bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
L'avènement du Pacifique
Authors: Vermont René 
Published: November 2007

The Reign of the Pacific, by René Vermont
The shift of the world economic and technological center of gravity towards the Eastern Pacific is being more and more frequently noted. In addition to economists analysing the increasing interdependence of its bordering States (Japan, United States, Australia, Canada) the NICs (newly industrialized countries: South Korea, Taïwan, Hong-Kong, Singapore) and the developing countries (Indonesia, Malaysia), some pioneers have imagined flexible structures for organising this area. Since obviously the model of the European Economic Community will not be used, suggestions have been put forward which take account of the specific characteristics of this immense area where the heterogeneity of the cultures and the age differences of the economies constitute obstacles to the fullfilment of Theodore Roosevelt's prediction in 1901: "The next century will be the century of the Pacific". The potential and the dynamism of this area are analysed here and the Japanese, American and Australian organisational projects described. The presence of four world powers (United States, Japan, China, USSR) in the Pacific give every organisational attempt a geopolitical dimension.
Le conflit israélo-arabe : les chances d'une paix générale
Authors: Sid-Ahmed Mohamed 
Published: November 2007

The Israelo-Arab Conflict: the Chances of a General Peace, by Mohamed Sid-Ahmed
Egypt is not, as one is too often tempted to think in the West, the last stability holm in the Arab world. By beheading the opposition, Sadate proved that peace with Israel was not on par with social peace. The Camp David process cannot lead to general peace in the Middle East. Begin's acomplished facts policy is approved by the Israelian electorate on the whole. For Reagan, the clash with URSS is the keystone of American diplomacy in the Middle East. Describing the PLO as a terrorist organisation, Reagan tends to depreciate the importance of the Palestinian factor. In the actual context, there is only place for suspicion between Egypt and Israel. In Begin's eyes, Sadate wants to get back the Sinai so as to take fullest advantage of the success among the other Arab countries, the Israelis only being given piece of paper in exchange. For Sadate, Begin's price for the Sinai is so high that his power will be in danger until the restitution of this territory.
Les dilemmes de la sécurité du Pakistan
Authors: Kamal Nazir 
Published: November 2007

Les dilemmes de la sécurité du Pakistan, par Nazir Kamal
Selon l'auteur, on ne peut que souligner la complexité et la précarité de la situation pakistanaise, confrontée d'une part à la détermination de Moscou à installer un régime pro-soviétique à Kaboul et d'autre part à l'Inde fermement résolue à maintenir sa suprématie politique et militaire dans le sous-continent. Situé dans une région en proie aux visées hégémoniques des superpuissances, le Pakistan est contraint à une diplomatie à la fois habile et prudente. Beaucoup dépend de la solution de la crise afghane, l'expansion du conflit pouvant avoir des conséquences désastreuses pour la sécurité physique et l'intégralité territoriale du Pakistan. Mais il est urgent que, dans leur intérêt, le Pakistan et l'Inde réfrènent une évolution qui les entraîne vers un futur incertain : on ne peut que déplorer que ces deux pays en développement à bas revenu consacrent 6 milliards de dollars à leur défense. Si la stabilité des relations indo-pakistanaises est un élément indispensable à la solution de la crise afghane, l'échec de leur normalisation aurait une dimension humaine tragique.
La politique européenne de la France : New Look ou New Deal ?
Authors: De La Serre Françoise 
Published: November 2007

La politique européenne de la France : New Look ou New Deal ?, par Françoise de La Serre
Quelle est la part du changement et celle de la continuité dans la politique européenne du gouvernement français ? Il est prématuré de répondre à cette question mais quelques orientations, données notamment par le Mémorandum remis en octobre aux partenaires, sont perceptibles. La volonté de situer la politique française dans sa "dimension européenne" s'accompagne d'une acceptation critique mais pragmatique d'un acquis communautaire que Paris cherche à infléchir et de la même âpre défense des intérêts nationaux - notamment agricoles - que sous le gouvernement précédent. La reprise de l'acquis communautaire dans le domaine de la coopération politique, en particulier en ce qui concerne le Moyen-Orient, suscite en revanche davantage de difficultés. A plus longue échéance, se pose le problème de la compatibilité des options européennes et intérieures de la France à la fois dans le domaine de l'intégration économique et dans celui des relations extérieures.
La Turquie entre la recherche de l'équilibre et l'isolement
Authors: Vaner Semih 
Published: November 2007

Turkey between the search for a balance and isolation, by Semih Vaner
Since the end of World War II, Turkey's foreign policy went through two relatively distinct phases: the first one started when Ankara joined completely the Western camp, the second one started in 1964-1965 with the Turkish diplomacy trying to follow a more balanced policy - rapprochment with the socialist camp, normalisation with the Arab world and, in some occasions, greater sensibilisation to the Third World's theses. This search for balance was not enough to draw the country completely out of its isolation, which was deeply felt, especially during the surging of the Cypriot crisis. The military coup of September 1st 1980 has not apparently radically questioned the reorientation of the Turkish diplomacy. The evolution of the domestic policy, the recent events in the Middle East, the malaise in the Turko-European relations and the peripheric conflict which divides the two Aegean border States drives us to the conclusion that, in the near future, Turkey will probably be more dependent on the United States than bound to Europe.
La position française : des difficultés d'être un bon "latino"
Authors: Tatu Michel 
Published: November 2007

Latin America: The French Dilemma, by Michel Tatu
For the French Left, whose tradition incorporates both Marxist and Christian ideas, Latin America is an area of special interest both ideologically and in terms of political contact. For François Mitterrand, "rapprochement" with activist and revolutionary movements is a double investment, serving both French and general Western interests. Someone who has succeeded in making the French Communist Party a docile satellite may well judge himself "stronger than Communism". Since the elections in El Salvador, however, the Socialist Party and the French Government have adopted a low profile with regard to Central America. A reexamination is required of a policy which satisfies neither the left or centre of the political spectrum. The importance of correctly assessing when a movement has become "irrecuperably communist" was traumatically demonstrated in Vietnam. It is also necessary to judge whether it is more important to maintain good relations with particular revolutionary movements or with Latin America as a whole. French support for the United Kingdom in the Falkland conflict can only destroy what little has been built up by the new policies in Central America.
Amérique centrale : reste-t-il des options ?
Authors: Hermet Guy 
Published: November 2007

Central America: Do Options Still Exist?, by Guy Hermet
The revival of armed revolutionary movements in Central America has caused great concern to neighbouring countries and to Latin America as a whole, but the Latin American solidarity principle prevents acceptance of the idea of Central America being either a United States sphere of influence or a field of confrontation between East and West. The problem obviously has wider international repercussions, but the greater the importance it assumes, the harder it is to solve.
L'URSS et l'équilibre des forces
Authors: Arbatov Gueorgui , Moïsi Dominique 
Published: November 2007

European defence, by Lothar Ruehl
For the last ten years, European defence has been faced with the prohlem of continuons improvement and reinforcement of the Warsaw Pact forces. The new types of Soviet nuclear arms, espe-cially the SS-20, have profoundly altered the situation. The SS-20, unlike its predecessors, and thanks to its manœuvrability and précision, acts as an instrument of intimidation and counter-dissuasion as it neutralizes Western dissuasion Systems. It also makes it strate gically possible to limit war to Europe. It is of little importance whether the Soviet leaders are fully aware of the challenge which the weapons represent. Europe must resist the consequences of the change and work towards recreating situation of balanced dissuasion between East and West before it is too late. In this context, France's role is of great importance. While still preserving her independence, she must participate in the common defence of Europe
Youri Andropov aux prises avec la direction collégiale
Authors: Tatu Michel 
Published: November 2007

Andropov and the succession crisis, by Michel Tatu
Brezhnev's succession seems at first sight similar to Kruschev's in 1964-1965. Andropov is consolidating his new position, but résistance is emerging within the Party machine. The campaign against corruption has been redirected. An attempt to « open up » the Afghan problem has corne to nought. Andropov himself seems to have suffered a relative eclipse since the end of December 1982, although only in questions of nuance. If the Italian inquiries into the attempted assassination of Jean-Paul II should confirm KGB involvement, Andropov's authority and effectiveness on the international scene would certainly be handicapped. There is deeper significance to the Chernenko-Andropov quarrel than mere personal antagonism. With Andropov's accession to power, the Party no longer controls police activity. It is rather that the Police is beginning to take charge of the Party and the State.
Le PCF et les euromissiles
Authors: Gnesotto Nicole 
Published: November 2007

Le PCF et les euromissiles, par Nicole Gnesotto
En 1977, le Parti communiste français rallie la dissuasion nucléaire française. En 1983, pour résoudre le problème des euromissiles, le PCF demande l'ouverture des négociations de Genève à l'ensemble des pays européens, France comprise. Le PCF aurait-il abandonné son nationalisme d'il y a cinq ans au profit d'une intégration de facto de la France dans l'OTAN ? Et comment réussira-t-il à concilier cette évolution avec une politique gouvernementale intransigeante sur l'indépendance des forces nucléaires françaises ? Autant de questions que le « pacifisme » communiste oblige aujourd'hui à poser, et, avec elles, celle de l'Europe que le PCF a désormais liée à celle de paix.
L'Europe de la nostalgie
Authors: Gorand François 
Published: November 2007

Nostalgia for Europe, by François Gorand
The political situation in Central Europe and the Balkans is not at a standstill. At the present time, they seem to be experiencing two simultaneous crises, one conjunctural, récurrent in character, and resulting from stale government and deteriorating economie conditions. The other is more profound, and centres on the relationships between the people and their regimes. The manifestations of these crises vary from country and some are only beginning. There are many reasons why Western Europe should not remain disinterested, one of which is the renaissance of a poignant nostalgia for « Europe » felt by the people in the East.
Les inquiétudes européennes face aux systèmes de défense anti-missiles
Authors: Yost David 
Published: November 2007

European anxieties about ballistic missile defense, by David S. Yost
European anxieties about US ballistic missile defense (BMD) initiatives are premature, because the US has so far only expanded its re- search and development efforts in response to Soviet BMD activities. The anxieties expressed in Europe ― a « destabilization » of the East-West military stalemate ; a collapse of arms control ; and Soviet neutralization of US guarantees to Europe and of British and French nuclear forces ― are understandable. But Europe and America can and should be prepared to work together to surmount these risks and devise a security posture adapted to changing threats and technological constraints.
L'avenir de Yalta
Authors: Brzezinski Zbigniew 
Published: November 2007

The Future of Yalta, by Zbigniew Brzezinski
The fiftieth anniversary of Yalta is only ten years away. It should be our shared goal to fashion by then political-military arrangements which, instead of perpetuating the division of Europe — and perharps even prompting West Europe's political decay —, create the preconditions for peacefully undoing Yalta. A Western Europe essentially self-reliant in regional defense, while covered by the US System of nuclear deterrence and also eventually by US strategie defense, would be a Western Europe more capable of pursuing a positive policy toward the East withoutfear of domination by Moscow. Only Europeans can restore Europe. To be sure, Moscow will resist the aspirations of the Europeans. But one should not underestimate Moscow's adaptability, as the organic growth of a larger Europe is gathering momentum. Yalta must be consigned to Europe's past if it is not to become Europe's future.
Images et réalités de la menace militaire soviétique
Authors: Boyer Yves 
Published: November 2007

Myths and Realities of the Soviet Military Menace, by Yves Boyer
In France, more than in any other country, there is a tendency to make too close a link between the ideological and military aspects of the Soviet menace. It is a dangerous error considering the very different nature of the minds and laws which formulate and govern ideology and strategy. Trying to assimilate the two leads to mistaken conceptions of the potential enemy. The challenge which the West must face is the Soviet mastery of contemporary strategy rather than their quantitative superiority in terms of men and military material.
La stratégie soviétique en Afghanistan et ses limites
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2007

Soviet Strategy and Its Limitations in Afghanistan, by Olivier Roy
In the short term, Soviet intervention in Afghanistan can be viewed as a reaction to the collapse of a neighbouring communist regime, but in the long term it must be seen rather as an expansionary pus h towards warm-water ports. The USSR's ultimate goal is the integration of Afghanistan within the Soviet world, though the implementation of this strategy is very flexible. The Soviets seek to maintain the war within limits compatible with their other priorities. They are reluctant to raise the present level of intervention, preferring to rely on their present three pronged policy, which consists of military force to contain rebel strongholds, a pacification programme aimed at disarming the country-side, and a slow but steady sovietisation of the towns. However, the steady reinforcement of Afghan résistance présents them with a difficult set of choices. They must either strengthen their expeditionary force, use chemical weapons, destabilise Pakistan or negotiate. Should Président Reagan propose to negotiate on regional conflicts, it is feasible that the Soviets would embark on negotiations on Afghanistan. Their sole aim would of course be American and Pakistani withdrawal front participation in the conflict, as it is improbable they would seriously envisage pulling out their troops even in exchange for a genuine neutralisation of Afghanisation.
L'embargo céréalier de 1980 ou les limites de l'« arme verte »
Authors: Labbé Marie-Hélène 
Published: November 2007

The 1980 Cereal Embargo or the Limitations of the Food Weapon, by Marie-Hélène Labbé
What are the weapons which the West can use to discourage unacceptable Soviet actions ? Diplomatie action is ineffective and military action too dangerous. The remaining option is the one of economie sanctions, long a favourite of American foreign policy, though often critieized for the « boomerang effect », it tends to produce against the instigating country. The example of Jimmy Carter's cereal embargo after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan is a good illustration of the limitations of the « food weapon ». Without strong backing from American public opinion and even more important, with no real international cooperation, the cereal embargo ended up having a more deleterious effect on the US than on the Soviet economy. However, one should forget neither the very hasty way in which this décision was taken in 1980 (in a climate of strategie confusion and tactical improvisation) nor its « symbolic » aspect. Study of the 1980 cereal embargo should teach us not simply to condemn the « food weapon » but to be aware of its limitations.
L'option double zéro et le sort de l'Europe
Authors: Davydov Youri 
Published: November 2007

The Double Zero Option and the Fate of Europe, by Youri Davydov
A large number of politicians, historians and personalities in both East and West have hurried to proclaim the Treaty on Intermediate and Short-range Missiles an historic achievement. It is indeed the first time in human history that a treaty between the two greatest world powers has secured an actual reduction in deadly modern weaponry which was poised for mutal extermination. In spite of the serious differences between the two superpowers, especially on nuclear defence, the signing of the Treaty was made possible by the political leaders' discovery of common interest in the liquidation of two categories of nuclear arms. According to Youri Davydov it was the realization that the nuclear factor had become too cumbersome and top-heavy in relations between East and West (specifically the URSS and United States) which led to mutually advantageous « rebalance of interests ». The consequences of signing this Treaty, however, go far beyond the framework of bilateral relations. This act has demonstrated that nuclear disarmament can be possible and that the process may already have been set in motion. The idea of nuclear-free world is no longer the unattainable dream that it was once considered. The reverberations of « the double zero option » have already made themselves felt in Europe and will continue to do so.
Quarante ans de politique étrangère israélienne
Authors: Rafaël Gideon 
Published: November 2007

Quarante ans de politique étrangère israélienne, par Gideon Rafaël
L'auteur décrit les principaux objectifs de la politique'étrangère israélienne guidée par sa quête continue de la paix avec ses voisins et son attention constante à assurer son existence contre leurs desseins hostiles. L'auteur étudie les relations d'Israël avec les pays d'Europe occidentale et le Tiers-Monde. Il insiste sur l'importance de la paix avec l'Egypte et l'influence de quarante années de conflit israélo-arabe, avec cinq guerres importantes, sur la nature du peuple israélien. En soutenant l'initiative de paix du secrétaire d'Etat Shultz, il soutient que le conflit israélo-arabe est à la croisée des chemins : l'un conduit à une guerre aux dimensions dévastatrices, l'autre vers un arrangement pacifique qui pourrait réconcilier les droits légitimes du peuple palestinien avec les droits d'Israël à la paix à l'intérieur de frontières sûres et reconnues. L'auteur examine de manière critique l'état actuel,du désordre intérieur et du trouble extérieur.
L'internationalisation de la société japonaise : enjeux et perspectives
Authors: Seizelet Eric 
Published: November 2007

The Internationalisation of Japanese Society : Stakes and Prospects, by Eric Seizelet
The internationalisation of Japan became a major theme for decision makers in the 1980s. Although the economie and strategie implications of this new policy have been largely explored, other areas are unclear, because the objective itself has been stated so broadly and rhetorically without taking account of Japan s socio-cultural idiosyncracies. In spite of the increasingly cosmopolitan quality of daily life, the average Japanese is reluctant to make a Personal commitment to this process, and remains bound by traditional national views. In fact one can question whether there really is a true move to internationalisation or rather a modernisation of fundamental traditions.
L'Albanie : pas de changements, mais...
Authors: Schreiber Thomas 
Published: November 2007

Albania : No Change in Sight, except..., by Thomas Schreiber
The upheavals in East European states have not passed unnoticed in Albania, the last Stalinist country of the continent. Officially there is no question of liberalising the regime, but nevertheless a certain easing of political rigidity is perceptible. The rulers do seem willing to implement certain reforms and in the field of foreign policy, Tirana is showing a new openness, Albania no longer wishes to remain isolated and internal change seem inévitable.
Le CAEM à l'épreuve de la perestroïka
Authors: Lorot Pascal 
Published: November 2007

Comecon Faces the Test of Perestroïka, by Pascal Lorot
In the light of current economie reforms in Eastern Europe, the Commission for Mutual Economie Assistance (Comecon) is undergoing an intensive reexamination and overhaul. There is consensus among the participating countries on the need to reform of the organisation. But opinions differ as to the changes to be made. In fact certain countries are in favour of eliminating it altogether. In the meantime, fundamental decisions were made during the last Council meeting in Sofia in early January concerning inter-Comecon payments arrangements, which, if ratified, will benefit principally the Soviet Union.
Désarmement régional en Europe et sécurité collective
Authors: Klein Jean 
Published: November 2007

Conventional Disarmament in Europe and Collective Security, by Jean Klein
Considered by the Charter of the United Nations as a way to promote world wide collective security, disarmament became during the East-West confrontation one of the means to stabilize the military balance between the two alliances. Nevertheless, the talks on mutual and balanced force réductions in Central Europe (MBFR) were a failure and an agreement on conventional forces in Europe could only be concluded after the changes in Soviet Foreign Policy under Gorbatchev and the desintégration of the Warsaw Pact Organisation. Although the Paris treaty on conventional forces has only a limited significance it responds to the Western concerns and is a first step towards a multilateral agreement linked to the CSCE process.
Au-delà de l'Europe
Authors: Petit André 
Published: November 2007

Beyond Europe, by André Petit
The first attempt at a modem world organization — the League of Nations — failed for well known reasons. The United Nations was an improvement but it was paralysed for a long time by the cold war and by the demagogie character of its General Assembly. The European Community is an economie success but it is asking for trouble to expect it to become a sovereign entity especially in a world framework. The important task now is to progress a the third stage of world organization — putting aside traditional concepts of national sovereignty in ail countries including the United States and the European Community.
La France, l'OTAN et l'avenir de la dissuasion en Europe
Authors: Bozo Frédéric 
Published: November 2007

France, NATO and the Future of Nuclear Deterrence in Europe, by Frédéric Bozo
For the past three decades, France's and NATO's strategy have entertained a relationship of unreconciliable opposition. Disagreements over the nuclear threshold and the very nature of nuclear weapons, and indeed over the essence of nuclear deterrence, have fueled a long tradition of strategie divergences. Yet the recent changes in the fabric of European security, which are likely to lead to the demise of the bloc system, should put an end to this logic and prompt a strategie convergence between France and NATO. Hence-forth, this convergence will need to be managed by France and her Atlantic and European partners essentially as a political issue with a view to reaching a general consensus over the role of nuclear weapons in post cold war Europe.