bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Beyond the Mental Hospital: Crisis Intervention and Continuity of Care in Trieste. A Four Year Follow-Up Study in a Community Mental Health Centre
Authors: Mezzina Roberto , Vidoni Daniela 
Published: March 2007

A sample group of 39 new patients with acute and severe crises underwent a 4-year follow-up study at the community mental health center in Trieste (CMHC). The CMHC is a full-time service, open 24 hours a day and 7 days a week, and is fully integrated into a network of services which has completely replaced the preexisting mental hospital. Evaluation shows: 1) a generally good outcome of the initial crisis; 2) a low relapse rate; 3) a tendency towards favourable long-term outcomes. In terms of practice, voluntary and compulsory hospitalization were avoided in favor of short-term day and night support in the CMHC. There were no suicides, no crimes, no drop-outs. Social adjustment remained unchanged. Accessibility and continuity of care were favored by not separating special crisis services. Instead, crisis intervention was integrated into a comprehensive Mental Health Service offering a wide range of preventive and rehabilitative responses. The study demonstrates that the mental health services in Trieste are able to cope with acute crises without psychiatric hospitalization.
The Treatment of Acute Psychosis Without Neuroleptics: Six-Week Psychopathology Outcome Data From the Soteria Project
Authors: Mosher Loren R. , Vallone Robert , Menn Alma 
Published: March 2007

Background: Today's treatment of acute psychosis usually includes short-term hospitalization and anti-psychotic drug treatment. The Soteria project compared this form of treatment (control) with that of a small, home-like social environment, usually without neuroleptics (experimental). Method: Newly diagnosed, young, unmarried persons with DSM-11 schizophrenia were randomly assigned to treatment in two experimental and two control settings. Subjects and families were assessed at admission on 29 independent variables. Treatment environments were studied by means of Moos', COPES or WAS scales. Three dependent six week psychopathology outcome measures were collected. Results: The groups were comparable on 25 of 29 admission variables. The environments of the two experimental and two control settings were different from each other. The milieus were similar to each other within each condition. At six weeks, psychopathology in both groups had improved significantly, and similarly, and overall change was the same. Conclusion: Specially designed, replicable milieus were able to reduce acute psychotic symptomatology within six weeks, usually without antipsychotic drugs, as effectively as usual hospital ward treatment that included routine neuroleptic drug use.
The New South Wales Public Service Industrial Relations System
Authors: Macdonald Duncan K. 
Published: March 2007

Despite the growing overseas interest in public sector industrial relations this field has received very little attention in Australia. Using Dunlop's "systems" approach this paper analyses industrial relations in the N.S.W. Public Service with the intention of comparing industrial relations in this public sector with the situation prevailing in most private sectors. Firstly, the legal and economic frameworks within which the system operates are examined and this is followed by an investigation of the relevant unions and the employer group. Then, attention is focused on the wage adjustment procedures: negotiation and arbitration. The analysis reveals that this public sector industrial relations system pos sesses a number of features of considerable analytical interest: features which clearly differentiate it from the systems common to the private sector.
Economic Factors and Wage Fixation Principles: Developments in New South Wales in 1974
Authors: Shaw J.W. 
Published: March 2007

The inflationary movement of 1974 presented a challenge for the time- honoured principles of wage-fixatian developed by the New South Wales system of industrial relations. An examination of the key wages decisions of the State Industrial Commission shows how recognition of the concept of "community-wide movement in wages" enabled the tribunal to flexibly deal with the new economic reality. However, it also demonstrates the difficulty exposed in the previous approach of segregating "economic" and "work value" factors in the wage assessment process—a difficulty ultimately recognized by the Commission.
Unemployment and Labour Market Policies and Programmes in Britain: Experience and Evaluation
Authors: Towers Brian 
Published: March 2007

Although high unemployment and the search for solutions are widespread among most industrialized countries, the purpose of this article is to review and assess British experience, especially in the past twenty years. Using the OECD distinction Britain, as other countries, continues to spend substantially more on the 'passive' measures of unemployment compensation and redundancy payments than on 'active' measures to create jobs, develop job skills and encourage more active job search. Within the active group, although training remains important, its development, funding and implementation have recently been devolved to regional agencies while job search has been given additional funding and a higher policy profile. This shift towards short-term approaches to unemployment may prove to be an error, given the long-term implications for British attempts to raise skill levels. However, policy remains in flux. Alternative means of reducing unemployment and creating jobs are discussed, including those that incorporate macroeconomic stimuli alongside supply-side measures. These alternatives are currently under active dis cussion in the European union and among other leading industrialized countries. For Britain, such a radical shift in policy is unlikely without a change in government.
Foreign Policy Opinion as a Function of Social Position
Authors: Galtung Johan 
Published: March 2007

In this article a theory of how foreign policy opinion depends on the social position of the opinion-holder is developed. The society is divided into a center and a periphery, where the center is the favored part and the periphery the rejected part of society. The periphery is the victim of insufficient communication and of isolation, and will for that reason represent other phases of attitude-formation than the center. Thus, the periphery will distinguish less between cognitions and evaluations of foreign policy alternatives, and be more absolutist in its orientation to change. The periphery will either favor the status quo or sudden and complete changes, whereas the center will be more revisionist in its outlook. The periphery will either keep silent or improvise demonstrations to make its attitude known. The theory is tested on survey data from Norway 1959-63, and confirmed on a number of points. More particularly, the periphery is found to have a different concept of consistency than the center. A tendency to combine attitudes in favor of atomic weapons with the signing of a protest against them was found to be most pronounced in the periphery. The importance of foreign policy attitude is seen above all in its bargaining value for a foreign minister, but also as a direct impetus provided foreign policy opinion is stabilized, and stabilized for peaceful policies. This can be done by 'making peace pay,' e.g. by including tax cuts in disarmament plans, and by tying the periphery more to the decision-makers through foreign policy oriented elections, or through government parties that also represent the periphery.
Game Th Eory, Bargaining Th Eory, and Strategic Reasoning
Authors: Coddington Alan 
Published: March 2007

Strategic reasoning must take place, explicitly or implicitly, within some framework, whether this be a formal one or otherwise. It is often assumed that game theory is the only formal frame work for strategic analysis. In this paper, however, strategic reasoning is distinguished from its particular bases. It is suggested that formal bases other than the game theoretic one are possible. A number of weaknesses and inadequacies of game theory, both as a direct and as an indirect basis for strategic reasoning, are pointed out. (With a game theoretic model of bargaining proces ses which in turn serves as a framework for strategic reasoning, game theory forms an indirect basis.) An alternative approach is suggested, involving the idea of a closed loop system; and it is argued that this may serve as a more fruitful basis for strategic reasoning.
The Development of Views On Conflict, War, and Peace Among School Children
Authors: Ålvik Trond 
Published: March 2007

This article continues a line of thought presented by Peter Cooper in JPR 1965, No. 1, by relating the formation of 'war' and 'peace' concepts in children to some of Jean Piaget's developmental dimensions. 114 subjects in the age groups 8, 10, and 12, chosen from different socio-economic levels, were interviewed with a fairly comprehensive instrument containing among other items a set of questions designed to tap ability of reciprocal reasoning. 1) The subjects seem to know much more about war than about peace. For both concepts they concentrate upon the 'concrete' aspects (war as fighting, killing, dying, weapons; peace as respite and inactivity) rather than upon the more 'abstract' aspects (war as a conflict situation; peace as something which must be actively obtained and maintained). 2) The relation is greater between ability of reciprocal reasoning and the concrete aspects, than between ability of reciprocal reasoning and the more abstract aspects of war and peace concepts. 3) Socio-economic level is related to conception of concrete aspects of war and peace, but subjects from high socio-economic level do not necessarily conceive of peace as something which must be actively obtained and maintained more than do subjects from low socio-economic level. On the basis of these findings the author hypothesises that the subjects may not have been given the opportunity to apply their growing mental capacities to the development of an active peace concept, and that much more can be done in this direction through education.
A Cross Cultural Study of Hostility and Aggression
Authors: Green R.T. , Santori G. 
Published: March 2007

This article analyses and compares the structure of hostile attitudes and aggressive behaviour of two national groups, English and Italian, taking into account the national stereotypes involved. While the two groups do not differ greatly in their overall level and general pattern of scoring on a questionnaire, there are nevertheless divergencies that reflect the differing norms of the two societies. In particular, the hostile/aggressive Italian has to contend with a display motive that seems to permeate his culture pattern and contributes to the stereotype of the 'Latin temperament'. To this extent, the 'kernel of truth' hypothesis is supported. Correspond ingly, the stereotype of the perfidious, hypocritical Englishman is lent credence, in that revenge cloaked in moral guise and world-weary cynicism and contempt are more apparent attributes of the hostile/aggressive Englishman as revealed by the questionnaire. Attitudes towards authority draw on both the display and cynicism aspects. While the Italian is impressed by the trappings of power, the Englishman is more concerned with its exercise. It is concluded that, although culture patterns may be fruitfully compared in terms of their ways of handling and expressing hostility/aggression, it is essentially meaningless to describe one culture pattern as more or less hostile/aggressive than another in any absolute terms, since no external criterion exists that is not in some sense arbitrary.
Perception of the Basic Cleavages of Finnish Society
Authors: Eskola Antti 
Published: March 2007

The purpose of this survey is to find out how Finns perceive some economic, political and social contrasts of their own society. On the basis of factor analysis these contrasts are grouped into three clusters: (1) opposition between the rulers and the ruled. (e.g. employers vs. employees, politicans vs. ordinary citizens), (2) party-political contrasts (e.g. the Right vs. the Left) and (3) opposition of old and new (e.g. urban dwellers vs. rural dwellers, young vs. old). The first cluster of contrasts resembles quite strongly the classic class contradiction model described in Marxian theory. Of the 16 original contrasts the following ones are perceived to be greatest in magnitude: rich vs. poor, Right vs. Left, Communists vs. others, working class vs. bourgeoise and Coa lition Party (Conservatives) vs. others. It is found that supporters of the leftist parties per ceive contrasts belonging to the cluster (1) on an average greater than do supporters of the bourgeois parties, but no such difference is found in the case of other contrasts. Although the survey concentrates on the internal contrasts of the Finnish society, this method can also be applied to the study of perception of international cleavages.
Imperialism, Intervention Capacity, and Foreign Policy Making
Authors: Kramer Helmut , Bauer Helfried 
Published: March 2007

This article summarizes central theoretical and methodological notions developed in an empirical analysis of US foreign policy decisionmaking, of the economic effects of war expenditures and of the evolution of public opinion in the Indochina intervention, from Kennedy to Nixon. In the first part, the economic and political base for the US intervention policy in the Third World in general and in Indochina in particular is analyzed. In this framework the functions of military spend ing and war industry for the militarization of US intervention policy and for internal economic sta bilization in the interest of the US power elite are discussed. The link between the escalation of the Vietnam war in 1964/65 and the prevention of an impending economic recession in the US serves as an illustrating example. In order to analyze the impact of economic and political factors determining US foreign policy towards the Third World in concrete historical situations, the concept of 'intervention capacity' is introduced. Intervention capacity does not only mean the available and applied resources and means for military actions or threats: it also sub sumes the level of economic, social, and political stability required in the imperialistic nation itself for performing and continuing interventions in the Third World. The international and national weakening of US imperialism as a consequence of its failure to achieve its military goal in Southeast Asia is analyzed in this perspective. Besides the analysis of the strategic context and the delineated problem area of intervention ca pacity, studies of imperialist interventions should deal also with the process of foreign policy ma king. Criteria for a better understanding of this process in which political and economic goals are converted into political action consensus are dis cussed in connection with the Indochina policy decisions. In the final section, the developed analytical framework is used for a critical review of liberal and radical analyses of the US Indochina inter vention. The main argument here is that critical social science, in bringing in the needed system perspective, should not neglect to apply more re fined methods of data analysis and concept re finement.
International Organization and Violence with Special Reference to the Performance of the UN System
Authors: Rittberger Volker 
Published: March 2007

The article seeks to bring together perspectives of peace research and of the study of international organization. The common meeting-ground for both perspectives is the analysis of the perform ance of international organization, particularly with respect to eliminating violence in international society. The discussion begins by ascertaining the meaning of the concept of violence as it has regularly been defined in the theory and practice of international organization. It is argued that, due to the genesis of international organization as an adaptive outgrowth of the modern state system, 'violence' is usually seen as identical with 'direct' or 'personal' violence, and that it does not encompass 'indirect' or 'structural' violence. In the analysis of international organization per formance, it is shown that international organi zation has failed, by and large, in fulfilling its major open function: the elimination of direct violence in international society. The article then takes up the question whether and in which ways international organization activities bear on the existence of structural violence in international society. Here, we note first of all a certain lack of research - as compared with the large number of studies on the impact of international organiza tion on direct violence. Based on the available evidence, the tentative answer to the perviously- raised question is that, whereas international orga nization may have been instrumental in attacking some secondary manifestations of structural violence, it has served more often to perpetuate and even strengthen structural violence in inter national society.
The Military-Industrial Complex in West Germany and the Consequences for Peace Policy
Authors: Vilmar Fritz 
Published: March 2007

The paper summarizes the crucial concerns of the author's two major book contributions (see note above) to peace research and peace policy. On the basis of some hypotheses about militarism as a means of societal rule, the economic role of arma ment-expenditures, particularly in the Federal Re public, are described. It is shown that, since the middle of the 1950s, there has existed an intensive interest on the part of industry for high domestic armament orders of the government. The principles of disarmament economics are discussed; and the absence of any governmental effort in this direction as well as the general aver sion of the economic power elite against effective economic alternatives (welfare planning etc.) to a militarization of (parts of) the economy are noted. Principles for a socially oriented peace policy in Western Europe are then formulated. These are based on the ideas of strong intensification of socio-economic and socio-cultural exchange (learn ing processes) between Western and Eastern Europe and a growing cooperation of the progressive social forces in Western Europe.
Social Violence and Conservative Social Psychology: The Case of Erik Erikson
Authors: Smith Tony 
Published: March 2007

Erikson links intergroup violence to the fashion communities train their members to see themselves and otherness. The result of role learning or identity formation is regrettably but typically 'pseudospeciation', a tendency to see one's own group as something more than human while deni grating other groups to an inferior position. Erikson proposes to master pseudospeciation through the practice of judiciousness or 'mutuali ty', the psychological equivalent of the political value of tolerance whose practice he claims to have found demonstrated by Gandhi. Despite Erikson's obvious humanism, his con cept of mutuality is fundamentally unsatisfactory, for it is caught in an unresolved contradiction be tween his conviction that psychological well-being requires the sheltering environment of established social institutions and his recognition of a need for a critical analysis of social roles. Since Erik son's most fundamental theoretical tenets stress the importance of individual adaptation to socially prescribed forms of behavior, mutuality bids fair to function as a conservative political ideology. In its basic terms, Erikson's argument is common to an entire school of social psychology and the analysis of its limitations is therefore of relevance to the general discussion of the character and con trol of human aggression.
Arms Control: The Retreat From Disarmament The Record to Date and the Search for Alternatives
Authors: Thee Marek 
Published: March 2007

The main thesis in this paper is that arms control as implemented in recent years and reflected in a number of multilateral and bilateral US-Soviet accords has not halted the arms race, but rather impelled its course. An effort must be made to change direction and initiate the process of real disarmament. Arms control has meant a retreat from disarmament. It has come to symbolize a practice of building security not on less but on more arms. Deterrence has become the main theme of arms control, and has meant the establishment of a threat system which requires a constant augmentation of armaments, so as to enhance the retaliatory power of the adversary. The paper analyses the flaws and drawbacks of arms control and reviews the achieve ments and failures of the arms control agreements. It then discusses the armaments dyna mics and prospects of disarmament. Two basic mainstays of armaments dynamics today lie in the domain of politics and technology. To undercut armaments dynamics the modus operandi in these two fields must be changed. In the political domain, a most important precondition for change is greater openness in questions of security. One promising strategy to follow would be unilateral reciprocated initiatives to gradually reduce arma ments. In the field of technology, military research and development must be brought under control. Disarmament can only come through a radical departure from dominant arms control concepts. There is a need to return to the idea of general and complete disarmament.
Exploring Exploitation
Authors: Elster Jon 
Published: March 2007

Both Marxist and neo-classical theories of income distribution agree that the worker is exploited if he gets less than he produces. They differ over the imputation to the worker of 'his' product, Marxists using the average and neoclassical theorists the marginal product. In order to bring out the deeper reasons behind this difference, the following notions and theories are invoked: the fallacy of composition, permitting the capitalist to treat each worker as if he were the marginal worker; the alienation of the worker from the capital goods which are the product of past labour; the capital controversy and the doubts that have been raised about the notion of aggregate capital; and Robert Nozick's distinction between end-result principles and historical principles in ethical theory. Pre-capitalist societies and advanced capitalist societies require a different conceptual frame work than the exploitation theory developed by Marx for classical capitalism. In these societies power relations and strategic interaction are more important than the anonymous exploitation through the market mechanism. Kelvin Lancaster's view of capitalism as a differential game between workers and capitalists provides an insight into modern capitalism that is more adequate than the Marxist model.