bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Role of Education in the Development of Underdeveloped Countries
Authors: Waines W. J. 
Published: June 2006

During the last decade and more there has appeared a vast literature on economic growth, especially with reference to underdeveloped countries. This literature ranges from the sophisticated models of the mathematically inclined to the very practical down-to-earth reflections of the less erudite technical assistance expert with experience in the field. The literature demonstrates that there are many approaches to the problem of economic development and also that there are still areas of controversy to be resolved. In fact, while we have learned much about economic growth and much more about underdeveloped countries it seems that we are still feeling our way towards devising a satisfactory analytical framework for economic growth.There has been waste of manpower and capital not only because the processes of economic growth are imperfectly understood, but also because governments of recipient countries have a propensity to ask either for the wrong things or the right things in the wrong order of priority. Waste also results from the failure of assistance agencies, even within the framework of the United Nations, to co-ordinate their activities, from competition amongst the departments of government in the recipient countries for preferred treatment in the matter of aid, and competition amongst assisting countries, agencies, and organizations in giving aid for political and prestige reasons.
Constitutional Amendment and the Federation
Authors: Brady Alexander 
Published: June 2006

An amending procedure is integral to a scheme of free and responsible government. Liberal constitutions are not formed on the naive assumption that they are immune from obsolescence. Their architects, unlike the Emperor Justinian, are never confident that their legal handiwork can endure for all time. They accept the necessity for change as self-evident and provide the means for achieving it.In a liberal federation, however, the devising of a satisfactory procedure for amendment is rarely easy and seldom gives satisfaction, mainly because in such a state constitutional rigidity no less than flexibility has a raison d'être. The communities associated in the federation want a measure of security, a guarantee that their individual identity and integrity will never be lightly sacrificed in the process of change. This was illustrated long ago in the most influential federal union in history. The men who deliberated at Philadelphia in 1787 agreed that amendments must be sanctioned by a special majority in Congress and ratified by three-fourths of the states. They were confident that they had thus made change difficult, but not difficult enough to prevent it when necessary. Actually, for many reasons, it proved more difficult than they could have envisaged. Since the first ten amendments were little more than supplements to an unfinished document, there remain only twelve effected in 170 years, and of these three were obtained under very abnormal circumstances when the South was under the heel of the North. Important as some of them have been, most of the crucial adjustments and changes in the federation have been achieved in other ways, by judicial interpretation, usages, conventions, and a network of agreements.
The West Indies: Improbable Federation?
Authors: Wallace Elisabeth 
Published: June 2006

Political opponents of Mr. Norman Manley, Jamaica's able chief minister, whose party has supported federation, once quoted against him a speech in which he referred to The West Indies as “the most improbable federation ever conceived.” Even its friends must admit that the original federal agreement lent colour to his description, by establishing a central authority which the Prime Minister, Sir Grantley Adams, recently characterized as both weak and poor. The constitution of 1958 gave the national government very limited jurisdiction and no power to tax. Its main sources of income were contributions from the unit governments, which produced an annual revenue of some nine million West Indian dollars—less than one-fifteenth of that in Trinidad or Jamaica. Profits on the currency issue yielded an additional three million dollars.Thus the political framework of The West Indies resembled the American Articles of Confederation or the Federal Council of Australasia far more closely than that of a genuinely federal state. West Indians have sometimes said that their constitution was modelled on the Australian, because each assigned residual powers to the units. This view, however, is misleading, since in Australia as in Canada the national government has paramount power to tax and thus authority has inevitably gravitated to the centre.
The Residual Error in the Canadian National Accounts
Authors: Smyth D. J. 
Published: June 2006

Gross national product is estimated in the Canadian National Accounts in two substantially independent ways: by adding the various components of production (mainly incomes); and by adding the various components of final expenditure. As both aggregates measure the value of goods and services produced by Canadians in a given period they should be equal. However, all measurements are subject to some error so that there is a statistical discrepancy between the two totals. In this way the residual error item arises.The procedure adopted in the tables in the National Accounts is to present one half the difference between the independently calculated aggregates as an addition to the smaller aggregate or as a deduction from the larger aggregate. This averaging procedure is regarded as preferable to showing the entire amount of the discrepancy on one side of the Accounts (as is the practice in most countries) for two reasons. First, rough appraisals of the relative accuracy of the product and expenditure sides of the Accounts suggest that they have approximately equal reliability and so should be given equal weight on the average. Secondly, the aggregate which generates the residual error is considerably larger than gross national product itself. This is so because the error-generating aggregate is obtained by summing the components of gross national product and gross national expenditure without regard to sign and then deducting certain items common to both totals (such as the imputed items) and this is considerably larger than gross national product or expenditure as both gross national product and expenditure contain very large negative quantities (such as imports and farm operating expenses). Consequently, comparing one half the basic discrepancy with gross national product gives roughly the same result as comparing the whole discrepancy with the larger aggregate.Clearly there will be some tendency for errors to cancel out so that a small residual error does not mean that components are free of error.
Les Elites Politiques de Montreal: De l'Aristocratie a la Democratie
Authors: Bourassa Guy 
Published: June 2006

Cette étude s'inscrit dans le cadre plus large d'une analyse de la vie politique montréalaise. Vouloir répondre à la question « qui gouverne ? » exige que l'on considère d'abord les détenteurs offlciels de la puissance politique. L'objectif à long terme que nous poursuivons amènera ensuite à tâcher de saisir le processus en action, à cerner les rôles et combats réels au moment de la mise en train d'actions importantes, de la prise de décision. Pour le moment, la recherche présentée ici porte sur un aspect très précis: la connaissance des élites politiques officielles entre 1840 et 1960.Montréal reçoit sa première charte municipale en 1833 mais son autonomie, tout au moins formelle, ne sera acquise pour de bon qu'en 1840. Entre cette date et 1960, trente-huit maires ont dirigé près d'une centaine de conseils municipaux. Voilà donc un personnel politique de bonne dimension. Qui ont été ces élus du peuple depuis cent-vingt ans ? A quels groupes ethniques appartenaient-ils, à quelle religion; quel était leur statut social: leur occupation, leur niveau d'instruction; ont-ils participé à la politique à d'autres niveaux, provincial ou fédéral, sous quelle bannière ? Telles sont les questions que nous nous sommes posées. Les éléments de réponse ont pu en général être obtenus et une forte majorité de ces élus possède une fiche à peu près complète. Les sources sont assez diverses, mais les dossiers d'archives en constituent l'essentiel. Mentionnons tout de même quelques recueils biographiques qui ont été précieux. Voilà d'ailleurs un des aspects les plus étudiés de notre vie politique, grâce d'ailleurs à des recherches patientes et tenaces. Nous avons eu à les compléter dans le cas des conseillers municipaux surtout, et encore davantage à les soumettre à des analyses propres à la science politique.
Optimum Consumption Patterns in High-Income Nations
Authors: Strassmann W. Paul 
Published: June 2006

A transformation in the pattern of consumer expenditures has occurred in the nations that have reached high income levels during the past century. Smaller fractions of national income are spent on food, clothing, and shelter; larger fractions on recreation, medical care, education, and luxury goods. Cross-sectional studies of family budgets have been fairly reliable indicators of this trend. As early as 1857 Ernst Engel had pronounced his famous law about food expenditures on the basis of Edouard Ducpetiaux's Belgian budget studies. Similar assertions by others about clothing, fuel, and shelter followed; and in 1919 William Ogburn published his statistics of Washington, D.C., family budgets, indicating, in effect, that income elasticities of demand were highest for amusement and education. As the pattern slowly emerged, economists were not much disturbed. Why should consumers not be left alone in choosing between carrots and bedrooms? Interference with choices among luxury goods and services seemed even less warranted. Advertising posed no problem beyond encouragement of elementary veracity.In the past decade, however, this unconcern has faded. Several economists have joined sociologists, moralists, and general philosophers in questioning trends in consumer expenditures. Their concern is less with morals and social repercussions than with optimum consumption patterns in terms of economic value and resource allocation. Advertising in particular is no longer reproached merely for a bent towards mendacity. It is seen as more insidious, as manipulating consumers' choices by kindling subconscious anxieties. It puts consumers in a squirrel cage in which production and the want-satisfying process create wants that would otherwise not exist.
The First Dominion Companies Act
Authors: Currie A. W. 
Published: June 2006

The concept of a corporation was familiar to the first settlers in Canada, both French and English. The Company of New France and the Hudson's Bay Company are examples of the importance of trading companies in our early economic development. Moreover, colonial legislatures incorporated several dozen companies by special acts before deciding to allow companies to come into being without each one having to go directly to Parliament for its own charter. But a companies act which would permit companies to be expeditiously incorporated for manufacturing, trading, mining, and other ordinary kinds of business was not evolved without some experimentation, a good deal of borrowing from other jurisdictions, and the creation of two rather special methods of our own.Until about 1850, the principle of limited liability was not generally accepted either in Canada, Britain, or most of the United States. Even as late as 1862 Nova Scotia's “Act for the incorporation and winding-up of Joint Stock Companies” (25 Vict. c. 2) forbade the incorporation of companies for “ordinary, mercantile and commercial business.” Legislators were afraid that a company might purchase excessive amounts of merchandise on credit and so take unfair advantage of its creditors, as individual traders often did during the nineteenth century.Limited liability was permitted for banks, but only on certain conditions. In Canada, bank shareholders were usually liable for twice the par value of their stock and bank charters were valid for only ten years, so that periodically the government could review and perhaps amend the pertinent statutes.
Regional Factors in Industrial Conflict: The Case of British Columbia
Authors: Jamieson Stuart 
Published: June 2006

There have been a number of ambitious studies on an international scale in recent years attempting to identify and compare “industry patterns” or “national patterns” of industrial conflict in different countries. Outstanding among these have been two analytical surveys, “The Inter-Industry Propensity to Strike,” by Kerr and Siegel, and Changing Patterns of Industrial Conflict, by Ross and Hartman. One of the findings in this latter study, incidentally, was that, among the fifteen countries surveyed, there has been a relatively high incidence of strikes in Canada—second only to the United States, in fact.This paper is based on the premise that, in Canada, the individual province, or perhaps better, the region, is the most fruitful unit for studying such phenomena as industrial conflict. For regional differences in several respects are more pronounced in Canada than in most comparably industrialized countries, so that the portrayal of behaviour patterns in terms of national averages or configurations can lead to highly misleading conclusions.British Columbia, next only to Quebec, perhaps, offers a particularly interesting area for research in this field, because it is a separate and distinct industrial complex, and has experienced patterns of industrial conflict that differ markedly in certain important respects from other major regions of the country.It is not my intention, however, to emphasize the unique or special features of the labour scene in British Columbia. The field of industrial relations in general has suffered too much already, perhaps, from a plethora of detailed descriptive studies of matters of purely local scope and interest.
Parliamentary Government and Political Parties in West Germany
Authors: Heberle Rudolf 
Published: June 2006

In a previous article in this Journal, I discussed the prospects for the stabilization of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany. I considered the factors which I thought to be favourable, and then noted certain problematic features inherent in both the constitutional structure of the Federal Republic and in the political praxis—the “unwritten constitution”—as it has developed under the chancellorship of Konrad Adenauer. Some of these danger points will be the subject of the present paper. Our concern will be with certain structural weaknesses which are, so to speak, built into the system of government, structural features which are independent of issues and ideologies.A brief commentary on certain recent events will serve as background for our discussion. In the election campaign of 1961 one observed a rather desperate attempt by the Social Democrats (SPD) to broaden their support among the intellectuals and the petite bourgeoisie, and also the farmers, by modifying their economic programme to such an extent that very little was left of specifically socialistic propositions. Marx was relegated to history; the party made it very clear that it is no longer a Marxist party. No longer does the party demand socialization of the “means of production” except in cases where private enterprise cannot meet the needs of the community. On the contrary, as a major “plank” in its election platform, it advocates a wider distribution of property by a new scheme of profit-sharing. In its foreign policy the party has abandoned its former proposals for gradually intensified contacts with the East German regime, and in striving for a “joint foreign policy” has come very close to the course of the Adenauer government.
The Information Effect of Economic Planning
Authors: Martin Fernand 
Published: June 2006

In the Western world economic planning refers to various forms of programming the economic activity of a country under government initiative and supervision. Economic planning is thus more than government intervention; it requires the participation, on a voluntary basis, of private economic agents and governments at various levels. It works more or less through market mechanisms and essentially implies an interaction in the formulation of plans between individual economic agents on the one hand, and governments on the other.Economic planning has two major economic effects:1. It reduces uncertainty by making forecasts about economic conditions and by providing market information (market conditions, prospects, expected behaviour of economic agents, etc.). These forecasts are more or less detailed and are made public. This aspect of planning we call the information effect.2. It modifies the content of economic decisions both in private and public sectors either because new goals of economic policy are formulated and accepted, or because government intervention acquires a new dimension. The result is a change in the economic structure of the country. This aspect of planning, the intervention effect, is not discussed in the present paper.
Trends in the Location of Industry in Ontario 1945–1959
Authors: Hay Keith A. J. 
Published: June 2006

The analysis of trends in industrial location is one tool with which regional economic development may be examined. Changes in the pattern of location are indicative of the continuing alteration of cost relationships within the profit-maximizing firm. From the broader standpoint, changes in the locational pattern of manufacturing activity may have a considerable impact on the distribution of population. Finally, industrial dispersion poses problems of resource management and allocation among agriculture, housing, industry, and conservation.This study deals exclusively with the location of manufacturing industry. Its main purpose is to identify various trends towards dispersion or concentration of manufacturing among the cities and counties of the province of Ontario. In Section II input and output measures within the context of the production function are briefly discussed. Following the earlier work of Slater, manufacturing employment is adopted as an input measure. Value added is selected as an output measure with which to assign appropriate weights to individual manufacturing units so that they may be summed to an aggregate measure of activity. Descriptive analyses of changes in the locational pattern as revealed by percentage shares and Lorenz curves are reported in Section III. In preference to either of these, however, the coefficient of variation is stressed as a method to describe the distribution of manufacturing industry. Yearly estimates of the coefficient of variation for value added and employment distributions are developed in Section IV. Time trends are fitted to these annual estimates, and the meaning of the trends discussed. The results of the study are summarized in Section V.
Protection and Imperial Preference in Britain: The Case of Wheat 1925–1960
Authors: Egerer Gerald 
Published: June 2006

In spite of the relatively small share of agriculture in the economies of the industrialized nations, national agricultural policies continue to provide a major source of domestic and international friction. A special interest attaches to Britain's policies towards agriculture because of her great dependence upon imported food. Since the diversity of British farm output makes generalization hazardous, attention will here be focused upon one major commodity only, wheat.This paper enquires as to the effectiveness of protection for the domestic wheat grower and of tariff preference for the Commonwealth exporter, as indicated by the shares of the home and overseas suppliers in the domestic market from 1925 to 1960. An estimate of the level of protection is introduced into the discussion largely with the idea of throwing some light upon the achievements, as distinct from the intentions, of the policy-makers for the years subsequent to the return of the wheat trade to private hands, i.e., after 1953.Before commenting upon the efficacy of protection, some explanation ought to be offered as to why it was introduced when it was. It might be more illuminating, however, to ask the question in another way: viz., why was protection not maintained after the First World War?
The Stability of the Canadian Fexible Exchange Rate, 1950–1962
Authors: Poole William 
Published: June 2006

Canada had a flexible exchange rate from October 2, 1950, to May 2, 1962. Many observers have commented on the stability of the Canadian exchange rate during this period and have discussed the significance of the Canadian experience for the general debate on fixed v. flexible exchange rates. The purpose of this article is not to enter this debate directly, but rather to document the facts on stability and to examine two possible reasons for it.Using daily data on the US/Canadian exchange rate, measures of the stability of the rate are presented in section I. In section II tests of the hypothesis that speculators were a stabilizing force are conducted, and an affirmative conclusion reached. Finally, in section III the argument is made that much of the stability may have been a result of the generally parallel courses of the Canadian and United States economies in the years from 1950 to 1962.
Representation by Population: A Comparative Study
Authors: Qualter Terence H. 
Published: June 2006

On March 9, 1964, the Hon. J. W. Pickersgill moved in the House of Commons the second reading of the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Bill, a step of major constitutional importance which not only made provision for the first redistribution of Canadian federal constituencies since 1952, but provided that, for the first time, this task of redistribution would be taken out of the hands of parliamentary committees and entrusted to independent representation commissions. All this was long overdue and there was broad, if not unanimous, agreement that the creation of impartial representation commissions was a desirable reform. As Mr. Pickersgill said in the House next day:The first and by far the most important of these [principles] was that we should not follow the pattern that had been followed in the first ninety years since Confederation, of having the readjustment of representation in this place done in this place by its members directly, but that it should be done by some body which would be as impartial as we in our collective ingenuity could provide and who would be as competent as we could find means to provide through legislation and subsequent appointment.