bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Monroe Doctrine Abroad in 1823–24
Authors: Robertson William Spence 
Published: May 2006

The chief purpose of this paper is to consider briefly the reception accorded President Monroe's message to congress of December 2, 1823, in England, France, Spain, and Austria.This state paper was given a hearty welcome by many English journalists. Reports of the president's message first appeared in the newspapers of London on December 26 and 27, 1823. The Times happily contrasted it with “King's Speeches, addressed in like manner, but in substance far unlike, to Lords and Commons, to Peers and Deputies, in kingdoms nearer home. … As sources of intelligence—as indications of policy—as keys to national history, they have of late years dwindled to nothing, realizing with curious accuracy Talleyrand's definition of the use of language—‘an instrument for concealing men's thoughts.’ The genius of a popular Government rejects these mysterious devices. … The President's message of the United States is a paper breathing business in every line. It is at once a picture of the period elapsed since the labours of Congress were last interrupted, a prospectus for the forthcoming year, the detailed report of a commissioner, and the formal account of a trustee … we have read this State Paper with an interest more profound than any of its precursors had excited.
The Administration of President Leguía of Peru
Authors: Stuart Graham H. 
Published: May 2006

On July 4, 1928, President Augusto B. Leguía will have served thirteen years as chief executive of Peru—the last nine of them consecutively—and will still have one year of his present five-year term ahead of him. This is a remarkable record not only in Peru but in all South America. In fact, in Peru only two other presidents have served two complete terms, and those not consecutive; while Señor Leguía has the honor of being the only man who has been elected three times to the first office in the land. However, the moment one commences to take note of the various accomplishments of this diminutive dynamo of Peruvian politics, the smashing of precedents appears to be a routine matter, of administrative efficiency.Leguía was elected president in 1919, but apparently fearing that his political enemies might try to prevent him from taking office, he forstalled them by a coup d'état of his own. Less than a month after his installation, a presidential decree placed before the people a project for such a drastic reform of the constitution that it was apparent that what was really contemplated was a new constitution.
Standardization of Salaries and Grades in Civil Service
Authors: Moses Robert 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of salary standardization is briefly:To furnish a simple and logical classification of all employments, with general descriptions of duties, appropriate titles and rates of compensation, qualifications and conditions governing advancement, for purposes of appropriation, financial and civil service control, information to present and prospective employes and to the public. Salary standardization would be a relatively simple thing if a single government agency, backed by a strong executive, were empowered to develop a new classification and put it into effect.
Principles of Legislation
Authors: Freund Ernst 
Published: May 2006

This is a period of revaluations. The crucial tests that have been imposed within the last year upon so many nations by the stress of war have probably led most of us to question and perhaps to doubt old, and as we had believed, firmly, rooted tenets and dogmas. It is true that political science has long since abandoned the eighteenth century confidence in general theories and deductions; but there were many who had cherished at least a loyalty to certain fundamental political ideals: individualism, self-government, democracy; and even these are challenged by newly emphasized factors of strength and weakness that seem to determine the fate of nations. It behooves us now to be cautious in drawing premature conclusions from abnormal conditions, and to retain some faith in principles that have not been demonstrated to be unsound.Amidst the confusion of political values we have all been impressed with the importance and with the achievements of technique, and we may be tempted to insist upon high technical standards in government as an undisputable political ideal.
Early Administrative Phases of a State Liquor Store System
Authors: Smith Milton V. 
Published: May 2006

New Hampshire is the eleventh state to establish a system of state liquor stores. Other states may try the same solution of their liquor problem when legislatures meet in 1935. What are some of the initial administrative problems encountered in organization and operation of state liquor stores?Before answering this question on the basis of New Hampshire's experience, it will be well to examine the political and legal background of the liquor situation in this state. New Hampshire was one of the so-called “drier” states. It had sampled a modified state prohibition in the latter half of the nineteenth century, liberalized this through licensing in the first part of the present century, and finally returned to prohibition before national prohibition was adopted. The state appeared reasonably well satisfied with prohibition until the national tide turned so strongly against it about 1930.
Sovereignty and Social Dynamics
Authors: Campbell Douglas W. 
Published: May 2006

The ceaseless struggle of opposing ideas is the historical continuum of political theory. However concrete the situation which launches a particular conflict, all too often the struggle of ideas continues long after the objective scene of the conflict has moved on to quite different fields, long after new problems have outmoded old solutions, and long after new ways of thinking should have revised or displaced old concepts. This intellectual problem of continuity of ideas and of modes of thought is, of course, no more than the reflection of the larger issue of the liberation of human society from the “dead hand of the past.” The solution of this problem is no easy one, entailing as it does careful discrimination and emphasis upon the quality of “deadness,” but many reasoned attempts are being made toward this end.The forms which these attempts are taking in the field of political theory (including the concept of sovereignty, which is the subject of this paper) and of political science in general are several. We have had an increasing, and productive, “realistic presentation of the facts of the governmental process” which has served to deflate such overweening concepts as that of sovereignty.
Another Chapter in Michigan Civil Service Reform
Authors: Litchfield Edward H. 
Published: May 2006

The civil service scene in Michigan has changed so rapidly in the last few years that it has been difficult for persons in other areas to keep abreast of developments. Thus, while in 1936 Michigan knew little of merit in public employment, 1937 found her in the vanguard of the reform movement. In that year, the recommendations of a study commission were embodied in a comprehensive civil service system by a Democratic administration. The year 1939 brought an almost complete reversal of policy with the passage of a Republican “ripper” act. Today another development is in the process of maturing. A civil service amendment to the state constitution was adopted in the November election of 1940.It is not the purpose of this article to review the details of the history of Michigan's civil service movement, for this has been done elsewhere. Suffice it to say that Michigan's experience with spoils politics was neither better nor worse than that of other jurisdictions; the recommendations of the Civil Service Study Commission, of which Dr. James K. Pollock was chairman, are now well known; the excellence of the state's merit system under William Brownrigg has also been generally recognised.However, three developments remain to be discussed: first, the contents of the “ripper” legislation; second, the effects of that legislation upon the present personnel situation; third, the proposed constitutional amendment.
Kelsen's Theory of Law
Authors: Janzen Henry 
Published: May 2006

Professor Hans Kelsen is the leading exponent of the “pure” theory of law, which is attracting a great deal of attention abroad but as yet has received scant notice in the United States. His theory marks the culmination of the tendency toward a strictlylegaltheory, represented in the writings of K. F. von Gerber, Paul Laband, and Georg Jellinek. This movement aims to eliminate all purely metaphysical postulates—such as the natural law concepts—from legal theory, as well as to free it from the political tint which it so often manifests. It also endeavors to separate the validity of law from dependence on any personal authority.This attempt to “depersonalize” law is the last stage of a development that began with the passing of absolutism. At that time, ideas of a “general will” and of popular sovereignty—attended by a demand for “a government of laws and not of men” and by the introduction of the principle of separation of powers—made their appearance, only to be supplanted, more recently, by the concept of theRechtsstaat.
Reform of the Covenant of the League of Nations
Authors: Eagleton Clyde 
Published: May 2006

Almost from the creation of the League of Nations, there have been proposals for its reform; a few amendments to the Covenant have actually been adopted. Discontent with the League's achievements in the recent dispute between Japan and China and that between Italy and Ethiopia have of late brought the discussion to a head, and have led to official action by the League itself. According to the British Foreign Minister, in a speech before the Assembly on September 25, 1936:The underlying motive for the work on which we are now engaged, of examining the Covenant and the procedure of its application, is the recent failure of the collective action of the Members of the League to achieve the prime object for which it was undertaken.And M. Litvinoff, speaking three days later, asserted that the questiondid not arise in any academic way, but was brought into existence and imposed upon us, both by the unhappy outcome of the Italo-Ethiopian conflict and by the whole course of the political events of recent years.At the meeting of the Council on June 26, 1936, the Chilean delegate proposed that a study of the reform of the Covenant be undertaken; and he proposed it likewise at the 16th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, in July, 1936. Discussion at this session did not reveal much enthusiasm for reform.
Missouri's Proposed New Constitution
Authors: Bradshaw William L. 
Published: May 2006

A new constitution will be submitted to the voters of Missouri at a special election on February 27, 1945. It was drafted by a bi-partisan convention which met on September 21, 1943, and adjourned sine die on September 29, 1944, after spending 215 days in session. The convention was authorized by the voters, under the twenty-year rule, in November, 1943, and 68 senatorial district delegates and 15 delegates-at-large were elected in April, 1943. One of the latter, an anti-New Deal Democrat, was agreed upon by the state committees of both major parties, and later became president of the convention.The great majority of delegates were conservative, but constructive in their attitude. They expressed confidence in the voters and in local self-government, and insisted on definitely checking all public officials and agencies. In general, the more liberal delegates were older men, with long and distinguished records of public service and without further political aspirations; the more conservative delegates were generally younger men, with less political experience. A bare majority were lawyers. The others represented some twenty different business and professional groups, including four college professors and two women.
American Experience with Military Government
Authors: Gabriel Ralph H. 
Published: May 2006

Americans have had a long and varied experience with military government. The names New Mexico, California, New Orleans, Memphis, Cuba, Manila, Mindanao, Samoa, Guam, Vera Cruz, and Coblenz by no means exhaust the list of places where American military or naval governors have exercised control over civil populations. Virtually no effort has been made before the present war to analyze this experience and to draw from it principles to assist in the solution of the problems of the present and immediate future. Military government is of vast importance for the world of tomorrow. It is the transitional phase between the active conflict of armies and the quiet of an established peace. Military government may be—and has been at times in American history—as important for ultimate solutions as major military campaigns.“Military government,” according to the official definition set forth in the War Department's Field Manual 27–5, “is that form of government which is established and maintained by a belligerent by force of arms over occupied territory of the enemy and over the inhabitants thereof. In this definition, the term territory of the enemy includes not only the territory of an enemy nation but also domestic territory recovered by military occupation from rebels treated as belligerents.” The definition does not cover the whole range of actual occupations in American experience. Military government should not be thought of entirely in terms of enemy territory or enemy populations.
The State Department Continues its Reorganization
Authors: Laves Walter H. C. , Wilcox Francis O. 
Published: May 2006

In two recent articles in this Review, the writers examined in some detail the January 15, 1944, reorganization of the Department of State, and discussed the problem of organizing our national government for effective participation in world affairs. The purpose of the present article is to point out the main effects of the further reorganization of the Department announced on December 20, 1944, by Secretary Stettinius.At the outset, it should be repeated that it would be difficult to overemphasize the importance of these reorganizations for the conduct of our foreign affairs. For in spite of the importance of international organization to world order, we should never forget that the smooth functioning of the international machinery we set up and the success of the peace we establish will depend in large measure upon how effectively the various states organize their national governments to carry on the complicated relations of the international community.During the past year, the Department concentrated its attention on putting into effect the reorganization of January 15, 1944. Committees for the consideration of top policy questions were set up. Departmental functions were regrouped and consolidated.
Political Change in France and Italy
Authors: Einaudi Mario 
Published: May 2006

In the simultaneous elections held on June 2, 1946, in France and Italy, it is not difficult to see a symbol of the community of destiny which, even now, seems to link the two countries. France and Italy are the two largest western European countries to emerge intact from the ordeal of fascism and war, and the political decisions they will make in the near future are bound to affect to a large extent the course of events in Europe. To find out what chances exist of a significant contribution by the continent of Europe to the solution of the political and economic problems of our time, it is legitimate to look to France and to Italy. To analyze in some detail the conditions under which the two countries voted, the issues presented to them, and the consequences likely to flow from the results of the elections—all this appears to represent an inquiry into developments vitally affecting one of the great areas which, if much impoverished and weakened at present, may still come back to influence the political structure of the world.As an expression of the popular mind, the vote on June 2 was unprecedented for both countries. Never before had so many men and women taken part in elections: forty-five millions exercised their right to vote (in Italy their duty as well), while the greatest number (with men only voting) in pre-war France was less than ten millions and in pre-fascist Italy less than seven millions.
Anglo-American Post-War Coöperation and the Interests of Europe
Authors: Wolfers Arnold 
Published: May 2006

Often it has been asserted that if the United States had stood by her allies after 1918 and joined the League of Nations, peace in Europe would have been secure. While this overstresses the point, it is certainly true that the lack of unity among the victors, both at Versailles and afterwards, deprived the world of anything like a center of coördination and leadership. Even the Concert of Europe of bygone days could claim greater authority than a League from which five out of seven great powers were either permanently or temporarily absent, and in which the two remaining powers, Britain and France, were rarely in agreement.In view of this experience, it makes sense to regard continued coöperation between at least some of the important allies of this war, assuming the defeat of Hitler and his partners, as being an essential prerequisite for a more durable peace. If at least the two great English-speaking powers could form between themselves a solid partnership, so it is argued, would not their combined strength and their supremacy of the seas quite naturally attract other nations into their orbit and thus enable them to preserve the order and peace of the world? Their rôle is envisaged as a kind of enlarged replica of that which the British Empire fulfilled with no little success throughout most of the nineteenth century.
The German People and the Postwar World: A Study Based on Election Statistics, 1871–1933
Authors: Mellen Sydney L. W. 
Published: May 2006

What are the German people really like? A weird assortment of catchwords and formulas have been put forward, most of them as unscientific as Hitler's own racial doctrines: aggressors throughout the ages, perpetrators of a black record of war and aggression, submissive and obedient regiments, cultural and political romanticists, rebels against the established order, victims of a national inferiority complex, sentimentalists, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, and so on. And yet unless the people of the democracies attain a realistic understanding of the Germans there will be a poor chance, after the war is finally won, of attaining a permanent solution of the German problem.In the articles and books written about the German people in recent months and years, little or no attention has been given to one set of historical facts which is capable of providing a trustworthy and statistically balanced background: the record of popular election results from 1871 to 1933. In the long series of Reichstag elections in this period, the German people as a whole expressed their composite preferences concerning the dominant political issues of the times; and the very multiplicity of the political parties, each with more or less distinct character and policies, provides us with fairly extensive breakdowns of public opinion.
Generalists Versus Specialists in Social Science: An Economist's View
Authors: Spengler J. J. 
Published: May 2006

“The theorist can never foresee what the experimenter will find when his range is extended to include fields at present inaccessible.”Man behaved economically, politically, and otherwise long before social scientists theorized about his behavior. In fact, present day social science is of comparatively recent origin, being the product of that progressive specialization which began in the eighteenth century.This specialization has produced diverse problems, with one of which the present paper is concerned. The problem in question is suggested by the central thesis of this paper: that although an economist (or political scientist) must delimit what he studies qua economist (or political scientist), his understanding of economic (or political) behavior is governed by his understanding of human behavior as a whole. While this paper was written primarily from the point of view of an economist to illustrate how psychology and noneconomic social science may contribute to our understanding of economic behavior, it also suggests how political science may draw upon the disciplines treated and indicates how economists envisage a number of questions of fundamental significance to students of government.
The Lodge-Gossett Resolution: A Critical Analysis
Authors: Silva Ruth C. 
Published: May 2006

Since 1797, when Representative Smith of South Carolina proposed a constitutional amendment to reform the electoral college, scarcely a Congress has adjourned without the introduction of one or more resolutions on this subject. A plan which is currently receiving attention was introduced in the Senate by Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and in the House by Ed Gossett of Texas. The Senate has already passed the so-called Lodge-Gossett proposal by a vote of 64 to 27—three more than the necessary two-thirds. There is actually some chance that the House of Representatives will approve the measure and send it to the states as it enjoys bi-partisan support and has received favorable committee action in the House.The plan provides for three major changes in the electoral system. First, it would abolish presidential electors but retain the electoral votes of each state as at present. The purpose of this change is to prevent electors from acting on their own judgment. In the past, this matter has seemed relatively unimportant. But the recent election indicated the dangers of an electoral system which allows a determined minority to seize a national party label and appropriate electoral votes as the Thurmond forces did in Alabama and Tennessee.
The Agrarian Democracy of Thomas Jefferson
Authors: Griswold A. Whitney 
Published: May 2006

If the past determines or in any way influences the present, the present invariably reverses the process. One of the more striking instances of this rule has been the recent apotheosis of Thomas Jefferson as a national hero equal in stature to Washington and Lincoln. In an atmosphere of industrialism, urban living, and strong, impersonal national government that tradition might lead us to suppose would kill it, the Jefferson legend has blossomed and put forth new shoots. As Mr. Douglass Adair has pointed out, the pioneer democrat and agrarian liberal “discovered” by Frederick Jackson Turner and Charles A. Beard and celebrated by Parrington, Nock, and Bowers, has lately found more complicated, more interesting, and incidentally more timely, portrayal at the hands of Carl Becker, Gilbert Chinard, and Adrienne Koch. These writers, whose company is now joined by Mr. Joseph Dorfman, have been at pains to show the range and diversity of Jefferson's thought, and above all how he moved with his times to espouse the cause of commerce, industry, and national power. Mr. Dorfman crowds all these qualities together under the label, “Thomas Jefferson: Commercial Agrarian Democrat” which, if the trend continues, may have to be stretched to “Commercial Industrial Agrarian Democratic Federalist.”Does the label fit? The legendary Jefferson was an agrarian; and even as modern scholars were finding in his writings political precepts for an industrial age, the farmers of the United States were recognizing him as the founder of American agriculture and adopting him as their patron saint.