bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Resourcefulness and Responsibility
Authors: Scott Anthony 
Published: June 2006

The subject of this paper is the economic analysis of the alienation of natural resources, by which is meant not only the disposal of a resource by outright sale but also the disposal of rights, perhaps for a limited period, to exploit, perhaps in a limited fashion, one or more of the natural resources of a specified area. In order to illustrate current procedures and their trends, I begin by describing very briefly the methods by which enterprises obtain rights from the province of British Columbia to exploit resources. (Readers interested only in analysis may wish to skip this first section.) In the next sections I discuss the contribution economic theory can make to an appraisal of methods of alienation; then, in the light of this discussion, I suggest a few desiderata in policy.Since provinces are fairly free to make their own policies on alienation, procedures differ from region to region. Before the procedures followed in British Columbia are outlined, it should be emphasized that the more complete and absolute alienation to private ownership, the more the rights of the province shrink to the regulation of industry, collection of taxes, and other general powers enumerated in the British North America Act. It should also be kept in mind that the administration of natural gas and petroleum carried across provincial boundaries, of fisheries, and of rivers that cross the international boundary may be affected by both federal and American regulations and laws.Agricultural land. Some land is alienated by pre-emption but in most cases it is sold on a first-come-first-served basis after survey and some development work by the government. On alienation, the land generally passes into private ownership, though mineral and water rights are reserved.Fisheries. Anyone may fish, on conditions imposed mainly by the federal government.
A Study of One Constituency in the Canadian Federal Election of 1957
Authors: Fox Paul W. 
Published: June 2006

This article attempts to describe the process of election as it occurred in one Canadian constituency in the federal general election of June 10, 1957. Since it would be foolish to generalize on the basis of one example, no effort is made to draw conclusions. The article is expository and intended only to illumine one of the unexamined corners of Canadian political science after the fashion of Larzarsfeld’s work on the 1948 American election and the valuable constituency studies contained in Butler’s book on the British election of 1951.Constituency X is a large residential electoral district, part of which lies within Metropolitan Toronto. Brought into being by the Redistribution Act of 1952, the riding grew quickly because of the flight to the suburbs and the rapid growth of Toronto. Between 1951 and 1956 the population more than doubled, from 72,117 to 167.310. The huge size of the constituency and its swift increase presented a challenge in organization that is worth noting in itself.The task rested in the hands of a woman who had served as returning officer in the previous election also. For the 1957 election she began in October, 1956, to make preparations for taking the vote and by the following April she was giving all her working hours to the job. For the three months immediately preceding the election she had a full-time assistant and two part-time workers helping her. The extent of the operations involved can be gathered from the statistics. Enumerating the riding required the appointment of 636 enumerators and the assignment to them of 318 election kits containing about a dozen items each. In addition to supervising the drawing up, posting, and revision of the lists of electors, who totalled 104,000, the returning officer was also responsible for splitting the constituency into 318 polling divisions, for establishing 427 polling stations, and for appointing a deputy returning officer and an election clerk in each. On voting day, with a staff of four people, she tabulated the 74,995 votes cast and was among the first to report results.
The Break-Up of the Czechoslovak Coalition, 1947–8
Authors: Skilling H. Gordon 
Published: June 2006

For one year after liberation in 1945, Czechoslovakia seemed to offer a picture of relative harmony between the political forces of democracy and communism personified by Eduard Beneš, the President, and Klement Gottwald, deputy Prime Minister, and leader of the Communist party. The themes of continuity and revolution, introduced during the wartime struggle for national liberation and developed for one post-war year in apparent concord, were soon to break off in open disharmony. Profound divergences appeared within the National Front of the six political parties concerning the course to be followed in future. On the Communist side there was a wish to complete a revolution that remained, in their view, unfinished. On the non-Communist side, there was a desire to end the course of drastic change and to establish order and legal stability on the Western pattern. These differences were for some time hidden by, or at least subordinated to, the unity symbolized by the National Front. By late 1947 what amounted to a deadlock had resulted, and prospects of continuing co-operation of Communists and non-Communists were slight. The climax in February, 1948, to be correctly appreciated, must be placed in the context of this deep and protracted crisis.The first year of the liberated republic was one of reconstruction and revolution. The legal order was restored, with substantial new elements incorporated. The main organs of government were reconstituted, sometimes in greatly changed form. The punishment of war criminals, and the purification of Czech and Slovak life of “fascist elements,” were begun, through special “people's tribunals.” The property confiscated from German and Czech “traitors” was placed under “national administration.” Extensive nationalization of industry was begun, and a system of planning was prepared.
Monopoly and Wages
Authors: Schwartzman David 
Published: June 2006

Monopolistic firms pay higher wages than competitive firms, according to J. W. Garbarino and J. K. Galbraith. Some writers believe that monopolistic firms balance the interests of employees, consumers, suppliers, and stockholders rather than maximize profits, a belief which suggests that they are generous employers rather than competitive firms who must strive for high profits. A few economists, in the taxonomic tradition, have suggested the possibility of high wages under monopoly, without expressing any opinion on the matter. The usual belief that monopolists take from the poor and give to the rich thus may be wrong. A finding that monopolists pay high wages also would imply that, for them, profit maximization takes second place to goals associated with public responsibility.In the main stream of neo-classical theory is the opposite view that wages are low under monopoly. The exposition by Mrs. Joan Robinson assumes an upward-sloping supply curve of labour not only to each industry but also to each firm. Labour economists in recent years have followed Mrs. Robinson in stressing the prevalence of monopsony. It may be shown that product monopolists are likely to have more monopsony power than competitive firms, so, according to neo-classical theory, monopolists transfer income from the poor to the rich through low wages as well as through high prices.I propose to test the proposition that monopoly raises wages and the opposite—that it lowers them—by comparing average annual earnings in Canadian monopolistic industries with those in matched United States industries which are competitive, or less monopolistic. The theories together with the evidence on which they are based will be presented first.
Group Formation among Immigrants: Criteria and Processes
Authors: Breton Raymond , Pinard Maurice 
Published: June 2006

Much attention has been devoted by sociologists and social psychologists to the question of the introduction of new members into a group or society. Preoccupation with this broad problem is visible, for instance, in studies of conversion to a religion, of movement from one social class to another, and of change of residence from one community or country to another. Not all studies, however, deal with the same aspects of the problem. Some focus on the factors which bring about such movement from one group to another. Others are concerned with the effects the movement has on both the group of origin and the group of destination. Finally, a good proportion of the studies purport to answer the following questions: What changes occur in the basic values, sentiments, and ways of behaving of the individual? To what extent are there such changes, and through what processes do they take place? This latter group of studies centres on concepts such as acculturation, integration, assimilation, adaptation, or absorption.These concepts all refer to the same phenomenon, although perhaps from different angles. Park and Burgess, for instance, present the following general notion of “assimilation”: “A process of interpenetration and fusion in which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons or groups, and by sharing their experience and history, are incorporated with them in a common cultural life.” Blau has a very similar conception of the integration of the socially mobile into a new class. So does Eisenstadt with the concept of “adaptation,” although his definition is stated in terms of the final result rather than in terms of the process whereby it is achieved.
Louis XIV and the Theories of Absolutism and Divine Right
Authors: Fox Paul W. 
Published: June 2006

The political theory of Louis XIV is contained for the most part in the King's manuscripts which repose in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. These include the longest and most fruitful source, the Mémoires de Louis XIV pour l'instruction du Dauphin, some of his letters, and some of his miscellaneous short pieces. Many of the several thousand additional letters which Louis wrote either have been destroyed or scattered far and wide. There are a number of editions of his works but they have been almost entirely literary and designed for the popular market.In spite of the plethora of literature on Louis XIV and his grand siècle (1638–1715), no systematic exposition of his political theory has ever been published, though a number of authors have touched on his ideas in passing, including the historian Lacour-Gayet who promised a study of Louis' political theory but completed only a preliminary survey of its antecedents. The purpose of this paper is to attempt in brief compass to remedy this deficiency.Louis XIV is a classic example of a political thinker whose ideas are frequently alluded to but rarely examined. The popular tendency to refer to him as the prototype of all autocrats suffers the usual inadequacies of a stereotype; it overlooks the subtleties in his theories which greatly affect their interpretation. In order to avoid semantic wrangles it may be useful to follow the broad lines of Aristotle's analysis of monarchy presented in his Politics, Book IV, chapter x.
Some Recent Econometric Developments
Authors: Brown T. M. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is an attempt to give the interested economist who is not an econometrician a general picture of some of the developments in the specialized field of econometrics. It is hoped thereby to enable him to see how this field is related to the general science of economics, and how he may be able to make use in his own work of the results obtained in econometrics. The implications of the current rapid innovations in the field of electronic computers are stressed, since these may soon help to produce an ever increasing flow of econometric results.In an address given in 1897, Alfred Marshall suggested that economics should develop not only as a quantitative science in many of its aspects, but also as a numerical science. Professor Schumpeter, in appraising Marshall's advice, observes that it follows the line of development begun by Sir William Petty in his Political Arithmetick of 1672. Schumpeter came down firmly on the side of this prescription himself. He too emphasized the importance of economics' being able to “figure out results.” Professor Pigou also reveals how Marshall, well aware as he was that much in economics cannot be described by numbers, hoped to see the areas that could be so described brought to the same stage as physics, where the amount of an effect produced by a cause can be estimated by numerical methods, using statistical data.
The Political Economy of Opulence
Authors: Johnson Harry G. 
Published: June 2006

“Economics is the science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses.” Lionel Robbins' well-known definition of their subject is one which most economists would probably accept, at least as a description of their workaday activities. The definition allows—and it was specifically framed by its author to allow—for the pursuit of other ends than purely material ends; but in practice economists devote themselves predominantly to the study of the allocation of material means between ends conceived and defined in material terms. Inherent in the way economists set about their task is the implicit assumption that material means are scarce and material wants are pressing—in short that economic society is materially poor, and resources must not be wasted.This assumption permeates the theoretical apparatus of the subject; it also directs what economists have to say about economic policy. In the debate which has been going on over the general problem of inflation, for example, economists have been divided between those who stress the loss of production and potential growth of output that results from anything less than full employment of labour, and those who stress the loss of production and potential growth of output that results from the misallocation of resources brought about by inflation. Again, in making comparisons between the Russian and Western economic systems, economists have generally tended to accept as their standard of performance the rate of growth of output per head, a standard which gives away most of the positive points on the Western side. In both cases, the adoption of the output standard implicitly assumes that the economic problem is of prime importance.
Depreciation in Disequilibrium
Authors: Kemp Murray C. 
Published: June 2006

Under what conditions can depreciation of the currency be relied on to correct a passive balance of payments? The question has interested theorists at least since Bickerdike's pioneering article of 1920 and in the post-war years has been the subject of an intensive and.long-drawn-out polemic. There is now on file a formula for each of umpteen different situations and one might feel tolerantly towards anyone who cried “Enough.” Yet, as I hope to show, important work remains to be done.Almost without exception, existing solutions to the exchange stability problem have been derived by analysis of the “comparative equilibria” variety. It is assumed that, before and after depreciation, all commodity markets, international as well as purely domestic, are in equilibrium, in the sense that ex ante demand is equal to ex ante supply at the going price. Analysis of the problem consists in the location and, with an eye on the balance of payments, the comparison of the two equilibria.I suspect, however, that depreciation often is mooted in a context of widespread disequilibrium in commodity markets. For, granted only that at some previous point in time the balance of payments was in equilibrium, present difficulties must be the aftermath of a “disturbance,” and it is difficult to conceive of a disturbance which impinges on the market for foreign exchange but not on the markets for individual commodities. In a context of market disequilibrium, then, what are the minimal conditions of exchange stability?
Some Technical Factors in the Production and Marketing of Canadian Wheat
Authors: Irvine G. N. , Anderson J. A. 
Published: June 2006

This year farmers in western Canada planted about 23 million acres to spring wheat. It was mainly Triticum vulgare (common bread wheat) with a small acreage of Triticum durum (macaroni wheat), but within each of these species any one of five or six varieties might have been used depending on location. Wheat is grown throughout the entire length and breadth of the crop land of western Canada, on soils of widely different types and under a considerable range of weather conditions. During the growing season and at harvest time, the wheat is subjected to numerous hazards, but eventually some 300 to 550 million bushels are harvested. In addition, there will be a carryover from the last crop or two representing wheat grown under other seasonal conditions. This large quantity of wheat will be far from uniform; it will vary in appearance from near perfect to mere chicken feed, in weight per bushel from 45 to 70 pounds, in protein content from 9 to 18 per cent, and in many other physical and chemical characteristics.This wheat must be classified into grades of dependable and uniform quality, for Canada exports wheat to countries all over the world; and when a food product moves in bulk, in large volume, over great distances, a major factor in maintaining stable markets is the buyer's confidence in what he will receive from the seller. This is especially true when the sales are made on the basis of “certificate final.” In effect, the certificate issued by the Board of Grain Commissioners for Canada when a boat is loaded guarantees that the parcel represents the specified weight, that it is of the specified grade, and that it is equal to the current Standard Export Sample of that grade. Should the buyer be dissatisfied he has no legal recourse, though he may, of course, refer the matter back to the Board. Obviously, under such a system of marketing, the seller must establish a world-wide reputation for unimpeachable integrity and an almost infallible expertness and efficiency, both to attract new customers and to retain old ones.
Parliamentary Privilege in the Canadian House of Commons
Authors: Dawson W. F. 
Published: June 2006

Practically the only public acknowledgment of the vast powers of the House and the protection which is afforded the House and its members by the tradition of centuries is contained in the statement of the Speaker at the beginning of every new Parliament. When the Speaker leads the members of a new House of Commons to the Senate he claims from the governor general on their behalf “all their undoubted rights and privileges, especially that they may have freedom of speech in their debates, access to your Excellency's person at all reasonable times, and that their proceedings may receive from your Excellency the most favourable consideration.” These are, of course, immediately granted by the governor general.The privileges of Parliament so briefly referred to and so perfunctorily granted are of two types. Some, are personal to every member of the House and enable him to carry out his parliamentary responsibilities without interference; others are the additional privileges of the House as a body, breach of which is considered in law to be analogous to contempt of court.The former enable a member to speak on any subject free of any fear of legal responsibility for anything he may say. He is free from arrest under civil process while the House is in session and for a reasonable time before and after the session. He is also exempt during the session from duty as a witness or as a juror. Threats against a member and attempts to bribe him are likewise considered as breaches of privilege.
Parliament and Policy-Making: The Case of the Trans-Canada Gas Pipeline
Authors: Thorburn Hugh G. 
Published: June 2006

“Your business is not to govern the country; it is, if you think fit, to call to account those who do govern it.” This remark of Gladstone to the House of Commons during the Crimean War applies with equal validity to the Canadian House today. If Parliament is to call the Government to account, given party discipline as we know it, it must do so through the Opposition or it will not do so at all. Jennings comments: “The Opposition demands that policies be formulated openly, and the consequences of policies revealed. Parliament compels the Government to defend itself by open and rational argument; but it also compels the Opposition to state what is the alternative.”This process of government by discussion involves more than the trading of facts and argument at arm's length between Government and Opposition. It enlists more than the intellects of the members; it involves their emotions as well. Members are conscious that they are the representatives of the people of the country, to whose desires and interests they must give voice. They are led in the course of debate to refer, usually in general terms, to the desirability of action along a certain line, or to express disapproval of another possible course. The Government, if it is wise, pays close attention to such remarks since the members' opinions are the most sensitive indicator of feelings in the constituencies. A rather vague agreement, usually transcending party, emerges on proposed lines of policy. It does not suggest a definite course of action at a given time; rather it indicates the trend and intensity of opinion in the country. In this vague and general sense, Parliament assists in the formulation of policy. As Lord Balfour said, “our whole political machinery presupposes a people so fundamentally at one, that they can afford safely to bicker.” It is up to Parliament to make clear on exactly what the nation is at one, as well as to take the lead in the bickering.
Ethnic Assimilation and Differentiation in Canada
Authors: Vallee Frank G. , Schwartz Mildred , Darknell Frank 
Published: June 2006

Despite the fact that ethnicity is an important principle of social organization in Canada, there are very few studies that attempt to describe and analyse how it operates at different levels and in different parts of the social system. In this paper we suggest ways that might lead to a clearer understanding of the significance of ethnicity in the country and its communities. In its relevance to research, this paper is both methodological and programmatic. We hope that it will provide fruitful suggestions for research and for the clearer formulation of problems for study.Students in the field of ethnic studies seldom consider more than one ethnic group or category at a time. Where the group selected for study forms an autonomous community, we get an exhaustive account of the group and its relations with the “outside world,” rather like the account of an individual's life history. Even where the people who are being studied make up a large element in our population and are dispersed both geographically and socially, there is a tendency to follow the same procedure and to deal with what is really a category as though it were an autonomous, discrete group; the picture we get is of individuals of such and such an ethnic group (as though their only identity were an ethnic one) and their relations with outsiders. This procedure is comparable to making an analysis of a small group by taking each individual in turn and describing him exhaustively without taking into account the structure of the group itself.