bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Pan-American Coöperation in Pan-American Affairs
Authors: Pezet F. Alfonso 
Published: May 2006

A complete and thorough study of the question should embrace the following points:A. The Pan-American idea: its inception, and its development up to the present time.B. The need of an international Pan-American understanding that shall create the desire for Pan-American conciliation.C. The promotion of Pan-American conciliation leading to the promulgation of an international Pan-American policy of coöperation in all affairs of the Americas.Under “A” we have to consider: The movement for political emancipation in the Americas; the early and subsequent attempts to establish unions, leagues and federations among the republics; the attitude of the political leaders in America toward closer relations; the conditions obtaining in the several sections of America, and their influence for or against the realization of the ideals upon which the commonwealths were established; the congresses, conferences, and meetings of every nature, held in the Americas to promote Pan-American policies; the evolution of the Pan-American idea since Bolivar and Henry Clay, through Blaine up to the present day.
The Reorganization of State Government in Kansas
Authors: Dykstra C. A. 
Published: May 2006

During March of 1913 Governor George H. Hodges of Kansas was the most talked-of and written-about governor in the United States. His message of March 11 to the Kansas legislature was probably the most quoted message of the year. To students of state government this message presented nothing new. It probably would be just as true to say that much of this message presented little that was new to the great majority of intelligent voters. It certainly suggested nothing unfamiliar to most thinking legislators in Kansas. Nevertheless it was a unique message and it merited all the publicity it received. That this should be true is one of the paradoxes of American politics.For years editors, students, and legislators themselves have been making the same criticism of our American methods of lawmaking that Governor Hodges makes. And from many quarters had come practically the same proposal for reform that the governor advocates. One of our American States had attempted the year before by direct popular action, to adopt a much more thorough going scheme of state reorganization. But we are a conservative people, and for some reason or another, we are but slightly stirred by criticism or suggestion for change in our governmental machinery unless it comes from an official source. Let congress suddenly discover that there is an insidious lobby at Washington and we all demand immediate house cleaning.
Administrative Reorganization in Minnesota
Authors: Young Jeremiah S. 
Published: May 2006

The governor of Minnesota, Hon. A. O. Eberhart, in his message to the state legislature in 1911, made an exhaustive statement concerning the defective and expensive administrative system of the state, pointing out the lack of adequate centralization, responsibility and coöperation, suggesting a definite plan of reorganization, and making an earnest plea for legislative action; but his plea fell upon deaf ears. Again in 1913 he reargued the case but restricted his suggestions to the reorganization and systematization of only two departments: (1) the department of public domain and (2) the department of agriculture. These departments were not reorganized; instead the House of Representatives appointed a committee on public accounts. This committee made a partial study of the situation and filed a report. Nothing further was done except to introduce more than half a hundred bills dealing with state economy and efficiency, one of which passed, an act providing for an educational commission for investigation purposes.Perhaps one reason the legislature did not undertake a thoroughgoing reorganization of the administrative machinery of the state government is because the members wanted a scientific, impartial investigation of the whole subject made so that action might be taken only after full knowledge. However, the legislature did not provide for a general committee to study the whole situation but went at it piecemeal by providing for a commission to study a single problem.
Constitutional Law in 1926-1927: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1926
Authors: Cushman Robert E. 
Published: May 2006

The most conspicuous constitutional decision rendered by the Supreme Court during its 1926 term, or for many a preceding term, was in the case of Myers v. United States. It is here held that the power of the President to remove executive officers appointed by him with the consent of the Senate cannot be restricted by Congress. On the question of the removal of such officers the Constitution is entirely silent. It is an interesting commentary on the process by which we make constitutional law that a problem as important as this, a problem which was debated at length in 1789, upon which presidents have acted and congresses have passed statutes, should now, after 137 years, be definitely settled for the first time, and be settled now only because the late Mr. Myers saw fit to sue the government in the Court of Claims for his salary.The facts in the case are simple. In 1917 President Wilson appointed Myers to a first-class postmastership at Portland, Oregon, for a term of four years. In 1920, by direction of the President, he was removed from office. A statute passed in 1876 and still in force provides that “postmasters of the first, second, and third classes shall be appointed and may be removed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and shall hold their offices for four years unless sooner removed or suspended according to law.” The removal of Myers was never referred to the Senate for its consent.
Women Members of European Parliaments
Authors: Comstock Alzada 
Published: May 2006

Rose Macaulay, among others, has said that “women are always news.” When all else fails, murders, suicides, and divorce cases, journalists can still propound some such question as “can a woman drive a car as well as a man?” and they are sure of a hearing.If it were not for the eternal interest of the public in women as women, women in parliaments would no longer be news. In these last few years there have been nearly a hundred sitting in the various parliaments of Europe, and now and then even the newspapers have shown signs of forgetting that they are there.There is something odd about the geographical position of the countries in which these women members, deputies and senators, are to be found. They exist in a fringe around the north and east of Europe. France, Italy, Spain, and the other countries along the Mediterranean are out of it entirely. Upon closer analysis the situation grows even more mysterious. To find the group of women legislators of longest standing, one must go up beyond the Scandinavian countries, to the Finns, who live farther north than any other civilized people in the world. There are nearly twenty women in the Finnish parliament, and one of them has served her fifth three-year term.
Selection and Tenure of Bureau Chiefs in the National Administration of the United States
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W. 
Published: May 2006

The bureau chiefs are the key figures in national administration. The units that they direct are inclusive enough to lend themselves to the purposes of supervision and coördination and to bring their heads in touch with the machinery of budget-making and legislation, but sufficiently focused to preserve for them a saving contact with details and technique. The importance of their positions can hardly be exaggerated.Who are the present bureau chiefs? What has been their training? To what extent have they been recruited within the services they now direct, and to what extent from outside? What factors have influenced their selection? How long have they been in office? Judging by their experience as well as by the frequency with which their predecessors have been changed, how secure seems to be their tenure? These are the questions to which this paper is addressed. Its purpose is modest; it is not expected to uncover findings not already known, at least in general terms. A systematic canvass of the bare facts, however, will help to a more precise understanding of the actual situation and perhaps facilitate discussions of our working theory of the relation of politics to administration. The time is opportune for taking stock. Within the past fifteen years each of the great parties has swept into the seats of power after a period of deprivation.In determining the scope of this inquiry, the term bureau is used somewhat broadly, to denote any major subdivision of an executive department.
Administrative Reorganization and the University of Minnesota
Authors: Walker Harvey 
Published: May 2006

Those who have followed the progress of administrative reorganization in Minnesota will recall that the reorganization act in that state established a commission on administration and finance similar to the commission with the same name in Massachusetts. Large powers of supervision over the financial affairs of the state are conferred. Among them is a provision that the state auditor may approve no warrant upon the state treasurer for an expenditure from an appropriation unless the object of the disbursement is one which has been approved by the commission. Every department, officer, agency, and institution is required to present for the commission's approval, each three months, an estimate of its needs for the following quarter.The regents of the University of Minnesota, pursuant to the requirements of the act, had submitted to the commission for its approval in one of their quarterly estimates a request for authority to expend $40,000 to provide group insurance for the faculty and employees of the university. The commission declined to approve the item, on the ground that it might be taken as a precedent upon which to base demands for similar insurance for the employees of other state agencies. The regents were advised to apply to the legislature for specific authority. This they declined to do, as they claimed to have control of sufficient funds aside from legislative appropriations to carry the project through. The regents employed actuaries to prepare a preliminary report on the form of insurance contract to be used.
Diplomatic Affairs and International Law, 1913
Authors: Dennis Alfred L. P. 
Published: May 2006

War has marked the year 1913; and charges and countercharges as to alleged atrocities by belligerents have been rife. Treaties were drawn to be promptly torn up; and solemn declarations of intention and policy often proved futile. The existence of internal disorder and the outbreak of domestic revolutions in several countries have also exerted disturbing influences on international relations. The result was economic loss and diplomatic tension even well beyond the field of military operations. And these conditions have led to renewed activity in the struggle for concessions and investment in renascent communities. Racial and religious sentiments have also aroused bitter feeling; while political leaders in several countries compel renewed consideration of the weight of individuals in the determination of the world's affairs.In large part the problems of 1913 were historic; but in part they were affected by apparently impending changes which we cannot as yet define. Thus the influence of socialism and of various forms of radical thought on international relations is a factor. The adoption of oil as a naval fuel, the opening of the Panama Canal, the plans for administrative reorganization of Turkey, and its capitalistic development, the renewed debate as to the Monroe doctrine, and the problem of China are all matters whose future significance scarcely concern us here; but their influence in the past year has been unquestionably great. We cannot estimate as yet the true value of many recommendations touching various fields of international coöperation; and the value of delay in international action still remains in dispute. So on the whole the year 1913 has apparently been the year of the cynic.
Judicial Control of Official Discretion
Authors: Dickinson John 
Published: May 2006

When men reflect about government, whether practically or academically, they always turn up, if they think deeply enough, two central problems: first, how to ensure that government shall do what it is supposed to do, and secondly, how to ensure that it shall not do other things. One is the problem of efficiency, the other the problem of control; and around the two is built most, perhaps all, of the so-called science of politics. At some periods the need for control seems the more vital and pressing. It seemed so to Englishmen, for example, during the two centuries following the accession of the Stuarts. At other times and places the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction, and in fifteenth century Europe, as in contemporary Italy, the dominant desire was for government strong enough and untrammelled enough to stem successfully a rising tide of disorder. Each age strikes its own balance in favor of one principle or the other, and thereby touches the opposite principle into action to redress the balance at some new point of readjustment.The competing claims of efficiency and control have often expressed themselves in the form of controversy concerning the comparative merits of government by discretion and govern-ment by law—or, in Harrington's phrase, a government of laws and a government of men. In this form the conflict has left its mark everywhere on political thought since Aristotle. Discretion means freedom for government to choose among possible alternatives of action. As one judge has said, “In honest plain language it means ‘Do as you like.’” It is thus a condition of efficiency, but it is very apt to exact the price of arbitrariness. Law, on the other hand, requires that government shall act by set rule, shall limit itself to a particular way of acting in each particular situation. It seeks to eliminate choice in favor of certainty; it narrows the possible range of governmental action in order that such action may be predicted and controlled in advance.
Problems of Percentages in Direct Government
Authors: Gardner C. O. 
Published: May 2006

It may be assumed at the outset that any government based on the democratic principle should, regardless of the form it may take, reflect existing public opinion. The actual method by which expression may be given to the will of the people is of secondary importance. We have relied, in the past, and are still relying on representative institutions for the performance of this prime function of democratic government. Although satisfactory results have, on most occasions, been obtained, numerous instances are on record in which the action of the people's representatives has been at variance with definitely formulated public opinion. Such instances have been pointed to by critics as indicating serious defects in the working of the representative system.To remedy these defects the devices known as the initiative and referendum were conceived and incorporated into many state constitutions. These instruments of government enable the voters, by means of the ballot, to supplant or supplement laws enacted by their representatives by laws of their own making. They were designed not to overthrow representative government but to prevent its diversion from its proper sphere of activity. When legislation does not seem to conform to public opinion the people may, by direct exercise of the law-making power, correct the error by popular vote, and the result is to be taken as the final word in determining what the will of the people really is on the subject in point. Public opinion is thus to find expression in the will of the electorate through the balloting process.
The Authority of Vattel II
Authors: Fenwick Charles G. 
Published: May 2006

In a previous paper the attempt was made to state Vattel's system of municipal and international jurisprudence, and to show in a general way the authority attributed to his treatise on international law. It remains for us to consider the technical rules of international law proposed by Vattel and thus to lay the basis for a critical estimate of the position to which his treatise is entitled among the classics of international law.The rules of conduct which nations have voluntarily adopted for themselves, and which therefore constitute the law between them, may be divided, with regard to their intrinsic character, into two general classes: first, rules which define certain principles of moral conduct or which embody the recognition of certain fundamental rights of states, and secondly, rules which define the concrete application of principles to the practical relations of states. Chief of the rules defining principles of moral conduct is the rule of good faith between nations, which in its many applications pervades the whole field of international law. This rule of good faith is not merely an a priori conception deduced from the analogy between sovereign states as members of an international community and private persons as members of society; it is a rule of positive international law, accepted by nations as properly controlling their conduct, and appealed to by them in their diplomatic relations.
Literacy and the Electorate
Authors: Bromage Arthur W. 
Published: May 2006

Expansion and Contraction of the Franchise. Between the theory and practice of the American Revolution there was a wide breach. The ruling caste of property owners retained control in spite of the legendary democratization of that era. Jefferson's declaration of the equality of man was not fully applied to suffrage requirements until the time of Andrew Jackson. Since then, suffrage restrictions of property, color, and sex have suffered the fate of houses built upon sand. The floods of democracy have now smitten upon these limitations for more than a century. In the rise of the common man, both the property-owning and taxpaying qualifications for voters disappeared even in the original commonwealths. Once these restrictions which separated the old aristocracy from the new proletariat had been vanquished, the requisites of color and sex were likewise abandoned.With few exceptions, suffrage had been granted to practically all adult male white citizens before the Civil War. Yet counter-attacks were waged by the advocates of a limited electorate. The theory prevails that a steady swing toward universal suffrage characterizes the American franchise. The pendulum has also swung in the opposite direction. Connecticut and Massachusetts, where the reaction against suffrage extension was rapid, were the first states to retrench on the policy of adult male white suffrage. In place of property qualifications, literacy restrictions appeared. The purpose of these restrictions set up by Connecticut in 1855 and Massachusetts in 1857 was to bar the ignorant immigrants from the voting class.
A New Method of Selecting Judges in California
Authors: Aikin Charles 
Published: May 2006

Many political scientists have condemned direct election of judges. Of late, an increasing number have recommended the plan of having a judge “run against his record” instead of having him run for office on the strength of his record and at the same time campaign against declared opponents. In California, an experiment has recently been undertaken designed to test the validity of such a plan.By popularly initiated constitutional amendment, originated by the Commonwealth Club of California and supported by the state chamber of commerce, the state has modified its long-used method of selecting judges of the supreme courts and the district courts of appeal. The amendment neither ends all popular election of judges nor vests all authority for selection in the hands of state officers.
The Legal Status of American Political Parties, II
Authors: Starr Joseph R. 
Published: May 2006

Political parties that cannot meet the requirements set up by statute for participation in the direct primary, or for the holding of legal conventions, are authorized in most states to choose their candidates by an alternative method. The statutory provisions on this matter vary widely. Some states follow a liberal policy, making it relatively easy for small parties to get a place on the ballot with their candidates' names identified by the party name or emblem. A few states follow a different policy, and make it difficult for small parties to put forward their candidates and allow no distinction upon the ballot between independent candidates and the candidates of small parties.The forty-eight states may be divided into several classes as respects their statutory provisions for the nomination of candidates by new political parties and small parties which cannot meet the statutory definition of a political party:1. States prescribing no minimum size for a political party to participate in the favored method of nomination, whether convention or direct primary—six states. In these states, new and small parties are in the most favored position. In the matter of nominating candidates and gaining a place on the general election ballot, they are accorded equal treatment with parties of long standing and substantial size.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. 
Published: May 2006

Changes between July 16 and November 15, 1940. As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorised by law or established by the President by executive order or Reorganisation plans under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.Adminiarator of Export Control. Authorised by Executive Order 8567 of October 15, 1940, and Administrative Regulation of the same date to administer the provisions of the act of October 10, 1940 (Public 829, 76th Congress), authorising the President to requisition for national defense any equipment, supplies, etc., the exportation of which has been denied under the provisions of Sec. 6 of the act approved July 2, 1940 (Public 703, 76th Congress).Advisory Committee on Selective Service. Appointed by the President September 21, 1940, to coördinate plans for selective service. No formal order was issued, the creation of the Committee being indicated by letters to the individual members.Advisory Committee to Encourags Travel in the United States. Authorised to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior by Public 755, approved July 19, 1940. I t will consist of one representative each from the Departments of State, Agriculture, and Commerce, the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Civil Aëronautics Authority, and the United States Maritime Commission, to be designated by the Beveral departments or agencies, and not exceeding six representatives “of the various sections of the nation, including transportation and accommodation agencies,” to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior and to serve at his pleasure. The members of the Committee receive no compensation, but are reimbursed for expenses in attending meetings.