bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
NATIONAL CONFLICT STRUCTURE AND FOREIGN POLITICS: THE IMPACT OF THE EEC ISSUE ON PERCEIVED CLEAVAGES IN NORWEGIAN POLITICS*
Authors: VALEN HENRY 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe main concern of this article is the problem of how an important foreign policy issue may affect the national conflict structure of a given society. The EEC issue in Norwegian politics has been studied as such a case. This issue which became salient in the summer of 1970 and culminated at the referendum of September 1972, triggered off a very intensive political debate, in which alliances for and against the EEC membership cut across the “normal” patterns of political conflict. In studying how these events affected political cleavages in the minds of the electorate, the author has analysed data on party preference hierarchies from three nationwide voter surveys, in 1969, 1971, and 1972.The analysis demonstrates that the voters were strongly inclined to change their perceptions of distances to different parties in the system, consistent with their stand on the EEC issue. A multidimensioned scaling analysis indicates that the two cleavages which were most salient before the EEC dispute started, the left‐right conflict and the moral‐religious conflict, remained salient throughout the debate. In addition, a third axis, which reflected the position of various parties towards the EEC membership, appeared as a third dimension in the studies of 1971 and 1972. This new axis has been interpreted as an expression of coalitions along several historic cleavages which became salient during the dispute, in particular the urban‐rural and the center–periphery conflicts. A separate analysis of the four bourgeois parties supports this interpretation. The changes in the patterns of perceived conflicts led to tensions between political parties, which had formerly been friends and allies, as well as between subgroups within individual parties. The disruptive effects of the EEC dispute upon the party system were clearly demonstrated at the subsequent national elections.
IDEOLOGICAL PROXIMITY AMONG FRENCH CHILDREN: PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION AND MEASUREMENT
Authors: PERCHERON ANNICK 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe problem of measuring ideological proximities or identifications among children is one of the most difficult. First, the author defines the limits of measurement by means of partisan identification when applied to cultures other than the American one and to populations other than adult. Second, using more indirect means of measurement it is suggested that ideological values which may be described as left‐ or right‐wing are part of the set of values acquired by most of the children and structure most of their attitudes even if they are unaware of it and even when they are unable to qualify themselves as being on the Left or Right.
POLITICAL GENERATIONS: SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE CONCEPT AND ITS APPLICATION TO THE GERMAN CASE
Authors: ALLERBECK KLAUS R. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the problem of measuring the effect of generation membership on political attitudes. Using Karl Mannheim's concept of “generation” and “generation units” as a starting point, popular notions of generational differences in political outlook in Germany are discussed. The applicability of cohort analysis to the study of political generations and survey data is treated. Election results and survey data are used to investigate the separation of ageing and generation effects on political attitudes of Germans today. As age differences are linked to education effects, the stability of the impact of higher education is considered. The interaction of generation membership and social structural forces is considered. The importance of the basic demographic process in the study of historical change is stressed.
A PRELIMINARY NOTE ON FRENCH POLITICAL GENERATIONS
Authors: BON FRÉDÉRIC , JAFFRÉ JÉRÔME 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe signs of political generations in France that can be traced in the Presidential election of 1974 – in particular the generations of May 1968 and of the Algerian war – enable us to outline a few hypotheses: the age at which a generation comes into being is a function of the major events that occur and of their repercussions; generations may come into being over a very precise, very short period linked to a crisis in the political system. They will usually by and large concern a particular political and social group rather than the entire population.
A THREE‐NATION ANALYSIS OF VOTERS’ ATTITUDES TO ELECTION COMMUNICATION *
Authors: BLUMLER JAY G. , EWBANK ALISON , CAYROL ROLAND , GEERTS CLAUDE , THOVERON GABRIEL 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTAudience expectations of election campaign messages in Belgium, Britain and France are treated in this study as a point of departure for the comparative analysis of different political communication systems. Broad cross‐national similarities in voters’ priorities of communication need at election time are traced. In each case television is the most favoured medium of election information. Sub‐group analysis, however, discloses large variations in the forces shaping voters’ motives for following a campaign in the different countries. Demographic factors are mainly influential in Britain, political affiliations in France, and regional/linguistic divisions in Belgium.
IS THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT A PARLIAMENT?*
Authors: HERMAN VALENTINE , LODGE JULIET 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe paper considers the powers, or more correctly the lack of powers, of the European Parliament. Attention is focused on the legislative powers of the Parliament; its financial powers following the revision of Article 203 of the Treaty of Rome; and its control, or oversight, powers. Comparisons are made between the powers of the European Parliament and those of the national parliaments of the European Community's nine Member States. The detailed examination of the powers of the European Parliament reveals that in no widely accepted comparative sense can it be considered a parliament as it fails to meet a series of basic political, constitutional, and decision‐making requirements concerning the performance of legislative, financial, and control functions.
REGIONAL DIFFERENCES IN POLITICAL RECRUITMENT IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS*
Authors: DELLENBRANT JAN ÅKE 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe article presents an overview of differences between the fifteen Soviet republics in the field of political recruitment. The indicators of recruitment chosen are membership of the Communist Party and the Komsomol. The study covers the period 1956–73. The existence of significant differences is established. These differences tend also to remain over time. In the field of political recruitment, the western republics situated in the European part of the USSR behave differently from those of Central Asia. Finally, a connection between the differences in political recruitment and the differences in socio‐economic development is suggested. The political organizations tend, on the average, to have more members in the economically advanced areas and vice versa.
THE GERMAN AID RELATIONSHIP: A TEST OF THE RECIPIENT NEED AND THE DONOR INTEREST MODELS OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN BILATERAL AID 1961–70
Authors: McKINLAY R.D. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThere is currently a high degree of confusion about the role of aid and its foreign policy implications. This paper attempts to resolve some of this confusion by making a cross‐national, longitudinal analysis of the distribution of West German aid for each of the years 1961–70. Two basic models of allocation, reflecting different basic aid utilities, are tested. One suggests that aid is allocated according to the dictates of recipient need and reflects an economic assistance or humanitarian utility for aid. The other suggests that aid is distributed according to ‘particular donor interests and as such reflects a foreign policy utility for aid. In general, we find support for a modified donor interest interpretation. While there is evidence of a quasi humanitarian influence, the German aid programme is premised primarily from the perspective of German “vital interests”.
THE MASS CLIENTELISM PARTY: THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN CATANIA AND IN SOUTHERN ITALY
Authors: BELLONI FRANK , CACIAGLI MARIO , MATTINA LIBORIO 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe main theoretical question confronted in this article concerns the nature and character of the Christian Democratic party (DC) in Catania and in Southern Italy. The Catania DC was transformed in the early fifties from a party of representation led by “notables” to a modern party under the direction of a new class of party professionals. The DC has become a mass party, containing various characteristics attributed to the mass party model in the literature; but it lacks some mass party features and contains others which are extraneous to it. The particular use of the party's mass membership in the intraparty struggle for position and power and the employment of the instrument of clientelism for achieving its goal, is what distinguishes the Southern Italy party. A mass‐based structure, clientelism and the use of public resources for distributing benefits are the main characteristics of the mass clientele party. The article examines the structure and the mode of operation of the mass clientele party; the principal sets of social, economic and political conditions necessary for the emergence of such a party; the functions it performs in the regional and national political systems.
THE CLIMATE OF OPINION AS A CONTEXTUAL DETERMINANT OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR
Authors: FALTER JÜRGEN W. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTMost multilevel analyses are restricted to the explanation of individual behavior by utilizing contextual variables. The interchange processes operant between context and individual are generally not specified and/or empirically tested. Analyzing how contextual effects come into being and how local norms actually influence individual behavior is the primary aim of this article. Its basic assumption is that contextual norms are transferred through interpersonal contacts at the local level. Personal relations reaching beyond the home community as well as the direct information gathered from the mass media probably act as “noise” which disturbs the intra‐communal influence processes. Therefore, persons having interpersonal contacts at the local level should be more affected by contextual norms than persons without such contacts. Furthermore, individuals obtaining their political information mainly through interpersonal contacts should be more susceptible to context norms than those who rely more on the mass media. Among the latter, individuals using nationwide media should be less influenced by the local context than individuals using primarily regional or local mass media. These assumptions are empirically tested by means of a variety of indicators. The results of our analysis do indeed confirm our expectations. Thus, this article provides some further material which may serve to bridge the theory gap of contextual analysis pointed out by Hauser and others.
DOES POLITICS MATTER: AN ANALYSIS OF THE PUBLIC WELFARE COMMITMENT IN ADVANCED DEMOCRATIC STATES
Authors: CASTLES FRANK , McKINLAY ROBERT D. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe overriding conclusion of the majority of recent policy studies is that political factors play an insignificant role in influencing policy outputs. We establish a number of models, comprising both economic and political variables, which are used in an attempt to indicate the relative salience of rival determinants of public welfare commitment in advanced democratic states. Though we cannot dismiss some influence of economic factors, the main findings run counter to the conventional wisdom of policy studies in indicating the greater salience of political factors as determinants of public welfare outputs.
THE EFFECTIVENESS OF PARTY ORGANIZATION: A CROSS‐NATIONAL, TIME SERIES ANALYSIS
Authors: WELLHOFER E. SPENCER 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe effectiveness of party organization is modeled by a modified Cobb‐Douglas production function where inputs are characteristics of party organization and output is the popular vote of the party. Next, an index of organizational learning is introduced to compete with the input factors; organizational learning accounts for some increased output, particularly in the early periods of party development. The model is tested with time‐series data for the Argentine, British, Norwegian, and Swedish Socialist Labor parties.
A NEW POLITICAL SYSTEM MODEL: SEMI‐PRESIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT
Authors: DUVERGER MAURICE 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis article aims at defining the concept of “semi‐presidential government” and detailing the diversity of its practices. There are in fact three types of semi‐presidential regimes: the president can be a mere figurehead, or he may be all‐powerful or again he can share his power with parliament. Using four parameters — the content of the constitution, tradition and circumstances, the composition of the parliamentary majority and the position of the president in relation to the majority — the author seeks to explain why similar constitutions are applied in a radically different manner.
INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS AND NATIONAL MINORITIES: SOME PARALLELS IN THE EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE *
Authors: COAKLEY JOHN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTIn the case of several successful nationalist movements in Europe the path to independence has followed a common pattern. In Ireland, Finland, Estonia and Latvia, the progress of a tripartite struggle may be charted: between the metropolitan governing power, the local centre and the local periphery. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the local centre (Irish Protestants, Swede‐Finns and Baltic Germans) comprised a minority population group divided from the bulk of the local population in terms of language, economic position and political status (and, in the case of Ireland, religious affiliation). Political development tended to take on a form contrasting with the West European norm. As society modernised, the local periphery began to challenge the economic hegemony of the local centre by moving into towns and into industrial occupations and by threatening the confiscation of landed estates. The cultural supremacy of the local centre was undermined as the standardisation and revival of the peripheral language led to its replacing the central language in education, commerce and the administration, except in Ireland. The growth of a distinct ethnic identity among the peripheral population assisted in its assuming control of local government and ultimately of attaining political independence.
THE INVOLVEMENT OF VOTERS IN THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS OF 1979: ITS EXTENT AND SOURCES
Authors: BLUMLER JAY G. , FOX ANTHONY D. 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis article examines the reception by voters of the first direct elections to the European Parliament in June 1979, using data from comparable surveys conducted shortly after Polling Day in eight of the nine member states of the European Community. Against a background of party campaigning and media coverage which often differed from that normally associated with national elections, four indices of popular involvement are examined: degree of interest in the campaign; evaluations of its presentation on television; the extent to which it was followed through the mass media and other channels of communication; and voters' perceptions of the issues that emerged from the campaign. A number of influences that affected turnout and other forms of electoral participation are then reviewed, including outlook on European affairs, partisan affiliations, demographic positions, and amount of mass media exposure to the campaign, a factor which appeared particularly significant for those voters whose interest in the campaign was relatively weak.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Authors: DEYSINE ANNE 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis paper analyses some of the main approaches that can be found in the literature on corruption.– the question of definition: the end of overdefinition;– the modernisation thesis: its assumptions and why some authors challenge it;– the survival of corruption in advanced democracies;– causes of corruption: a systemic and endemic phenomenon; two or more of the causes of corruption are dealt with in more detail: overregulation and the role of bureaucracy and the discretion of public officials;– money in politics: attempts at reforming the system of election financing, in particular, in the United States and the entanglement of politics and (inter)national business;– the consequences of corruption (in terms of societal values and costs);– the remedies proposed: legislation, deterrence or reforms.
NINE SECOND‐ORDER NATIONAL ELECTIONS – A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF EUROPEAN ELECTION RESULTS
Authors: REIF KARLHEINZ , SCHMITT HERMANN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe composition of the directly elected European Parliament does not precisely reflect the “real” balance of political forces in the European Community. As long as the national political systems decide most of what there is to be decided politically, and everything really important, European elections are additional national second‐order elections. They are determined more by the domestic political cleavages than by alternatives originating in the EC, but in a different way than if nine first‐order national elections took place simultaneously. This is the case because European elections occur at different stages of the national political systems' respective “electoral cycles”. Such a relationship between a second‐order arena and the chief arena of a political system is not at all unusual. What is new here, is that one second‐order political arena is related to nine different first‐order arenas. A first analysis of European election results satisfactorily justifies the assumption that European Parliament direct elections should be treated as nine simultaneous national second‐order elections.
DIFFERENTIAL MOBILISATION FOR EUROPE: A COMPARATIVE NOTE ON SOME ASPECTS OF THE CAMPAIGN
Authors: MENKE KURT , GORDON IAN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe present article focusses upon the impact of the European election campaign on the mobilisation of top political leaders, party activists, members and electors in the nine member countries of the European Community. For the purpose of comparative analysis, five factors are considered to be of importance: information, salience, electoral procedures, resources and conflict. These factors are discussed in order to compare the efforts and success of the respective campaigns. The information was provided by the national teams of the EES‐Campaign Project.
BROADER POWERS FOR THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT? THE ATTITUDES OF CANDIDATES
Authors: INGLEHART RONALD , RABIER JACQUES‐RENE , GORDON IAN , SØRENSEN CARSTEN LEHMAN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe problem of the broadening of the European Parliament's powers was one of the main themes of the election campaign in several countries. Interviews carried out in April–May 1979, in the nine countries of the Community with a sample of candidates (N = 742, including 62% of those who were elected) reveals, among other things, their attitudes towards the role of the European Parliament during the next five years. The results weighted according to the numbers of seats obtained by each political group, give an image of the individual attitudes of the Members of Parliament which is probably very near to reality.This study focuses on three specific aspects of the possible broadening of the European Parliament's powers, all of which are under current discussion: the power to select and dismiss members of the European Community; the power to elect the president of the Commission; the power to revise all budget proposals.By and large the responses to these three topics by the candidates and members of the European Parliament show the same pattern: those from the original six countries are more supportive of these measures than those of the three new member countries. But there are two striking exceptions: the British delegation stands out as significantly more “pro‐European’ than one would expect on the basis of public opinion data; the French delegation shows a suprisingly low level of support for these measures.Examining the attitudes of the major political groups elected to the European Parliament, one finds that the Socialists and the Christian Democrats are the most favorable to the measures (82%) under study; but the cleavage between supporters and opponents does not coincide with the Left/Right dimension: 62% of the Communist candidates, for instance, have declared themselves in favor of these measures, against only 57% of the Liberals.But it would be highly misleading to view the respective cross‐national parliamentary groups as monolithic on such questions; the Communists show the largest Standard deviations on all three questions. On the whole, the differences between parties belonging to the same cross‐national group are larger than the differences between rival parties in the same nation. In other words, the political context of a given nation seems to be a more important influence on the attitudes of its representatives than are their party groupings.Despite such cleavages, a strong majority of the European Parliament seems to support all three measures analyzed here. Moreover, their behavior seems consistent with their attitudes. In December 1979 the Parliament rejected the proposed EC budget. Virtually without exception, those supporting increased budgetary powers voted to reject the current budget.
The effect of chewing apples on dental plaque and food debris
Authors: BIRKELAND J. M. , JORKJEND L. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThe aim of the present study was to assess the cleansing effect of the chewing of apples. The plaque situation in 47 children 12 years of age was assessed by the Plaque Index System. Judging from plaque incidence values, the chewing of apples had no cleansing effect on moderate amounts of plaque. A similar experiment with 57 children of the same age showed, however, that food debris was removed by chewing apples.
A 3‐year study among Yugoslavian schoolchildren on caries reduction after topical application of 4% NaF‐PO4
Authors: Vrbič V. , KOšMELJ B. , Ravnik č;. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThe purpose of this study was to test the caries‐inhibiting effect of 4 %NaF in 0.1M H3PO4, pH 4.6 after application once or twice a year. Four hundred and ninety‐seven children, 10–12 years old, with totally repaired teeth, were randomly divided into three groups, which were treated as follows: Group 1: control, Group 2: fluoride topical application once a year, Group 3: fluoride topical application twice a year at 6‐month intervals. The differences among groups were analyzed on the basis of caries increment of teeth and of caries increment of surfaces. The analysis was made for all teeth, for teeth present initially and for teeth erupted during the study. The 3‐year study showed that topical application of NaF‐POj solution causes a significant caries inhibition in children at that age. It can be stated that the caries reduction expressed in DFT as well in DFS for all teeth was higher in Group 3 (about 30%) than in Group 2 (about 20%). This difference was especially marked for newly erupted teeth (34.4 % against 8.3 %).