bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Physics and Society
Authors: Park Robert E. 
Published: June 2006

Some seventy years ago, sixty-eight, to be exact, Walter Bagehot published a notable little volume entitled Physics and Politics, described in a subtitle as “Thoughts on the Application of the Principles of ‘Natural Selection’ and ‘Inheritance’ to Political Society.” Actually the volume sought to sketch in outline a natural history of political society, and to describe the process or processes by which later, more elaborate, and more liberal forms of association have emerged, from the dissolution of earlier, simpler, and more rigid, if not oppressive, forms.Society, or at least political society, as Bagehot conceived it, is a kind of super-organism, having a social structure which is maintained by a social process. This structure is imbedded in and cemented by custom. Man is a custom-making animal. The process in this instance which is not otherwise defined, is what we know elsewhere as “the historical process.” Its function is to weave and reweave the web of custom and tradition in which the individuals who are destined to live together and eventually act together as a political unit, are ineluctably bound together.Always there is a more or less inflexible tradition which imposes upon each new generation the pattern of the inherited social order. But always there are the liberating and individuating influences of other social processes—competition, conflict, and discussion—which represent what Bagehot describes as man's “propensity to variation,” or, to use a political rather than a biological term, his propensity for non-conformity, “which,” he adds, “is the principle of progress.”
Some Obstacles to a Scientific Sociology
Authors: Hart C. W. M. 
Published: June 2006

It has become fashionable in recent years to bemoan the manner in which the social sciences lag behind the physical sciences. Few, however, of those who deplore the slowness of scientific advance in man's knowledge of himself, have any concrete suggestions to make towards increasing the speed of that advance, nor are they clear as to whether the lag is necessary and inevitable, or accidental and removable. The common opinion appears to be that the causes of the lag are entirely, or at least mainly, historical, residing in the fact that while the physical sciences started earlier and have by now advanced further, the social sciences began later, and are still, therefore, lagging behind. This explanation is at least implied in the frequent urging by editors and politicians that the social sciences should hurry to catch up with the physical sciences, or alternatively, that the physical sciences should slow down and wait for the social sciences to overtake them. Viewing the matter thus, as a simple foot-race between physical science and social science, with the latter handicapped only by a slow start, is not altogether desirable, since it appears to ignore certain difficulties involved in a scientific approach to human behaviour, which, while not entirely absent in physicial science, are nevertheless easier to cope with when dealing with non-human material than when dealing with human subject-matter. It is with these difficulties that the present paper will be concerned.The nature of these obstacles will perhaps be made a little clearer if we begin with a preliminary consideration of what a scientific sociology entails. There is no mystery about this. The programme for the new science was set forth clearly and in detail by the man who invented the word sociology, Auguste Comte.
The American-Born Japanese and the World Crisis
Authors: La Violette Forrest E. 
Published: June 2006

We may begin by stating three fundamental factors which in their interrelationship and when set into our scheme of economic competition are the basis of the minority group status of the Japanese immigrants in America. It is also these three factors which serve to relate the American-born Japanese to the present world crisis.To be considered first is the factor of race. It has been used as a discriminating category for land ownership, for naturalization, and for regulating immigration. In 1913 California passed the first of the anti-alien land laws, prohibiting aliens ineligible for citizenship from owning land. Other states followed later with similar laws. In 1922 the United States Supreme Court upheld a lower court decision that members of the “Mongolian race or the Malay race” could not be naturalized. The final legal disability placed upon the Japanese on a basis of race was denying them the right of any further immigration. This was established by the National Immigration Act of 1924, often called the “Exclusion Act.” Other groups face social problems because of discrimination based upon racial features, but in the case of the Japanese, when race is combined with the other two factors, it gains unique significance.The second factor of fundamental importance is that of the Japanese ethnic heritage, of which a central point of concern was the Japanese family system. As early as 1900 the Americans in San Francisco were demanding exclusion, but then the immigrants were mainly single males, as the sex ratio of 2,369.9 males for every hundred females shows, but by 1910 this had dropped to 694.1.
The Government of the Australian Commonwealth in the War and Post-War Period
Authors: Levi Werner 
Published: June 2006

Social, economic, and technological developments forced the six Australian states in 1900 to constitute themselves into a federal Commonwealth. Many decades of agitation and deliberation were needed until the states finally agreed to submit themselves to a central government. Reluctantly they renounced some of their sovereign rights and granted to the Commonwealth a restricted number of defined and specified powers. Powers not specifically named in the constitution as belonging to the Commonwealth remained with the states. Within the scope of their power, the Commonwealth and the states are independent.One of the guiding principles of the makers of the constitution was, of course, to transfer those powers to the central government which were believed to be needed for the adequate handling of nation-wide affairs. The regulation of matters of more regional concern remained in the hands of the states. However, the developments which brought about the necessity for federation did not cease with the establishment of the constitution. The borderline between matters of national and matters of regional concern shifted further, increasing the field of national affairs. The constitutional distribution of powers between the Commonwealth and the states was soon outmoded by events. Almost immediately after the inauguration of the constitution, criticism arose from many sides because the powers granted to the Commonwealth were considered insufficient for the proper discharge of the central government's obligations toward the nation.With the growing demands made upon the state in Australia, as everywhere else, the volume of this criticism increased. The dissatisfaction found expression in eighteen proposals for constitutional change between 1900 and 1944, almost all of them dealing with the extension of Commonwealth power.
Economic Effects of the War on the Prairie Economy
Authors: Fowke Vernon 
Published: June 2006

The effects of the war on the prairie economy can best be considered against a background of three elements—one of them general and two more specific. The first, and most general, of these elements is the historical position of Canadian agricultural groups and agricultural communities in war-time situations. The second is the specific position of the prairie economy in relation to the First World War. The third is the familiar record of prairie agriculture throughout the depression of the nineteen-thirties. These background elements will be sketched in briefly.Canadian agriculture conforms historically to the typical pattern of agriculture developed within a mercantilistic framework. Though traditionally solacing itself, and being solaced, with the belief that it is Canada's basic industry, Canadian agriculture has most readily attracted attention and secured encouragement and support in situations where mercantile or industrial groups have considered that agriculture should be encouraged and supported. The French fostered the original agricultural settlement on the St. Lawrence in order to secure their fur-trade route against the Iroquois. The English considered agricultural settlement to be an indispensable adjunct to their military strongpoint, Halifax. United Empire Loyalists were welcomed to the upper St. Lawrence after 1780 so that they might settle around the frontier posts at Cataraqui, Niagara, and Detroit and thus strengthen the respective garrisons. Plans for the settlement of the prairie regions, put forward before and after Confederation, envisaged the establishment of a strong and vigorous agricultural community north of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, a community which would forestall the threat of economic and even military occupation of Rupert's Land by the Americans. These historical examples illustrate the extent to which Canadian agricultural communities have derived significance from situations involving war or the threat of war.
Canada's Relations with War-Time Agencies in Washington
Authors: Pierce S. D. , Plumptre A. F. W. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is primarily an account of Canadian relations with the War Production Board and with the Office of Price Administration, and with their antecedent agencies. Large sections of the Washington scene, with which the writers had no special familiarity, are completely omitted. In particular there is little reference to the agencies controlling shipping and overseas trade, or to the armed services themselves. Further, there is no account of relations with the War Food Administration, or with the Combined Food Board on which the United Kingdom is represented as well as the United States and Canada. Even the two Combined Boards dealing respectively with production and resources (on which Canada is represented) and with raw materials (where it is not) are omitted although relations with these Boards are almost indistinguishable from relations with the War Production Board which supplies their United States membership. In short, this paper is concerned almost entirely with relations between Canada and the United States in regard to supplies moving directly between them. In this all-important field the relations amounted to a co-operation so close, continuous, effective, and friendly that the two sovereign nations might in many respects have been two parts of one country.It is convenient to consider first relations in the field of war supplies because it was in this field that war-time co-operation and collaboration first became necessary. Here a pattern was established for subsequent collaboration in the field of civilian supplies.
Liberalism in Crisis
Authors: Herring Pendleton 
Published: June 2006

Liberalism is based upon bold assumptions. It is a political doctrine built upon confidence in the rationality and good will of men. Crisis might well be treated as endemic to any theory so premised. Hence, difficulties caused by the failure of men to act in a manner consistent with such assumptions could be easily anticipated and readily dismissed. The present difficulty seems to go much deeper and to rest upon a questioning of liberal assumptions as valid guides to action.It is but a step from such pragmatic probings to a challenge of the essential philosophic value of liberalism. To lose faith today in the values of liberalism would, I think, be tragic. The liberal tradition is the strongest political heritage of western culture, and particularly of the United States and the British Commonwealth of Nations. What are the essentials of this heritage?The essentials of liberalism are familiar to us all—civil rights, the tolerance of political differences, freedom of opportunity and a career open to talents, belief in the dignity and integrity of human personality, the acceptance of diversity and of compromise. These are the elements, and to many bred in the liberal faith they are taken as universal truths.
Arctic Survey Part III. A Mackenzie Domesday: 1944
Authors: Taylor Griffith 
Published: June 2006

Let us start by comparing the Mackenzie Corridor with that great Canadian highway the St. Lawrence. In the sixteenth century the latter offered the obvious means of entry into the new land of Canada. The pioneers could not have realized the cluster of large towns and cities which was to arise along the great waterway; but most of them were sure that the St. Lawrence would always be the main surface route whereby the resources of eastern and east-central Canada would be reached and exploited. Hence all detailed accounts of the geography of this area in the early days are of special interest, since in general the route is still as important as ever.It seems to the writer that we of the twentieth century can consider the Mackenzie Corridor in somewhat the same light as the pioneers did the St. Lawrence. There is not much in the way of settlement in the north-west region at present; perhaps the total, including Indians and Eskimo, is less than seven thousand settlers. But of one thing we may be sure, and that is that in the next century the population will increase largely, and that the chief centres of settlement and supply will be much where the pioneer folk built their dwellings.One of the chief purposes of this study is to put on record in a somewhat uniform manner the main characteristics of all the famous posts along the Mackenzie River, and, in a later paper, along the Yukon River, and this for two reasons. Canadians of today will welcome a detailed account of the way of life of the pioneers in geographical language; while the writer hopes that this somewhat hasty survey will be a sort of jumping-off place for similar surveys made, say, every fifty years in the future.
Government Economic Policy: Scope and Principles
Authors: Mackintosh W. A. 
Published: June 2006

Policy, the dictionary tells us, is a course of action adopted as advantageous or expedient. Government policy then is a course of action adopted by a government; presumably it will be alleged to be advantageous and at least believed to be expedient. There is no such clear or ample definition of economic policy. Obviously it is a course of action and probably one directed to economic results; that is, the maximization or steadying of national income or a desired modification of its distribution. However, there are few courses of action which are directed to purely economic results and many of the results so designated really fall within the field of social welfare. There are also many policies directed to non-economic results which produce important economic by-products. The term economic policy tends to be extended to any course of action which affects economic institutions or relations or those which are customarily thought of as such even though the object may be merely general equity. We are left therefore with a field of action which is not precisely defined.Most of the classical economists, and more particularly their lesser followers, saw political economy as the art of managing, or setting the basis for managing, an economy so as to maximize national income either as a total or per capita. In fact, however, few of them consistently and rigorously exclude non-economic considerations from their work. Of them all Adam Smith dealt with economic policy most easily because he never classified himself precisely in the pigeon-hole of political economy and felt free to give the judgment of a moral philosopher and man of the world on everything from the treatment of the American colonies to the relative virtues of claret and port. This older view of political economy was easy to accept against its historical background. The policies supported by the writers and practitioners of mercantilism had by the eighteenth century become so grossly uneconomic that they could be effectively attacked with fairly crude weapons.
Royal Commissions and Canadian Agricultural Policy
Authors: Fowke V. C. 
Published: June 2006

Students of Canadian agricultural policy encounter many anomalies. Even superficial study indicates that Canadian farmers have not influenced governmental policy in any measure proportional to their share of Canadian population. Very little effort has been made to understand and explain the historical place of the Canadian farmer's voice in the councils of the nation. The hardy perennial verdict that agriculture is Canada's basic industry adds nothing to our understanding of the question.Within the scope of a brief paper only a few points can be touched upon. This analysis is limited to a consideration of the use of royal commissions of inquiry in the formulation of Canadian agricultural policy. It is further limited to the period after 1900. In fact the second limitation is embodied in the first, for, with negligible exceptions, only after 1900 were royal commissions used in the formulation of Canadian agricultural policy.We are to consider, then, the period during which the central economic fact for the Dominion of Canada was the establishment of the prairie wheat economy. The most cursory examination of the relationships which existed between farmers and the governments of this period calls attention to the very considerable number of royal commissions of inquiry appointed by Dominion and provincial governments to deal with some phase or other of what we loosely call “the agricultural problem.”
The Bias of Communication
Authors: Innis H. A. 
Published: June 2006

The appearance of a wide range of cultural phenomena at different periods in the history of western civilization has been described by Professor A. L. Kroeber in Configurations of Cultural Growth (Berkeley, 1946). He makes suggestive comments at various points to explain the relative strength or weakness of cultural elements but refrains from extended discussion. I do not propose to do more than add a footnote to these comments and in this to discuss the possible significance of communication to the rise and decline of cultural traits. A medium of communication has an important influence on the dissemination of knowledge over space and over time and it becomes necessary to study its characteristics in order to appraise its influence in its cultural setting. According to its characteristics it may be better suited to the dissemination of knowledge over time than over space, particularly if the medium is heavy and durable and not suited to transportation; or to the dissemination of knowledge over space than over time, particularly if the medium is light and easily transported. The relative emphasis on time or space will imply a bias of significance to the culture in which it is imbedded.Immediately we venture on this inquiry we are compelled to recognize the bias of the period in which we work. An interest in the bias of other civilizations may in itself suggest a bias of our own. Our knowledge of other civilizations depends in large part on the character of the media used by each civilization in so far as it is capable of being preserved or of being made accessible by discovery as in the case of the results of archaeological expeditions. Writing on clay and on stone has been preserved more effectively than that on papyrus. Since durable commodities emphasize time and continuity, studies of civilization such as Toynbee's tend to have a bias toward religion and to show a neglect of problems of space, notably administration and law. The bias of modern civilization incidental to the newspaper and the radio will presume a perspective in consideration of civilizations dominated by other media. We can do little more than urge that we must be continually alert to the implications of this bias and perhaps hope that consideration of the implications of other media to various civilizations may enable us to see more clearly the bias of our own. In any case we will become a little more humble as to the characteristics of our civilization.
A Curious Case of Neglect: Marshall's Industry and Trade
Authors: Liebhafsky H. H. 
Published: June 2006

In the controversy between Professor Chamberlin and Mrs. Robinson and their respective supporters concerning what Professor Chamberlin calls “monopolistic competition,” and Mrs. Robinson has named “imperfect competition,” neither side seems ever to have referred to Marshall's Industry and Trade. In the field of history of economic doctrines and analysis, only three writers seem to have given serious attention to the work. Two of these wrote before the publication of either The Theory of Monopolistic Competition, or The Economics of Imperfect Competition. The other, though he comes to the conclusion at which this paper also arrives, fails to mention a number of notions presented by Marshall in his analysis of markets under conditions less than perfectly competitive.Industry and Trade is not mentioned in the report of the “Round Table on Monopolistic Competition” found in the American Economic Review of June, 1937. In addition—chronologically this series of articles should be put first—no writer participating in the Economic Journal's “Symposium” of 1930 mentions Industry and Trade, while Professor Sraffa mentions it only once in the famous article which is considered by some to have been the beginning of the “revolutionary” new approach. Professor Chamberlin makes no reference to Industry and Trade either in the text of, or bibliographies to, the fifth or sixth editions of The Theory of Monopolistic Competition, and Mrs. Robinson cites Industry and Trade only once, on a minor point, in The Economics of Imperfect Competition.
The Benthamite Theory of Democracy
Authors: Pratt R. Cranford 
Published: June 2006

Successful political movements are frequently accompanied by, and well served by, theoretical defences of their positions which later reflection shows to be inadequate for purposes other than popular political polemics. The history of the reform movement in England in the early decades of the nineteenth century provides an excellent example. The defence of political democracy offered by Jeremy Bentham, James Mill, and their followers gave the Radicals of the 1820's and 1830's their main intellectual arguments for the Great Reform Act. A close examination of this theory suggests, however, that it is inadequate in its view both of the nature of a democratic society and of the process of policy formation therein. It is, moreover, also apparent that Bentham's theory of democracy is sharply inconsistent with the main body of Benthamite doctrines.The basic problem in Bentham's political theory is a product of the manner in which he resolved a contradiction that exists between his ethical and his psychological theory. Utilitarian ethics rests on the principle that the rightness or wrongness of an act is decided by its effect on the happiness of the greatest number. Bentham's psychological theory, however, is egoistic and hedonistic. He offered no hope that a man will act other than in pursuit of his own interests, and little hope that these interests will naturally be associated with the interests of others.If this psychology is valid, individuals will choose, voluntarily, the ethically proper act only when, by chance, it coincides with that act which they perceive will maximize their own personal pleasure. Bentham realized this. As a consequence, he argued that if individuals are to be brought into harmony and if the greatest happiness is to be achieved, then legal sanctions and incentives must be introduced to influence individual hedonistic calculations in favour of acts that do not diminish the happiness of others more than they increase the happiness of the doer.