bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
ΑΙΓΑΙΩΝ in Achilles' Plea to Thetis
Authors: Hooker J. T. 
Published: May 2006

When Achilles asks Thetis to plead his cause before Zeus, he urges her to remind the god of her past favours towards him (II. i 396-406):πολλάκι γάρ σεο πατρὸς ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν ἄκουσαεὐχομένης , ὅτ᾿ ἔφησθα κελαινεφέϊ Κρονίωνιοἴη ἐν ἀθανάτοισιν ἀεικέα λοιγὸν ἀμῦναι,ὁππότε μιν ξυνδῆσαι ᾿Ολύμπιοι ἤθελον ἄλλοι,῾῾ ´ Ηρη τ᾿ ἠδὲ Ποσειδάων καὶ Παλλὰς ᾿ Αθήνηἀλλὰ σὺ τόν γ᾿ ἐλθοῦσα,θεά, ὑπελύασο δεσμῶν,ὦχ᾿ ἐκατόγχειρον καλέσασ᾿ ἐςμακρὸν ᾿ ´ Ολυμπον, ὅν Βριάρεων καλέουσι θεοί, ἄνδρες δέ τε πάντες Αἰγαίων᾿—ὁ γὰρ αὖτε βίην οὖ πατρὸς ἀμείνων—ὅς ῥα παρὰ Κρονίωνι καθέζετο κύδεϊ γαίωντὸν καὶ ὑπέδεισαν μάκαρες θεοὶ οὐδ᾿ ἔτ᾿ ἔδησανA major problem attends the phrase ὁ γὰρ αὗτε βιην οὗπατρὸς ἀμείνων(11. i 404). It has been suggested that the name Αἰγαίων represents a patronymic in -ῖων based on Αἰγαῖος. The suggestion is unexceptionable in itself, in view of the close connexions between Poseidon and Aegae; but it does nothing to resolve the difficulty of supposing that Poseidon was Aegaeon’s father and, above all, it does not tell us how the name Αἰγαίων is explained by the phrase ὁ γὰρ αὖτε. . . In a note on these words, M. M. Willcock accepted the common view that they give an ‘etymological’ explanation of the name Αἰγαίων, but suggested that they would be more easily intelligible as anexplanation of the giant’s other name, Βριάρεως (after βριαρός etc.). Willcock was right to raise this objection. There is no reason to suppose that the father of Aegaeon/ Briareos was different from the father of the other giants, and Hesiod specifically says that his father was Uranus (Th. 147-9). The paternity of this giant might therefore be a scholarly invention; and not a happy invention, for however strong Aegaeon may have been he could hardly be said to be mightier than Poseidon.
Solon, Fragment 25
Authors: Stinton T. C. W. 
Published: May 2006

7 πῖαρ Plut.: πυαρ pap.Ath. Pol.ἀνταράξας … ἐξεῖλε pap., coniecerat Gildersleeve: ἂν ταράξας ἐξέλη Plut.Solon is answering his critics (Aristotle,Ath. Pol.12.5). Thedemoshas never had it so good. The ‘bigger and stronger men’, μείζους καὶ βίαν ἀμείνονες, also have cause to thank him. For if anyone else had had this office, ‘he would not have restrained thedemos, nor would he have stopped, before’, etc. Plutarch (Vit. Sol.16) introduces the lines in almost the same words.V. 7 is difficult. Bergk and others construe: ‘until, having stirred up the milk, he had taken the cream’. There are two objections to this. Firstly, the word order would involve an interlacing of main and participial clauses which Greek normally eschews. Bergk claims that Solon is peculiar in the freedom of his hyperbaton, but the examples he quotes (frr.1.43–5 and 23.5D) are not of this type and are very much easier. Secondly, the sense: ‘it is not usual to stir up milk when it is wanted to skim off cream’. Linforth recognised the force of this argument, and concluded, in the truth of the ancient evidence, that πῑαρ refers to butter.
Some Third Magistrates in the Athenian New Style Silver Coinage
Authors: Mattingly Harold B. 
Published: May 2006

The very term ‘third magistrate’ is really a misnomer, as Margaret Thompson has well argued. The men whose names appear as subsidiary signatures on New Style issues were probably contributors to the cost of this annual liturgy—often relatives, friends or political associates of the two men principally concerned. I would like to examine a few of them closely here.The chronology of the coinage is now fortunately very tight from c. 140 B.C., mainly thanks to Margaret Thompson's magnificent publication. It is true that she herself wanted to move back the isssue of King Mithradates/Aristion from 87/6 B.C. to c. 120 B.C.—and with it the whole coinage—but the case against this is virtually overwhelming. The arguments surely need not be laboured here. One modification, however, should be made in the ‘low chronology’. I earlier followed Lewis in regarding the Apellikon/Gorgias issue as a fixed point in 88/7 B.C. It is certainly the last of the long series of ‘three magistrates’ issues, after which the mint continued with the King Mithradates gold and silver. But I had overlooked a grave historical difficulty.The Peripatetic philosopher Athenion returned to Athens some time during the summer of 88 B.C., when Mithradates was already master of Asia Minor and threatening Thrace and Macedonia. He promptly had himself elected hoplite general, secured similar commands for his friends and within a few days established a tyranny. One of his friends—Apellikon of Teos—was put in charge of the fleet. With this he was despatched against Delos, in order to secure the island and its treasures for an Athens dedicated to Mithradates' cause. The surprise raid was a fiasco owing to the commander's incompetence and the resolution of the Italian community on Delos. Almost all Apellikon's force of 1000 men were killed or captured, his equipment destroyed. He was lucky to slip away to safety himself.
Stesichorus: The Geryoneïs
Authors: Page Denys 
Published: May 2006

More light is thrown on the poetic art of Stesichorus by the papyrus-text of his Geryoneïs than by all his other fragments together. I published some thoughts about it in the Oxford Classical Text Lyrica Graeca Selecta in 1968, and I now give the detail of the work on which that publication was based, together with the results of work which I have done since. Some of the most important of these results are not mine but Mr Barrett's, and I have been careful to acknowledge my debt to him in detail throughout.I. The TextA. PMG 184
Imago mundi: cosmological and ideological aspects of the shield of Achilles
Authors: Hardie P. R. 
Published: May 2006

The Homeric description of the shield made for Achilles by Hephaestus (Il. xviii 478–608) is the type for all later ecphrases of works of art in ancient literature. It stands out as an extravagant example of the epic poet's powers of elaborate and vivid description, so extravagant that one notable ancient critic at least, Zenodotus, felt that it was more comfortable simply to athetize the greater bulk of the passage. More symphathetic commentators of modern times have sought ways of integrating the scenes displayed on the divine artefact with the primary subject-matter of theIliad; the most common approach is to take the Shield as a summary of all human life, a mirror of society in all its aspects, against which to measure the significance of the narrow range of warfare and death that dominates the rest of the poem.The requirements of internal coherence and external relevance also guided the interpretative strategy of ancient critics less austere than Zenodotus. This paper is an inquiry into the ways that antiquity perceived and exploited the Homeric Shield of Achilles. In the first section I examine early Greek responses to the question of the contextual function of a decorated shield such as that of Achilles.
Slander's bite:Nemean7.102-5 and the language of invective
Authors: Steiner Deborah 
Published: May 2006

AbstractDiscussion of the closing lines of Pindar's seventhNemeanhas concentrated almost exclusively on the lines' relevance to the larger question that hangs over the poem: does the ode serve as an apologia for the poet's uncomplimentary treatment of Neoptolemus in an earlierPaean, and is Pindar here most plainly gainsaying the vilification in which he supposedly previously engaged. The reading that I offer suggests that a very different concern frames the conclusion to the work. Rather than seeking to exculpate himself, the poet announces instead that in the song that the audience has just heard, the composer has adhered to two prime virtues that the encomiastic genre should embrace:variatioand an ability to counter the language of blame. By reorienting the debate in this way, I aim to elucidate the striking metaphors and other rhetorical devices that fill the final lines, and most particularly to make sense of the canine imagery that seems so recurrent a motif. As my reading seeks to show, the dog is chosen as master trope both for his relation to the practice of invective and for his relevance to that stale act of repetition that the poet here rejects. By giving his audience a sample of the mode of speech that the calumnist practises, and that the praise poet may appropriate when combating the opposite genre, Pindar makes the merits of his own poetry shine the brighter, and invites thecognoscentito appreciate hissophia. More broadly, the encomiastic singer's brief deployment of the weapons of the abuse poet allows us to understand something of the overlapping and symbiotic relations between the different genres in archaic Greek poetry.
The Hybris of Odysseus
Authors: Friedrich Rainer 
Published: May 2006

At the close of the Cyclops adventure Odysseus piously sacrifices to Zeus the ram that has carried him out of Polyphemus' cave. Yet the god spurns his offering and ponders instead the destruction of Odysseus' ships and their crews (ix 553–5):These lines need explaining, as they present two difficulties, one formal, the other thematic. How can Odysseus know what Zeus is pondering? As a first-person narrator Odysseus assumes temporarily the role of the epic poet, yet without being given the latter's omniscience. He retains therefore the restricted perspective of an epic character which precludes any precise knowledge of supernatural processes.
Julian of Ascalon
Authors: Geiger Joseph 
Published: May 2006

Students of ancient metrology have long since been acquainted with a short tract, though so far none seems to have been aware of the fact that it has been published in four different versions:(1) Themanuale legum, orHexabiblos, of Constantine Harmenopulos, a Byzantine compilation dating from 1345 and transmitted in a great number of manuscripts, has been published a number of times since theeditio princepsof 1540; the most accessible edition, with Latin translation and some notes, is that of Heimbach. In book 2 ch. 4 (De novis operibus), there appears (but not in all MSS) a page-long metrological table (# 12), purporting to derive from an architect Julian of Ascalon, according to the editors not attested elsewhere. The text in the still basic collection of F. Hultsch,Metrologici scriptores(Leipzig 1864) i. 54 ff.; 200 f., on which all students of ancient metrology depend, derives from this authority. Though there is nothing in the text of Harmenopulos that indicates the end of his excerpt of Julian, it is implicit in the discussions of modern scholars that only the metrological table is Julian's work and that the paragraphs devoted to building laws which follow it derive from a different source.
Epitaphs and citizenship in Classical Athens
Authors: Meyer Elizabeth A. 
Published: May 2006

‘Death is bad for those who die, but good for the undertakers and the grave-diggers’. (Dissoi Logoii 3)And for archaeologists and for epigraphers as well, even though epitaphs, and especially simple or formulaic ones, are probably the most understudied and unloved area of ancient epigraphy. Yet the mere fact of an inscribed epitaph indicates deliberate and intentionally enduring commemoration, and therefore embodies a social attitude; epitaphs thus constitute a matter of historical importance that can be studied for the very reason that so many—in Athens over 10,000—survive. Most Athenian epitaphs which have been found have been dated, and for approximately two-thirds of them a general find-spot has been recorded (very few are actually foundin situwith a body or grave-goods). Temporal and spatial variations within the distribution of Athenian epitaphs (Part I) prompt not only the question of why aspects of this habit should change over time, but why the habit of epitaphs should exist at all; the answer suggested here links the function and distribution of Athenian epitaphs to changing concepts of (and importance attached to) Athenian citizenship. For epitaphs function as more than testimonials to grief: they represent what survivors saw as defining the deceased (Part II), and the significantly greater number of epitaphs in fourth-century Athens derives from Athenians' emphatic definition of themselves as citizens at that time (Part III). Finally, the Athenians's use of tombstones has no parallel in the classical Greek world (Part IV), for the Athenians' developing perceptions of their own city and of their own special relationship, as citizens, to it, were also unparalleled.
Epoiesen, egrapsen, and the organization of the vase trade
Authors: Seeberg Axel 
Published: May 2006

The obverse scene of the krater Oxford 526 by the Komaris Painter (Plate VI c) was the subject of J.D. Beazley's first contribution to this journal, an exemplary account from which the relevant passage deserves to be quoted:The space on A is divided by a pillar. To the left of the pillar is the painter's room. A young man dressed in an exomis and seated on a stool is painting the background of a large bell-krater of the same shape as our vase. His left arm is inside the krater, the rim resting on his thigh, and he is applying a large brush to the lower part. At his side is a stand, supporting the skyphos-shaped vase which contains the black paint. In front of the painter a fellow-workman moves to the right carrying a second krater by both handles. He has lifted it from the ground beside the painter and is carrying it out to put it down beside a third krater which stands on the ground at the extreme right of the picture. Presently the batch will go to the furnace. Beyond the pillar is another workman who moves to the right in the same attitude as the last. In his raised right hand he holds a skyphos by the foot. Perhaps he is taking it to join a batch of vases of the same shape, but more probably he has been sent by the busy painter to fetch more paint … A pleasant rhythm is thus imparted to the scene; the first figure is occupied with both vase and paint; the second with vase; and the third with paint.
Foreign Economic Involvement in Angola and Mozambique
Authors: El-Khawas Mohamed A. 
Published: May 2006

For a number of years the leaders of many African nations have voiced concern about the impact of foreign economic activity in the Portuguese-administered territories in southern Africa. They have argued that as long as a major part of Portugal's revenues are expended on military operations, particularly to suppress liberation movements in the territories, the income from such foreign economic activity helps Portugal maintain its grasp over the African territories.Largely as a result of African efforts, a United Nations resolution was passed in 1965 that recognized the relationship between foreign economic investment and Portugal's failure to grant self-determination and independence to the territories. The resolution requested that all specialized UN agencies refrain from granting assistance to Portugal and that all states refrain from any financial activity with Portugal that would impede the attainment of independence for Mozambique and Angola.Relatively little scholarly attention, however, has been paid to the role of foreign economic activity in the Portugueseadministered territories. Perhaps one reason for this is the paucity of hard data on the economic activity in each territory; another is the inherent difficulty of tracing the larger impact of any economic investment. Nevertheless, because of the importance of the issue some assessment seems warranted. This paper represents an attempt to contribute to that assessment. First, the dimensions of foreign economic investment in the territories are examined, with special emphasis on Mozambique and Angola during the decade following the outbreak of wars of liberation. Second, some comment is offered on the influence of such economic activity on efforts to attain independence within Portuguese Africa.
What Rough Beast: Neo-African Literature and the Force of Social Change
Authors: Cook William 
Published: May 2006

The Second ComingTurning and turning in the widening gyreThe falcon cannot hear the falconer;Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere 5The ceremony of innocence is drowned;The best lack all conviction, while the worstAre full of passionate intensity.Surely some revelation is at hand;Surely the Second Coming is at hand. 10The Second Comingl Hardly are those words outWhen a vast image out of Spiritus MundiTroubles my sight: somewhere in sands of the desertA shape with lion body and the head of a man,A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun, 15Is moving its slow thighs, while all about itReel shadows of the indignant desert birds.The darkness drops again; but I knowThat twenty centuries of stony sleepWere vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle, 20And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?William Butler YeatsChinua Achebe in 1959 turned to the above poem by Yeats, with its prophecy of the approach of a new age, for the title to his first novel. Ezekiel Mphalhlele in the same year chose lines seven and eight of the same powm as the epigraph to his autobiographical Down Second Avenue. This convergence upon one of the most foreboding images in modern poetry is not an accident. Both writers saw their own experiences of loss of order and future debilitation confirmed within the lines of Yeat’s apocalyptic poem. Viewed within the context of Yeats’ theory of 2000-year gyres, this vision becomes even more ominous.
Safaris in the Bush of Ghosts: Gamara Laye, Saul Bellow, and Ayi Kwei Armah
Authors: Johnson Lemuel A. 
Published: May 2006

The land of Zanj is vast, wrote Suleiman the Merchant. Its plants are all black in colour.When he gets to heaven, I don't think he'll walk through the pearly gates. He'll swing in on a grape vine. – Pat Buttram, actor, upon the death of Johnny Weismuller, January 1984.I did not know the time that I entered into a dreadful bush which is called the “Bush of Ghosts” because I was very young to understand the meaning of “bad” or “good”. This “Bush of Ghosts” was so dreadful so that no superior earthly person ever entered it. – Amos Tutuola, My Life in the Bush of Ghosts.
Africa’s Approach to Human Rights at the United Nations
Authors: Weinstein Warren 
Published: May 2006

International concern with the rights of man is not new. During the 1800s the movement to abolish slavery was an emanation of this concern. In the mid-1800s the International Committee of the Red Cross was founded in reaction to the lack of care for wounded soldiers on battlefield. Under its aegis there developed humanitarian law, both the Law of Geneva and the Law of The Hague.In the post World War I period, civil and political rights were given international protection in a series of “minorities treaties.” In addition, economic and social rights received international recognition with the creation of the International Labor Organization (I.L.O.) in 1919. Refugees received assistance with the establishment of a High Commissioner for Refugees. It has, however, only been in the post World War II period that international human rights, and their protection, have received extensive recognition.
Foreign Aid to Sadcc: An Analysis of the Reagan Administration’s Foreign Policy
Authors: Brown Ed 
Published: May 2006

During the past decade, American foreign policy interests in Southern Africa have steadily increased. In 1974, the collapse of the Portuguese government led to independence for Mozambique and Angola. More recently the Zimbabwean and Namibian liberation struggles have occupied center stage. International attention to South African events has also increased while Western concerns about Soviet influence in the region have intensified. Policy-makers in the United States have not remained immune to these changes. In fact, while American interests in the region have not really changed, they have increased because of the foregoing events and the way they are perceived by American policy makers.In April 1980, all the majority-ruled states of Southern Africa gathered in Lusaka, Zambia, and formed the Southern African Development Coordination Conference.
Agro-Technology Information and Africa-Centered Development
Authors: Kordylas J. Maud 
Published: May 2006

In 1982 I left Ghana, as director of the Food Research Institute, for Cameroon. The next three years were spent researching and gathering information and data on alternative, affordable, manageable and sustainable processes that can be put together to form workable agro-industrial systems for use in Africa.In 1984 I started experimenting with the organic system of crop production as an affordable improvement to the traditional multiple and multi-story cropping system. Several fruit trees—guava, carambola, sour sop, mango and avocado—were planted in a backyard plot of about twenty meters by nine meters or 180 square meters to which compost was applied.
Full Frobenius Groups of Finite Morley Rank and the Feit-Thompson Theorem
Authors: Jaligot Eric 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWe show how the notion of full Frobenius group of finite Morley rank generalizes that of bad group, and how it seems to be more appropriate when we consider the possible existence (still unknown) of nonalgebraic simple groups of finite Morley rank of a certain type, notably with no involution. We also show how these groups appear as a major obstacle in the analysis ofFT-groups, if one tries to extend the Feit-Thompson theorem to groups of finite Morley rank.
Studies in the Roman Province Galatia: X. The Romans in Galatia
Authors: Ramsay W. M. 
Published: May 2006

The term Galatia is here used in the widest sense, equivalent to of Γαλατιϰὴ ἐπαρχεία C.I.G. 3991.It is a remarkable feature that there is hardly any allusion in the inscriptions of Galatia to πραγματευόμενοι ʽΡωμαῖοι or ὁ δῆμος ϰαὶ οί ϰατοιϰοῦντες Ρωμϰῖοι. I do not remember one; but they may occur rarely and have escaped my notice or memory. In the province of Asia these cives qui ibi negotiantur occur very frequently.The solitary allusion of any approximate character that I know in Galatia is ὁ δῆμος οἵ τε συμπολιτευόμενοι Ρωμαῖοι, which indicates a closer connexion and more equal rights between natives and cives Romani than was the case in Asia. Paul was a Cilician, and the same rule seems to have held there as in Galatia.
A Note on the Title ‘Gemina.’
Authors: Birley E. B. 
Published: May 2006

Amid all the disputes and controversies that have centred on the Roman army of the Empire since Mommsen's day, one important chapter in that army's history has remained curiously free from question; however many legions Augustus retained, whenever this legion was raised or that destroyed, all writers are in agreement that Vespasian, early in his principate, cashiered some of the mutinous legions of the Rhine armies.The great majority of writers are agreed that the legions so dismissed were I, IIII Macedonica, XV Primigenia, and XVI Gallica; though Hardy, following Grotefend and Schilling, suggested that XV might have survived even into Trajan's principate: to-day, however, no one maintains this view, which was the outcome of a failure to account for Vespasian's apparent reduction of the number of legions.
The Number of the Sullan Senate
Authors: Hardy E.G. 
Published: May 2006

Appian (Bell. Civ. i, 59) speaking of the measures taken in 88 B.C. by the consuls Sulla and Pompeius Strabo, shortly before the former started for the East, states: κατέλεξαν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον, ὀλιγανθρωπότατον δὴ τότε μάλιστα ὂν καὶ παρὰ τοῦτ̕ εὐκαταΦρόνητον, ἀθρόους ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν τριακοσίους. Later on, in describing the acts of Sulla's dictatorship, he declares : (ibid. c. 100) αὐτῆ δὲ τῇ βουλῇ, διὰ τὰς στάσεις καὶ τοὺς πολέμους πάμπαν ὀλιγανδρούση, προσκατέλεξεν ἀμΦὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων ἱππέων, ταῖς Φυλαῖς ἀναδοὺς ΨῆΦον περὶ ἑκάστου.Are we to suppose that Appian is merely careless, and inadvertently describes the same act twice over, though assigning it to two different dates, or was the addition of three hundred fresh members really effected on both these two occasions?