bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Archaeology in Greece, 1924–25
Authors: Woodward Arthur M. 
Published: May 2006

This article attempts to summarise the results (1) of those excavations carried out in Greek lands in 1924 of which no report was available in time for my account printed in the last volume of the Journal, and (2) of the excavations of 1925 of which reports had come to hand before the end of September. This system will be followed in the accounts which I hope to contribute annually henceforward.American SchoolThe varied activities of the American School included excavations at the sites of Corinth, the Argive Heraeum, and Eutresis in Boeotia. At Nemea and Phlius, the opening campaigns at which sites were described in my report of a year ago, no further work was done in the summer of 1925. At Corinth, thanks to a generous subsidy by, and the personal enterprise of, Professor T. L. Shear, substantial progress was made with the Herculean task of clearing the theatre, where, on the south side of the orchestra, the depth of the deposit of earth proved to be 12 metres; before the season closed, over 5000 tons of debris had been removed to a dump a quarter of a mile away. In the west of the cavea the seats proved to be all destroyed, but a remarkable discovery was made, in the form of a wall, originally ca. 2·80 metres high, surrounding the orchestra. This where cleared was preserved to a height of 1·70 m., and was painted in fresco with scenes of life-sized figures engaged in combat with lions. One combatant, in action with a lion which charges him from the left, is clad in a long purple under-garment, with a white over-garment fastened at the knee; another wears a short garment which hangs down in front, leaving the legs bare to the hips, and white sandals; other figures, variously clad, and also fighting lions, appear in other scenes.
The Venetians and the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople to the close of the Twelfth Century
Authors: Brown Horatio F. 
Published: May 2006

The foundation and development of the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople, and the history of the early trading relations between Venice and the Roman Empire are intimately connected with and illustrate the movement by which the Republic gradually passed from actual, through merely nominal, vassalage to actual and formal independence. That movement constitutes an essential part of early Venetian history, the growth of the Republic as a free State between the Empire of the East and the Empire of the West, both weak at sea and in need of a fleet which Venice alone was able to supply, and shows us the Republic skilfully steering her course between Saracens, Normans, Greeks and Germans towards her goal, naval supremacy in the Adriatic and the Levant.It is not the object of this paper to dwell on the larger movement, but rather to examine the relations between Venice and the Eastern Empire with special reference to the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople. Those relations were governed by the Chrysobulls, or Golden Bulls, whereby the Emperors made gradually extending concessions to the seamen and merchants of their vassal State.
The New Neo-Phrygian Inscriptions
Authors: Sayce A. H. 
Published: May 2006

The notes which follow are intended to be a supplement to Professor W. M. Calder's Corpus Inscriptionum Neo-Phrygiarum in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXXI and XXXIII (1911–13), and above, p. 22. The Corpus is so complete and the interpretation of the inscriptions so ingenious and thorough that little room is left for addition and correction. My supplementary notes, therefore, will not be numerous.(1) In No. LXIX it is clear that ξως κε πεις κε must mean ‘both living and dead,’ and that consequently πεις signifies ‘dead.’ Hence in No. XII we must read ζειρακεοι πειες κε, and translate ‘living and dead (let them go accursed to Attys).’ The verb has the plural suffix -νου, corresponding with -du in Boghaz Keui Hittite. This settles the reading of No. VII, which must be [ζειρ]ακεοι ειροι Ατι ετι ττ[ετικμενοι ειττ]νου. Ειροι perhaps means ‘untimely’; cp. ἦρι.
Two Reliefs in the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Hutton C. A. 
Published: May 2006

Among the recent acquisitions of the Ashmolean Museum are the two reliefs which form the subject of the present paper, and which I am permitted to publish by the courtesy of the Keeper, Mr. E. T. Leeds. The Museum already possessed a fragment of a Nymph relief of the ordinary type (three draped female figures moving in procession within a grotto (Chandler, Pars I, Tab. L. No. CXXIV = Michaelis, Anc. Marb., No. 133) so that the two new reliefs materially enrich that group in the Collection.I. Dance of Pan and Nymphs (Pl. XIVa).—Pan occupies the centre of the composition; he moves quickly to his left, leading three female figures in a dance round an altar-shaped stone. He is dressed in a panther skin, which covers his bent right arm; a long narrow mantle is thrown over his left shoulder, one end of which floats behind him, the other is twisted round his left arm, in which he holds a pedum; his head is turned back over his right shoulder towards the nymph who follows him (No. 1). His figure is in high relief (3 cmm.), his head, the floating ends of his scarf and his legs so much undercut as almost to seem detached from the background. The body of the first nymph is also in high relief (2½ cmm.), and is twisted round to present a three-quarters view; her right arm is thrown back to grasp ah end of her drapery, her left is raised to her shoulder.
The Multiplication of Tombs in Turkey
Authors: Hasluck F. W. 
Published: May 2006

It is by no means uncommon to find in Turkish, as in other Mahommedan lands, two or even more tombs attributed to the same person. The development of the supernumerary tomb or tombs is susceptible of several explanations, which are worth setting forth both for their intrinsic interest and as contributing to the knowledge of similar phenomena in other religions.Duplicated tombs of perfectly historical persons are not unknown. Murad I., for instance, has authentic tombs at Brousa, his capital, and at Kossovo, where he fell. Tradition, which is probably in this case true, says that the latter contains his heart and bowels and the former his embalmed body. The grave of Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, who died and was buried at Bulair, is claimed also by Yenishehr in Bithynia. The explanation here may be the same as in the case of Murad I.'s two graves, or it may be that Suleiman established a pious foundation at Yenishehr with a turbe intended to enshrine his remains. Similarly, the official grave of Osman, the founder of the dynasty, is at Brusa, though Sugut, his father's seat, lays claim to the honour.
Diodorus' Narrative of the Sacred War
Authors: Hammond N. G. L. 
Published: May 2006

Since 1856, when Schaefer declared that the text of Diodorus contains two parallel accounts of the opening of the Sacred War, the history of the years 357–352 B.C. has been the subject of controversy. At the present time two contentions have gained general acceptance: firstly, that Schaefer was correct in the divination of a doublet, and secondly, that the doublet having introduced a superfluous year of narrative, the two-year interval in Diodorus' chronology, between the seizure of Delphi by Philomelus and the declaration of the Sacred War by the Amphictyony, should be reduced to an interval of one year.Within this modicum of agreement there has been ample room for dispute. The doublists, if I may so describe those who attribute a doublet to Diodorus, differ widely when they endeavour to set precise limits to their doublet: for instance, Schaefer, Kahrstedt, Cloche, and Beloch are at variance.
A Picture of the Battle of Lepanto
Authors: Dawkins R. M. 
Published: May 2006

A very interesting symbolic picture of the battle of Lepanto executed in a miniature style has recently reached this country from Athens, and the owner, Sir Arthur Evans, has kindly allowed me to publish a reproduction and description of it.The picture measures ·373 m. in height by ·275 m. in width, and is executed with a full range of colours on a sheet of vellum which has been at some time sharply folded across about half-way up the picture. Above and below and on the back there are inscriptions in Greek, but before we come to them it will be convenient to give some description of the picture itself. This is divided horizontally into two parts: above we see the saints and angels looking down upon the battle; below is the battle itself, and immediately above the centre of the fray, where the two fleets, Christian and Turkish, are in conflict, is a small medallion containing a throned figure of Christ.
Some Notes on Early Attic Stoichedon Inscriptions
Authors: Raubitschek A. E. 
Published: May 2006

‘It is a tempting suggestion that it was the engravers of such texts—that is, either the sculptors themselves or the engravers employed by them—who were the pioneers of the new style’ (see below, Notes I, II and IV). This passage in Austin's book encourages me to say that every study of the early stoichedon documents of Attica must begin with the dedication of Nearchos signed by Antenor (see Note III). When considered in connexion with all known examples of the period, this inscription assumes a significance which is not apparent when it is studied in connexion with the list which Austin has recorded (p. 7), intentionally incomplete as that list is (see Note IV). The ‘lamentably fragmentary state’ of the greater part of these private dedicatory inscriptions (Austin, p. 64) cannot deter us from a careful examination which leads, as a rule, to the reconstruction of the monuments as well as to reasonable restorations of the inscriptions.The clear distinction between dedicatory inscription and artist's signature is no peculiarity of the monument signed by Antenor, though the fact that both inscriptions are stoichedon, with the stoichoi independent of one another, shows the fully developed stoichedon style, as does the disregard of the syllabic division (see Note V).
Clytemnestra and the Vote of Athena
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P. 
Published: May 2006

It will not be disputed that the relationship between the sexes was a subject of great interest to Aeschylus. His first extant play turns on the question of marriage, willing or unwilling; and this is true, whether the Danaids were actuated by a passionate celibacy or by a horror of what they considered incest. The loss of the succeeding plays renders the interpretation of the Danaid trilogy speculative. But in the Oresteia, Aeschylus returns to similar themes: marriage, wife and husband, the relative status of men and women. This last issue becomes explicit during the trial of Orestes, when Apollo proclaims the superiority of the male, and Athena endorses his judgement with her vote. This scene, if variously interpreted, has been recognised to be important. Equally it has been recognised that Clytemnestra, for whose murder Orestes was on trial, is herself depicted as an anomaly: a woman with the mind and counsel of a man. The connexion between these two aspects of the trilogy deserves perhaps a further examination.It is first necessary to consider the characterisation of Clytemnestra. Quite apart from the issues raised in the Eumenides, it is doubtful whether the accepted ‘masculinity’ of Clytemnestra has received attention commensurate with the stress which the poet has laid upon it, nor has it been fully considered in relation to the motives of her conduct. Some, indeed, will deprecate the psychological approach to an Aeschylean character. But there are no a priori grounds on which we can decide up to what point the poet's interest in character developed, as develop it admittedly did. Clytemnestra is the test-case, and we must judge by what we find.
ΠΡΟΓΟΝΟΙ
Authors: Rostovtzeff M. 
Published: May 2006

One of the Dura parchments (Dura Perg. 23)—a sale of a slave in 180 A.D.—recently transcribed and translated by C. Bradford Welles in his preliminary report on the Dura documents of private character shews a very elaborate and unusual date. First comes the consular date and the name of the emperor, then the date according to the Seleucid era and the month, and finally the place and the municipal date: l. 4 ff. ἐν Εὐρώπῳ τῇ πρὸς ᾿Αραβίᾳ ἐπὶ ἱερέωυ Διὸς μὲν Λυσανίου τοῦ Ζηνοδότου τοῦ ῾Ηλιοδώρου ᾿Απόλλωνος δὲ Θεοδώρου τοῦ ᾿Αθηνοδότου τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμιδώρου, τῶν δὲ προγόνων ῾Ηλιοδώρου τοῦ Διοκλέους τοῦ ῾Ηλιοδώρου, βασιλέως δὲ Σελεύκου Νικ[ά] τορος Δανύμου τοῦ Σελεύκου τοῦ Δανύμου.Dating a document, not only by consuls, the imperial year and the year according to a provincial or municipal era, but also by eponymous priests of the municipal gods was not the common practice at Dura in Roman times. We have now a rather large and representative group of various private documents found at Dura, some of them with the date completely preserved. In no one of them is mention of the eponymous priests found. The date consists of the name of the consuls, the name of the emperor or emperors, and the number of the year according to the Seleucid era. Sometimes when the emperors are themselves consuls the second step is omitted. Nor is such a dating by the priests very common in other parts of the Roman Empire. In contracts or similar documents found in Egypt in most cases the imperial date only is used.
Polypragmosyne: a Study in Greek Politics
Authors: Ehrenberg Victor 
Published: May 2006

Πολυπραγμοσύνη and its opposite ἀπραγμοσύνη are typical abstract nouns of the fifth century, indicating human qualities, comparable to words like δικαιοσύνη and σωφροσύνη. There is, however, one thing peculiar to our two words: they are opposite extremes, but there is nothing between them. There is no πραγμοσύνη. Simple action (πρᾶξις), we may assume, does not easily reveal a man's character. It is only when he acts ‘much’ or ‘not at all,’ that a conclusion can be drawn as to his own nature. The psychological aspect is paramount, more than in words like δικαιοσύνη or σωφροσύνη which also represent an idea. As so frequently happens in psychology, it is the contrast which illuminates either particular quality. We can perhaps go one step further and assume that conceptions like these are more likely than not to spring from a rational and conscious awareness of real phenomena, while for instance δικαιοσύνη, although it is the abstract noun belonging to δίκαιος, at the same time originates from the desire to give a name to the abstract idea which dominates the world of δίκη). There is no ‘idea,’ there are only psychological facts, in ‘busybodiness.’This ugly and unwieldy English word makes it plain that—at least in English—the concrete rather than the abstract noun belongs to ordinary speech, the man rather than the quality. The ‘busybody’ is indeed a type which, though little loved, is deeply rooted in the English mind, and this is undoubtedly the legitimate translation of πολυπράγμων
The Strategi at Athens in the Fifth Century. When Did They Enter on Office?
Authors: Mayor H. B. 
Published: May 2006

It has been assumed for many years that the Strategi, though elected earlier in the year, did not enter office till the first day of Hecatombaeon (July or August), at the same time as the other yearly magistrates. There was considerable controversy about this in the nineteenth century, but the question was thought to be finally settled then, and it may seem presumptuous to reopen it so long after. But two important discoveries have been made since the ‘orthodox’ theory was generally adopted; and together they involve certain difficulties, which suggest that the whole question should be reconsidered. These are, first, the recovery of the Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία, which fixes the date of the election in the Seventh Prytany (44 § 4); and, second, Merritt's work on the Attic Calendar, which supersedes Keil's system of chronology, and fixes the beginning of the Seventh Prytany in the second week of February.Both these authorities were unknown to Beloch, whose arguments in favour of the ‘orthodox’ view (Attische Politik seit Perikles) have been generally accepted as the last word on the subject. Beloch's name deservedly carries weight, but his conclusions have perhaps been adopted over-readily by many who have, not studied the evidence on which they are based. It will suffice here to say that most of his arguments are devoted to showing that the election took place in April—a date now disproved by the Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία—while his arguments with regard to the time of entering on office are slight and unconvincing.
Melian Aftermath
Authors: Jacobsthal P. 
Published: May 2006

The number of Melian reliefs has slightly increased in the last few years.On 5–6th July, 1938, Messrs. Sotheby sold a piece—it is No. 184 in the Sale Catalogue—of which little is known. J. D. Beazley, who drew my attention to it, tells me that most of it was modern plaster: only a small part was antique, it showed something of a draped female figure on an animal's back, Helle or a Nereid.A fragment of a winged Artemis, figured in Melische Reliefs, p. 26, fig. 3, after a good drawing by Schoene, was rediscovered in one of the drawers of the Athenian National Museum by Mrs. Papaspyridi-Karousou, and is figured in BCH 61, 1937, p. 354, fig. 1.The dancer (no. 42), the whereabouts of which were unknown to me in 1931, is now, as Mr. Chr. Karousos kindly informs me, in the Nomikos collection in Thera.Of Melian reliefs—in a wider sense (see Melische Reliefs, p. 89 sq.)—I mention a cock, a Sphinx and a Gorgo, published by Mrs. Papaspyridi-Karousou in Arch. Deltion 1934/35, p. 30, fig. 15; they were found together in an Argive tomb which is dated by its other contents to the second quarter of the fifth century roughly—a welcome date for these conservative works.
The Inscription from Kythera
Authors: Weidner Ernst F. , Thomas Helen 
Published: May 2006

The inscription from Kythera (Fig. 1) to which Miss Thomas drew attention in the last part of the JHS (lviii, p. 256), is an early Babylonian cuneiform inscription which has already been the object of considerable study on the part of Assyriologists. It was first discussed by Hugo Winckler (SB Preuss. Akad. Wiss. 1897, 262–4) as part of an article by Ulrich Kohler (Ueber Probleme der gr. Vorzeit, l.e., 258–274). Winckler successfully deciphered lines 4 and 5, and established the correct reading of some of the signs in the first lines. He thought the inscription dated between 1500 and 1200 b.c., and thus, as Köhler added, from the finest period of Mycenean culture. Köhler (p. 265) further said that the cuneiform tablet might have been brought to Kythera at that time with other oriental bric-á-brac, like the Egyptian scarabs found in Rhodes and in the plain of Argos.Many years later the study of this inscription was again taken up by Eckhard Unger (Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte xiii (1929) p. 313, pl. 58A), who went beyond Winckler and succeeded in reading the third line as well. On the other hand, his deciphering of the first two lines, his restoration of the third and fourth, his assertions on its place of origin (according to him Tilmun in the region of the Persian Gulf), and the date he gives it are not proof against criticism. For this, however, he is hardly to blame, since it is only very recently that the American excavations in Western Asia have shed light upon the author of this inscription.
A peculiar form of Omega in two sixth-century Inscriptions
Authors: Jeffery L. H. 
Published: May 2006

In Mr. Scranton's publication of the inscriptions found by the American School at Phlius in 1924 (Hesp. V, 1936, p. 235 ff.) he comments (p. 238) on the unusual form which occurs in no. 2 in the words and suggests that it may have been a modification of another letter, as or or , intended to represent ɳ). In this connexion, attention may be drawn to another example of this letter-form, though apparently without the central dots, in an inscription from Asprókampo, near Perachora. It is given by L. Ross (Arch. Aufs. II, p. 661): , σᾶμα. A facsimile of Ross’ original drawing from his diary is also published in IG IV. 414, Röhl IGA 18. Forchhammer, who also made a copy, (Halcyonia 1857, 14) saw the third letter as , and Le Bas (RA I, 174: Voy. Arch. II, 77, pl. IV, no. 6) did not see the first five letters at all, while Röhl (loc. cit.), taking Forchhammer's reading as correct, suggested σᾶμα. Kirchhoff (Geschichte3 p. 88) gives Ross’ facsimile without commenting on the form of the third letter, and in the fourth edition mentions the inscription without giving the facsimile.That Ross himself was convinced that this form was on the stone, and was intentional, is shown by his attempts (loc. cit.) at connecting it with other similar signs from the Greek and other alphabets.1
Greek History at the Renaissance
Authors: Woodward A. M. 
Published: May 2006

It may be taken for granted that in any branch of learning it is a pleasant, and may be an instructive, task to turn one's back now and then on progress and research, and look backwards along the path which we and our predecessors have trodden, and to reflect on what we owe to those who were the pioneers in the exploration of our subject. And it seems no less true that the study of Greek history is a fit theme for such a backward glance, even if it is difficult, and at times impossible, to isolate it completely from the general background of Greek learning, particularly at the Renaissance.I propose, therefore, to examine the background and the progress of the study of Greek history between 1350 and 1500, not continuously, for the task would be too laborious, but at intervals of fifty years, noting certain landmarks associated with each of these dates, and touching on the main developments in each of these half-centuries.In the year 1350 there occurred a noteworthy event, fraught with immediate delight to the two participants, and with momentous and quite unforeseen consequences for the future of classical learning, namely, the meeting of Petrarch and Boccaccio in Florence. One of the things that helped to bring them together was their common enthusiasm for Greek, of which Boccaccio had already attained some knowledge; Petrarch, though a few years older, was still hoping, and eagerly striving, to acquire the rudiments of the language.
Red-Figure Cups with Incised and Stamped Decoration.—II
Authors: Ure Annie D. 
Published: May 2006

In Volume LVI of this Journal I published a series of. Attic stemless kylikes with red-figure painting outside and stamped or incised patterns inside. These run from about the middle to the end of the fifth century. Characteristic of the early part of the fourth century, though the earliest examples are to be dated before the end of the fifth, is a series of cup-kotylai with similar decoration which forms the subject of this paper.The cups range in size from a height of 0·09 m. with a diameter of 0·165 m. to a height of 0·06 m. with a diameter of 0·12 m. Their deep and comparatively narrow bowls presented more difficulties to the stamper than the shallow kylikes and restricted his designs to smaller and simpler patterns.The earliest group consists of a pair of cups from the same hand. The stamped pattern shows five or six separate palmettes set closely round a small incised central circle and surrounded by a pair of incised circles.
The Evidence for Apolline Purification Rituals at Delphi and Athens
Authors: Dyer R. R. 
Published: May 2006

1. Orestes at Delphi:At the end of the Choephoroi Orestes announces that he will return to Delphi as suppliant (1038–9):As he leaves the stage he sees a vision of nameless pursuers, ‘the angry hounds of my mother’, and the chorus come to the conclusion that ταραγμός has spread from the ‘strange’ blood still on his hands into his φρένες. They advise him (1059–60):In the Eumenides Orestes receives an oracle from Apollo himself, appearing in miraculous epiphany to his suppliant. After reassuring Orestes of his continuing support and pointing to the sleeping pursuers as proof of his power (64–7), Apollo identifies the role of the Erinyes and gives instructions for escaping from πόνοι (74–83):