bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
“All for Each and Each for All”: Reflections on Anglo-American and Commonwealth Scientific Cooperation, 1940–1945
Authors: MacLeod Roy 
Published: November 2007

Twice this century, the wartime mobilization of civilian academic science has been rightly recognized as one of the most remarkable achievements of Britain, the Commonwealth, and the United States. If the first world war demonstrated the Empire's “strength in unity,” the second placed far greater demands on Allied and imperial resources in research, development, and supply. Where the first war witnessed a limited application of scientific advice, on request, and in response to limited problems, the second saw scientists and engineers develop an enormous range of technologies, frequently ahead of military requirements. In the course of the scientific war, new principles of liaison emerged, replacing peacetime practices of professional and institutional coordination. Imperial relations fostered by peacetime bureaux devoted to natural products and industrial research were overtaken by new, larger, and more powerful ministries devoted to supply and production. In certain respects, the demands of science began to drive imperial policy, weaving a fabric of relationships that survived to influence Commonwealth and international science diplomacy well after the war had ended.At an official level, these were among the most apparent outcomes of imperial science at war. The principal technical results of Allied collaboration—in radar, jet engines, the atomic bomb, for example—are well known. However, beneath myriad homerics of technical and organizational triumphs resides an equally important legacy of imperial rhetoric, symbol, and metaphor, in which the discourses of imperial science and commonwealth became re-examined and revalorized. The respective roles of the “metropolis” and the “periphery”—the geometries of Empire—were redefined by decisions that governed the supply of raw materials, the sharing of sensitive information, and the development of weapons.
The Troubled Deathbeds of Henry I's Servants: Death, Confession, and Secular Conduct in the Twelfth Century
Authors: Crouch David 
Published: November 2007

When Sir Richard Southern wanted to illustrate the moral compromise that was the inevitable cost of being a courtier and servant of King Henry I of England—the culture of whose court encouraged profiteering and sharp practice—he found the material to hand in a number of surviving letters of the unfortunate Nigel d'Aubigny. At some time between 1109 and 1114 Nigel fell ill, and he believed himself dying. He dictated to his royal master a letter—on which one can almost see the spots of the tears—begging him to confirm the restorations of land that he wanted now to make to various churches he had formerly deprived. Another letter was to his brother, listing further—rather weighty—restorations he wanted made to numerous laymen likewise defrauded by him in the course of his career. Perhaps he felt rather silly when he got better, as he did, and lived for many years more to meditate on his unworthiness.Sir Richard proved his point, but it occurs to me that the same evidence can be used to explore further a different but related issue: how it was that these men who lived and worked in Henry's service were so very conscious of the moral compromises they had made. If Nigel d'Aubigny was brought to the state that his letters reveal that he was, when he was threatened by death, it can only be because he had been aware of actions that might be considered his sins for quite some while.
Naval Impressment in Tobias Smollett'sRoderick Random
Authors: Ennis Daniel J. 
Published: November 2007

In his discussion of Joseph Conrad's fiction inThe Political UnconsciousFredric Jameson writes:the sea is the empty space between the concrete places of work and life; but it is also, just as surely, itself a place of work and the very element by which an imperial capitalism draws its scattered beachheads and outposts together, through which it slowly realizes its sometimes violent, sometimes silent and corrosive, penetration of the outlying precapitalist zones of the globe.This linkage of the sea with capitalism allows Jameson to deal with Conrad's novels (especiallyLord JimandNostromo) as, to use Jameson's own phrase, socially symbolic acts—the sea is “the privileged place of the strategy of containment” and it provides Conrad a laboratory where “human relations can be presented in all their ideal formal purity.” Jameson has identified nautical fiction's important place in any story of the novel—the confining (yet paradoxically freeing) nature of the sea (and the ship) screens out the extraneous material of the world, forcing confrontation, laying bare power relations and allowing the writer to focus on the human condition. The sea allows for only the essentials: clearly defined hierarchies, and life and death on easy terms. Jameson links Conrad with high modernism and thus with capitalism, but his positioning of the sea in relation to power and history can be, I believe, “read back” and then applied (in a necessarily nascent form) to the literary sea of the eighteenth century.
The Amboyna Massacre in English Politics, 1624–1632
Authors: Chancey Karen 
Published: November 2007

On March 9, 1623, ten English merchants were beheaded on Amboyna in Indonesia by order of Harman van Speult, the Dutch governor of the island. They died accused of plotting to seize control of Fort Victoria, the island's stronghold, in order to take over the local spice trade. Considering the number of lives lost in the centuries of conflict between Dutch and British merchants in the East Indies, the incident on Amboyna seems in hindsight to have been a rather insignificant affair. Yet the occurrence played an important role in English politics under the early Stuarts, and influenced English/Dutch relations for a century.News of the incident, which the English came to know as the Amboyna Massacre, reached England on May 29, 1624, and caused a diplomatic dilemma. James I, who was negotiating an alliance with the Netherlands against Spain, chose to deal with the situation through diplomacy rather than military reprisals, a position his son supported. It was a decision for which neither the Stuarts' contemporaries nor their modern chroniclers would forgive them. John Chamberlain, the friend and correspondent of many important court figures, wrote in July 1624 that he hoped James would “say lesse so he would do more” to make the Dutch pay for insulting English honor. By February of the next year, he was lamenting that he had “knowne the time when they [the Dutch] durst not have offered the least of those indignities we have lately swallowed and indured.” Chamberlain's belief that James's policy consisted primarily of inaction, and that it played into the hands of the Dutch, has been a popular theme in modern accounts.
English History Abridged: John Stow's Shorter Chronicles and Popular History
Authors: Beer Barrett L. 
Published: November 2007

John Stow's abridged chronicles present a short, simplified version of English history that formed an important component of sixteenth-century popular culture. The author was a citizen historian, a self-educated man, whose social status placed him outside the gentry, and a scholar who was closer to medieval traditions than to the New Learning associated with Renaissance humanism. Stow and his chronicles therefore stand apart from the university-educated intellectual elite whose writings shaped the high culture of Elizabethan England. His abridged chronicles, based on his largerAnnales of England, offered readers of lower social and economic status a more affordable national history than was available in the larger quarto volumes. This essay considers the character of abridged chronicles, examines Stow's interpretation of a variety of significant topics from the Norman Conquest to the death of Henry VIII, and argues that Stow's work offers valuable insights into the historical understanding of ordinary men and women.For centuries John Stow, identified in theDictionary of National Biographyas a “chronicler and antiquary,” lived in the shadow of more illustrious contemporaries. Shakespeare preferred Raphael Holinshed's chronicle to Stow'sAnnales of Englandas the source for his history plays while William Camden was a scholar of vastly greater erudition to whom theDNBassigned the higher status of “historian.” In contrast to the glittering literati of Elizabethan England, Stow is usually cast in gray, a worthy man of negligible learning who through a lifetime of hard work produced books that were generally accurate but dull.
Which?craft in Post-War Britain: The Consumers' Association and the Politics of Affluence
Authors: Black Lawrence 
Published: November 2007

Consumption has recently acquired key importance in re-interpreting post-war British politics. Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska has argued the Conservative construction of a popular alliance in opposition to rationing and controls was crucial to their electoral recovery after 1945 and in securing an advantage among women voters. A wealth of evidence indicates Labour, by contrast, had scant purchase on affluence in the later 1950s. It was not only, as Amy Black and Stephen Brooke would have it, “Labour's befuddlement at the problem of women and gender,” but that it was ambivalent, if not hostile, towards the goods, lifestyles and values associated with consumerism and the people obtaining and exhibiting them. Other factors blur differentiation between the parties. Both were affiliated to the world of production—through their business and trade union links. Richard Findley has contended the Conservative abolition of resale price maintenance (RPM, whereby manufacturers fixed retail prices) in 1964, aroused electorally deleterious opposition from manufacturers and backbenchers. And while Labour consumerists were rare commodities, as is argued here, Labour revisionism made an important contribution to the Consumers' Association (CA).This focus on consumerism corrects the neglect of it by narratives like political consensus or historians' consuming passion with production and work. It arises from rethinking Britain's much vaunted “decline” as, for example, the transition to a post-industrial society. In Matthew Hilton's hands how the consumer “interest” was variously articulated and gendered becomes a means to unlock modern citizenship and the configuration of private and public spheres.
Murine Antithymocyte Globulin Therapy Alters Disease Progression in NOD Mice by a Time-Dependent Induction of Immunoregulation
Authors: Simon Greg , Parker Matthew , Ramiya Vijayakumar , Wasserfall Clive , Huang Yanfei , Bresson Damien , Schwartz R. Fletcher , Campbell-Thompson Martha , Tenace Lauren , Brusko Todd , Xue Song , Scaria Abraham , Lukason Michael , Eisenbeis Scott , Williams John , Clare-Salzler Michael , Schatz Desmond , Kaplan Bruce , Von Herrath Matthias , Womer Karl , Atkinson Mark A. 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—Antilymphocyte serum can reverse overt type 1 diabetes in NOD mice; yet, the therapeutic parameters and immunological mechanisms underlying the ability for this agent to modulate autoimmune responses against β-cells are unclear, forming the rationale for this investigation.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—A form of antilymphocyte serum, rabbit anti-mouse thymocyte globulin (mATG), was utilized in a variety of in vivo and in vitro settings, each for the purpose of defining the physiological, immunological, and metabolic activities of this agent, with particular focus on actions influencing development of type 1 diabetes.
RESULTS—We observed that mATG attenuates type 1 diabetes development in an age-dependent fashion, only proving efficacious at disease onset or in the late pre-diabetic phase (12 weeks of age). When provided at 12 weeks of age, mATG reversed pancreatic insulitis, improved metabolic responses to glucose challenge, and rapidly increased frequency of antigen-presenting cells in spleen and pancreatic lymph nodes. Surprisingly, mATG therapy dramatically increased, in an age-dependent fashion, the frequency and the functional activity of CD4+CD25+ regulatory T-cells. Adoptive transfer/cotransfer studies of type 1 diabetes also support the concept that mATG treatment induces a stable and transferable immunomodulatory repertoire in vivo.
CONCLUSIONS—These findings indicate that an induction of immunoregulation, rather than simple lymphocyte depletion, contributes to the therapeutic efficacy of antithymocyte globulin and suggest that time-dependent windows for the ability to delay or reverse type 1 diabetes exist based on the capacity to enhance the functional activity of regulatory T-cells.
Nephropathy in Type 1 Diabetes Is Diminished in Carriers of HLA-DRB1*04
Authors: Cordovado Suzanne K. , Zhao Yuan , Warram James H. , Gong Hongguang , Anderson Karen L. , Hendrix Miyono M. , Hancock Laura N. , Cleary Patricia A. , Mueller Patricia W. 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—The purpose of this study was to examine whether known genetic risk factors for type 1 diabetes (HLA-DRB1, -DQA1, and -DQB1 and insulin locus) play a role in the etiology of diabetic nephropathy.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—Genetic analysis of HLA-DRB1, -DQA1, -DQB1 and the insulin gene (INS) was performed in the Genetics of Kidneys in Diabetes (GoKinD) collection of DNA (European ancestry subset), which includes case patients with type 1 diabetes and nephropathy (n = 829) and control patients with type 1 diabetes but not nephropathy (n = 904). The availability of phenotypic and genotypic data on GoKinD participants allowed a detailed analysis of the association of these genes with diabetic nephropathy.
RESULTS—Diabetic probands who were homozygous for HLA-DRB1*04 were 50% less likely to have nephropathy than probands without any DRB1*04 alleles. In heterozygous carriers, a protective effect of this allele was not as clearly evident; the mode of inheritance therefore remains unclear. This association was seen in probands with both short (&lt;28 years, P = 0.02) and long (≥28 years, P = 0.0001) duration of diabetes. A1C, a marker of sustained hyperglycemia, was increased in control probands with normoalbuminuira, despite long-duration diabetes, from 7.2 to 7.3 to 7.7% with 0, 1, and 2 copies of the DRB1*04 allele, respectively. This result is consistent with a protective effect of DRB1*04 that may allow individuals to tolerate higher levels of hyperglycemia, as measured by A1C, without developing nephropathy.
CONCLUSIONS—These data suggest that carriers of DRB1*04 are protected from some of the injurious hyperglycemic effects related to nephropathy. Interestingly, DRB1*04 appears to be both a risk allele for type 1 diabetes and a protective allele for nephropathy.
Recruitment to a Clinical Trial Improves Glycemic Control in Patients With Diabetes
Authors: Gale Edwin A.M. , Beattie Scott D. , Hu Jinghui , Koivisto Veikko , Tan Meng H. 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—We assessed the effect upon A1C of recruitment to a clinical trial in patients with diabetes who had been screened and interviewed to determine eligibility but whose therapy was otherwise unchanged.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—Eligible trials were selected from the global program of an insulin manufacturer. Included were studies in which patients were seen on a single screening visit, pharmaceutical therapy was not altered before randomization, and A1C was measured in a central laboratory at both screening and randomization. Three trials involving patients with type 1 diabetes (n = 429) and three trials involving patients with type 2 diabetes (n = 611) were identified for analysis. The main outcome measure was change in A1C. Separate regression equations on the change in A1C were fitted for type 1 and type 2 diabetes and included effects of baseline A1C and the interval between the screening and randomization visits.
RESULTS—A1C changed by −0.13% (range +0.09 to −0.26%) in those with type 1 diabetes at a median of 28 days and by −0.16% (−0.14 to −0.27%) for those with type 2 diabetes at a median of 14 days. The mean change in A1C in those with an interval of ≥28 days was −0.24% for those with type 1 diabetes and −0.23% for those with type 2 diabetes. The reduction was proportional to initial A1C, with large decreases in those with the poorest initial control but no overall change in those at or below the 10th percentile of A1C.
CONCLUSIONS—Recruitment to a clinical trial, independent of any therapeutic intervention, produces improvements in glucose control.
Trends in Hospitalizations for Diabetes Among Children and Young Adults
Authors: Lee Joyce M. , Okumura Megumi J. , Freed Gary L. , Menon Ram K. , Davis Matthew M. 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—The purpose of this study was to examine national trends in hospitalizations associated with diabetes for U.S. children and young adults.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—The study included hospital discharges for individuals aged 0–29 years with a diagnosis of diabetes (250.xx) in the Nationwide Inpatient Sample (1993–2004). Outcomes were weighted, nationally representative estimates of the frequency of population-adjusted hospital discharges and hospital charges (2004 $U.S.).
RESULTS—Among individuals aged 0–29 years, population-adjusted rates of hospitalizations associated with diabetes over the 12-year period increased by 38% (99.1 of 100,000 in 1993 and 136.4 of 100,000 in 2004; P &lt; 0.001 for curvilinear trend). Age-specific increases in annual hospitalizations for diabetes occurred primarily among individuals aged 20–24 years (152.6 of 100,000 in 1993 and 222.2 of 100,000 in 2004) and 25–29 years (224.9 of 100,000 in 1993 and 331.2 of 100,000 in 2004). Trends in hospitalizations among younger individuals showed no significant patterns. Hospitalization rates were consistently higher for females than for males, with a greater rate of increase for females (42%) than for males (29%) (P &lt; 0.001). Inflation-adjusted total charges for diabetes hospitalizations increased 130%, from $1.05 billion in 1993 to $2.42 billion in 2004.
CONCLUSIONS—The number of young adults hospitalized with diabetes in the U.S. has increased significantly over the last decade. Sex-specific differences in hospitalization rates and trends in obesity among U.S. children may amplify future trends in diabetes hospitalizations and corresponding rapid growth in associated health care expenditures.
Management of Type 2 Diabetes in Treatment-Naive Elderly Patients
Authors: Pratley Richard E. , Rosenstock Julio , Pi-Sunyer F. Xavier , Banerji Mary Ann , Schweizer Anja , Couturier Andre , Dejager Sylvie 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficacy and safety of vildagliptin in elderly patients with type 2 diabetes.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—Efficacy data from five double-blind, randomized, placebo- or active-controlled trials of ≥24 weeks’ duration were pooled. Effects of 24-week vildagliptin monotherapy (100 mg daily) were compared in younger (&lt;65 years, n = 1,231) and older (≥65 years, n = 238) patients. Safety data from eight controlled clinical trials of ≥12-weeks’ duration were pooled; adverse event profiles in younger (n = 1,890) and older (n = 374) patients were compared.
RESULTS—Mean baseline A1C and fasting plasma glucose (FPG) were significantly lower in older (70 years: 8.3 ± 0.1% and 9.6 ± 0.1 mmol/l, respectively) than in younger (50 years: 8.7 ± 0.0% and 10.5 ± 0.1 mmol/l, respectively) patients. Despite this, the adjusted mean change from baseline (AMΔ) in A1C was −1.2 ± 0.1% in older and −1.0 ± 0.0% in younger vildagliptin-treated patients (P = 0.092), and the AMΔ in FPG was significantly larger in older (−1.5 ± 0.2 mmol/l) than in younger (−1.1 ± 0.1 mmol/l, P = 0.035) patients. Body weight was significantly lower at baseline in older (83.4 ± 1.0 kg) than in younger (92.0 ± 0.6 kg) patients. Weight decreased significantly in the older subgroup (AMΔ −0.9 ± 0.3 kg, P = 0.007), whereas smaller, nonsignificant decreases occurred in younger patients (AMΔ −0.2 ± 0.1 kg). Adverse event rates were slightly higher in older than in younger subgroups but were lower among older, vildagliptin-treated subjects (63.6%) than in the pooled active comparator group (68.1%). Vildagliptin treatment did not increase adverse events among older patients with mild renal impairment (62.0%). Hypoglycemia was rare (0.8%) in the elderly patients, and no severe events occurred.
CONCLUSIONS—Vildagliptin monotherapy was effective and well tolerated in treatment-naive elderly patients.
On The Prenatal Diagnosis Of Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (CAH) By Measurement Of Amniotic Fluid 17—α‐Hydroxyprogesterone, Aldosterone And Cortisol
Authors: Grankvist K. , Bäckström B. T. , Gustavsson G. , Holmgren G. 
Published: November 2007

Forty amniotic fluid samples of both sexes were collected in the 16th gestational week and analysed for 17 α‐hydroxyprogesterone (17‐OHPI, cortisol, and aldosterone. Hormone concentrations were also analyzed in amniotic fluid of a male fetus postnatally diagnosed as having the salt‐losing form of congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH). The mother also had CAH of the non‐salt‐losing type. Hormone concentrations were also determined prenatally in two pregnancies at risk. Amniotic fluid from the pregnancy with the CAH fetus had an approx. six‐fold elevated 17 α‐hydroxyprogester one level, whereas cortisol and aldosterone levels were within the normal range when compared with controls. Hormone concentrations in the two pregnancies at risk were within normal limits and subsequently a healthy boy and a healthy girl were born. Institution of cortisone in the mother during early pregnancy was made in one of the pregnancies. The treatment was withdrawn when normal amniotic hormonal levels were obtained. No sex difference in concentrations of 17—OHP or cortisol was found in the controls, whereas there was a marked sex difference in aldosterone levels (p<0.005) with male fetuses having higher concentrations.Diagnosis of CAH in the 16th gestational week can be made by analysing amniotic fluid concentrations of 17 OHP. As cortisol and aldosterone levels were within normal range of the CAH‐fetus, they are probably of little use for the prenatal diagnosis of CAH‐fetusedor to differentiate the simple virilizing and the salt‐losing forms of CAH. Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP)‐ analyses of the 21‐hydroxylase gene in the fetus gave little further information.
Langage de l'ébauche : parole intérieure extériorisée
Authors: Grésillon Almuth 
Published: November 2007

This paper sets out the linguistically relevant features of a particular kind of writing, the outline, or ébauche as Zola calls it, which is not yet a text but which is supposed to prepare for it: this function implies many self-injunctions, evaluations, interrogations. The example that is being analysed, the outline of Zola's Bête humaine, suggests several explanatory hypotheses: an "externalised inner speech", an interlocution between a writing-I and a reading-I, and a speech act through which the "I" generates a program for a world about to be created through writing.
The so-called "performative" hypothesis subsumes these three approaches. According to it, the outline is a performative act, giving a tangible form to an inner discourse, involving two agencies (the writer and the reader) mirroring the splitting of the subject. At the end of the paper, this analysis of the outline is extended to cover every kind of avant-texte.