bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Ronald Reagan—Another Hidden-Hand Ike?
Authors: Greenstein Fred I. 
Published: May 2006

Name the president.He was enormously popular during his eight years in the White House. In contrast to Truman, Johnson, Nixon, Ford and Carter, he not only entered but also left office riding high in the polls. Yet when he stepped down the experts who make it their business to observe presidents closely did not join in the public adulation. The verdict of the Washington watchers was that he had been a passive participant in his own presidency, remaining disconnected from day-to-day politics and policy.For the young this can have been only one president—Ronald Reagan. But those whose political memories reach back to the 1950s may recognize that he could also have been the only other two-term president in the post-New Deal era—Dwight D. Eisenhower.The description of Ike as out of the loop in his own presidency was unquestioned at the time that Eisenhower left office. When Arthur Schlesinger asked a panel of distinguished students of the presidency to rank 31 American presidents in terms of greatness, they placed Eisenhower 21st—a tie with Chester A. Arthur (Schlesinger, 1962).
Toward a Stupidity-Ugliness Theory of Democratic Electoral Debacles
Authors: Sigelman Lee 
Published: May 2006

For the fifth time in its last six tries, the Democratic Party has managed to parlay its massive lead in party identifiers into another presidential election debacle. One shameless Democratic apologist, groping for a face-saving excuse, has hit upon the bizarre idea that the Democrats lose presidential elections time after time because, being rational political calculators, they find it in their partisan self-interest to do so (Erikson, 1988). This tortured theory overlooks the obvious: Democrats are too stupid to calculate their self-interest.Although this conclusion may seem unduly harsh, science has proven that Democrats are significantly dumber than Republicans, even when the differing social bases of the two parties are held constant (Sigelman, 1988). This intellectual deficit helps explain why, time and time again, the Democrats find themselves hopelessly out-organized, out-strategized, and out-maneuvered—in short, out-thought—by the wilier Republicans.
A Post-Electoral Era?
Authors: Ginsberg Benjamin 
Published: May 2006

We frequently discuss consultants, in what we might call their “causal role” in the political process—the consequences or effects of political consulting. I would like to turn to the other side, that is to look at consultants as an effect rather than a cause. This connects the rise of political consultants with the decline of the political party.If you think about the role of consultants in contemporary politics you can't separate consultants from the other pieces of the new politics in the United States: media, polling, direct mail and all the other factors that have formed and transformed American politics. This is part of the on-going transformation of American politics that is related, in turn, to the long-term decay, decline, and collapse of party organization in much of the United States. Political consultants have penetrated all of American politics. In upstate New York where I live there are towns that I haven't even heard of where consultants are working. They may be in the dairy business in off years. Why have consultants penetrated even the political boondocks in America? The obvious reason is that party organization throughout the United States has reached a state of total decay and collapse.
Juridical Democracy versus American Democracy
Authors: Wilson James Q. 
Published: May 2006

The End of Liberalism by Theodore Lowi was and is an important book, large in conception, bold in execution, and substantial in influence. It is a provocative and influential statement of some of the problems of pluralism, or “interest-group liberalism.” One of those problems is the inadequately constrained delegation of legislative problems to administrative agencies, leading to “the atrophy of institutions of popular control” (p. 86). The atrophy occurs because administrators exercise their discretion in ways set by agency-group relationships rather than by popular choice (p. 90). To solve this problem, Lowi calls for a return to “juridical democracy,” which means, in part, limiting federal action “to those practices for which it is possible to develop a clear and authoritative rule of law, enacted democratically and implemented absolutely” (p. 271). One way of achieving that limit is by asking the Supreme Court to declare “invalid and unconstitutional any delegation of power to an administrative agency that is not accompanied by clear standards of implementation” (p. 298).Earlier this had been the view of Albert V. Dicey, the great British legal scholar. Dicey argued against the emerging administrative law on grounds that, by removing the defense of individual rights from the common courts, it would permit the growth of the welfare state. Lowi does not mention Dicey, and there is no indication that he is opposed to the substance of the welfare state.
The Market as Censor
Authors: Paul Diane B. 
Published: May 2006

In 1920, John B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner reported the results of an experiment with an eleven-month old infant, “Albert B” (Watson and Rayner, 1920). Their study of this single subject was methodologically flawed and produced ambiguous results. Nevertheless, it became the psychology textbook classic case of conditioned emotional responses. With the exception of Pavlov's dogs, probably no story has been cited more often than that of “Little Albert.”I was led to the Little Albert story as the result of an earlier study of genetics textbooks. Some years ago, I began work on a history of the “nature-nurture” controversy. One aspect of this project involved an analysis of textbook treatments of the genetics of intelligence. I had expected to find a rough continuity of views from the 1920s until the late 1970s, when the effects of the Cyril Burt scandal should have been fully felt in genetics texts. (The claim of a high heritability for I.Q. was supported primarily by Burt's [fabricated] studies of separated identical twins. Leon Kamin identified serious problems with Burt's results in 1974, although actual fraud was not proved until 1979 [see Kamin, 1974; Hearnshaw, 1979].)
Realism Ancient and Modern: Thucydides and International Relations
Authors: Clark Michael T. 
Published: May 2006

When you're stymied on the measurement of one of your critical variables, put that project aside and write another essay on what Thucydides really meant (Singer 1975).The trouble with Classical Realism is that it is difficult to distinguish … dialectical insight from a refusal to define concepts clearly and consistently, or to develop a systematic set of propositions that could be subjected to empirical tests (Keohane 1983).In the study of ancient Greek democracy, Thucydides' account of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians surely deserves a privileged place. As a cardinal instance of the genre Hegel (1975, 14) called original history, Thucydides' work provides a uniquely direct point of contact with Athenian democracy in its most radical and imperial—phase: the chief figures of that work “express the maxims of their nation and of their own personality, their consciousness of their political position and of their moral and spiritual nature, and the principles that underlie their designs and conduct.” Thus, from Thucydides we get much more than a reconstruction of events. We also get access to the ancient Greeks' own understanding of the world they made and destroyed.
Decolonization in the Former Soviet Borderlands: Politics in Search of Principles
Authors: Gleason Gregory W. , Buck Susan J. 
Published: May 2006

Marx is reputed to have said that “there is nothing so practical as a good theory.” Seventy-odd years of Soviet theorizing have left little useful practical theory behind, as demonstrated by the transformations currently taking place in Russia's borderlands. As the Soviet Union crumbles, the successor states face a unique and troubling situation. For over 70 years, their administrative structures have been centralized; their economies, transportation and communications systems, and the physical infrastructure all controlled from Moscow under a coherent ideological regime. The successor states find themselves adrift ideologically and administratively, but the centralized physical infrastructure remains.How are these states to design new administrative structures? How are they to cope with the utter failure of their theoretical principles? How may they cooperate in the use of the physical systems while establishing their political independence? Soviet administrative theory—the “scientific theory of socialism” as it was called—has been unable to provide even the most basic guidance for the process, and western administrative theory is not equipped to address the special problems of the new states. The insights of the neo-institutionalists can provide guidelines for these urgent problems.
Why Not Swing? Measuring Electoral Change
Authors: Butler David , Van Beek Stephen D. 
Published: May 2006

Over the last forty years the concept of swing has transformed the interpretation of elections, first in Britain and later in Australia, India and other countries. But Americans have been oddly reluctant to apply this most useful of simplifying formulas to election reporting or to the analysis of voting trends.Swing is a device for reducing to a single statistic all the complex movements in party support between one election and another. It offers a quick and easily comprehended indication of trends and of the extent to which voting behavior differs from one area to another.On election night in Britain, as soon as the broadcasters announce the first constituency counts, they also report the local swing, the net percentage movement between Conservative and Labour since the previous election, and on this basis they suggest what will be the final outcome ‘if the swing in the remaining seats resembles those already declared.’ Although this health warning is dutifully repeated, in fact the projection from the early results has always given a remarkably accurate pointer to the overall division of seats.
The Perestroika of Soviet Studies: Thinking and Teaching About the Soviet Union in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Zwick Peter 
Published: May 2006

President Gorbachev has fundamentally changed the Soviet political system. Whether Gorbachev survives another month, year, or decade, the Soviet system will not return to the party-state command economy that preceded his tenure. Although the Soviet changes have not yet resulted in the total repudiation of the communist system, as in Eastern Europe, and a neoconservative retrenchment is possible, those of us who study and teach Soviet politics must respond to these developments with a perestroika of Soviet studies and “new thinking” about the Soviet Union.Concepts and techniques formerly alien to Soviet studies must become integral components of our analysis. Even if we cannot completely discard such concepts as totalitarianism, Marxism-Leninism, and democratic centralism, we must begin to include theories of pluralism, constitutionalism, and federalism. Patently, oldstyle Kremlinology and “black box” analysis must be supplemented if not replaced by public opinion polling, studies of electoral behavior, and legislative roll-call analysis. Rather than thinking and teaching about the USSR in isolation or in the narrow context of comparative communism, we should look at Soviet politics from a broader comparative perspective that draws on theories and examples from Western and Third World systems. Quite simply, the restructuring of how we teach and study Soviet politics must be as fundamental and as sweeping as Gorbachev's perestroika of the Soviet system.
Building Democracy in Estonia
Authors: Taagepera Rein 
Published: May 2006

“How to Recognize Democracy” and “How to Recognize Political Parties”—such were some of the newspaper articles I published after arriving in Estonia in November 1990. People expected the new freely elected Supreme Council (parliament) to pass laws quickly and with large majorities, and parties to have card-carrying mass memberships. Besides the ever-present threat of suppression by the Kremlin, democracy in Estonia was challenged internally by such superdemocratic expectations, rooted both in the earlier Soviet fake democracy and a reaction against its actual concentration of power.Parliamentary democracy had been introduced, but parliament members were prohibited from becoming cabinet ministers. Unrealistically high quorum and majority requirements risked paralyzing legislative action, now that disagreement and absence had become possible. Perfectly sound democratic practices were denounced as dictatorial. The parliament produced major legislation at a breakneck pace, compared to its Western counterparts, yet was widely seen as too slow. Newly formed centrist parties were thought to be deficient because they lacked mass membership in the Marxist image.While relentlessly knocking down Soviet-style authoritarian patterns, especially in attitudes toward women, I increasingly found myself reassuring Estonians that they were further along in building democracy than they dared to believe.
Interactive Problem Solving: An Approach to Conflict Resolution and Its Application in the Middle East
Authors: Kelman Herbert C. 
Published: May 2006

For more than 25 years, my colleagues and I have been developing and applying an unofficial, academically based, third-party approach to the analysis and resolution of international and ethnic conflicts, which I have come to call interactive problem solving. The approach is derived from the seminal work of John Burton (see Burton 1969, 1979, 1984; Kelman 1972). It is anchored in social-psychological principles and follows a scholar/practitioner model. Our practice is informed by theoretical analyses and empirical studies of international conflict, social influence, and group interaction. The experience gained in practice, in turn, contributes to theory building and to the evaluation and refinement of our intervention model. The work thus represents an integration and continuing interaction between practice, research, and theory building.The fullest—in a sense, the paradigmatic—application of the approach is represented by problem-solving workshops, which bring together politically influential members of conflicting parties in a private, confidential setting for direct, noncommittal communication. Workshops are designed to enable the parties to explore each other's perspective and, through a joint process of creative problem solving, to generate new ideas for mutually satisfactory solutions to their conflict. The ultimate goal is to transfer the insights and ideas gained from these interactions into the political debate and decision-making processes in the two communities.Problem-solving workshops are not negotiating sessions and they are not intended to simulate and certainly not to substitute for official negotiations.
Budget Blues
Authors: White Joseph 
Published: May 2006

Budget politics has always been an obstacle to adopting national health insurance. The questions of budget politics—the risk or size of deficits and the size of government—have a conservative effect. In any country, very few people would endorse deficits for their own sake. In America, support for larger government on principle, displacing the market, has rarely had close to majority support and has surely been diminishing. Defining social policy expansion as a budget issue is a standard tactic for persons opposed to the policy.The events of the 1980s have in many ways made budget politics more of an obstacle to sensible health care reform—which I define as reform that insures all Americans, yet keeps this country from opening an even wider lead on the international field in the race to spend on health care.During the 1960s a portion of elites such as economists, the press, and politicians would at least defend deficits in principle under some circumstances. Misinterpretation of the events of the 1970s, exaggerated arguments by economists who think that hyperbole is required in the political arena, the possibility that the 1980s deficits favored Republican constituencies, the fact that a Republican president was in office for those deficits, and the unprecedented scale of the deficit in full-employment terms during peacetime, combined in the 1980s to commit Democratic politicians, economists, and opinion leaders to at least the rhetoric of deficit-reduction. President Clinton has continued the process.
Is Clinton Doomed? An Early Forecast for 1996
Authors: Norpoth Helmut 
Published: May 2006

Forecasting elections may be impossible, but no more so than resisting the temptation to try. As citizens following a campaign, we all indulge in private guesses about who is going to win electoral contests. Some go further and engage in illegal acts—unless done through the services of the Iowa Electronic Market—and bet money on election outcomes. Numerous political scientists have invited fame, but also ridicule, by designing sophisticated models to forecast elections; readers of PS are no strangers to those efforts. Students of elections can hardly escape this tempting opportunity any more than they can escape elections themselves. No phenomenon in our discipline comes in such a regular, precise, and verifiable form as an election.As Republican hopefuls announce bids to run for president in 1996, while Bill Clinton is pondering his strategy for reelection, political scientists resume their tinkering with models to predict the outcome of the 1996 presidential election. Those forecasts, however, will not arrive until two or three months before election day, when the most up-to-date readings for the various predictors are available. Some would argue that such early forecasting is presumptuous any-how, since it ignores the whole general election campaign. Others will complain that those forecasts arrive too late to have more than curiosity value.
The Voting Rights Act: Disfranchisement, Dilution, and Alternative Election Systems
Authors: Engstrom Richard L. 
Published: May 2006

The Voting Rights Act (VRA) (79 Stat. 667) is widely regarded as the most effective piece of civil rights legislation enacted in the United States. Adopted initially in 1965 to protect the voting rights of African Americans, it was expanded in 1975 to protect the voting rights of specified language minorities: Hispanice, Native Americans, Native Alaskans, and Asian Americans.A number of important changes in American politics can be traced directly to the VRA. The first is the dramatic increase in the number of minority voters. The major barriers to minority group members registering to vote and casting ballots have been removed as a result of the Act; consequently, minority disfranchisement is only rarely an issue today.The expansion of the minority electorate was critical to another important change, the increase in the number of minority elected officials. Minority voter support has usually been essential to the electoral success of minority candidates. Growth in the minority electorate in the United States was followed by an increase in minority officeholders. The magnitude of this increase, however, has been dependent on additional VRA provisions.
Inside The Turner Diaries: Neo-nazi Scripture
Authors: Ball Terence , Dagger Richard 
Published: May 2006

At 9:02 on the morning of April 19, 1995, a powerful fertilizer bomb exploded in front of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. One hundred sixty-eight people, including twenty children, were killed. More than 500 people were badly injured. Federal authorities at first suspected foreign terrorists. The trail, however, led elsewhere—to two (and possibly more) self-styled American “patriots” with ties to the neo-nazi “militia” movement. One of the suspects, Timothy McVeigh, carried a copy of The Turner Diaries, the “bible” of various radical right, neo-nazi militia groups. At his trial in Denver, the prosecution made numerous references to The Turner Diaries. McVeigh himself chose not to speak during the trial in which he was found guilty and sentenced to death. If we are to understand the thinking of McVeigh and other home-grown terrorists, we must understand the contents of this book.The Turner Diaries is a work of fiction. It purports to be the diaries kept by Earl Turner, a militant member of a neo-nazi group called the Organization which in the “Great Revolution” of the late twentieth century overthrew the Jewishled “System” (i.e., the U.S. government) and in the twenty-first century inaugurated an all-white, racially pure New Era. During the Old Era, the System discriminated against patriotic white Americans by confiscating their guns, promoting policies of affirmative action, encouraging non-white foreign immigration and interracial marriage, and putting Jews, African-Americans, and other minorities in positions of authority in schools and universities, the mass media, the FBI, and other governmental institutions.
Studying Substantive Democracy
Authors: Jacobs Lawrence R. , Shapiro Robert Y. 
Published: May 2006

Within the last decade, the amount and quality of research on the relationship between public opinion and policy making has taken a dramatic step forward. This research contributes to the development of democratic theory and to the (re)organization of political science as a profession. Further development of opinion-policy research, however, will require addressing several critical limitations.What Has Been DoneStatistical analyses and interpretative case studies have reported (both in the United States and Western Europe) a systematic relationship between public opinion and decision making on a range of issues—from national security to social security (for a review see Shapiro and Jacobs 1989 and Shapiro and Young 1989). These results have emerged from several distinct research designs.The first relies on in-depth investigations of public opinion's impact on formulating specific policies. These case studies rely on closely examining public opinion as gauged through polling results and policy decisions. Many of these studies offer cross-national studies; they discuss issues central to international relations, American politics, and comparative politics (Jacobs 1992a, 1992b, and 1993; Risse-Kappen 1991; Deese 1994 for essays by Shapiro and Page, Graham, and Bennett; Jasper 1990; Eichenberg 1989; Russett 1990; Graham 1989; Kusnitz 1984; Burstein 1985; Sobel 1993; Mattes 1993). For instance, Jacobs (1993) uses interviews and archival evidence to investigate the formulation of American and British health care policy.