienne (The Scarecrow Press, Washington D. C, 1052 pages, 1951) qui constituent des homages éloquents á notre intelligenzia, durante les 150 ans et plus d'Indépendance.
Tres Revoluciones de Hispanoamérica: México, Bolivia y Cuba
Authors: Urbanski Edmund Stephen 
Published: March 2007

La urgencia de reformas que se desprende de las necesidades actuales de Hispanoamérica nos obliga a analizar las transformaciones que ya tuvieron lugar al respecto, puesto que pueden servirnos como directrices para el futuro. Del desenvolvimiento general de las vicisitudes que les acompañaban se puede, además, como decía Cervantes, sacar “algún ejemplo provechoso”.De los varios países hispanoamericanos que emprendieron reformas, México es el único donde la revolución del siglo xx ha constituido el mayor intento de mejoramiento de vida de las masas. Aunque sus resultados no son finales, la palabra “revolución”, ha perdido en el suelo mexicano su sentido original. Se ha convertido en un sinónimo de progreso social y sobre todo, agrario.
Carlos J. Finlay, Gloria Americana
Authors: Vizcaíno Juan F. 
Published: March 2007

El Journal of Inter-American Studies quiere dejar constancia desu preocupación porque las figuras señeras de nuestra Américasean recordadas y enaltecidas en la dimensión de sus personalidadesy ejecutorias. Hoy cabe el recuerdo de un médico e investigador cubano,el Dr. Carlos J. Finlay, quien a lo largo de toda una vidapudo abrir caminos científicos para el bienestar de la humanidad. Al cumplirse cincuenta años de su muerte acaecida el 20 de agostode 1915, se ha pretendido rendir tributo a su memoria.La investigación médica en la América tiene un pionero de gran calidad en Carlos Juan Finlay. En este cubano se concentran J factores que revelan una verdadera categoría de cultura y de ascenso en la mentalidad latinoamericana de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.Nació Finlay en la ciudad de Camagüey el 3 de diciembre de 1833, y es su padre un médico escocés avecindado en Cuba, el Dr. Edward Finlay, y su madre Isabel de Barres, que es francesa de nacimiento. Su educación secundaria fue francesa pues sus estudios se hicieron en el Liceo de Ruán (Rheims), pero la universitaria tuvo una doble vertiente cultural: se graduó de Doctor en Medicina en el Jefferson Medical College de Filadelfia en 1855 con honores de Doctor en Ciencias, y en la Universidad de la Habana, en 1857.
The United States as Seen from Mexico
Authors: Merrill John C. 
Published: March 2007

This article is a report of a study begun in 1959 and completed in early 1962 at the State University of Iowa as a doctoral dissertation. A descriptive study, it attempted to draw in rather broad outlines the image of the United States and its people as presented in an important segment of the Mexican press1 and in opinions expressed by journalists in interviews and on questionnaires. More specifically, the study was made to determine and describe the volume and kinds of news, opinion, and pictorial material about the United States published over a randomlyselected period (January, 1960) in ten leading daily newspapers of Mexico.Beyond this main descriptive phase, consisting of the analysis of the content of 300 separate newspaper issues, the study also had as a secondary objective the presentation of opinion about the United States given by journalists connected with the ten dailies and with a few other newspapers. This latter phase proved to be much the more interesting, and the more revealing, aspect of the study, and it is principally with this “opinion” aspect of the study that the present article deals.
Peruvian Social Mobility: Revolutionary and Developmental Potential
Authors: Chaplin David 
Published: March 2007

While Peru's economic development is highly influenced by its resource endowment and the price structure of its exports, the style of industrialization will be determined in large part by the type and amount of social mobility its class structure permits. Although similar ethnically to Guatemala and Bolivia, Peru so far has managed to forestall a basic social revolution and has developed under one of the most private “free enterprise” regimes in Latin America. It should therefore be interesting to examine the type of class structure and social mobility that underlies this stage of development.In terms of a model of the process of industrialization, I shall emphasize the distinctive features of the transitional stage. It seems that a folk-urban, traditional-modern dichotomy—or even a transitional type that is merely halfway between these extremes—is not adequate.
Argentine Political Instability: A Crisis of Simultaneous Quest for Authority and Equality
Authors: Lee Manwoo 
Published: March 2007

During the past quarter of a century, Argentina has undergone a series of diverse political experiments. These included the rise and fall of Juan Perón (1943-1955), the military caretaker governments of Generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu (1955-1958), the emergence and overthrow of Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), the interim government of José Guido (1962-1963), the election and downfall of Arturo Illía (1963-1966), and finally the coming to power of General Juan Carlos Onganía. Onganía presently rules the country with no intention of loosening his control on the levers of power.The Perón regime revealed a semitotalitarian tendency, an obsession with the building of new political authority and community. The Aramburu administration attempted to prove that the Perón regime was criminal and a destroyer of Argentine civilization. Ignoring the primacy of politics, the Frondizi government tried desperately to cope with the rapid economic development. Inertia characterized the Mia administration.
The Argentine Proposal for Non-belligerency, April 1940
Authors: Tulchin Joseph S. 
Published: March 2007

Argentine neutrality during World War II with its suspicious leanings toward fascism has become a cliché in inter-American relations. As far as the United States was concerned at that time, the Argentine Republic was the black sheep of the hemispheric community, the only nation that failed to cooperate wholeheartedly in the crusade against the Axis. The famous State Department “Blue Book,” so conveniently published prior to the Argentine general elections of 1946, spelled out the aid and comfort the Nazis had derived from Argentina's neutrality. By only the narrowest margin did Argentina avoid being drummed out of the hemispheric organization and barred from membership in the new United Nations.It seems strange, therefore, to recall that it was the Argentine government that first suggested, in the spring of 1940, that the nations of the Western Hemisphere discard the posture of traditional neutrality in the face of the spreading conflagration in Europe, on the grounds that it was anachronistic and did not protect their interests.
Cities of Empire: Mexico and Bahia in the Sixteenth Century
Authors: Schwartz Stuart B. 
Published: March 2007

In the Renaissance, colonization and exploitation followed soon after travel and discovery. Spaniards and Portuguese were the vanguard of this movement in the Atlantic world, and it is not surprising that the city was among the institutions brought by them as part of their cultural heritage. What makes the story of the urban conquest of Latin America particularly interesting are the specific configurations of society in the cities of empire and the conscious use of the city as a symbol ofimperium.The objective of this paper is to analyze the functions and social organization of two of these cities, Mexico City and Salvador da Bahia, and to demonstrate that despite a variety of often striking differences, the social structures of both reflected similar solutions to the common problem of integrating newly-created groups into an already structured society.
The Search for Identity: Two Very Different Approaches
Authors: Beyer Robert Carlyle 
Published: March 2007

The subject of identity is both important and timely. In the last twenty years we ourselves have been so involved in the processes of alienation, myth-making and image-making that the recent concentration of thinking on the subject of “identity” is easily recognized as only one more facet to the same problem. The term “identity” appears in the title of several recent books on Latin America. The general themes of our two papers—religious movements and students—are currently very much in the fore when the subject of identity is discussed.At first, the prospect of relating these two papers under the single theme “A Search for Identity” appeared to me unpromising; but as I began to extend my modest reading about identity, I became increasingly intrigued. I thought to myself: “Should I really take my courage in my hands and talk about identity with all the abstractions and the pitfalls that abstractions bring?” While trying to make up my mind, a day dream flashed before me.
Trópico e Desenvolvimento
Authors: Torres José Garrido 
Published: March 2007

Sumner e Keller afirman, em sua obra “The Science of Society”, que “os primeiros focos de civilização ocorreram precisamente onde as condiçães do meio físico se combinaram para favorecer o aparecimento de populaçães numerosas e o contato entre elas”. Foi o caso, segundo êles, dos vales banhados pelos ríos ñas regiões mais quentes do Velho Mundo —na China, na Índia, na Assíria e no Egito.Também Ferreira Reis aqui categòricamente declarou, ao abrir êste Seminário, que “Nos trópicos, encontraram os europeus não apenas espaços físicos possuídos primàriamente por sociedades que não se distinguiam pela manifestação de culturas materiais e espirituais. Encontraram, também povos que se realizavam com a maior grandeza, seja no social, seja no econômico, seja no espiritual. O inventário de que já dispomos acêrca dêsses povos permite a certeza de que, muitos dêles, haviam criado áreas de civilização de que se podia ufanar a espécie humana. Foi assim nas Américas, no Oriente e na própria África”.
El pensamiento filosófico de Augusto Pescador Sarget
Authors: Durán Max Solares 
Published: March 2007

Don Augusto Pescador es, indudablemente, una de las figuras más influyentes en el campo de la filosofía en Bolivia. Y decimos una de las figuras porque junto a su nombre hay que citar a Guillermo Francovich, Roberto Prudencio, Rubén Carrasco de la Vega, Huáscar Cajías, Mario Miranda Pacheco, Luis Carranza Siles, Manfredo Kemp Mercado, Nicolás Fernández Naranjo y otros. Empero, en el caso de don Augusto Pescador, se da un caso especial, porque siendo de nacionalidad española su mayor desarrollo, madurez, difusión e influencia los tuvo en Bolivia.Don Augusto Pescador Sarget nació en Orihuela (Alicante), España, en 1910; después de sus estudios de enseñanza media estudió filosofía en la Universidad de Zaragoza obteniendo el título de Licenciado en Filosofía. Más antes estudió Derecho en Madrid sacando el título de Abogado, profesión que no la ejerce, dedicándose más a la docencia; así como obtuvo el título académico de filosofía en Orihuela. En España alternó la docencia con algunas representaciones oficiales al servicio de su gobierno en algunos países europeos.
Los indígenas Americanos y los regímenes constitucionales
Authors: Lozada Salvador María 
Published: March 2007

Entre las cuestiones en que el derecho constitucional lationamericano ha debido separarse del modelo —en tantos otros respectos seguido no sin admiración— de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, cuenta la de los indígenas.La diferencia arraiga en zonas profundas de la historia y de la idiosincrasia de los dos sectores culturales del continente americano. Es consecuencia de la diferente actitud básica con que emprendieron la ocupación de este territorio los ibéricos y los anglosajones. La conquista anglosajona de los actuales Estados Unidos, tendió al desalojo, cuando no al exterminio de los primitivos habitantes de ese territorio. Nunca intentaron, de consiguiente, incorporarlos a la comunidad dominante, ni prepararlos para esa incorporatión, ni la reconocieron deseable o legítima. Los restos de aquellos pobladores indígenas son tratados prácticamente como extranjeros, o poco menos, y han quedado situados en “reservaciones”, algo así como enclaves foráneos dentro del territorio de la Unión.
The Peasants as a Revolutionary Class: An Early Latin American View
Authors: Vanden Harry E. 
Published: March 2007

We do not regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life.V. I. Lenin (Our Program)The peasant is one of the least understood and most abused actors on the modern political stage. He is maligned for his political passivity and distrust of national political movements. Yet, most of the great twentieth-century revolutions in the Third World have, according to most scholars, been peasant based (Landsberger, 1973: ix; Wolf, 1969). In Latin America the peasant was once pictured as the archetypical parochial who was more suited for siestas under his sombrero than serious political activity. Stereotypes aside, the region has been no exception to the growing tendency of peasants to become involved in major revolutionary processes.
State Autonomy in Economic Policy: Brazil's Experience 1822-1930
Authors: Topik Steven 
Published: March 2007

The crushing weight of Brazil's foreign debt and the enormous role of state enterprise in the economy have led to sharp criticism of public economic policy. Private entrepreneurs and many social scientists complain that the state has become virtually autonomous, subjecting society to its will. The “bureaucratic bourgeoisie” has taken advantage of two decades of authoritarian rule to concentrate power and “mordomias” (perquisites). According to critics, they have thereby caused the national private sector to atrophy and development to halt. The solution suggested by many Brazilians today is redemocratization; by making the state more responsive to civil society its economic presence can be diminished and the private sphere strengthened.The study of Brazil's past experience with changes of regime casts doubt on the possibility of restricting the scope of the state in the economy. It is true that the traditional interpretation argues that the Republican Revolution of 1889 dramatically reduced the state's economic role.
Argentina, 1945-1971: Military Assistance, Military Spending, and the Political Activity of the Armed Forces
Authors: Feldman David L. 
Published: March 2007

The existence of a relationship between foreign military assistance, domestic military spending, and the political activity of the armed forces in developing nations is a widely assumed yet little documented phenomenon. This article explores the association between these three variables in Argentina and offers a model which could be used for the analysis of their relationship in other nations.Prior studies have largely focused upon the correlation between the first two variables and the incidence of military takeovers (the classicgolpe). The model presented here examines less discernible activities which have not been analyzed previously, although many observers have suggested that they may constitute significant measurements of the military's involvement in politics.
Revolutionary Theory and Political Reality in the Eastern Caribbean
Authors: Emmanuel Patrick A. M. 
Published: March 2007

In this analysis of contemporary economic and sociopolitical reality in the smaller states of the Commonwealth Caribbean— the so-called Lesser Developed Countries (LDCs) comprising Antigua, St. Kitts-Nevis and Montserrat (the Leeward Islands) and Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent (the Windward Islands)—developments within the larger CARICOM countries—namely Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, and Barbados—will be discussed. All too often social science analysis of the Commonwealth Caribbean assumes a great deal of homogeneity among all CARICOM countries, therefore concluding that what might be a correct analysis of Jamaica, for example, is equally applicable to any of the smaller territories. This article shows that this assumption is often erroneous and can produce several pitfalls in perspective, diagnosis, and prognosis.During the 1970s there have been several concrete developments in the Commonwealth Caribbean presenting the intellectual community with unprecedented tasks of interpretation. Broadly, the decade began with the massive “black power” upheavals in Trinidad and Tobago and culminated with the revolutionary overthrow of the neocolonial Gairy regime next door in Grenada.
Leonardo Ruiz Pineda: Leader of the Venezuelan Resistance, 1949-1952
Authors: Ameringer Charles D. 
Published: March 2007

Tachirense heart, noble and strong.Rómulo GallegosA National Hero has died. In the most hideous political crime in the annals of our country, agents of the government treacherously cut down the precious life of our comrade, Dr. Leonardo Ruiz Pineda, one of the most generous and able leaders of the civil resistance commanded by our party.Acción DemocráticaCaracas, October 21, 1952It is difficult to write about a martyr. One has to contend with the keepers of the flame, who have strong personal and political reasons for preserving the hero's image. Moreover, myths usually contain elements of truth. Although Leonardo Ruiz Pineda is not known as widely as Zapata, Sandino, Che, or Camilo Torres, there are unmistakable efforts on the part of Venezuela's democratic leaders to include him in the pantheon of Latin America's recent revolutionary heroes.
The “Rashomon” Effect: Ideological Proclivities and Political Dilemmas of the International Monetary Fund
Authors: Horowitz Irving Louis 
Published: March 2007

The title of my essay, invoking, as it does, the justifiably famous Japanesecinema veritéproduction ofRashomon, might well strike a discordant note. My aim, however, is to clarify, not to confuse. The film describes a variety of eyewitnesses to a murder, each one of whom, infused with different motives, “saw” the event differently from the other eyewitnesses. This is little more than a modern-day version of Walter Lippmann's observations on the ideological, interest-laden nature of the formation of public opinion in modern society, but it serves us well in introducing the topic of this essay.What I am suggesting with respect to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and what I hope to demonstrate, is that we are now experiencing a similar paradox in the sociology of knowledge.
Brazil and the United States: Beyond the Debt Crisis
Authors: Roett Riordan 
Published: March 2007

North American political scientists and foreign policy observers spend a good deal of time lecturing Brazil on its proper role in world affairs. Brazilian diplomats and foreign policy specialists are occupied with formulating appropriate responses to the well meaning, but basically inaccurate, attempts of the Americans to push Brazil into global leadership (Política e Estrategia, 1983).With the coming change in government on March 15,1985, the debate will again erupt. Will Tancredo Neves reformulate Brazilian foreign policy? Can Paulo Maluf redefine his country's role in world affairs? My own sense of the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy is that the concern is irrelevant. Brazil's world view, for some decades, has manifested a high degree of coherence and even predictability, if one listens to what Brazilian foreign policy elites say as well as what they do.
The Politics of Inter-American Energy Relations: Prospects and Pitfalls
Authors: Von Lazar Arpad , McNabb Michele 
Published: March 2007

Latin American societies and economies are. in a world of change and transition. The past decade, from 1973 to the present, has been for them an era of anxiety on the one hand and of opportunity on the other, a paradoxical era in which prospects for development had to compete with the high social costs of stagnation in many instances.Energy was the catchword, and the name of energy was oil. Its price, its availability, and its promise (a road to riches for those fortunate enough to possess it, a threat of increasing poverty for those unfortunate enough to have to buy it) brought turmoil to the economies, and the bodies politic, of Latin America.
The Politics of Asylum: Mexico and the Central American Refugees
Authors: Ferris Elizabeth G. 
Published: March 2007

The violence in Central America has displaced an unprecedented number of people in the area. While the majority of the approximately two million displaced individuals remain within their native countries, hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring countries and to the U.S. where they create serious economic and political problems for the host governments. This article explores Mexico's policies toward the estimated 250,000 Central Americans who are seeking protection from the violence of their homelands.There is considerable controversy over whether these individuals are political refugees. The 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees defines refugees as those individuals who “due to a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion have left their country of origin.” The convention's emphasis on individuals singled out for political persecution would seem to disqualify many of the Central Americans fleeing generalized conditions of violence.
Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada
Authors: Pastor Robert A. 
Published: March 2007

One of the most difficult and frustrating challenges to US foreign policy in the post-World War II period has been coping with third world revolutions, particularly those in the Caribbean Basin. Whether the revolution has been in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Grenada, relations with the US have always deteriorated, and the revolutionary governments have moved closer to the Soviet bloc and toward a Communist political model. Both the deteriorating relationship and the increasingly belligerent posture of the US have conformed to a regular pattern; so too have the interpretations of the causes and consequences of the confrontation.US government officials and a few policy analysts tend to view the hostile attitudes and policies of the revolutionary governments as the cause of the problem.
The Travail of Brazilian Democracy in the “New Republic”
Authors: Smith William C. 
Published: March 2007

On March 15,1987, Brazil celebrated the second anniversary of the Nova República, the popular term for the new civilian government headed by José Sarney. While commemoration of the return to more open, competitive politics after 21 years of authoritarian rule is certainly cause for justifiable national pride, a worsening economic crisis combined with escalating domestic social and political conflict leave many Brazilians deeply worried about the future of their incipient democracy.By conventional standards, Brazil has joined the ranks of fullfledged political democracies. Nevertheless, a more stringent view would hold that Brazil has really only entered into a new, more complex phase of political transition in which genuine democracy has yet to become firmly established. The new civilian government must now address fundamental issues of social justice and more balanced, equitable economic growth than was realized under authoritarian rule.