bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The harbor at Pylos, 425 B.C.
Authors: Strassler Robert B. 
Published: May 2006

Thucydides' full description of the harbor at Pylos is part of his discussion of the Spartan strategy for the
campaign (iv 8).. . . and the Lacedaimonians . . . expected the Attic fleet from Zacynthos to come to the rescue and intended, if they had not captured Pylos by that time, to block up the entrances to the harbor, so that the Athenians could not sail in and use it as an anchorage. (The island called Sphacteria extends alongside the harbor, and lies close to it: hence the anchorage is safe and the entrances narrow–the entrance by Pylos and the Athenian fortifications giving a passage for two ships through the channel, and the entrance by the mainland on the other side a passage for eight or nine . . . ) These entrances then, they intended to block up tightly with ships lying parallel to each other, prows to the enemy: and since they were frightened that the Athenians might use Sphacteria as a military base, they ferried hoplites across to it, and stationed others along the mainland. By this plan, they thought, the Athenians would find both the island to be enemy-occupied and the mainland, which gave them no chance of landing (for the coast of Pylos itself, outside the entrance and towards the open sea, is harborless, and would give them no base of operations to help their troops): and equally they themselves would probably be able to capture the place by siege, without a sea-battle or any unnecessary danger–there was no food in it, and it had not been properly prepared for a siege. This, then, was their agreed plan . . .Although one would think this a clear and detailed geographic description, historians have not yet found a location at Pylos for the harbor which satisfactorily matches it.
The Political Economy of Primary Care and “Health by the People”: An Historical Explanation
Authors: Gish Oscar 
Published: May 2006

During the last several years “primary care” has come to the fore as the “new” priority in health care. In September, 1978 the World Health Organization and UNICEF jointly sponsored the first International Conference on Primary Health Care. The following general principles were put forward in 1975 by the 28th World Health Assembly as the basis of successful primary care efforts.1.Primary health care should be shaped around the life patterns of the population it should serve and should meet the needs of the community.2.Primary health care should be an integral part of the national health system and other echelons of services should be designed in support of the needs of the peripheral level, especially as this pertains to technical supply, supervisory, and referral support.
South Africa and Portugal
Authors: Davidson Basil 
Published: May 2006

A central element in the story of southern Africa during the early 1970s is the quietly persistent penetration in to neighboring countries of dominant interests—whether economic, political or even military—of the Republic of South Africa. As the motives for this expansion have become clearer, so too has the crucial nature of the importance to the South African system of the Portuguese colonialist positions in Angola and Mozambique, and, by an inseparable extension, in Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde archipelago.This significance to South Africa of the “Portuguese territories” is now observable in all major fields of public policy and action, and ranges from the military-logistical to the very interstices of the South African economic structure. An understanding of the South African government's relations with these territories, as well as of its relations with the Portuguese regime in Lisbon, must therefore be essential to a realistic estimate of likely developments in the subcontinent, and bears, accordingly, a direct meaning for the policies and intentions of the United Nations.
Diary of Inhaminga
Authors: Martens J. , Verdaasdonk A. , van Rijen J. , van Kampen A. , Tielemans J. 
Published: May 2006

Portugal’s occupation of Africa began with violence, it was maintained by violence, and after five hundred years it is coming to an end through violence.The story of Inhaminga, the bloody events of resistance and reprisal in the war in Mozambique, is the last chapter of the longest and most useless colonial ordeal in Africa’s history. It is one more measurement of the lives which were lost, the bodies which were sold, and the destruction which was wrought in the course of Portugal’s pursuit of gain and imperial dignity in Guinea, Angola, Mozambique.
Prospects for Future Superpower Intervention in Africa
Authors: Anise Ladun 
Published: May 2006

Conjecture on any aspect of future events in Africa is hazardous; applied to politics, it may be altogether unsafe. Yet one cannot avoid looking into the future in some way. In essence our guesswork consists of extrapolations based upon trend analysis. A number of present events and forces display characteristics that suggest persistence. The convergence of the forces and their persistence offer reasonable basis for projections into the future.Judging by the nature of past superpower involvements in Africa, it is easy to make a case for future interventions by both superpowers and intermediate (European) powers in Africa beyond the year 2000.
Africa and World Economy: Prospects for Real Economic Growth
Authors: Seidman Ann 
Published: May 2006

Crystal ball gazing is hardly the province of social scientists. The best one can do, in attempting to assess the prospects for real economic growth by the year 2000, is to examine the contradictory trends and struggles shaping the political economy of Africa and the world today, and suggest potential alternative outcomes. Even the possibilities are obscure.What is clear is that, despite over ten years of independence for over 40 African countries, the majority of African peoples still confront the overriding problem of poverty. Living on a continent endowed with extensive mineral agricultural resources, they still suffer from among the lowest per capita incomes and the highest mortality rates in the world.
American Policy Toward Southern Africa Under a New Administration
Authors: Clark Senator Dick 
Published: May 2006

It is both a pleasure and an honor for me to address you tonight, just a few hours after one of our nation’s most important elections and at a time when we are at the threshold of fundamental new choices of policies for the African continent.I must tell you quite honestly that I’m very pleased that the voters have mandated a change in the administration in America and a new direction for our country. My pleasure goes beyond the fact that I am a Democrat and that a Democrat was elected to the presidency. In fact, it has nothing to do with partisan politics.
China in Africa
Authors: Hull Richard W. 
Published: May 2006

The Chinese presence in Black Africa has grown enormously in the last five years and is triggering a dangerous new Great Power scramble for strategic positions.In the long run, its effect may be to repartition the continent into new ideological and economic spheres of influence. It is forcing the Great Powers to focus aid on areas of strategic value rather than on regions of greatest human need. It is also compelling communist and capitalist powers to overlook racial and social injustice in order to preserve their strategic stakes.
From a Closed Filing Cabinet: The Life and Times of the Africa Research Group
Authors: Schechter Daniel 
Published: May 2006

I blame it all on the CIA.The Africa Research Group was formed as an outgrowth of an investigation which I, as a Ramparts magazine reporter, had undertaken to flush out some tentacles of covert US intervention south of the Sahara. It turned out that identifying CIA involvement was simpler than evaluating its underlying political thrust or gauging its impact. That sort of assessment required a fairly sophisticated understanding of African political economy as well as US foreign policy. It was clear that a group effort could be a more productive way of studying this phenomenon than any individual enterprise.
South Africa 1999: The ANC and Democratic Consolidation
Authors: Southall Roger 
Published: May 2006

Two days before South Africa’s national election on June 2, 1999, Business Day—the country’s “quality” national daily newspaper—pronounced that “on balance” its vote was going to the African National Congress (ANC) for the job it had done since 1994. The government’s performance could have been better, it opined, but it could also have been a lot worse:The ruling party deserves credit for the relative social stability SA has enjoyed since 1994. Its macroeconomic management, while not flawless, has been impressive. It has resisted taking the populist route. That it has been able and willing to do so is thanks, in part, to the strong 62% majority it won at the last election. ANC leaders might have felt less able to resist populist pressures had the majority been narrower.After an uncertain start, the ANC has begun to deliver the improvements to the quality of life of its primary constituency, the black majority. Maintaining fiscal discipline while delivering on at least some election promises in the midst of an emerging markets crisis has been a remarkable balancing act.Nevertheless, we cannot overlook some severe flaws and failures. The school system is a mess. Crime could have been more effectively dealt with. The performance of many ANC-run provincial governments has been abysmal. Notwithstanding its anti-corruption talk, it has displayed a reluctance to act firmly against culprits seen as party loyalists. All of which emphasizes the need for an effective opposition—if one can be found.
The 1999 Election and South Africa’s Postapartheid Political Culture
Authors: Johnston Alexander 
Published: May 2006

The result of South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994 had something in common with a successful children’s birthday party. It was clear from the beginning whose day it was and where the bulk of the spoils would go, but the failure of the African National Congress (ANC) to win a two-thirds majority consoled the others. And those guests who might have spoiled the occasion with tears and tantrums were rewarded too, with control of provincial parliaments in Kwa-Zulu-Natal and the Western Cape, as well as positions in a government of national unity. These factors helped to make the 1994 election an occasion for general, not just partisan, rejoicing.Divorced from the euphoria and sense of relief that attended the 1994 poll and robbed of any uncertainty about the outcome, observers of 1999’s election have had to work much harder to read its significance.
The Black American Reaction to Apartheid
Authors: Nagan Winston P. 
Published: May 2006

This article concerns the problems connected with the Black American reaction to apartheid in South Africa reaction which appears to have been largely ignored by social scientists, opinion poll samplers, opinion leaders, and even the distributors of foundation grants. A discussion such as this one is, perforce, impressionistic. Hopefully, however, it will contribute to the construction of sound hypotheses about the character of the Black American reaction to apartheid.The reader should perhaps be warned that I do not subscribe to the doctrine of intellectual neutrality. The perspectives from which I write are informed by clearly articulated value postulates or preferences.
South Africa in 1998: Trends and Developments During the Next Twenty-Five Years
Authors: Keppel-Jones A. M. 
Published: May 2006

Prophecy is one of the simplest ways for an historian to destroy his credit and reputation. Having been persuaded to take this risk, I shall partly cover it with one small insurance policy: I shall set forth what seem to me to be the relevant facts, but not be too dogmatic about the conclusions to be drawn from them.Where will South Africa stand twenty-five years from now? What will have happened during those years? In theory there are, I think, only four possibilities: (i) that the status quo will remain essentially unchanged; (ii) that radical changes, involving or at least leading to the abolition of all racial discrimination, will come about peacefully, by constitutional means; (iii) that the regime will be overthrown by invading foreign forces; and (iv) that it will be overthrown by revolution within the country, with or without foreign support. As there are strong reasons for believing that none of these alternatives is really possible, some factor seems to have been overlooked. Perhaps it will appear as the four alternatives are examined.
National Security Study Memorandum 39 and the Future of United States Policy toward Southern Africa
Authors: Lockwood Edgar 
Published: May 2006

For observers of U.S. policy toward Africa, this has been the fall of the "Nissem."Newspaper and magazine articles by Tad Szulc and Jack Anderson, based on the text of National Security Study Memorandum 39 of 1969 (NSSM 39), have popularized an alleged Nixon " tilt " toward Southern Africa's white regimes, stemming from a preference for protection of U.S. economic interests over ideals of democracy and decency. The State Department, embarrassed and flustered by the leak of another secret document, has tried to downplay its significance (calling it merely a preliminary study), and has disclaimed any change in policy.
Update South Africa; Cooptation Versus Confrontation
Authors: Carter Gwendolen M. 
Published: May 2006

May 1983 saw two diametrically opposed efforts to change some fundamental features of contemporary South Africa. On May 3, Prime Minister Botha’s new Constitutional Bill was introduced in the House of Assembly providing for the first time for the inclusion of Coloured and Indians in the previously all white national legislature. Minor as the role of these two minorities will be should the new structure be adopted, the provisions signaled two white objectives: to split the black front, such as it is, and to underline the permanent exclusion of the majority Africans from any share in making national decisions.On May 20, what might be considered the response to that formal exclusion came with the use for the first time by the seventy-year-old African National Congress of a new and deadly tactic when it exploded a car bomb outside airforce headquarters in Pretoria, killing eighteen people.
Lesbian Activism in Zimbabwe
Authors: Clark Bev 
Published: May 2006

“I don’t believe they (lesbians and homosexuals) have any rights at all.”President Robert Mugabe, 2 August 1995I remember that it was a Monday. I had been running with my partner over lunch time and we had just returned to my office in town. The doorbell rang and standing outside were about nine policemen and women. Demanding entry, one of the senior officers brandished a search warrant for “pornographic material.”I was so angry I didn’t know what to do with myself. I had been targeted simply because I worked for the national Zimbabwean lesbian and gay organization. Furthermore, the police had no broader agenda other than to intimidate and harass me under the pretext of searching for pornography.
Justice in Africa: An Overview of Recent Injustice
Authors: Assensoh A.B. 
Published: May 2006

“The fact is that detention without trial is not only a punitive act of physical and mental torture of a few patriotic individuals, but it is also a calculated act of psychological terror against the struggling millions. It is a terrorist program for the psychological siege of the whole nation. That is why the practice of detention from the time of arrest to the time of release is deliberately invested with mystifying ritualism. My arrest, for instance.”—Ngugi wa Thiong’o from Detained: A Writer’s Prison Diary.In the quotation above, Kenya’s Ngugi wa Thiong’o sums up the anguish of many Africans, writers, and non-writers alike. Because they address a national, and sometimes international, audience, writers are particularly prone to detentions without trial.
Remarks
Authors: Moose Richard M. 
Published: May 2006

I am proud to be here today because I think that, for the first time in many years, the United States has an Africa policy. Some of you may not agree with all of it, but I believe we have your support for our goals.No regional policy exists in a vacuum. Our Africa policy forms an integral, and important, part of this Administration’s global policy which includes: respect for human rights, a commitment to work for peace and world prosperity; and a striving, increasingly in a multilateral framework, for the resolution of problems in ways which can be of benefit to all.
Testimony before the Subcommittees on Africa and International Economic Policy and Trade
Authors: Robinson Randall 
Published: May 2006

My name is Randall Robinson. I am the Executive Director of TransAfrica.On September 25, 1976, the Congressional Black Caucus convened The Black Leadership Conference on Africa. The conference, comprising the leadership of virtually every national black civil rights and social organization, accomplished two noteworthy objectives. It authored the African-American Manifesto on Southern Africa which expressed grave concerns with the previous Administration’s negotiation initiatives for a Zimbabwe settlement. Secondly, it mandated a task force, chaired by me, to propose and execute an institutional vehicle through which black Americans could express to the Congress and the Administration their views on United States foreign policy vis-a-vis Africa and the Caribbean.
Disguised Tourism and the Electoral Process in Africa: A Study of International Observers and the 1998 Local Government Elections in Nigeria
Authors: Soremekun Kayode 
Published: May 2006

This article is based on the premise that the aid establishment views Africa as probably the world’s last backwater. Simply put, bureaucrats, politicians, and other policymakers in the western world are rather content with Africa’s present status, an attitude that not only accords with their career aspirations, but also spawns a certain amount of sybaritic pleasure about the inclement condition of the continent. It is against this background that this article examines the motives and aspirations of the international observers in the Nigerian electoral process, focusing on the attitudes and the impact of the observers in the 1998 local government elections.International electoral observation and monitoring are an integral part of the global dimensions of democratization. Many writers have averred that one major reason for the upswing in Africa’s quest to democratize is the cessation of the power play between Moscow and Washington.
Military Hegemony and the Transition Program
Authors: Fayemi J.’Kayode 
Published: May 2006

This article cautions that the democratization process in Nigeria is not a foregone conclusion. Given the nature of the competing interests within Nigeria’s military hierarchy, there is nothing to suggest that every officer within the ruling military elite has embraced this transition project. This article focuses on the place of the military in the transition program.Although entrenched military interests are not the only threat to the transition program, there is no doubt that the prominent role played by retired and serving military officers in the whole process of party formation and selection of presidential candidates has exacerbated concerns about the specter of militarism. While some in Nigeria simply see the military as the armed wing of the dominant oligarchy, others conclude that the military actually is the oligarchy.
Testimony on Rhodesia and United States Foreign Policy
Authors: Lockwood Edgar 
Published: May 2006

I appreciate very much this opportunity to present our views on what the United States should do to encourage political progress in Rhodesia.Since the establishment of the Washington Office on Africa in the fall of 1972, we have devoted much of our efforts to working with sympathetic members of Congress and citizens across the country to improve United States policy toward Rhodesia and specifically to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which three-and-a-half years ago created a statutory violation of this country’s treaty obligation to comply with the United Nations sanctions program. So we are pleased to participate in hearings on southern Africa and especially this one on Rhodesia.
Tautologies from Pseudo-Random Generators
Authors: Krajíček Jan 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWe consider tautologies formed from a pseudo-random number generator, defined in Krajíček [11] and in Alekhnovich et al. [2]. We explain a strategy of proving their hardness for Extended Frege systems via a conjecture about bounded arithmetic formulated in Krajíček [11]. Further we give a purely finitary statement, in the form of a hardness condition imposed on a function, equivalent to the conjecture.
Caesar and the South of Russia
Authors: Rostovtseff M. 
Published: May 2006

A new series of Chersonesus inscriptions published by V. V. Latishev in the supplements to the second edition of the “Inscriptiones orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini” (I.O.S.P.E.) gives a great deal of hitherto unknown and very valuable information in regard to the history of Chersonesus.I shall not dwell to any extent on the three fragments—two new and one old—of the decree made in honour of an ambassador of Mithradates Eupator, giving almost the full text of the inscription, beautifully reconstructed by Latishev (I.O.S.P.E. I2 349).
The Notitia Dignitatum
Authors: Bury J. B. 
Published: May 2006

§ 1. The document (or rather two documents) which has come down under the title Notitia Dignitatum is well known to all students who have concerned themselves, however incidentally, with the government of the Roman empire in the fourth and fifth centuries. It sometimes strikes one that it is referred to in a way that betrays a defective realisation of what it was. Some of those who quote it appear to think that it was compiled for the purpose of giving information to the Roman public as to the organisation of the civil and military services and belongs to much the same class of work as e.g. the Synecdemus of Hierocles or the Notitia of Polemius Silvius. It was, of course, nothing of the kind, and it has been known since the days of Pancirolus precisely what it was; but even by some who were fully aware of its character and purpose deductions have been drawn which its character and purpose exclude. For students of Roman Britain it is particularly important to have a full grasp of the general questions connected with the Notitia, since it contains a great deal of the little evidence we have for the fortunes of that country at the beginning of the fifth century.§ 2. The primicerius notariorum was one of the highest officials of the second class (i.e. those who had the rank of spectabilis). In A.D. 381 an imperial law elevated him above the vicarii and placed him in the same group as the proconsuls.
The Urbanization of Palestine
Authors: Jones A. H. M. 
Published: May 2006

The object of this paper is to trace the administrative development in Roman times of the Judaeo-Samaritan territory proper, that is of Galilee, Peraea, Samaria and Judaea as delimited by Josephus, excluding the tetrarchy of Philip and the cities of the Decapolis and of the coast. My reasons for choosing this region are that it affords a highly interesting, because singularly well-documented, example of that development from a centralised bureaucratic administration to a régime of autonomous city-states, which was generally promoted by the Roman government, and that it incidentally throws some light on that subject of perennial interest,—the attitude of the Roman authorities to the Jews.During the first century of our era, each of the four regions enumerated above formed an administrative unit. Each had its capital and was subdivided into smaller units, termed toparchies. The evidence is fullest for Judaea. Here Jerusalem was the capital, and there were eleven toparchies. The list according to Josephus is Jerusalem, Gophna, Acrabatta, Thamna, Lydda, Emmaus, Pella, Idumaea, Engaddi, Herodium and Jericho. A similar list is given by Pliny who, however, omits Idumaea and Engaddi and calls Pella Bethleptapha.