bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Herodotus and the Reconstruction of History
Authors: Chrimes K. M. T. 
Published: May 2006

In selecting for the purpose of illustrating Herodotus' conception of the proper relation of ἀπὀδεξις to ἱστορίη his account of the Lydian emigration to Italy, I have not had in mind the requirements of the Etruscologist alone. The Lydian setting of the story raises the whole question of the sources for the reconstruction of the Dark Ages of Aegean history which Greek historians, at the time of Herodotus and earlier, had at their disposal.It is well known that from the point of view of Etruscologists this migration story, which is usually accepted by them as a genuine tradition of origin, is dated five centuries too early; and although the arguments of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, which mainly stress the total dissimilarity of Etruscan and Lydian culture, are insufficient reason for discrediting Herodotus after the lapse of so many centuries and in an age when philology was not a science, to suppose without further investigation a mistake of 500 years is not only unfair to Herodotus, but may remove whatever basis of fact the tradition originally contained.
Plato and the Irrational
Authors: Dodds E. R. 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to enquire into Plato's attitude towards a group of related problems which at the present time have assumed an unusual importance. By ‘the irrational’ I mean that surd element in human experience, both in our experience of ourselves and in our experience of the world about us, which has exercised so powerful—and as some of us think, so perilous—a fascination on the philosophers, artists, and men of letters of our own day.That contemporary problems and interests should determine the questions which we address to the great thinkers of the past is entirely natural and proper. But he who uses this approach needs to be alive to its dangers. Such contemporary interests have very frequently determined not only the questions which scholars have asked, but also the answers which they have put into the mouths of the defenceless dead. Too often we unconsciously identify a past thinker with ourselyes, and distort his thoughts to make him the mouthpiece of our own preconceptions; or else, unconsciously identifying him with our opponents, we belabour him with gusto, serene in the assured knowledge that he cannot hit back.
The Prometheus
Authors: Kitto H. D. F. 
Published: May 2006

DR. Farnell's article on the Prometheus (JHS. liii, 40) demands serious attention, not only for the sake of the play and of Aeschylus himself, but also because it raises a question of fundamental importance to criticism.Dr. Farnell divided the critics of the Prometheus into two groups. There are those who have surveyed the soul and mind, not to mention the language, of the poet to the last square yard, and have proved that Aeschylus never wrote the play at all. These heroes of scientific criticism, to whom Dr. Farnell has done curt justice, need not detain us; οὐ γὰρ φοβερὀν οὐδὲἐλεεινὸν τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ μιαρόν ἐστιν. Then there are the ordinary commentators on the play, who ‘through their lack of familiarity with Greek or Comparative Religion’ have missed its real significance. ‘Ο μεταξὺ ἄρα τούτων λοιπός, and he is Dr. Farnell, whose knowledge of Comparative Religion told him that Aeschylus could not have written this play, while his literary sense told him that Aeschylus did. The impasse is complete, and it is the signal merit of Dr. Farnell's article that it brings the dilemma into the open and states it with a fullness and a force almost worthy of the first play of an Aeschylean trilogy.
A Link between Lord Byron and Dionysius Solomós
Authors: Jenkins R. J. H. 
Published: May 2006

On pl. VI a and b are photographs of a pair of flint-lock pistols, dating from the end of the eighteenth century. On the top of the barrel, near the rear sight, they bear the inscription: H. W. Mortimer & Son, London. Gun Makers To His Majesty; and the maker's name is repeated, without addition, on the side, below the cock. The maker's address, 89, Fleet St., is engraved on the outside of the trigger-guard. The pistols are in good order: the springs of the cocks are as strong as ever, and the original flints and ramrods survive. There is, however, nothing remarkable about the pistols as pistols, either in design or execution. They are a good, sound brace, neither fine nor expensive. And when we have said that Mortimer is known to have been in business at this address in Fleet Street in or about the year 1780, we have given all necessary details regarding the weapons themselves.Their interest lies in a short inscription on an oval brass plate screwed into the wooden stock of each pistol above the trigger, on the side remote from the cock (pl. VI c). This inscription runs: ‘Lord Byron's Pistols, given to me by Count Dionysius Salomos [sic] of Zante. 1834.’ The recipient of the gift, who composed the inscription, was Lord Nugent, Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands from 1832 to 1835. The donor was Dionysius Solomós, author of The Hymn to Liberty.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1945–7
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I present a brief survey of those works in the field of Greek epigraphy which have come to my notice, directly or through reviews or bibliographies, between September 1945 and the close of 1947, marking by an asterisk those which I have been unable personally to consult. Among them are some books and articles published previously, but omitted from my last bibliography because still unknown to me when that was compiled. Even now I fear that many inevitable gaps remain, for the libraries to which I have access are still far from possessing all the relevant books and periodicals issued during and since the War. To all authors who, by sending me offprints of their works, have greatly lightened my task I express my cordial gratitude.Greek epigraphical studies have suffered severe losses in the period under review. The death, on 10th December 1944, of the eminent Director of the Inscriptiones Graecae, U. Wilcken, was followed, on 25th October 1947, by that of the veteran epigraphist and indefatigable worker F. Hiller von Gaertringen, who had celebrated his eightieth birthday on 3rd August 1944. Other serious losses are those of A. S. Arvanitopoulos, L. Bizard, P. Collart, F. Cumont, E. Groag, J. Hatzfeld, A. E. Kondoleon, G. Lafaye, N. Pappadakis, and P. Roussel. The report of the deaths of M. Feyel and M. Segre has unhappily been confirmed. Appreciations of the characters and achievements of J. Kirchner, P. Foucart, M. Holleaux, W. Otto, and T. Wiegand have appeared from the pens of F. Hiller von Gaertringen, P. Mazon, M. Roques, H. Bengtson, and C. Watzinger respectively. The astonishing volume and quality of the work recently published, despite almost insuperable obstacles, by A. Wilhelm, now in his eighty-fourth year, evokes the admiration and delight of his many pupils and friends.
Grey Wares from Lesbos
Authors: Lamb W. 
Published: May 2006

The north-west corner of Asia Minor, Lesbos and, in particular, Mytilene, have long been recognised as the home of these grey wares called Lesbian or Aeolic bucchero. With remarkable tact, citizens of Mytilene resident in Naukratis proved the point by inscribing their names and place of origin on the grey vases they dedicated. Their evidence was, however, supplemented by the discovery of grey pottery like their own in towns as near Lesbos as Larissa and Troy VIII.Several centuries before Lesbian bucchero flourished, the same district produced a distinguished grey ware of which the home was in the sixth city of Troy. This pottery left descendants in the seventh city—side by side with the Buckelkeramik—and these descendants would seem to be the direct ancestors of the bucchero of Troy VIII, Lesbos and other Aeolic sites.Returning to Troy VI, we find that some of its grey wares are unmistakably Minyan, which enables us to carry the pedigree further back still. Minyan ware is found in the second Minoan period, about 1900 B.C. Nor can it be denied that the fabrics of Troy VI are derived ultimately from those of Troy II and Troy I.
The Amathus bowl
Authors: Myres J. L. 
Published: May 2006

The masterpiece of Oriental craftsmanship reproduced in Plates I—III is said by General L. P. di Cesnola to have been found in April 1875, in a rich but partially despoiled chamber-tomb at Amathus in Cyprus. Cesnola's account of the discovery exaggerates the depth at which chamber-tombs are found in Cyprus, but his plan corresponds fairly well with that of a large tomb (still accessible in 1894, and probably to-day) in the low ground north of the acropolis of Amathus. The silver bowl, already broken, and other objects, are said to have been found in a ‘copper cauldron,’ as if discarded by an earlier tomb-robber.The ‘Amathus Bowl’ and a bronze shield-boss (rondache) said to have been found with it were published by G. Colonna-Ceccaldi in 1876 and republished in 1882 in his collected papers. The copper-plate illustration is signed S. Dardel, and was printed by Ch. Chardon ainé in Paris. If the ‘patère et rondache’ were brought separately to Paris, this may account for their alienation from the main Cesnola Collection. Dardel's engraving does not include the long ends of the rim, and is inaccurate in several details, as appears from the reproduction in fig. 1. It was reproduced on a smaller scale in Helbig, Homerisches Epos, 1884, Plate I, and repeatedly elsewhere.
Manners and Methods in Archaeology
Authors: Ashmole Bernard 
Published: May 2006

Professor G. E. Rizzo, in his Saggi Preliminari su L'Arte della Moneta nella Sicilia Greca—a book beautifully produced, and ennobled by Bar Pennisi's wonderful photographs—has done me the honour of quoting several passages from a lecture delivered before the British Academy in 1934, and published in volume XX of its Proceedings under the title Late Archaic and Early Classical Greek Sculpture in Sicily and South Italy.Since his quotations embody some variants from what I wrote, he will perhaps allow me to correct the more ingenious, leaving aside those where only his English is at fault and any reader interested in accurate scholarship can compare my original text with his rendering of it. But after disposing of this personal matter, and ignoring the frequent abuse which serves to add bulk and save reasoning, I shall quickly pass to a consideration of certain features of his archaeological method; not doubting the prolonged, profound and silent studies here proclaimed, but attempting to judge them rather by their results than by their advertisement.
Palladas and the Nikai
Authors: Cameron Alan 
Published: May 2006

Palladas' attitude to Christianity has been much discussed in recent years. It is not of purely academic interest whether he was a pagan or Christian, for Christianity did not remain ‘the beggars' religion’, and it is the conversion of just such a figure as Palladas, a schoolmaster steeped in the classics but scornful alike of the traditional gods and the Platonism that had taken their place for the intellectual pagan of his day, that marks a vital stage in the christianisation of the Roman Empire. For nowhere did the traces of paganism linger longer than in the University circles of Alexandria. However the arguments adduced by P. Waltz to show that it is ‘infiniment probable que Palladas était chrétien’ carry but little conviction, and it seems much more likely that Palladas was and remained a pagan. The following poem, though overlooked or misinterpreted in most recent discussions, can perhaps be made to cast a little more light on the matter:φιλοχρίστῳ Planudes (Marcianus 481): φιλοχρήστῳ Lascaris (editio princeps, 1494), edd. plerique. ‘Here we are, Victories, the laughing maidens, bearing victories for the city that loves Christ (?). Men painted us who loved the city, carving the symbols that are proper for Victories.’
Stout and Slender in the Late Archaic Period
Authors: Bloesch Hansjörg 
Published: May 2006

In his work Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens Sir John Beazley proposes a more detailed study of the shapes of vases in order to obtain a better knowledge of the relations between potters and painters. By this article, written in honour of his sixty-sixth birthday, I hope to contribute to the discussion of the problem.It is well known that the development of Greek vase-shapes follows a regular course, from heavy and plump forms to slender and more elegant ones. The illustrations in Richter and Milne, Shapes and Names of Athenian Vases, will confirm this opinion, and Miss G. Richter maintained it lately in her Attic Red-figured Vases 1946, 18. The chronology of vases of the fourth century B.C. depends mainly upon this development (Buschor, FR III, 152; Schefold, Untersuchungen zu den Kertscher Vasen, passim), R. Zahn calls it a rule (FR III, 204), and W. Technau used this rule as a firm starting-point when dealing with the chronology of the works of Exekias.Old rules tend to lose their efficacy if they are not periodically endowed with new vigour, and thus enabled to keep their activity throughout the next stage of development. In the field of Attic vase-shapes one of the most decisive renewals of this kind took place about 510 B.C. at the time of the fall of the tyranny and the institution of the Kleisthenic democracy. A new impetus revealed itself not only in the invention of new shapes, such as the stamnos, the pelike, and the kalpis (Beazley, ABS 24), but also in the modification of long-established forms.
Portraet der Tetrarchenzeit
Authors: Curtius Ludwig 
Published: May 2006

Das grossartige Portraet, das auf Taf. XXIII–XXIV und in den Abb. 1–3 erscheint, defindet sich in Privatbesitz. Ich habe dem Eigentuemer, fuer die Liebenswuerdigkeit, mit der er das wertvolle Kunstwerk fuer diese Festschrift zur Verfuegung gestellt hat, herzlich zu danken.Der lebensgrosse Kopf ist mit dem Halse 0, 175 m. hoch. Das Gesicht vom Ende des Kinns bis zum Ansatz der Haare misst 0, 185 m. Der kleinchristallinische Marmor ist griechisch, wahrscheinlich pentelisch.Auf den ersten Blick wird jeder das Bildnis als spaetantik, aber vorkonstantinisch erkennen. Es ist in der Tat das bedeutendste Werk der Tetrarchenzeit, das wir besitzen, und wird uns viel Neues lehren.Vielleicht kennen wir seinen Helden schon aus einem anderen Werk. Denn seine Aehnlichkeit mit dem von L'Orange, der um die Geschichte des spaetroemischen Portraets die groessten Verdienste hat, entdeckten und wiederholt behandelten ueberlebensgrossen Kopf des Togatus in der Villa Doria in Rom (Abb. 4) ist so gross, dass sie ernsthaft geprueft werden muss.
A New Pontic Amphora
Authors: Ure P. N. 
Published: May 2006

The amphora here published (Plates XLIII–XLIV) was acquired for the Reading University collection on the London market in 1947. Nothing is known of its provenance. A detailed description with full illustrations will be given in the first Reading fascicule of the Corpus Vasorum, but so notable an addition to the Pontie series (to keep this convenient and generally used name for these vases which are now universally agreed to have been made in Etruria) calls for more comment than is desirable in a Corpus publication. The vase has a triple interest: it has unique pictures of scenes from the Troilus story, it affords new material for the study of the Pontic series, and it helps to connect Etruscan vase paintings with the wall paintings of Etruscan tombs. It thus provides a new item in a group of monuments which I have long believed to have been the source of a whole series of statements about the history of the Tarquin family which were dismissed by historians of the last century as obvious inventions, but which are in all probability the only statements about them which are in fact based on contemporary sources, that is to say, the archaeological material of which we can now speak with some assurance thanks to the work of Beazley and members of his school.To begin with the pictures on our vase. When I first saw it the gaily coloured pictures at once recalled the painting of Achilles lurking behind the fountain on the wall of the Tomba dei Tori at Tarquinia. The interpretation of the actual scene I owe to Beazley, who has described it with his usual pregnant brevity in Etruscan Vase Painting2 as ‘a unique representation, in a furious style, of Achilles carrying Troilos to the altar of Apollo’ (Plates XLIII, b and XLIV, a). This final scene of the Troilus tragedy appears comparatively seldom on vase paintings, and, where it does occur, never, as far as I am aware, depicts this precise moment. Generally Achilles has reached the altar and Troilus is either being killed or has been killed already.
Some Thoughts on the ‘Helena’ of Euripides
Authors: Griffith John G. 
Published: May 2006

The ‘Helena’ remains a strangely misunderstood play. Although it has attracted rather less than its fair share of editorial attention in recent years, it has come in for some incidental judgements of marked asperity; otherwise it generally escapes with nothing better than qualified praise, and indeed one may suspect that it is remembered by many more for the exegetical extravaganza which Verrall built round it than for its own content. In antiquity, however, the play does not seem to have given such offence; though in later times overshadowed by the notoriety of the Andromeda, produced in the same year, we know that the Helena made a sufficiently striking impression on its first appearance in 412 B.C., for in the following year Aristophanes drew freely on both these plays in his Thesmophoriazusae for material for as sustained and lively a passage of parody as any to be found in his extant works.There may be little hope at this interval of time of discovering what the ancients may have seen in the piece that apparently escapes us, but a sympathetic attempt to see what Euripides was trying to do may lead to some modification of the prevalent opinion, and a juster estimate of the play.
The Cost of the Parthenon
Authors: Stanier R. S. 
Published: May 2006

The budget of Perikles can be reconstructed only by studying numerous pieces of evidence, of varying importance and varying reliability. Neither the importance nor the reliability of any piece of evidence can beproperly assessed except by a scholar who can carry all the evidence in his head, which I am far from capable of doing, but it is safe to say (a) that the cost of Perikles's building programme forms an important element in the total budget, and (b) that considerable uncertainty exists about the cost of these buildings. When we find Cavaignac estimating the cost of the Propylaea at 400 talents, whereas Kolbe, Wilamowitz, and Busolt put it at over 2000, it is clear that the target area is large; and I hope it may be of some service if a figure for the Parthenon can be arrived at whose margin of error is at any rate less than 400 per cent.An obvious starting point is the Parthenon building accounts, of which considerable fragments survive. These fragments show various sources of income, the treasury of the Goddess, the Hellenotamiai, the Trieropoioi, the baths, the Xenodikoi, the Teichopoioi, the mines at Laureion, and (towards the end of the work) the sale of surplus materials. But in no case do the actual sums involved survive with sufficient fullness to prove what the total expenditure was, even for one year. The most that can be proved is that in 444/3 the income was at least 38 talents, and that the out-going board handed over to their successors something more than 33 talents in 446 and a similar sum in 441.
Where was Attila's Camp?
Authors: Browning Robert 
Published: May 2006

Many scholars who have studied Priscus' account (frg. 8, pp. 289 to 323 in L. Dindorf, Historici Graeci Minores, vol. 1, to the pages and lines of which reference will be made throughout) of his visit to the court of Attila in summer 449, have concluded that the Hun king's camp was on the North-eastern part of the Hungarian plain, between the Theiss and the Körös, and all whose works I have been able to consult have stated, or implied by their narrative, that it was somewhere in Hungary.That Attila usually made his headquarters in the plain of Hungary is true and early became a commonplace. It is perhaps as a result of this that scholars have been so ready to assume that in 449 he was there, and have even ‘emended’ the text of our one and only eye-witness to accord with their views. Let us begin by a fresh examination of Priscus' narrative.
The Dating of Documents to the Mid-Fifth Century—I
Authors: Meritt B. D. , Wade-Gery H. T. 
Published: May 2006

In his paper ‘The Athenian Coinage Decree’, in Historia x (1961) 148–88, Mattingly proposes to date this decree (Tod 67: ATL ii D14: the ‘Decree of Klearchos’) to 425/4. This involves two important principles, historical and epigraphic. Historically, he contends that a measure of this coercive sort is out of place in the middle of the century (it is dated in ATL to 449/8) and finds its proper context in the time of Kleon's ascendancy, in the latter part of the Archidamian War. Epigraphically, since one copy in which this decree is preserved (the only copy which uses the Attic alphabet) writes sigma always with three bars Mattingly is led to challenge the current epigraphic doctrine, namely, that in Attic inscriptions this form of sigma is not used (at least in the ‘chancery style’, for a public decree) later than 446.The epigraphic doctrine about three-bar sigma is not self-evidently true, and it is fair and right that it should be called in question. We believe it is true in fact, and that the use of three-bar sigma in the Kos copy of D14 creates a strong presumption that Mattingly's date is too low. We deal with the documents alleged by Mattingly to run counter to this doctrine, and hope to show (in each case) that they do not. We deal with these and other documents under three heads: first, the two from which Mattingly starts, the decree of Klearchos about coinage and the decree of Kleinias about the collection of tribute; next, some other decrees concerning Athens' allies; last, those which are concerned with building projects.