bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Territorial versus a Class Appeal?: the Labour Parties of the British Isles' Periphery*
Authors: MAIR PETER , McALLISTER IAN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTTraditional accounts of the mass party have emphasised its role as a coalition of interests. Such parties can experience significant intra‐party tension, particularly concerning policy questions. This article looks at six Labour parties in the periphery of the British Isles with a view to assessing the extent to which they have experienced intra‐party tension between a territorial appeal on the one hand and a class appeal on the other. A framework is suggested which is based on the timing of the emergence of the territorial dimension, the policy response of the parties, the source of pressure on the parties, and their organisational response. It concludes by suggesting that territorial and class appeals are not necessarily overly incompatible, and that socialist parties can develop a territorial appeal relatively easily. A number of explanations are offered for this.
The Moray Firth Working Party: ‘Performance’ Without ‘Conformance’*
Authors: JORDAN GRANT 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe case was selected as being (reportedly) one of successful implementation: the interest was in the preconditions of success. To meet a forecast shortage of housing for oil‐related construction workers, the Scottish Development Department convened a working party on which it, eight local authorities, a representative of the local industrial lobby and various other relevant central government departments were involved. A joint programme was organized so that the local authority contracts would be ‘pooled’. This was intended to attract a national‐scale builder with his own workforce into the area and relieve the skilled labour shortage by phased development. The housing problem was turned round to a housing surplus, but this resulted from the over‐optimism of the forecast need and a variety of building responses rather than the straightforward success of the joint operation. The case illustrates that implementation success depends on a range of dimensions; the implementation question dissolves into multiple aspects.
Implementation Beyond Hierarchy: Swedish Energy Research Policy
Authors: WITTROCK BJÖRN , LINDSTRÖM STEFAN , ZETTERBERG KENT 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTImplementation analyses have increasingly gone beyond the study of the working of well‐defined bureaucratic hierarchies. The key role played by informally coordinated clusters or complexes of different organizations, so‐called implementation structures, has instead been emphasized. This article on a major programme for energy research and development in Sweden agrees with the thrust of this latter approach. However, three substantial reformulations of the basic thesis about non‐hierarchical implementation arc advanced. First, it is argued that the role of implementation structures is by no means limited to the implementation process proper but may involve a crucial contribution to the definition and setting of a policy problem. Second, the article rejects the thesis that a purposive commitment to some common programme objective or rationale is a prerequisite for the successful implementation of a programme. Third, it underscores the importance of understanding linkages between public and private sectors in different bargaining arenas. But analysis cannot focus only on the uses of existing linkages and arenas. Programmes may well involve policies for affecting distant transactions. They will then have to cope with uncertainties about the future nature of such arenas as well as the conditions for shaping, or even creating, them.
Politico‐economic Models in Competition with Alternative Models: Which Predict Better?*
Authors: FREY BRUNO S. , SCHNEIDER FRIEDRICH 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTEmpirically estimated politico‐economic models which study the interdependence between the economy and the polity are confronted with competing models using the hard test of ex ante forecasts. The politico‐economic models in which the government is taken to act in a political framework (it wants to be reelected and to put its ideology into action) yield superior forecasts compared to the models in which a ‘benevolent dictator’ government directly reacts to macroeconomic conditions. These results suggest that political influences are indeed important and can be adequately analysed in the framework of politico‐economic models.
A Cognitive Approach to International Negotiation*
Authors: JÖNSSON CHRISTER 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTWhen it comes to the study of international negotiation processes, game theory has certain shortcomings. It is basically static in nature; it tends to homogenize actors and ‘blackbox’ information processing; and it assumes unitary actors. This article suggests a cognitive approach to the study of international negotiation processes as one way to overcome these shortcomings. The suggested model regards information processing as the link between inter‐state negotiation and decision‐making within the state, and emphasizes the role of belief systems in shaping expectations and interpretations. Specifically, the negotiating actors’ images of the adversary, self‐images, and images of situation are singled out as suitable objects of study. Relevant insights and hypotheses concerning the relationship between different parts of the actors’ belief systems are identified.
Global Conference Diplomacy and International Policy‐Making: The Case of UN‐Sponsored World Conferences*
Authors: RIITBERGER VOLKER 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe article purports, first, to review briefly the evolution of conference diplomacy from the age of the Congress of Vienna until the era of the United Nations. Building upon this historical evidence, it attempts then to outline the conceptual and theoretical underpinnings of research on conference diplomacy in general, and on global conference diplomacy as represented by UN‐sponsored world conferences in particular. The bulk of the article is devoted to an analysis of the ‘typical’ unfolding of conference processes, moving through the four stages of initiation, preparation, negotiation for decision‐making, and implementation. Here, the article seeks to demonstrate the analytical usefulness, if not necessity, of distinguishing between two major types of world conferences: action‐orientated and rule‐making conferences.
Political and Economic Gender Inequalities in Capitalist Polyarchies*
Authors: JENSEN ULLA SKOVGAARD 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThis paper develops two indicators of gender inequality: for political gender inequality, percent female members in the legislature; for economic gender inequality, male/female wage ratios. Nineteen capitalist polyarchies are compared with respect to these indicators. The comparison reveals substantial cross‐national differences in politico‐economic gender inequality. Possible reasons for the observed cross‐national differences in politico‐economic gender inequality are discussed, and the suggested explanatory variables are evaluated through multiple regression analysis. The findings suggest an answer to the question of why capitalist polyarchies differ in the extent of their politico‐economic gender inequalities. The answer consists of an assertion of a spill‐over from high female labour market participation to relatively gender‐neutral political and economic indicators. Within the economic sphere the spill‐over is facilitated by the strength of socialist parties. In politics, however, political institutions interfere with the asserted spill‐over. Electoral systems constitute different institutional barriers: as a consequence of their different modes of operation, female access to the legislatures becomes efficiently blocked in plurality systems, whereas proportional representation allows the spill‐over to occur.
The Public Policy Effects of Independence: Ireland as a Test Case*
Authors: ROSE RICHARD , GARVIN TOM 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTTwo mutually exclusive theories of the effects of independence upon public policy exist: the nationalist hypothesis predicts the adoption of many distinctive policies, whereas the external determination hypo thesis, advanced by functional and Marxist writers, suggests that independence makes little practical difference to policies. These competing theories are tested by an examination of Ireland since it became independent of Britain in 1921. Three distinctive periods are covered: that of the consolidation of the regime, a subsequent era of nationalist activism in government, and the present era, emphasizing economic development. Three separate policy domains are examined: the state's defining concern with foreign affairs, law and order, taxation, national identity and representation; the mobilization of economic resources; and the provision of welfare services. In all domains and periods independence has a major effect upon public policies. This is not only a consequence of nationalist ideological aspirations but is also because the institutionalization of a regime gives politicians both incentives and opportunities to pursue national interests, and to respond distinctively to common problems of contemporary government.
Economic Crisis and Political Management: an Introduction to the Problems of Political–Economic Interdependence*
Authors: KEMAN HANS , LEHNER FRANZ 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe management of political–economic interdependence is rather neglected in political theory as well as in political research. We propose a tentative framework of analysis concentrating on the processes of interaction between ‘politics’ and ‘economics’. Three levels of interaction are introduced and discussed in relation to current literature and to the contributions to this ‘special issue’. In particular, attention is paid to the potential role of political and non‐political factors, the extent to which interest‐aggregation and modes of conflict‐regulation are important, and to the salient feature of the degree of correspondence between public policy–formation and its consequences in terms of economic performance.
Party Government and the Political Control of Public Policy*
Authors: LEHNER FRANZ , SCHUBERT KLAUS 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTIn view of an ongoing debate on the relevance of political parties in public policy formation, this article discusses capacities and limits of party control over public policy in advanced capitalist states. Due to a strong political–economic interdependence, parties, like any other relevant public or private actor, have only severely limited capacities to influence public policy formation. This, however, does not imply that parties do not matter. Rather, the ‘parties do not matter’ theories contain a misunderstanding of the role and the influence of parties. Parties still may have considerable capacities for imposing guidelines and restrictions on the policy process. These capacities, however, depend on conditions which are often difficult to be effected. As a result, the prospects of party government are rather ambivalent.
Norwegian and Catalan Communism: Relativism in the Use of Models of Electoral Behaviour
Authors: BERNTZEN EINAR , SELLE PER 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe application of a model of Communist voting to two rather different geographical and historical contexts yielded varying empirical results. The model, composed of traditional socioeconomic explanatory variables as well as organizational and historical variables, proved fruitful in the Norwegian case, much less so in the Catalan case. This difference in explanatory power may be understood in terms of varying levels of modernization. Models of electoral behaviour should be more sensitive to developments of this kind. Higher flexibility in the use of models is thus desirable. What is needed is a battery of models of electoral behaviour, and a more conscious attitude on the part of electoral sociologists to the implications of time and space for the choice of theoretical approach.
Party Identification and Political Socialization: a Note on Australia and Britain*
Authors: McALLISTER IAN , KELLEY JONATHAN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTThe inheritance and continuity of party identification is usually traced to the predominant influence of parental political socialization. This paper applies multivariate analysis to Australian and British data to examine (1) the relative importance of parents' partisanship and social milieu on the respondent's own partisanship and (2) the influence of parentsapos; partisanship on the preferences of the respondent in later life. The analysis shows that, in both countries, the social milieu of the family has little or no effect on the preferences of the children and it is the partisanship of the parents that is the dominant factor. In addition, we show that the influence of parents' partisanship is limited to early adulthood and to the first partisanship of the child; it has little or no direct influence on the respondent's subsequent electoral behaviour.
Comparative Public Policies: Some Methodological and Theoretical Notes from a Scandinavian Research Project
Authors: SAETREN HARALD 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTA better understanding of political system performance from a public policy point of view requires a more rigorous concern with methodological and theoretical aspects of research design. In many comparative studies the lack of focus on the sub‐systemic, intermediate level of the political system is striking and it is maintained that recent developments in organizational theory offer rich opportunities to analyse the effects of institutional and organizational factors on political system performance.A Scandinavian research project covering Finland, Norway and Sweden, based on a ‘most similar systems’ research design, is used as an illustrative example of how the author thinks comparative studies may lead to an agglomeration of more cumulative knowledge in the field of public policy.
Party Factions and Government Reshuffles: a General Hypothesis Tested against Data from 20 Post‐war Democracies*
Authors: BUDGE IAN 
Published: May 2006

ABSTRACTIn the context of a general policy‐based theory of how parties behave in democratic governments, a specific hypothesis on party factional behaviour is proposed and tested for the post‐war period in 20 democracies. The hypothesis is that reshuffles (replacements and transfers of individuals between ministries) are more frequent where Prime Ministers have more freedom of action and decline where they have less freedom. As Prime Ministerial power is greatest in single‐party governments, these are expected to produce more reshuffles – an expectation strongly confirmed by the evidence.
The demanding citizen: driven by policy, self‐interest or ideology?
Authors: MOURITZEN POUL E. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractA number of the basic assumptions made by economic theories of democracy are tested by means of a general model of the formation of citizens’ attitudes towards changes in public spending. The test is performed on Danish individual‐level data in combination with city‐level data. The results generally confirm the validity of some of the assumptions of economic theories of democracy: that people have some knowledge of public policies, that they react accordingly, and that some sort of cost benefit calculus is at work because attitudes to some extent are a function of individual self‐interest. On the other hand, the model also points towards mechanisms which are indicative of the limitations of narrow self‐interest‐oriented economic reasoning because people's ideologies seem to be more important than self‐interest measures.One can hardly conceive of a theory of representative democracy‐normative or positive‐which is not based on specific assumption about the relationship between public policies and voter attitudes. This relationship is a two‐way relationship. On the one hand, voter attitudes are assumed to influence public policies either through the voting process or through more direct processes such as, for example, organized pressure. Second, public policies are assumed to affect voter attitudes. If, for instance, public policies change in a direction favoured by voters, it is expected that voters become more satisfied.The purpose of this article is to test the latter relation. The proposition to be tested is:Preferences for higher public spending are negatively related to the level of services, the level of taxation, the increases in services, and the increases in taxation.The test is based on individual level data and on aggregated measures of local spending, service levels and taxation. In order to perform the test a general model explaining voter attitudes will be formulated. The model comprises four major explanatory categories: public policies, private benefit indicators, ideology and political culture indicators.
Neo‐corporatist theory and the politics of industrial decline
Authors: UNDERHILL GEOFFREY R.D. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The case of the French textile and clothing industry during the post‐1974 crisis period illustrates a number of issues relevant to the debate about meso‐corporatism and interest intermediation at the sectoral level in industry. It highlights the importance of attempts to understand the relationships between organised interests and the state in the analysis of the policy process. The pattern of state‐industry relations which evolved was crucial in determining the outcome of conflict between state and industry over the management of restructuring during the crisis.The inapplicability of the meso‐corporatist model to this case becomes clear. There was a conspicuous absence of either political exchange or a shared policy agenda, each an important element of corporatist patterns of policy formation, in both the formation and implementation of adjustment policies in the sector. Mutual suspicion and a struggle to control the terms of the debate yielded a low level of co‐operation. Eventually the industry was able to appropriate increased public funds on its own terms and to insist on a protective trade regime.The complexity of the case points to the need to broaden the debate over models of interest intermediation and to relate it to issues in political economy. This is particularly important with regard to the structure of the bureaucratic state and notions of state autonomy.
Authoritarianism and the concept of class; a reply to Middendorp and Meloen
Authors: DEKKER PAUL , ESTER PETER 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Our reply to the forgoing article by Middendorp and Meloen rejects their critique for three reasons:

their requirement of ‘empirical validity’has no relevance with respect to our argumentation to use E.O. Wright's class measurements.
they fail to see the relational and qualitative character of the class measurements we used, and
they do not show any empirical evidence which contradicts our findings.

We do agree with Middendorp and Meloen on the importance of education for explaining authoritarianism. This is exactly the reason not to mix up education with class: education is just too important to misuse it as a class indicator.
Rediscovering reasonable rationality in institutional analysis
Authors: NØRGAARD ASBJØRN SONNE 
Published: May 2006

AbstractIn recent years institutions have regained their lost prominence throughout the social sciences. A host of rules, routines, and norms shape social and political interaction, the new institutionalists agree. However a sociological and a rational choice approach have disagreed on a number of issues, most notably on how institutions shape political action. Notwithstanding this, the conception of man and human rationality is the root of most controversies. In contrast to other presentations this essay argues that the most promising aspects of the two traditions are already converging. If the rational choice approach abandons its narrow conception of rationality, and if the sociological approach concedes that human beings have a capacity of conscious reflection over goals and values irrespective of context, one of the critical obstacles for mutual theoretical enrichment has been swept away. A more reasonable conception of rationality sees preferences as culturally bounded and shaped by experiences constrained by institutions. Within this framework, dialogue between the two approaches is possible; different theories of institutional change can be seen as being complementary or as rivals; a host of politically germane issues can reenter our research agenda.
Anti‐party sentiment and party system change in Italy
Authors: BARDI LUCIANO 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThis article attempts to assess (a) the extent to which anti‐party sentiment has been a factor in Italy's current political changes, with particular reference to the party system; (b) whether such changes can in turn be considered to be a preliminary step towards the rejection of the party‐based model of democracy. Elite and mass indicators, whose values rose sharply at the end of the 1980s and culminated in the early 1990s, reveal that anti‐party sentiment was indeed a factor in Italy's recent party system changes. The ability of anti‐party and anti‐system lists to attract many dissatisfied electors resulted in the major 1992–1994 party system realignment. Mass anti‐party sentiment, however, appears to have ebbed after the 1993 referendums on party financing and on the electoral law, which were arguably the highest manifestations of popular rejection of the old party‐system. It would seem that with realignment popular anti‐party sentiment has reached its goals. Perhaps as a consequence, at least some of the successful anti‐party parties are already becoming more party‐like. In the transition between Italy's first and second Republics, the party‐based model of democracy has not yet been replaced.
Measuring parliamentary deviation
Authors: COLOMER JOSEP M. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractDeviation between party seat shares and party expected power in parliamentary winning coalitions is measured with a new formula. In analogy with electoral deviation, in which proportions of votes and proportions of seats for each party are compared, proportions of seats and the proportions of influence in parliamentary majorities for each party are compared. A new parliamentary power index, which can be applied to different criteria in coalition formation, is used for this purpose. Formal trends of parliamentary disporportionality are presented. An empirical application for real elections in the period 1972–1993 in five European countries with parliamentary regimes shows a positive correlation between electoral deviation and parliamentary deviation.
Paradigms, power, and identity: Rediscovering Orthodoxy and regionalizing Europe
Authors: PRODROMOU ELIZABETH H. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractIn an effort to explain, to predict and to manage the ways in which organized religion affects patterns of public contestation at the state and regional levels in post‐Cold War Europe, social scientists and policymakers have formulated a cultural map that divides Europe into two spaces incompatible by virtue of their historical experiences: one space is ‘modem’, ‘civilized’, Western Christian; the other space is ‘anti‐modem’, ‘uncivilized’, Eastern Christian. This paper proposes that a specific ‘orthodox’ version of Eastern Orthodox Christianity has gained ascendance in Euro‐American academic and policy discussions, in order to provide a cultural argumentation that supports political‐economic and military power objectives in post‐Cold War Europe. The paper claims that the ‘orthodox’ version of Orthodoxy is theoretically inaccurate and methodologically unsound, but is rooted in intellectual efforts to salvage a neo‐modernization paradigm as well as in Orientalist tendencies in Modem Greek and Central European identity debates. An alternative to the ‘orthodox’ conception of Orthodoxy is presented, along with suggestions for how to analyze and to manage the potential synergy between efforts at consolidating liberal democracies in European societies with an Eastern Christian tradition emphasizing personal freedom and human relationality.