bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Criminal Jurisdiction of Governors
Authors: Garnsey Peter 
Published: May 2006

I will begin this investigation by summarising Mommsen's views on the powers of governors, as I understand them. According to Mommsen, the task of the Republican governor was to administer civil justice and to maintain the obedience of subjects and slaves. He was as little a criminal judge as the Roman praetor, whose title he originally bore. His capacity to employ coercitio against non-citizens (and citizens also, until the appeal laws and the Sempronian law were issued) was derived from his military imperium and was quite distinct from criminal jurisdiction. Criminal justice was dispensed for aliens by the local communities and for Roman citizens in the provinces by the courts in Rome.With the Empire came two innovations (Mommsen thought). First, local autonomy was restricted. Subject cities lost to the governor their prerogative of imposing serious penalties; even Roman municipia surrendered much of their criminal jurisdiction. Secondly, military imperium, already checked by Republican laws (above), was further limited by the Augustan law on public violence. This development, implying in itself that the governor had become a fully-fledged criminal judge, ensured that capital jurisdiction over citizens was concentrated, as before, in Rome.
Coastal Settlement in Cyrenaica
Authors: Jones G. D. B. , Little J. H. 
Published: May 2006

The location of the majority of major sites in Cyrenaica is well established. This has obscured the fact that our knowledge of the detailed topography of the area is in reality highly fragmentary, and can only be increased by detailed work in the field. The purpose of this article is to review the archaeological evidence from the area between Benghazi and Derna as it has been collected by the authors in recent years, and to give an account of its more important implications. On this basis one may examine the complex interrelation of local climate and geography that has controlled the development of settlement between the northern edge of the Cyrenaican plateau and the sea.The administrative unit known to the Romans as Cyrenaica lies on the coast of North Africa between longitude 19° east and 24° east. Its southern limits were never defined, but any route to the south was effectively blocked by the Calanshu sand sea and the wastelands of the Jebel Zelten.
The Emperor, The Senate and the Provinces
Authors: Millar Fergus 
Published: May 2006

Our sources for the constitutional settlement and division of the provinces in 27 B.C., and the modification of the settlement in 23 B.C., are notoriously brief and inadequate. Neither Augustus in the Res Gestae nor Velleius Paterculus mentions the provincial aspects of either settlement. The earliest source is Strabo (840): ‘(Caesar) δίχα διεῖλε πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀπέδειξεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ (military provinces for himself, peaceful ones for the People)…ἑκατέραν δὲ τὴν μερίδα εἰς ἐπαρχίας διένειμε πλείους, ὡν αἵ μὲν καλοῦνται Καίσαρος, αἵ δὲ τοῦ δήμου. καὶ εἰς μὲν τὰς Καίσαρος ἡγεμόνας καὶ διοικητὰς Καῖσαρ πέμπει, διαιρѽν ἄλλοτε ἄλλως τὰς χώρας…εἰς δὲ τὰς δημοσίας ὁ δῆμος στρατηγοὺς ἤ ὑπάτους…(list of public provinces)…τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ἐπαρχίας ἔχει Καῖσαρ, ὧν εἰς ἃς μὲν πέμπει τοὺς ἐπιμελησομένους ὑπατικοὺς ἄνδρας,εἰς ἃς δὲ στρατηγικούς, εἰς ἃς δὲ καὶ ἱππικούς…’Then there is Suetonius (Div. Aug. 47) : ‘provincias validiores et quas annuis magistratuum imperiis regi nec facile nec tutum erat, ipse suscepit, ceteras proconsulibus sortito permisit.’ Finally there is the account in Cassius Dio (LIII, 12, 2–3): ‘τὴν μὲν φροντίδα τήν τε προστασίαν τѽν κοινѽν πᾶσαν ὡς καὶ ἐπιμελείας τινòς δεομένων ὑπεδέξατο, οὔτε δὲ πάντων αὐτòς τѽν ἐθνѽν ἄρξειν, οὔθ' ὅσων ἄν ἄρξῃ, διὰ παντòς τοῦτο ποιήσειν ἔφη, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἀσθενέστερα ὡς καὶ εἰρηναϊα καὶ ἀπόλεμα ἀπέδωκε, τὰ δὲ ἰσχυρότερα … κατέσχε, λόγῳ μὲν ὅπως ἡ μὲν γερουσία ἀδεѽς τὰ κάλλιστα τῆς ἀρχῆς καρπῷτο….’These are the only accounts of the division of the provinces in 27. For the settlement of 23 our evidence is even poorer, a single sentence in Cassius Dio (LIII, 32, 5) ‘… τήν τε ἀρχὴν τὴν ἀνθύπατον ἐσαεἱ καθάπαξ ἔχειν ὥστε μήτε ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ τῇ εἴσῳ τοῦ πωμηρίου κατατίθεσθαι αὐτὴν μήτ' αὕθις ἀνανεοῦσθαι, καὶ ἐν τῷ ὑπηκόῳ τὸ πλεϊον τѽν ἑκασταχόθι ἀρχόνων ἰσχύειν ἐπέτρεψεν’.The paucity of the sources—combined with the fact that they are mainly in Greek—has led to insoluble problems about how Augustus' position was described at the time, or (alternatively) what the nature of his imperium vis à vis the provinces was. None the less there is a fair consensus of opinion about the division of the provinces itself, and the nature of the administrative pattern which it produced. This can be summarized as follows:Augustus undertook the administration of a large provincia, comprising Spain, Gaul and Syria, for a period of ten years, possibly with proconsular authority. He governed these provinces through legati appointed by, and responsible to, himself. The other provinces were governed by pro-magistrates responsible to the Senate. Down to 23 Augustus was also consul. In 23, while retaining his provincia, he abandoned the consulate and accepted imperium mains, which gave him superior authority to pro-magistrates, and enabled him to intervene outside his provincia when necessary. In normal circumstances, however, control of the provinces was divided between the Emperor and the Senate.
Mela's Phoenician Geography
Authors: Batty Roger 
Published: May 2006

The appearance in 1998 of F. E. Romer's English translation of Pomponius Mela's De Chorographia has helped to raise further the profile of this previously rather obscure author. Indeed, since the publication a decade previously of the Budé edition by Alain Silberman, interest in Mela seems to have grown quite steadily. Important contributions in German by Kai Brodersen have widened our appreciation of Mela's place within ancient geography as a whole, and his role within the history of cartography has been the subject of a number of shorter pieces.One element common to all these works, however, is a continuing tendency to disparage both Mela himself and the work he created. This is typified by Romer, for whom Mela was ‘a minor writer, a popularizer, not a first-class geographer’; one ‘shocking reason’ for his choice of genre was simply poor preparation, ‘insufficient for technical writing in geography’. Similar judgements appear in the works of Brodersen and Silberman. Mela's inaccuracies are, for these critics, typical of the wider decline of geography in the Roman period. Perhaps such negative views sprang initially from a sense of frustration: it was counted as one of our author's chief defects that he failed to list many sources for his work. For scholars interested in Quellenforschung it makes poor reading. Yet, quite clearly, the De Chorographia has also been damned by comparison. Mela's work has been held against the best Graeco-Roman learning on geography during antiquity—against Strabo, Ptolemy, or Pliny—and it has usually been found wanting. Set against the achievements of his peers, his work does not stand close scrutiny. Thus, for most scholars, the text has been read as a failed exercise in technical geography, or a markedly inferior document in the wider Graeco-Roman geographical tradition.
Ovid on Reading: Reading Ovid. Reception in OvidTristiaII
Authors: Gibson Bruce 
Published: May 2006

In this paper I propose to consider Ovid's poem as a document of literary criticism, which offers us a striking treatment of the role of the audience in reception. Ovid's concerns are twofold: on the one hand he is concerned with the ostensible manner in which his own works have been read, but he also discusses a wide range of other texts, and in doing so, offers readings of them, which, I will argue, illustrate the open-ended nature of reception and meaning.Now, undoubtedly we are sometimes too willing to label works as ‘anti-Augustan’ or ‘Augustan’, as if that was all that could be said about them; the glib use of such terms often seems to obscure more complex and more interesting questions (theAeneidand theGeorgicsare familiar examples). But with Ovid, however, such issues are at least raised by the poet himself, since the exile poems do deal with Ovid's attitude to Augustus, and the twin possibilities of writing poetry which can offend the emperor, or which can please him. Now while Ovid's famous explanation of the causes of his exile as ‘carmen et error’ (Trist.2.207) may perhaps be a smokescreen — Ovid adducing theArs Amatoriaas his fault in order not to have to go into the details of what theerrorwas that had offended Augustus —Tristia2 must still be considered on its own terms; Ovid writes as if it is possible for Augustus to be offended by his poetry, and therefore the issue is an important one.
Lactantius, Porphyry, and the Debate over Religious Toleration
Authors: Digeser Elizabeth DePalma 
Published: May 2006

Did the events surrounding Diocletian's persecution of 303–311 launch a debate over religious toleration? The first suggestion that they did occurs in Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles, a defence of traditional religion and theology in three books. Writing before the persecution, the celebrated Neoplatonist philosopher from Tyre, a man whom several Christian emperors and church councils would soon condemn, asked the question that stood at the heart of the persecution:How can these people [i.e., Christians] be thought worthy of forbearance (συϒϒώμη) ? They have not only turned away from those who from earliest time are referred to as divine among all Greeks and barbarians … and by emperors, law-givers and philosophers—all of a common mind. But also, in choosing impieties and atheism, they have preferred their fellow creatures [i.e., to worshipping the divine]. And to what sort of penalties might they not justly be subjected who … are fugitives from the things of their fathers?
The Language of the Vindolanda Writing Tablets: An Interim Report
Authors: Adams J. N. 
Published: May 2006

The recent publication by A. K. Bowman and J. D. Thomas ofThe Vindolanda Writing Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses II)(1994) provides another substantial corpus of Latin from a military outpost in the early Empire. The tablets take their place alongside such important military finds as the letters of Claudius Terentianus, which are roughly of the same date, the ostraca from Bu Njem, and the ostraca from Wâdi Fawâkhir, which again are dated to the first/second centuries.The Latin of the Vindolanda tablets has recently been discussed by H. Petersmann as a specimen of ‘Vulgar Latin’, at a conference devoted to Vulgar and Late Latin. But while the influence of spoken varieties of the language can be detected in some misspellings, and in aspects of the syntax, morphology, and lexicon of the tablets, one must resist the temptation to find ‘Vulgar Latin’ (however one defines that problematical term: see below, IX.4) as the sole or principal element of the tablets. Many of the documents were not composed by free composition, but have a formulaic structure which made little or no demand on the linguistic competence of the writer (e.g. applications for leave (166–77), the daily reports of a type found at Bu Njem, which have certain distinctive features of syntax (155–6)). Accounts and lists (178–209) too may in their syntax and format, if not necessarily in their spellings, be heavily influenced by the conventions of their genre. Moreover record-keeping of this type usually falls to individuals with a degree of education and numeracy, and their writing may have little or nothing to reveal about the spoken language which they used or heard.
The Ethics of Brutus and Cassius
Authors: Sedley David 
Published: May 2006

Among that select band of philosophers who have managed to change the world, and not just to interpret it, it would be hard to find a pair with a higher public profile than Brutus and Cassius — brothers-in-law, fellow-assassins, and Shakespearian heroes. Yet curiously little is understood of the connection, if any, between the fact that they were philosophers and their joint decision to form the conspiracy against Caesar. It may not even be widely known that they were philosophers.What work has been done on this question has been focused on Cassius' Epicureanism, thanks above all to a famous review published by Momigliano in 1941 which included a seminal survey of the evidence for politicized Epicureans. I shall myself have less to say on that topic than on the richer, and less explored, evidence for Brutus. For the present, we may note that at the time of the assassination, March 44 B.C., Cassius had been an Epicurean for just three or four years; that he had already prior to that been actively engaged in philosophy; but that his previous allegiance is unknown. His conversion to Epicureanism seems to have been timed to reflect his decision in 48 B.C. to withdraw from the republican struggle and to acquiesce in Caesar's rule, expressing his hopes for peace and his revulsion from civil bloodshed. This sounds in tune with a familiar Epicurean policy: minimal political involvement, along with approval of any form of government that provides peaceful conditions. We may, therefore, plausibly link Cassius' withdrawal to his new-found Epicureanism. In which case it becomes less likely that his subsequent resumption of the political initiative in fomenting conspiracy against Caesar was itself dictated purely by his Epicureanism. Yet he did remain an Epicurean to the end.6 At its weakest then, the question which we must address might simply be how, when he became convinced that Caesar must be eliminated, he managed to reconcile that decision with his Epicureanism. I shall have a suggestion to make about Cassius' Epicurean justification, but it will emerge incidentally during the examination of the evidence for Brutus, who is the real hero of this paper.
The Survival and Supremacy of Rome: The Unity of the Shield of Aeneas
Authors: Harrison S. J. 
Published: May 2006

What is the most plausible connection which can be constructed between the various scenes from Roman history selected for depiction on the Shield of Aeneas, described inAeneid8.626–728? This question has found a variety of answers since Warde Fowler raised it in 1918, but none is entirely satisfactory. The order of presentation of the individual scenes is evidently chronological, from the beginnings of Rome to the poet's own day, but the poet's own explicit programme, that the Shield containsres Italas Romanorumque triumphos(626), is very general, and could apply equally well to the Show of Heroes inAeneid6. The reader feels that a more specific criterion of selection is in operation — whytheseparticular pieces of Roman military history?The most significant modern proposals for such a criterion are reviewed by West in an important article. For instance, Drew's argument that the scenes represent the four imperial virtues ofvirtus, clementia, iustitia, andpietasascribed to Augustus on the golden shield presented to him by the Senate in 27 B.C. (Res Gestae34.2,CILVI.876), a stone copy of which survives at Arles, laudably makes the connection with a real, contemporary, and ideologically significant shield, but (as West points out) it is too schematic and does not account for all the details (how are the she-wolf and the rape of the Sabines to be accommodated under those labels?). West's own answer, that the scenes chosen are those particularly suited to depiction in plastic art, has many attractions, but it is difficult to see it as the sole criterion for selection: this is too important an ideological moment in theAeneidfor such a purely aesthetic explanation.
The Transformation of Italy, 225–28 B.C.
Authors: Morley Neville 
Published: May 2006

For a study of social and economic questions an assessment of population is indispensable. It must make a difference to our picture of the agrarian troubles that vexed the late Republic, whether we take Italy to have been densely or thinly settled.Although debate continues on the causes, chronology, and extent of the ‘second-century crisis’ in Italy, a consensus has developed on its main symptom: the free peasantry, numbers already depleted by the burdens of military service, was displaced from the land by imported slaves and so continued to decline, a development which contributed significantly to the troubles of the succeeding century. Underpinning this consensus is widespread acceptance of what might be called the ‘Beloch-Brunt’ model of the demographic history of Italy in this period. This model suggests that between the late third century (Polybius' account of the numbers of Romans and Italians under arms in 225 B.C. permits an estimate of the total population) and the late first century (Augustus' first census of Roman citizens in 28 B.C., the first truly reliable one since the enfranchisement of the Italians) the free population had declined from about four and a half million people to about four million.
Variation in terricolous bryophyte and macrolichen vegetation along primary gradients in Canadian boreal forests
Authors: Carleton T. J. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Compositional variation among 172 boreal forests stands, based upon the understorey terricolous bryophyte and macrolichen vegetation, is compared with that based upon vascular vegetation. Detrended correspondence analysis (DCA) of the two datasets yielded stand ordinations each indicating a single dominant upland‐bottomland gradient. This was most clear among 138 stands in the cryptogam dataset. Canonical correspondence analysis (CCA) of the 138 stand subset yielded a pronounced first axis gradient from dry, nutrient poor pine dominated forest sites to moist, nutrient rich bottomland sites dominated by balsam poplar woodland.Individual species response curves, by the method of log‐linear least squares regression, yielded three different respective patterns among the most abundant tree, understorey vascular and cryptogamic plant species. Whereas curves for the tree species were ‘Gaussian’ in shape and displaced at somewhat regular intervals along the gradient, the abundant understorey vascular plant species curves clustered in the mesic, mixed wood region two thirds of the way along. Curves for the abundant cryptogams were mostly linear in shape and absent from the mixed wood zone, showing concentrations at one end of the gradient or the other.Two interpretations of the understorey pattern are considered. One proposes competitive exclusion of cryptogams from the mesic mixed wood region by the vascular understorey plants. Another proposes that the cryptogams are adapted to the sharply contrasting ecosystems encountered at one end of the gradient or another but that none can effectively cope with the intermediate, mixed wood ecosystems. Evidence from the response curves favours this second interpretation.
BOOK REVIEWS
Authors: Walker Marilyn D. 
Published: May 2006

Book reviewed in this issue.Okland, R. H. Vegetation Ecology: Theory, Methods, and Application to Fennoscandia. 1990. 233 pp. Som‐merfeltia Supplement 1, Botanical Gardens and Museum, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway. ISBN 82–7420–006–3. Price: NOK 180.
Quadrat variance analysis and pattern development during primary succession
Authors: Dale M. R. T. , Blundon D. J. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The interpretation of Hill's ‘Two Term Local Quadrat Variance’ analysis to detect the scale of spatial pattern in vegetation is improved by an equation that relates the block size of a variance peak to the scale of the pattern that gave rise to it. (Contrary to previous belief, the two are not the same, especially for large block sizes.) Deviations of pattern from a perfectly regular alternation of equally sized gaps and patches of uniform density cause changes in the variance. To aid in the interpretation of these changes, two indices of pattern regularity are proposed, one based on density and one based onpresence/absence, in orderte distinguish the effects of irregularities of patch density from irregularities of patch size and position.These methods are applied to a study of primary succession on glacial moraines near Mt. Robson, British Columbia, Canada, in order to evaluate certain hypotheses about the development of pattern. Other researchers have proposed that during succession, the pattern at first intensifies at the scales initially observed, then as succession proceeds some scales of pattern are lost due to coalescence of patches and eventually the intensity of those that remain decreases as the patterns become more and more irregular. The vegetation on the Mt. Robson moraines confirms this sequence of changes in vegetation pattern, only to the extent that patterns intensify initially in the chronosequence; the number of scales of pattern in the vegetation remains about the same throughout and there is no evidence that the patterns become more irregular.The variance‐block size graphs derived from presence / absence data matched those from density data well, indicating that the simpler data, in this case, are almost as informative about pattern as the more detailed data.
Post‐fire diversity patterns in two subassociations of Californian coastal sage scrub
Authors: O'Leary John F. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract.Coastal sage scrub exhibits floristically dissimilar subassociations on opposing aspects in the Santa Monica Mountains of southern California. Southward‐facing (Venturan I) and northward‐facing (Ventaran II) subassociations were sampled at two scales (1 m2and 625 m2) each spring for five years following a fire. Mature (10‐ and 28 yr‐old) sites of these subassociation types were also sampled in the study area. The subshrub and herbaceous components that were most prevalent on northerly slopes following the first post‐burn year contributed the most cover for all ages examined.Aspect‐related differences in species richness were most apparent at the smaller sampling scale where they were equal the first post‐burn year and varied inversely thereafter. At this scale, richness values were two times higher on older north‐facing sites, largely due to the herbaceous component. South‐facing sites displayed progressive decreases in equitability through time. This pattern reflects gradual reduction in overall species richness combined with progressive site domination by fewer species, as manifested by increasing dominance concentration values. By contrast equitability on north‐facing sites fluctuated little through time, though dominance concentration tended to decrease. Higher richness, equitability, and overall cover with time after burning on north‐facing sites is associated with the relatively mesic habitats upon which this subassociation develops. Post‐burn patterns of species richness and stratal differentiation on south‐facing slopes are consistent with those reported for other mediterranean‐type shrublands, i.e. peak richness was attained the first two years following a fire with subsequent decrease to a constant level.
Data manipulation and gradient length estimation in DCA ordination
Authors: Eilertsen Odd , Okland Rune H. , Okland Tonje , Pedersen Oddvar 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The effects of different kinds of data manipulation on gradient length estimation by non‐linear rescal‐ing (as in DCA ordination) are evaluated by considering the first axis inDCA ordinations of 11 field data sets from four investigations. Gradient length estimates are dependent on the range of the abundance scale; the more the scale favours the quantitative aspect (abundance) of the data over the qualitative aspect (presence), the longer the DCA axes.The gradient length estimate decreases when infrequent species are deleted. A new formula is proposed to replace the option for downweighting of rare species in DCA, as the option presently available has some undesirable properties. Some implications for interpretation of gradient length estimates by non‐linear rescaling in general (and in DCA in particular) and for comparison of gradient length estimates between studies, are discussed. The potential of non‐linear rescaling of gradients for estimation of β diversity is emphasized.