bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Recent Political Changes in the Moslem World
Authors: Lybyer Albert Howe 
Published: May 2006

Ten years ago the Moslem world seemed near to political extinction. The only portion of it that could present a reasonable claim to be called independent was Turkey, and Turkish freedom was hampered by debt control, which gave foreigners the command of a large fraction of the Turkish revenues, and by the Capitulations, which allowed foreigners to reside on Turkish territory without obedience to Turkish laws. At the close of the Great War this last remnant of the once vast political Islam seemed about to be destroyed. But in a little more than five years a very different situation has developed among the Moslems, and in many regions they are moving rapidly in the direction of independence and modernization. Not only Turkey, but Persia, Afghanistan, Khiva, Bokhara, Albania, Egypt, and the Hejaz claim to be independent now; while other regions, such as Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, Turkestan, and Azerbeijan, not to speak of Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco, are in different degrees stirred with the desire to become free. In fact, every portion of the Moslem world, defining it to mean those lands in which persons professing the Mohammedan faith are in the majority, aspires to full statehood. India does not fall within this definition, having only about 20 per cent of Moslems; but the Moslems of India along with the rest are agitated by the demand for the complete independence of that great country.The principal ideas that have been working in the Moslem world are self-determination, constitutionalism, the separation of church and state, the desire to obtain the benefits of modern scientific advances, and unwillingness to remain indefinitely among those regarded as backward peoples. All of these ideas have had their origin or their recent development in western civilization. They have all been greatly promoted by the example and in many cases by the actual promises of Western nations engaged in the recent war.
The Constitutionality of Old Age Pensions
Authors: Goodnow Frank J. 
Published: May 2006

The question of the constitutionality of government aid to the needy classes in the community may arise because of the existence of the rule which forbids the exercise of the power of taxation for any but a public purpose.The general principle that the purposes for which this power may be exercised must be public is perfectly clear, but the principle is to be applied in the light of our history. Thus from a very early time in the history of both England and this country the taxing power had been used to provide funds for the support of the poor. The poor laws, as they were called, have been regarded as constitutional notwithstanding the general rule of constitutional law to which allusion has been made.As new conditions have appeared to make necessary attempts on the part of the legislature to accord aid to various classes of individuals in the community, the courts have been called upon to determine whether such attempts are forbidden by the principle requiring that the purpose of the legislature shall have been public or whether they fairly come under the exception to the rule which has been shown always to have existed.
Administrative Reorganization in Iowa
Authors: Horack F. E. 
Published: May 2006

Apart from the agitation of such questions as the regulation of primary elections, equal suffrage, the initiative and referendum, and the debates on the establishment of the board of control of state institutions in 1898 and the creation of the state board of education in 1909, there has been little or no discussion of the problem of the reorganization of state government in Iowa until very recently. Indeed, a lively interest in the problems of reorganization seems first to have found expression in 1913 in the thirty-fifth general assembly which, besides endorsing the short ballot principle by providing for the appointment of the state superintendent of public instruction, the clerk of the supreme court, and the supreme court reporter, authorized the joint committee on retrenchment and reform to employ “expert accountants and efficiency engineers” and to “institute such changes in the administration of public affairs as will promote the efficiency and economical administration of the affairs of the State in its various departments.”It was in accordance with the legislation of March 17, 1913, that the firm of Quail, Parker & Co. was engaged to assist the joint committee on retrenchment and reform and under the direction and supervision of that committee “to examine and report upon the existing procedures incident to the transaction of the business of the State in the various offices and departments located at the seat of government in the city of Des Moines; and to make recommendations with a view to the betterment thereof.” The sum of $10,000 was appropriated to meet the expenses of the proposed investigations.
The Burgermeister, Germany's Chief Municipal Magistrate
Authors: Bishop Joseph Torrey 
Published: May 2006

The title bürgermeister first appears in German municipal history during the early part of the thirteenth century, but the exact nature of the tasks imposed upon the official at this period still remains obscured in the darkness of the Middle Ages. We know that there were such officers, and we know something as to the method of their election, but very little as to the extent of their real power. Probably, however, as Von Maurer suggests, the bürgermeister had originally no other duty than that of presiding over the civic council, a simple function, to which came later to be added a general oversight of current affairs and the enforcing of city ordinances.Considerably more, however, may be learned as to the duties of this officer in the seventeenth century, when the franchise had become more and more restricted and the number of town officers much smaller, and when, partly as a result of this decrease and partly in consequence of the awakening industrial life of the period, there had come to be an increase in the importance of town officials, and naturally among the rest in that of the chief magistrate.
An Index of Comparative Legislation
Authors: Dodd W. F. 
Published: May 2006

For several years the plan of publishing an annual index or summary of foreign legislation has been under discussion among American students of political science. The Librarian of Congress has recommended that such a publication be undertaken by the United States Government, and it seems possible that his efforts in this direction may finally be successful. Information concerning foreign legislation is now difficult to obtain, and the usefulness of a publication that would make more easily available the substance of current foreign laws is well recognized.The demand for information of foreign legislation may be said to come from three sources: (1) From practicing lawyers who handle cases involving the laws of other countries. The increasing American investments abroad and the closer social relations which have developed between the United States and foreign countries make it necessary that our lawyers should know something of the legal institutions of other nations. In our great seaboard cities lawyers have already begun to devote themselves to foreign law as a specialty, and important legal firms find it necessary to have foreign connections. (2) Our legislators are beginning to look more closely into the experiences of other countries. Statesmen are coming to see that one country may well prove a laboratory for others in the field of social legislation, and to wish to profit by foreign successes and to avoid foreign failures. Germany has gone very far in the matter of governmental insurance and in legislation for the protection of labor, and it is within these fields that we may expect future legislation in the United States.
The tenure of English judges
Authors: McIlwain C. H. 
Published: May 2006

At the meeting of the Political Science Association last year, in the general discussion, on the subject of the recall, I was surprised and I must admit, a little shocked to hear our recall of judges compared to the English removal of judges on address of the houses of parliament.If we must compare unlike things, rather than place the recall beside the theory or the practice of the joint address, I should even prefer to compare it to a bill of attainder.In history, theory and practice the recall as we have it and the English removal by joint address have hardly anything in common, save the same general object.Though I may not (as I do not) believe in the recall of judges, this paper concerns itself not at all with that opinion, but only with the history and nature of the tenure of English judges, particularly as affected by the possibility of removal on address. I believe a study of that history will show that any attempt to force the address into a close resemblance to the recall, whether for the purpose of furthering or of discrediting the latter, is utterly misleading.In the history of the tenure of English judges the act of 12 and 13 William III, subsequently known as the Act of Settlement, is the greatest landmark. The history of the tenure naturally divides into two parts at the year 1711. In dealing with both parts, for the sake of brevity, I shall confine myself strictly to the judges who compose what since 1873 has been known as the supreme court of judicature.
The German Elections of 1928
Authors: Pollock James K. 
Published: May 2006

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.
The Law of the Constitution
Authors: Parker Edmund M. 
Published: May 2006

The seventh edition of Professor Dicey's well-known volume presents, as its most notable feature, an entirely new chapter on the droit administratif. All the previous editions have contained a chapter with this heading, but the doctrines set forth have, within the last half-dozen years, aroused so much adverse criticism that Professor Dicey has reëxamined the whole subject anew and has restated his views in what now constitutes one of the most valuable chapters of a notable book.The study of administrative law, as a branch of public law, has in recent years obtained increased recognition, and with this has come especial interest in the administrative law of France; for in that country the system has obtained its fullest development. There the evolution has been steady and although it has passed through several stages, is not yet completed. From the beginning of the nineteenth century France has had, for the determination of administrative litigation (the contentieux administratif, as it is termed) a system of special courts separate and distinct from the regular courts of the land. Other countries of continental Europe have more recently established similar courts, it is true, but in none of these is the jurisidiction of such courts as extensive as it is in the administrative courts of the French republic.
Decree Powers and Constitutional Law in France under the Third Republic
Authors: Kirchheimer Otto 
Published: May 2006

In the World War period and after, the use of extraordinary powers by the executive for legislative purposes became so widespread in Europe that constitutional theorists began to find it convenient to give up the doctrine of legislative supremacy. The constitutional basis for these extraordinary powers has been found in one of two ways: either the parliament may authorize the government to exercise certain legislative functions by way of delegation, or certain provisions in the constitution may be interpreted as giving the executive the right under certain circumstances not only to take specific administrative steps, but also to issue rules of a more general character. In either case, the question invariably arises as to how far the delegation of power may go, or as to the degree to which alleged constitutional emergency provisions may be used to supersede parliamentary legislation.In France, no constitutional emergency power is provided in the “organic” laws of 1875 which could give a starting point for independent rule-making activity. A law of April 3, 1878, defined very closely the conditions under which a state of siege may be declared and surrounded such a declaration with elaborate provisions for parliamentary supervision. It is apparent that this statute does not allow the government to decree rules of a general character.
Unitary-Multiple Election Districts
Authors: Barnett James D. 
Published: May 2006

An important innovation in the method of filling elective offices in multiple-member districts, applicable to the federal, state, and local governments alike, was inaugurated in Oregon in 1893 by an act providing that the several judges of the circuit court for Multnomah county should be elected by “departments,” consecutively numbered. Similar action was taken in the casé of the district court for Multnomah county in 1913. Likewise, an act of 1929 provides that the offices of the seven judges of the supreme court shall constitute seven “positions” and be so indicated on the ballot. The charter of the city of Portland was amended in 1934 to apply the “position” principle to the four city commissioners. Next, the three circuit judges of the second district became elective by “positions” in 1935, and so, in 1941, did the two circuit judges of Linn county. At the 1941 session of the legislature, a futile attempt was made to do the same thing for the thirteen members of the state house of representatives from Multnomah county.When the voters of any district are limited to the selection of a single officer, the “short ballot” simplifies the voters' task in choosing from among candidates at the election, prevents the “single-shotting” more or less prevalent in multiple districts, and discourages small pluralities. But in reducing these difficulties, it at the same time promotes others. In case of any office, the narrow range of choice is likely to reduce the quality of the officers. When the office is legislative, the incumbent is likely to be “district-minded” and “machine-controlled,” and so to neglect the general interests for those of the district or those of the local politicians. Such considerations were urged in favor of the compromise involved in the “position” method employed for the Portland commissioners and the representatives from Multnomah county; and they are, of course, applicable, in a degree, to the judges.
Recent Changes in German Governmental Organization
Authors: Guradze Heinz 
Published: May 2006

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”
Reconstruction in Central Europe
Authors: Tomašić Dinko 
Published: May 2006

The area of small nations between the Baltic and the Mediterranean has always been exposed to the rivalries and pressures of the Great Powers, due to its strategic and commercial importance, and because of its location on crossroads of conflicting cultures, religions, political and economic systems. A like situation might again arise at the end of the present war when the peasant peoples of these regions find themselves faced with the growing strength of the Soviet socialism and an expanding Western capitalism, whose application of the principles of the Atlantic Charter and of the Four Freedoms might widely differ. The problem of reconstruction of this part of Europe should be examined, therefore, from the point of view of the possibility of reorganizing this zone of perennial friction and insecurity into a politically and economically balanced and stabilized unit, and into a constructive link between the two diverse worlds of ideas and of institutional practices.The internal political difficulties of these countries, from Poland to Greece, have in the main resulted from the incompatibility of the feudal-like régimes with the growing political activation of the people. The states formed on the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian Empire inherited many of its feudal characteristics. In Poland, a military group, landed gentry, and state officials, supported by the Church hierarchy, ruled the country, while the parliament and the written constitution existed only nominally. In Hungary, the landed magnates and gentry were the actual ruling classes, and in Austria medieval scholasticism and clericalism were the ideological and political agents behind the authoritarian régime. Of all succession states, Czechoslovakia alone seemed superficially free of feudal remnants, because this industrially advanced country had an independent and liberal bourgeois class.
The Political Scientist and National Service in War-Time: Report of the Committee on War-Time Services of the American Political Science Association
Authors: Hyneman Charles S. 
Published: May 2006

This is a time when the nation expects every man to do his duty. The first duty of a learned profession is to determine how its members can be of greatest usefulness. This report is intended to be an analysis of possible and proper contributions which political scientists may make to the national effort. For the most part, it suggests ways and means to the individual; it makes few recommendations for action by the Association.This report examines the opportunities for public service which are available to political scientists in the following fields of activity: (1) in public employment; (2) in undertaking tasks for the federal government; (3) in undertaking needed research; (4) in training persons for the public service; (5) in advancing public understanding of war-time and post-war problems; and (6) in strengthening democratic institutions and ways. Much of what is said on each of these subjects will be applicable to other social sciences and to colleges and universities as a whole.
Some Recent British White Papers
Authors: Wickwar W. Hardy 
Published: May 2006

The Beveridge, Scott, and Uthwatt reports are all concerned with the widening framework of governmental action within which our free enterprise system operates. None of them is revolutionary. The Scott report has even been called reactionary. The Beveridge and Uthwatt reports are based on a generation of practical experience. In their attempt to infuse a few clear principles into future policy, these two great reports, in their different ways, point towards greater order and system, the smoothing away of anomalies, the filling in of gaps. Procedures which have served certain categories of people or certain localities, they attempt to make universally and equally available to all people or to all localities. They mark a decisive step in the passage from the fragmentariness that is inseparable from experiment to the universality that is characteristic of good government.Sir William Beveridge's plan for social security is nothing less than an attempt to abolish want by redistributing income. He assumes that society has somehow to pay the cost of privation in any case, and therefore might as well do so consciously and deliberately through the instrumentality of government.
The Concept of a “Cooling-Off Period”
Authors: Fisher Allan G. B. 
Published: May 2006

There has at various times during the war been a good deal of discussion of the advantages to be gained from interposing a “cooling-off period” between the conclusion of hostilities in the obvious sense and the formal execution of an elaborate peace treaty. During such a possibly prolonged period of armistice (or whatever else it might be called), some of the passions generated during the war, it is hoped, might be mitigated, and an opportunity given for more leisurely, and therefore more intelligent and farsighted, investigation of many of the knotty problems to which during the war busy statesmen can scarcely be expected to apply their minds.The attractiveness of this idea is obvious enough. It would be an inestimable benefit if somehow or other we could ensure that the postwar settlement would be made by people immune from the passions and hatreds which on all sides are likely to generate clouded and distorted thinking after the war. And it is equally obvious that, even with the most careful preparation now, there will, at the conclusion of the war, still be questions of first-rate importance, about which few people whose judgment merited respect would be prepared to offer confident solutions for immediate application. And even if they had confidence in their judgments on these issues, they are unlikely during the war to make as much progress as might be desired in convincing all the parties whose coöperation will be essential for the execution of their plans of the wisdom of their views.