bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Government and Smoking: Policy-Making and Pressure Groups
Authors: Popham G. T. 
Published: November 2007

According to official estimates cigarette smoking in Britain is responsible for 50,000 premature deaths annually, about seven times the number of people killed in road accidents. Every year some 15,000 still births result from smoking by pregnant women. The annual cost of treating smoking-related diseases was estimated to be £85 million in 1977. Furthermore, the number of working days lost yearly through illnesses associated with smoking has been put at roughly four times that lost through strikes. Even ignoring avoidable human suffering, therefore, there are strong arguments in favour of curbing smoking, though these have to be weighed against the revenue and employment provided by the tobacco industry.
For over 20 years successive British Governments have undertaken to discourage smoking but their record has been compared unfavourably with that of Governments elsewhere. Slow progress is due, in part, to the tobacco lobby’s role in the policy making process.
Policy making is a complex, continuous activity, difficult to observe and varying according to the subject. There are, however, common elements which enable generalisations to be made. First, an issue has to compete against numerous others for a place on the policy agenda.
A Study of the Structure and Chemistry in Zircaloy-2 and the Resulting Oxide After High Temperature Corrosion
Authors: Hutchinson Bevis , Lehtinen Börje , Limbäck Magnus , Dahlbäck Mats 
Published: November 2007

Abstract
A plate of Zircaloy-2 received in the β-quenched condition was heat treated to vary systematically the size of the second phase particles (SPPs) and the content of alloying elements retained in solid solution. Scanning electron microscopy and thermoelectric power measurements were used to quantify these microstructural parameters. Specimens were exposed for different periods of time in autoclaves at 415°C and at 500°C in steam, and corrosion was assessed according to the gain in weight. Effects of the microstructure were not great but it was observed that materials having larger SPPs were somewhat more resistant to oxidation in the 415°C tests whereas those with smaller SPPs performed better at 500°C. Influences on corrosion rates that could be attributed to alloy elements in solid solution were small or perhaps nonexistent. The chemistry of oxide layers formed at 500°C has been examined by etching away the zirconium metal and then depth-profiling using sputtered neutral mass spectroscopy. There was some difference in surface topography between the materials with smaller and larger SPPs. The compositional profiles showed that the oxide was substantially under-stoichiometric below the surface in all cases, with O/Zr ratios reaching unity or even less, and extending to depths between 150 nm and 400 nm from the metal oxide interface. These results are discussed in terms of their implication for existence of a diffusional barrier layer and for the stress states that can be expected within the oxide.
Clinical Decision Support Tools: Performance of Personal Digital Assistant versus Online Drug Information Databases
Authors: Clauson Kevin A. , Polen Hyla H. , Marsh Wallace A. 
Published: November 2007

Study Objectives. To evaluate personal digital assistant (PDA) drug information databases used to support clinical decision‐making, and to compare the performance of PDA databases with their online versions.Design. Prospective evaluation with descriptive analysis.Methods. Five drug information databases available for PDAs and online were evaluated according to their scope (inclusion of correct answers), completeness (on a 3‐point scale), and ease of use; 158 question‐answer pairs across 15 weighted categories of drug information essential to health care professionals were used to evaluate these databases. An overall composite score integrating these three measures was then calculated. Scores for the PDA databases and for each PDA‐online pair were compared.Results. Among the PDA databases, composite rankings, from highest to lowest, were as follows: Lexi‐Drugs, Clinical Pharmacology OnHand, Epocrates Rx Pro, mobileMicromedex (now called Thomson Clinical Xpert), and Epocrates Rx free version. When we compared database pairs, online databases that had greater scope than their PDA counterparts were Clinical Pharmacology (137 vs 100 answers, p<0.001), Micromedex (132 vs 96 answers, p<0.001), Lexi‐Comp Online (131 vs 119 answers, p<0.001), and Epocrates Online Premium (103 vs 98 answers, p=0.001). Only Micromedex online was more complete than its PDA version (p=0.008). Regarding ease of use, the Lexi‐Drugs PDA database was superior to Lexi‐Comp Online (p<0.001); however, Epocrates Online Premium, Epocrates Online Free, and Micromedex online were easier to use than their PDA counterparts (p<0.001). In terms of composite scores, only the online versions of Clinical Pharmacology and Micromedex demonstrated superiority over their PDA versions (p<0.01).Conclusion. Online and PDA drug information databases assist practitioners in improving their clinical decision‐making. Lexi‐Drugs performed significantly better than all of the other PDA databases evaluated. No PDA database demonstrated superiority to its online counterpart; however, the online versions of Clinical Pharmacology and Micromedex were superior to their PDA versions in answering questions.
Technological and Economic Changes in the Metalliferous Mining and Smelting Industries of Tudor England
Authors: Scott James W. 
Published: November 2007

The Age of the Tudors has been viewed both as an age of transition, and as an age of enterprise and innovation. Although such views more often than not have been limited to political and economic matters, they can be extended equally well to technology and industrial organization. The mining and smelting industries of England and Wales, which for centuries had contributed notably to the national product, during the Tudor Age underwent a number of technological and economic adjustments, some of permanent significance.The purpose of this paper is to examine, in the light of contemporary and near-contemporary evidence, some of the more important changes that took place in the metalliferous mining and smelting industries of Tudor England The emphasis will be largely on technological changes, but as these gave rise to new and ever-increasing demands for industrial financing, it will be necessary also to examine certain of the concomitant economic changes that ocurred in these industries. Whether the economic changes were the outcome of technological changes, or vice versa, is not always clear. Certain technological changes emphasized the need for new methods of financing and organizing a particular mining or smelting industry, while, in turn, the reorganization of an industry tended to provide the conditions and the incentive for further technological modifications.There were three mininar and smelting industries of importance at ihe beginning of the Tudor period — tin, lead and iron. By the end of the period, copper and calamine1 had acquired prominence, while renewed interest in gold and silver prospecting had resulted in the precious minerals assuming a fairly important, if erratic, role in this sector of the economy.
Anglo-Norman Policy and the Public Welfare
Authors: Kealey Edward J. 
Published: November 2007

Sometime in the second decade of the twelfth century an anonymous clerk compiled a long awkward treatise which we call theLaws of Henry I. He pompously began by declaring, “The glorious Caesar, Henry, moderate, wise, just and valiant, sheds radiance over all his kingdom in ecclesiastical laws and secular ordinances, in writings, and in displays of good works.” On the very day that Henry died in Normandy a Saxon physician, priest, and prophet, Wulfric of Haselbury, living in seclusion in Somerset, told his feudal patron that the dead king would enter Paradise because he had kept peace, had sought justice, and had even built a splendid abbey for Benedictine monks. Few later commentators would be as generous as these two. Other historians unfavorably contrasted Henry's wisdom, wealth, and victory with his avarice, cruelty, and lust.The law clerk's short catalog contains several surprises. It suggests Henry generated ecclesiastical laws himself, an odd, but not untrue, observation. It reports that the king performed good works, but these are never specified. Most fascinatingly, it hints that “in writings” Henry composed things other than charters and writs. Unfortunately, no such texts have survived. Thus, what we most seek to learn—the monarch's own intentions and reflections—still elude us. Henry's personal understanding of his monarchial responsibilities must therefore be interpreted from his actions, rather than traced from his plans.
Robert Boyle and Subversive Religion in the Early Restoration
Authors: Jacob J. R. 
Published: November 2007

Boyle's natural philosophy as it evolved in the 1660s was the product in part of some competing philosophies and theologies. Since he defined his own thought in terms of these others, one of the best ways of understanding it and its origins would seem to be to study it in relation to this context of competing ideas—especially as this has never before been done for Boyle. This was no mere battle over philosophical and religious ideas; beneath the surface lay extreme ideological differences; the nature of society and government was at stake just as it was in Boyle's dialogue with the sects in the late 1640s and the 1650s. Indeed some of his opponents in the 1660s still represent positions against which he argued before the Restoration, and these are the ones I wish to consider here.In 1665 or 1666 Boyle wroteA Free Inquiry into the Vulgarly Received Notion of Nature. By “the vulgarly received notion of nature” he means the conception deriving from ancient Greek philosophy, both Platonic and Aristotelian, that there is a governing agency in nature apart from God which cannot be reduced to the mechanical principles of matter and motion. This agency is called variously plastic nature, the astral spirits or the soul of the world, and as Boyle says is conceived by “the schools” as “a being that…does always that which is best.” Boyle's intention is to show that his own idea of nature is preferable to this Peripatetic and Platonic one because his goes further than its rival towards a proper understanding of the relations between Creator and creation.
Bureaucracy in Elizabethan England: The Office of Naval Ordnance as a Case Study
Authors: Smith Robert J. 
Published: November 2007

Tales of the maritime exploits of Elizabethan captains and favorable accounts of their part in shaping England's history are commonplace. For example, the actions of William Wynter's squadron against a French fleet in the Firth of Forth in 1560 led J. E. Neale to remark that “The Elizabethan navy had done its task in its first enterprise with complete efficiency and no fuss.…” Few can dispute the positive evaluation Neale and other historians have made of the navy as an effective arm of defense and foreign policy. An emphasis on the military and diplomatic role, however, has obscured another important aspect of the Elizabethan navy. William Wynter and other Elizabethan seamen also served the navy, and thus the nation, in capacities which have received less attention than their maritime exploits.In addition to active duty at sea, Wynter served as Master of Naval Ordnance. Although the activities of a bureaucrat were not as glamorous as those of a fleet commander, the valor of the Elizabethan captains would have been of little consequence if the ships in which they sailed had not been properly equipped. It was essential that some sort of administrative network be operative in order to coordinate the needs of the navy with the sources of supply. If the ships were not well equipped and in good repair, neither courage nor skill would have enabled the Elizabethan navy to complete its enterprises efficiently. One of these indispensable functions, that of providing common but essential materials and services, was performed by the Office of Naval Ordnance.
Cromwell's Diplomatic Blunder: The Relationship Between the Western Design of 1654–55 and the French Alliance of 1657
Authors: Battick John F. 
Published: November 2007

The principal historians of the Cromwellian period, from S. R. Gardiner to Christopher Hill, have asserted that Oliver Cromwell was a master of statesmanship whose foreign policy was guided by clear, though perhaps archaic, objectives; that his diplomacy was always aggressive, and largely successful; and that with him England entered into her rightful place in the community of nations. These axioms have been repeated in every textbook. The phenomenon is not unknown in recent history where, until A.J.P. Taylor suggested differently, few English writers dared to question the culpability of Adolf Hitler in bringing on the 1939-1945 war. Though Mr. Taylor's views excited critical comment, they have not been without supporters, and are being addressed by historians of the Twentieth century. This essay re-examines the diplomacy of the Cromwellian period, specifically in the years 1654 through 1657. It suggests that a revision of long-established views is in order.Milestones of English foreign affairs during the Protectorate exhibit an apparent uniformity of policy. From the Treaty of Westminster of April 1654 to the Battle of the Dunes, June 14, 1658, the trend was towards a firm association with France, with the ultimate objective to destroy Spanish power in Europe and the Western Hemisphere. Such a generalization must be treated with caution, however, for it can be demonstrated that the course of English policy between the conclusion of the First Dutch War and the death of Oliver Cromwell was guided less by a desire for an alliance with France than by a series of miscalculations, the cumulative effect of which left the Protector little choice but to join with France, and thereby to assist in the establishment of the hegemony of Louis XIV.
The West Midlands, 1760-1793: Politics, Public Opinion and Regional Identity in the English Provinces during the late Eighteenth Century
Authors: Money John 
Published: November 2007

In these Midland districts, the traveller passed rapidly from one phase of English life to another; after looking down on a village dirty with coal dust, noisy with the shaking of looms, he might skirt a parish all of fields, high hedges and deep rutted lanes; after the coach had rattled over the pavement of a manufacturing town, the scene of riots and trades union meetings, it would take him in another ten minutes into a rural region where the neighbourhood of the town was only felt in the advantage of a near market for corn, cheese, and hay, and where men with a considerable banking account were accustomed to say that “they never meddled with politics themselves.”The passage is from the preface to George Eliot's novel Felix Holt the Radical, written between 1865 and 1867. It describes a world which the writer knew intimately; she grew up in it, and it provided the setting for much of her best work. George Eliot's father, Robert Evans, whose influence profoundly affected the novelist's development, was born in Staffordshire two years before the beginning of the American War of Independence. He was apprenticed to the family trade of builder and carpenter, and rose through “his large knowledge of building, of mines, of plantations, of various branches of valuation and measurement” to become agent to Francis Newdigate of Arbury in 1806. Newdigate had interests in the North Warwickshire coalfield and in the canal navigations which, before the coming of the railway, had played such an important part in the development of the region. It might be inferred from this that he was among the most advanced landowners of the day. Progressive notions in estate management, however, went hand in hand with an enlightened, but profoundly conservative paternalism in political and social affairs: an attitude shared by his steward, whom Marian Evans remembered to have pronounced “the word ‘Government’ in a tone that charged it with awe, and made it a part of my effective religion, in contrast to the word ‘rebel,’ which seemed to carry the stamp of evil in its syllables.”
Daniel O'Connell and the Leadership Crisis within the Irish Repeal Party, 1843-1845
Authors: Quigley Kathleen 
Published: November 2007

The main source of the criticism of the political leadership of Daniel O'Connell during the last three years of his life emanated from inside his own Irish Repeal Party. These attacks crystallized around the conflict that arose between the moral force tactics of O'Connell and the more militant and republican and separatist critics of these policies. The indictment of these critics, who became known as the Young Ireland group, has not been seriously challenged by Irish national historians since. Oliver MacDonagh admitted that before 1843 O'Connell had “blazed the trail at Westminster” and had begun the political enlightenment of the masses, involving the Church in his movement. Yet “in the end he failed ingloriously. After 1843 his creation began to disintegrate until two decades later his purposes and techniques seemed almost to have vanished.”O'Connell's flexible and pragmatic genius during his prime has remained unquestioned. Then he forged, out of the defeat and division of the Act of Union, a political link between the Irish Catholic Lower Nation and the English Protestant Upper Nation, and thereby created the first Irish parliamentary party that could speak with a national voice. What, then, was the basis of these imputations against his last three years? An answer to this question may be provided through a study of O'Connell's particular application of his moral force tactics during his last three years. Two major events will be selected to pinpoint these policies of O'Connell and the conflict within Repeal that ensued. The first occurred in 1843 at Clontarf where O'Connell made a firm declaration on the physical limitations of his objectives. For this he has been reproached for his insincerity and timidity when threatened by the British government. The second occurred in the debate over the College Bill in 1845 in the Repeal Association. There the ideological emphasis of his moral force tactics, namely, his Catholic alliance, was criticized as too divisive and outdated for the Irish national movement. Thus, to O'Connell was attributed both the failure to show bold leadership in a moment of national peril, and an unrealistic and autocratic inability to overcome the sectarian and religious division within Repeal.
Religious Nonconformity and Social Conflict: Philip Gammon's Star Chamber Story
Authors: Block Joseph S. 
Published: November 2007

In the summer of 1536 several officials and other residents of the Devonshire town of Axminster brought suit in the Court of Star Chamber against a shoemaker named Philip Gammon. They alleged in their Bill of Complaint that Gammon was infected with diverse points and articles of heresy. Chief among these was that Gammon, on a number of occasions, had rejected the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar, saying that “It is not the very body of Christ, but it is a sign and in itself a very piece of bread.”The case is unique in its time. It is the only action for heresy taken up by the Henrician Court of Star Chamber, a tribunal which normally heard matters touching the enforcement of statute law or breaches of the peace. Familiar with the legal terrain, the plaintiffs also accused Gammon of resisting arrest, threatening a crown officer with a knife, and disobeying royal warrants and commands. Lastly, they asserted that the defendant had been maintained in his illegal activities by the politically potent Carew family, thereby raising before members of the court the specter of the overmighty subject, a haunting prospect to loyal Henrician councillors.
The Last Years of the First Earl of Salisbury, 1610–1612
Authors: Lindquist Eric N. 
Published: November 2007

It is generally assumed that the earl of Salisbury's last years were a time of political decline, largely because of the failure of the Great Contract. “In 1610,” one historian has written recently, “Salisbury lost the confidence of both king and Parliament. The collapse of the Great Contract, in which so much of his credit was bound up, was a blow from which his prestige never recovered.” The outlines of the story are familiar. Salisbury, lord treasurer since 1608 and James's chief minister since the beginning of the reign, was securely established in the king's trust and affection at the beginning of 1610. His fall began with court opposition to the Great Contract, opposition which it has been suggested may have been the real cause of the contract's failure. According to Godfrey Goodman, a “great peer” on his deathbed advised the kingnot to lose any part of his prerogative, especially the Court of Wards and other great royalties which his predecessors had, for if he should part with these he should hardly be able to govern; that the subject was more obedient and did observe the King more for these than for any laws or other respect whatsoever; that the subject was bound to relieve him and supply his occasions without any such contractings.The dying peer blamed those who “did endeavour to engross and monopolise the King, and kept other able men out of his service.” From that point, according to Goodman, Salisbury, “who had been a great stirrer in that business, and was the man aimed at, began to decline.”
Toryism to Tamworth: The Triumph of Reform, 1827-1835
Authors: Davis Richard W. 
Published: November 2007

The Great Reform Act has received a great deal of much needed attention in the last decade. One mode of getting at its significance has, however, been largely ignored. The mode usually followed, particularly recently, has been to examine what the Whig framers of the Act thought they were about, and then, by means of electoral analysis, whether they achieved their object. The two questions are not necessarily the same, of course. For example, most historians of the period would now agree that Professor D. C. Moore, however valuable and stimulating his contribution to the debate, is wrong about Whig intentions. Some may suspect he is also at least in part wrong about the electoral system which grew out of the Act. That, however, has yet to be proven. Yet, even if we could know all about the reformed electoral system, we would still not know all about the impact of the Great Reform Act. For in history what is important is not only what actually happened, but what people of the time believe happened. It is to this sort of question that I want to turn my attention in this paper. Because one of the best ways to appreciate the great significance of the Reform Act is to examine the change it wrought in the attitudes of politicians, particularly of Tory politicians.Undoubtedly, the two most important of the recent works on the Act are the books of Professors Brock and Cannon. Essentially, both represent a vindication of the main outlines of the old “Whig interpretation.” Thus, both Brock and Cannon see the Act as a response to mounting pressures out-of-doors, the culmination of a long historical process, and an important turning point in the emergence of a more liberal and broadly based political system. Nor does either doubt that the Act marked an important concession to the middle classes, or that it deserves its old designation of “Great.”