bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Parliament, Privy Council, and Local Politics in Elizabethan England: The Yarmouth-Lowestoft Fishing Dispute
Authors: Dean David M. 
Published: November 2007

In his celebrated presidential addresses to the Royal Historical Society between 1974 and 1976 Sir Geoffrey Elton explored three “points of contact” between central authority and local communities: Parliament, the royal council, and the royal court. Parliament, he argued, was “the premier point of contact,” which “fulfilled its functions as a stabilizing mechanism because it was usable and used to satisfy legitimate and potentially powerful aspirations.” Elsewhere Elton, and other parliamentary historians such as Michael Graves, Norman Jones, and Jennifer Loach, have stressed parliament's role as a clearing house for the legislative desires of the governing class. The author of this article has recently drawn attention to the pressures which private legislation placed on the parliamentary agenda and the attempts by the government to control it. All of this supports Elton's contention that parliament, from the perspective of central government, was indeed a vital means of ensuring stability and channelling grievances.However, few studies have viewed parliament from the perspective of the local communities and governing elites who sought parliamentary solutions to their problems or even parliamentary resolutions to their disputes with others. The major exception to this has been London. Helen Miller's seminal study of London and parliament in the reign of Henry VIII and Edwin Green's on the Vintners lobby, have been recently complemented by Ian Archer's on the London lobbies in Elizabeth's reign, Claude Blair's on the Armourers lobby, and my own study of the struggle between the Curriers and Cordwainers. These not only reveal the broader context of such disputes, but emphasize that parliament was only one of many arenas available to participants. This important point has also been stressed by Robert Tittler in his study of parliament as a “point of contact” for English towns.
Pierre Le Pennec, Henry VII of England, and the Breton Plot of 1492: A Case Study in “Diplomatic Pathology”
Authors: Currin John M. 
Published: November 2007

In his attempt to rehabilitate the reputation of Dr. De Puebla, Spain's first resident ambassador to England, Garrett Mattingly dismissed as unimportant certain unflattering remarks about the envoy made by a royal councillor to two Spanish officials, who knew the councillor as Dr. Pedro Panec. Mattingly, unable to identify Panec, believed him to be insignificant in Tudor service and, therefore, his remarks to be uninformed. Nonetheless, the available sources reveal Pierre Le Pennec as the Spaniards' Dr. Panec, a cleric and lawyer from Morlaix, doctor of civil and canon laws, prothonotary of the Roman Church, king's clerk and councillor, and political agent in Henry VII's foreign service.Historians of early Tudor diplomacy (when the term is not used interchangeably with foreign policy) have focused on the routine functions of ordinary diplomatic representatives, but Pennec has not merited the interest of Tudor diplomatic historians because he did not serve extensively as one of the king's ordinary diplomats. His only ordinary diplomatic function was in 1499 when he carried procuratorial letters to the Roman Curia for Henry VII.
George Fox, Millenarian
Authors: Ingle H. Larry 
Published: November 2007

“Friends, take heed of setting up that which God will throw down, lest you be found fighters against God.”The nearly two decades comprising the period of the English Revolution were marked by a widespread interest in the timely appearance of the millennium, the thousand year period of Christ's promised earthly reign. From scholarly biblical studies of Daniel and Revelation to omens such as total eclipses of the sun and rumors of a Nottingham girl returning from the dead to warn a sinful world of approaching destruction, people in revolutionary England were bombarded with “evidence” of divine intervention and the expected arrival of the new kingdom. Parliament's victory in the English civil wars and its execution of Charles I in 1649 dramatically blew away the aura of divinity surrounding the monarchy and promised a new and glorious age. As they read prophecies in Revelation about a New Jerusalem where God would dry all tears and banish death, sorrow, and pain, enthusiasts of the seventeenth century anxiously looked for the Christ who promised, “Behold, I come quickly.” So prevalent were such notions that, as one authority has stressed, popular millenarianism seemed only a small step beyond received orthodoxy.
A Crisis of Authority: Early Nineteenth-Century British Thought
Authors: Webb R. K. 
Published: November 2007

This talk represents a crisis of principle. I have long held that a presidential address to a learned society should not belabor that society with laments or summonses, nor should it ask whither the discipline; rather, it should be a serious scholarly or interpretive effort. But it is an equally compelling principle with me that an after-dinner talk should suit the mood of relaxed good feeling that is likely to characterize the occasion. To answer both requirements is no easy task. In defining a genre new to the North American Conference on British Studies, my two predecessors have admirably fulfilled my criteria, combining the serious scholarship one would expect from their distinguished careers with the precise lightness of touch called for on such an occasion.I will not, I fear, follow their example in either respect. The grand, refractory subject I have chosen has interested me for many years, but I have not earlier addressed it in either research or writing: it has been rather like the unheard theme that Elgar said was present in hisEnigma Variations. In now making the theme explicit, as Elgar wisely never did, I shall begin by calling attention to some concerns and perceptions among the English Unitarians over a hundred years, concerns and perceptions that I think reflect a crisis of authority. I shall then suggest ways in which that same analysis might be applied to larger, more important and familiar, segments of nineteenth-century intellectual life.
The 1870 Education Bill and the Method of J. S. Mill's Later Politics
Authors: Kinzer Bruce L. 
Published: November 2007

The last fourteen years of John Stuart Mill's life (1859-1873), which followed the death of Harriet Taylor, possessed a hefty political content. They saw the publication of his essays on parliamentary reform andConsiderations on Representative Government, his impassioned identification with the North in the American Civil War, the eventful parliamentary career sandwiched between the Westminster elections of 1865 and 1868, and a final phase of activity associated with causes such as women's suffrage and land tenure reform. When Mill acted politically he usually did so with strong feeling, but in his search to give deeply held principles practical effect he understood the need for dispassionate adaptation of means to ends. Both the feeling and the adaptation are evident in his treatment of the elementary education question in 1870, a treatment that vividly illustrates how Mill operated during the decade and a half before his death.Of the host of legislation Gladstone's first administration proposed, only one item, the 1870 Education Bill, elicited a congregation of public responses from Mill. Of course, Mill's political activity in the several years following his defeat at Westminster in autumn 1868 was not confined to the adoption of a stance on ministerial measures. With respect to women's suffrage and land reform Mill was not about to wait on any government, and his conspicuous connections with the National Society for Women's Suffrage and the Land Tenure Reform Association attracted notice at the time and have been the subject of comment since. Moreover, during his last years Mill continued to cultivate his contacts in the world of London working-class radicalism, particularly with George Odger, William Randal Cremer, and George Howell. Whereas Mill's parliamentary career has been explored in some detail, the political character of his post-Westminster years has received less attention.
Real and Practicable, not Imaginary and Notional: Sir Henry Vane, A Healing Question, and the Problems of the Protectorate
Authors: Mayers Ruth E. 
Published: November 2007

The year 1655 might with reason have been described as the “annus horribilis” of Oliver Cromwell's Protectorate. January saw the dissolution of his first Parliament, which had signally failed to ratify the Instrument of Government, the constitution imposed by the Army in December 1653. This undermined the already dubious constitutional basis of the government's ordinances, resulting in legal challenges and even recalcitrance among some of the judges. The policy of “healing and settling” had gained at best a grudging acquiescence from the political nation, and the determined enemies of the Protectorate sought to exploit its instability. Former allies of the Army, such as the commonwealthsman John Wildman and the Fifth Monarchists, continued to publish bitter condemnations of the regime designed to incite rebellion; in March, Royalist plotting culminated in Penruddock's abortive uprising. Instability and disaffection at home coincided with military disaster abroad: July brought news of the failure of Cromwell's “western design,” the expedition against the Spanish island of Hispaniola. This was the first major defeat suffered by the New Model, and was received by Cromwell and many of the godly as an indication of divine displeasure.In August, Cromwell abandoned “healing and settling” for more military counsels, appointing Major Generals to provide security by raising a new militia, financed by punitive taxation of the Royalists, and by imposing godly order on the localities. Despite the initial optimism of the Major Generals, it was plain by the beginning of 1656 that they could not finance the new militia, and that their efforts to impose reform were far from uniformly effective.
“The Methods of Barbarism” and the “Rights of Small Nations”: War Propaganda and British Pluralism
Authors: Ellis John S. 
Published: November 2007

The “methods of barbarism” and the “rights of small nations” are perhaps the most recognizable of British slogans arising out of the wars of the early twentieth century. They are instantly associated with the Boer War and the First World War respectively, but seldom are they associated with each other. However, the Pro-Boer rhetoric of “the methods of barbarism” and the First World War propaganda of “the rights of small nations” are intimately linked through their roots in the pluralist Liberal vision of Britishness.These slogans and the propaganda campaigns that they epitomized must be understood within the context of a multicultural Britain and opposing notions of British national identity. Defining “barbarism” as the oppression of small nations through the brutal use of force, the Pro-Boers associated the term with the Anglocentric vision of the British nation reflected in the “New Imperialism” of the Conservatives. Through their belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority, the Conservative imperialists maintained that small nations like those of the Irish, the Welsh, and the Boers would either be assimilated or swept aside by the historical progress of an expanding Anglo-Saxon nation state. In contrast to this notion of Conservative “barbarism,” the Pro-Boer Liberals drew on the Gladstonian heritage of their party in defining the United Kingdom as a multinational state at the center of a multinational empire. They eschewed the use of force in the maintenance of empire and argued that the bonds of imperialism must be based upon mutual goodwill, voluntarism, and the recognition of the principle of nationality.When the First World War broke out in 1914, propagandists drew upon these contrasting constructions of Liberal cultural pluralism and Conservative cultural uniformity. In terms similar to those employed by the Pro-Boers, British propagandists depicted the First World War as a struggle against German “barbarism” and as a fight to vindicate the “rights of small nations.” Solidly based upon the Liberal construction of the multicultural and multinational nature of Britishness, Britain's role as the champion of the principle of nationality was proclaimed with an eye not only to the international context of Europe but to the domestic context of the British state and empire as well.
A Moveable Feast? Itineration and the Centralization of Government Under Henry I
Authors: Christlelow Stephanie Mooers 
Published: November 2007

In this year, king Henry was in Windsor at Christmas, and wore his crown there…. The king spent Easter at Kingsthorpe near Northhampton…. The king spent Whit Sunday at St. Albans. Thereafter, at midsummer, he went with his levies into Wales…. Thereafter he came to Winchester… Thereafter he went oversea [sic] into Normandy.(Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, sub anno1114, versions H and E.)This fairly representative account of the travels of an Anglo-Norman king in his dominions during the course of one year is testimony to the peripatetic character of royal and ducal administrations in the eleventh- and twelfth-centuries. But, like other sources used in isolation, it barely indicates the intensity of itinerating government reached during the long reign of Henry I (1100–1135), and which was maintained at a heightened pitch in the chaotic decades to come.Modern historians have recognized that itineration was fundamental to medieval kingship and that it was crucial to the governance of a geographically disparate realm, as kings divided their time between historically separate regions. Itineration was a practical device in the absence of fully-developed governmental institutions as well as an economic necessity, for in partially monetarized economies, it was not always possible to move goods easily from county districts to main centers of power.Only a handful of recent, comprehensive studies of government in Norman and Angevin England have touched on the subject of itineration. David C. Douglas concentrated on the men who comprised the royal household and who attended meetings of the royalcuriain his analyses of William the Conqueror's (1066–1087) personal kingship.
Lipid, Glycemic, and Insulin Responses to Meals Rich in Saturated,cis-Monounsaturated, and Polyunsaturated (n-3 and n-6) Fatty Acids in Subjects With Type 2 Diabetes
Authors: Shah Meena , Adams-Huet Beverley , Brinkley Linda , Grundy Scott M. , Garg Abhimanyu 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—The recommendations for dietary fats in patients with type 2 diabetes are based largely on the impact of fatty acids on fasting serum lipid and glucose concentrations. How fatty acids affect postprandial insulin, glucose, and triglyceride concentrations, however, remains unclear. The objective of this study was to study the effect of fatty acids on postprandial insulin, glucose, and triglyceride responses.RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—Test meals rich in palmitic acid, linoleic acid, oleic acid, and eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA) and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) and containing 1,000 kcal each were administered in a randomized crossover design to 11 type 2 diabetic subjects. Serum insulin, glucose, and triglyceride concentrations were measured for 360 min. All subjects received an isoenergetic diet of constant composition throughout the study.RESULTS—According to repeated-measures ANOVA, the insulin (P = 0.0002) but not glucose (P = 0.10) response was significantly different between meals. The insulin response was lower to meals rich in oleic acid or EPA and DHA than to meals rich in palmitic acid or linoleic acid (P &lt; 0.01). The triglyceride response did not reach statistical significance (P = 0.06) but tended to be lower with EPA and DHA than with the other fatty acids. Similar trends were seen for area under the curve (AUC) and incremental AUC for serum insulin and triglycerides, but the differences were not significant.CONCLUSIONS—In comparison with palmitic acid and linoleic acid, oleic acid or EPA and DHA may modestly lower insulin response in patients with type 2 diabetes without deteriorating the glucose response. EPA and DHA may also reduce the triglyceride response.
Microvascular and C-Fiber Function in Diabetic Charcot Neuroarthropathy and Diabetic Peripheral Neuropathy
Authors: Baker Neil , Green Alistair , Krishnan Singhan , Rayman Gerry 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—Sympathetic denervation and hyperemia are implicated in the pathogenesis of Charcot neuroarthropathy (CN) but are also features of diabetic peripheral neuropathy (DPN). Differences in these physiological parameters were sought by determining C-fiber function (laser Doppler imager [LDI]flare technique) and maximum microvascular hyperemia (MMH) in 13 subjects with diabetic CN (DCN), 10 subjects with DPN, and 10 healthy control subjects. Additionally, unaffected limbs of the nine DCN subjects with unilateral CN (UCN) were studied to determine whether any observed differences precede CN.
RESULTS—LDIflare area was reduced in DPN (mean ± SD 1.41 ± 0.51 cm2) and DCN (1.42 ± 0.37) groups compared with the healthy control group (5.24 ± 1.33; P &lt; 0.0001). MMH was higher in DCN (432 ± 88 PU [perfusion units]) than in DPN (262 ± 71; P = 0.001) subjects but lower than in the control group (564 ± 112; P &lt; 0.01). LDIflare area and MMH were similar in the UCN and DCN groups.
CONCLUSIONS—C-fiber function is equally impaired in neuropathic patients with and without CN; however, a higher MMH distinguishes those with CN. Unaffected and affected limbs of those with unilateral CN have the same neurovascular abnormalities, suggesting that these abnormalities precede CN and are not a result of CN.
Glycemic Effects of Moderate Alcohol Intake Among Patients With Type 2 Diabetes
Authors: Shai Iris , Wainstein Julio , Harman-Boehm Ilana , Raz Itamar , Fraser Drora , Rudich Assaf , Stampfer Meir J. 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—In a randomized controlled trial, we assessed the effect of daily moderate alcohol intake on glycemic control in the fasting and postprandial states in patients with type 2 diabetes who previously had abstained from alcohol.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—We randomly assigned 109 patients (41–74 years old) with established type 2 diabetes who abstained from alcohol to receive 150 ml wine (13 g alcohol) or nonalcoholic diet beer (control) each day during a 3-month multicenter trial. The beverages were consumed during dinner. Diet and alcohol consumption were monitored.
RESULTS—During the intervention, 17% of participants (12% from the alcohol group) dropped out, leaving 91 who completed the trial. Within the alcohol group, fasting plasma glucose (FPG) decreased from 139.6 ± 41 to 118.0 ± 32.5 mg/dl after 3 months compared with 136.7 ± 15.4 to 138.6 ± 27.8 mg/dl in the control subjects (Pv = 0.015). However, alcohol consumption had no effect on 2-h postprandial glucose levels (difference of 18.5 mg/dl in the control group vs. 17.7 mg/dl in the alcohol group, Pv = 0.97). Patients in the alcohol group with higher baseline A1C levels had greater reductions in FPG (age-adjusted correlation −0.57, Pv &lt; 0.001). No significant changes were observed in the levels of bilirubin, alkaline phosphatase, alanine aminotransferase, or aspartate aminotransferase, and no notable adverse effects were reported. Participants in the alcohol group reported an improvement in the ability to fall asleep (Pv &lt; 0.001).
CONCLUSIONS—Among patients with type 2 diabetes who had previously abstained from alcohol, initiation of moderate daily alcohol consumption reduced FPG but not postprandial glucose. Patients with higher A1C may benefit more from the favorable glycemic effect of alcohol. Further intervention studies are needed to confirm the long-term effect of moderate alcohol intake.
Une grammaire locale de l'expression des sentiments
Authors: Gross Maurice 
Published: November 2007

M. Gross
We present the grammar of a set of sentences that express "feelings". We consider two main types : sentences with two arguments, one is a person and the other is the "feeling" affecting this person. We study all syntactic patterns that correspond to such semantically defined utterances. The second type of sentences is causative with respect to the preceding one, hence a third argument is introduced : the noun phrase that triggers the "feeling". We study again the syntactic patterns available in French to express this situation and the syntactic transformations that relate both types.
Radical polymerization of vinyl monomers in the presence of carbon black initiated by 2,2'‐azobisisobutyronitrile and benzoyl peroxide in ionic liquid
Authors: Ueda Jun , Yamaguchi Hiroshi , Shirai Kumi , Yamauchi Takeshi , Tsubokawa Norio 
Published: November 2007

AbstractThe radical polymerization behavior of vinyl monomers, such as styrene, methyl methacrylate (MMA), and vinyl acetate (VAc), in the presence of carbon black initiated by benzoyl peroxide (BPO) and 2,2'‐azobisisobutyronitrile (AIBN) in ionic liquid (IL) was compared with those in toluene. 1‐Butyl‐3‐methylimidazolium hexafluorophosphate was used as IL. The radical polymerization of vinyl monomers initiated by BPO and AIBN in the presence of carbon black was remarkably retarded in toluene. On the contrary, the retardation of the polymerization by carbon black was considerably reduced in IL. During the radical polymerization in the presence of carbon black, a part of polymer formed was grafted onto carbon black surface based on the termination reaction of the growing polymer radicals with carbon black surface. The percentage of grafting and molecular weight of polymer in IL were much higher than those in toluene. This may be due to the fact that lifetime of the growing polymer radical is prolonged because of high viscosity of IL. Therefore, the growing polymer radicals with higher molecular weight were trapped by carbon black surface, because of stabilization of polymer radicals. © 2007 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. J Appl Polym Sci, 2008
NMR and the uncertainty principle: How to and how not to interpret homogeneous line broadening and pulse nonselectivity. I. The fundamentals
Authors: szántay Csaba 
Published: November 2007

AbstractBoth the essence of homogeneous NMR line broadening as well as the fact that a short monochromatic radiofrequency pulse exhibits a polychromatic spectral bandwidth and is consequently associated with a broad off‐resonance NMR excitation band are often rationalized in terms of a superficial and/or misguided use of the “Uncertainty Principle.” The problem is of quite fundamental nature, and stems from several deeper “issues” that reach beyond the world of NMR. To explore this topic, we need to go back to some basic concepts including the Fourier transform, time‐frequency analysis, different versions of the “uncertainty principle,” and linear systems theory. My theme will be developed in four subsequent articles. First, by employing an approach that is unconventional in its thematic structure and applied nomenclature, I present an overview of some basic ideas (periodicity, basis functions, harmonic waves, density functions, etc.) that will then pave the way to discussing, in a somewhat avant‐garde manner, the Fourier transform in Part II. © 2007 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Concepts Magn Reson Part A 30A: 309–348, 2007.