bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Discoveries and Mercantilism: An Essay in History and Theory
Authors: Dales J. H. 
Published: June 2006

The study of Mercantilism (an ill-defined concept at best) has usually been a study of Mercantilist pamphlets. Historians have used the pamphlets to piece together a picture of the economic policy of the age; theorists have discussed the doctrines they contain, more or less sympathetically, but usually in the light of classical economic theory and therefore frequently in a faintly patronizing manner. But each age must write its own history and in a neomercantilistic world we cannot be content to view Mercantilism so narrowly. We must, I suggest, stand back from the pamphlets and take a wider view of the matter.Some five years ago Professor Charles Wilson wrote a paper in which he attempted to do just that. In particular, he sought to identify certain objective economic conditions in the Mercantilist world which would account for Mercantilist trade practices. Behind this approach was the idea that Mercantilism was not merely an economic ideology invented by ex parte pamphleteers, but a rational economic policy reflecting the economic facts of the age. Furthermore, Professor Wilson suggested that the economic facts of the Mercantilist period bore a certain resemblance to the economic facts of the contemporary world. Heresy received its due, for the late Professor Heckscher immediately brought the weight of his authority to bear on Professor Wilson's article and gently but firmly tried to push the whole problem back into the well-worn grooves of traditional Mercantilist scholarship.
Common Property Resources and Factor Allocation
Authors: Crutchfield J. A. 
Published: June 2006

Two recent articles by Professors H. Scott Gordon and Anthony Scott present an interesting analysis of the conditions for economic maximization in a renewable resource industry the primary raw material for which is drawn from the public domain. While their criticism of the concepts which now govern fishery conservation programmes will be generally accepted among the handful of economists dealing with the fishing industry, some aspects of the problem call for additional consideration. In this paper I should like to elaborate and modify the general outlines of the analysis, largely in terms of a specific and important case: the Pacific halibut fishery.As Gordon and Scott point out, the core of the “over-fishing” problem inheres in the fact that the basic resource is incapable of ownership in any meaningful sense. When the demand for a given species exceeds the level at which supplies can be drawn from local waters at relatively constant costs, further exploitation of the fishery gives rise to higher costs at both intensive and extensive margins. The catch per unit of fishing effort will decline in the closer, more populous grounds as stocks are reduced, and greater costs must be incurred in pushing fishing activities to more distant grounds. If the grounds could be and were privately owned, the incremental income resulting from, say, secular growth in demand would, of course, accrue as rent in a purely Ricardian sense. Since they are not, and since there are no substantive barriers to the entry of new vessels, the increasing aggregate returns will simply be dissipated in excess capacity and higher monetary and real costs. If the reduction in stocks, viewed with grave alarm by biologist and legislator alike, now gives rise to restrictions on the catch designed to hold fish populations at some predetermined level or to rebuild them, the increases in price, aggregate returns, and excess capacity will continue. There is obviously no assurance that the final effect on economic output over time relative to total factor inputs is the same, better, or worse than in the absence of such restrictions.
Ghana, the West, and the Soviet Union
Authors: Anglin Douglas G. 
Published: June 2006

Ghana is the first truly African state to emerge from colonial status. Her attitude towards and relations with the Western powers and the Communist bloc are, therefore, of considerable importance both in themselves and as indications of the policies other independent African nations are likely to pursue. While Ghana’s foreign policy is still not fully defined, the broad pattern which is emerging is sufficiently discernible to merit discussion.The present position was defined by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah on the eve of Independence. “We of Ghana feel,” the Prime Minister declared, and has since repeated,that at this stage our country should not be committed in any aspect of its foreign policy and that it should not be aligned with any particular group of powers or political bloc. At the same time, our new state does not intend to follow a neutralist policy in its foreign policy. It is our intention to preserve our independence and to act as we see best at any particular time.The same view was expressed more succinctly in June, when it was stated that “Ghana will neither join any power bloc nor maintain a blind policy of neutrality and non-alignment.” These formulations of Ghanaian policy are deliberately vague. They do, however, admirably fulfil the pressing need which every country feels of having a foreign policy of its own, and at the same time they leave the Government free to pursue almost any particular course of action it might later choose.
Economic Scholarship in Canada
Authors: Taylor K. W. 
Published: June 2006

Economics first appeared in a Canadian university curriculum more than eighty years ago; thirty years later several universities were offering groups of courses in economics that could qualify a student for the equivalent of an honours degree in economics; but it is only in the past thirty-five years that a steady flow of scholarly writing in Canadian economics has developed. The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of this Journal provides an appropriate occasion to review briefly the expansion of economic scholarship in Canada.The first university course in political economy to be offered in Canada was in 1878 when the Department of Philosophy at Queen's University introduced a course of lectures based on Adam Smith, Mill, and Jevons. Ten years later, in 1888, Adam Shortt was appointed lecturer in political economy and in 1891 he became the Sir John A. Macdonald Professor of Political Science. The University of Toronto appointed its first professor of political science in 1888, and (Sir) William Ashley gave lectures in both political economy and constitutional history. McGill entered the field in 1899 when Dr. LeRossignol of Colorado was appointed visiting professor for one year. In 1900 Stephen Leacock was appointed lecturer in political science, and in 1901 (Sir) William Flux was brought over from England to occupy McGill's first chair in economics. The succeeding chairs of political economy in Canadian universities were occupied by A. L. McCrimmon at McMaster in 1904, E. Bouchette at Montreal in 1907, and A. B. Clark at Manitoba in 1909.
Social Economic Policy
Authors: Knight Frank H. 
Published: June 2006

It is well to state explicitly at the outset that the society considered in this essay is the sovereign democratic state, that is, a modern Western nation, where law is made and enforced by a responsible government within the context of representative institutions. Only a free society living under democratic government confronts or deals with social problems—problems of and for society as a unit. It is assumed that public opinion is committed to the general ideal of a practical maximum of individual freedom and freedom of association, hence to a minimum of enforced or “jural” law, prescribing or restricting personal conduct. That is, it holds to the ideal of association by free agreement or assent, subject to the state and its laws. The concepts are imprecise, and to make them workable and definite is a major function of law and government.The field of association to be chiefly considered here is that of “economic” relations. In the form now prevalent in the Western world, free economic association is a historical novelty, in origin closely intertwined with democracy or political freedom. It will be argued that these and other modes of freedom are in fact inseparable aspects of “liberal” culture. “Liberal” culture arose through a radical and historically swift transformation of the order which prevailed in mediaeval Western Europe. Without looking farther back in history, what is important is the antithetical character in essential respects of mediaeval and contemporary society in their structure and operation and in their accepted ideals.
Immigration into Canada, 1851–1920
Authors: McDougall Duncan M. 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of the paper is to provide more firmly based estimates of some aspects of Canadian population growth. In Part I estimates are derived of the natural increase in the Canadian population by decades from 1851 to 1931 based on survival rates derived from life tables. The figures on natural increase then permit the derivation of net migration estimates. In Part II new estimates of immigration are developed that, together with the net migration figures of Part I, yield estimates of emigration by decades. Part III tests some of the results by an examination of the limited information available on other aspects of Canada's economic development in the period.The life table is a basic tool of population study. The most recent application of the life table to the problem of the reconstruction of Canadian population growth was made by Nathan Keyfitz. While the same method is used here, we feel that we have made more realistic assumptions in deriving a life table designed to represent the mortality characteristics of early Canadian populations.
Labour-Management Relations in the Construction Industry: The Findings of the Goldenberg Commission
Authors: Crispo John H. G. 
Published: June 2006

Since the Second World War there has been a growing awareness that labour relations in the construction industry do not lend themselves to legislative frameworks designed to cope with union-management relations in general. In the United States this has given rise to a number of provisions in the federal legislation which have particular reference to the labour problems of the construction industry. Under the Taft-Hartley Act, for example, there was the banning of the closed shop and the prohibition of jurisdictional disputes and certain types of secondary boycotts. More recently, under the Landrum-Griffin Act, unions in the building trades were exempted from some of the restrictions which apply to union-security arrangements and to the employment of secondary boycotts in industry and commerce generally.That there is also the need for a special legislative approach to the labour relations problems of the construction industry in at least one jurisdiction in Canada has been shown by the work of the Goldenberg Commission in the Province of Ontario. After setting this work in perspective, this article will focus on the implications of the Commission's findings for the applicability of both the Ontario Labour Relations Act and such protective labour statutes as the Industrial Standards Act.
The Rowell-Sirois Report, Provincial Autonomy, and Post-War Canadian Federalism
Authors: Smiley D. V. 
Published: June 2006

On May 3, 1940, the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations presented its report to the Prime Minister of Canada. This report, along with the specialized studies undertaken by direction of the commission, constitutes the most comprehensive investigation of a working federal system that has ever been made. In spite of the scope and quality of the commission's work, its analysis of federal-provincial relations has had surprisingly little influence on the directions that the theory and practice of Canadian federalism have taken since 1945. More specifically, the concept of provincial autonomy which is central to the commission's argument has been denied explicitly or implicitly by such influential writings on the Canadian federal system as the so-called Green Book proposals submitted by the federal government at the Dominion-Provincial Conference on Reconstruction in 1945, the Report of the Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences, Mr. Maurice Lamontagne's book, Le Fédéralisme canadien, and the Report of the Quebec Royal Commission on Constitutional Problems, as well as by the actual developments in federal-provincial relations since the Second World War.At the present time of uncertainty in the Canadian federal system it seems desirable to re-examine the perspectives of the Rowell-Sirois Report. This paper attempts to analyse one of these perspectives—provincial autonomy in the fields of health, welfare, and education.
Flexible Exchange Rates and Employment Policy
Authors: Mundell Robert 
Published: June 2006

The theory of employment that grew out of the Great Depression was not long in influencing government policy-makers and revolutionizing older concepts of fiscal policy. The most important of Keynes's practical lessons, that policies which promote investment and exports and inhibit saving and imports increase employment and output, has now hardened into a dogma and filtered down into almost all the elementary textbooks. The lesson, by and large, was a good one, but the dogma presents the danger that the lesson might be uncritically applied in situations where other government policies render it invalid. This paper is concerned with the most important exception to the rule.The mercantilist element in Keynesian policies is definitely inapplicable to countries whose central banks do not peg the price of foreign exchange or gold. Tariffs, trade controls, and export subsidies are likely to worsen employment and output in all those situations in which, with a fixed exchange rate, they would improve employment and output. Moreover, if exchange rates are flexible, an increase in investment or government spending, and a reduction in saving or taxation, will have a substantially different effect on employment than that predicted by the traditional foreign trade multiplier. The reason lies in the fact that equilibrium in the balance of payments is automatically maintained by variations in the price of foreign exchange.
Parliament's Power to Advise
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

No one questions the power of Parliament to approve or condemn the actions of the Queen's ministers. But has it or has it not also the power to advise, to ask the Crown to take or not to take some particular action? May says that the British Parliament, at any rate, has: “An Address to Her Majesty is the form ordinarily employed by both Houses of Parliament for making their desires and opinions known to the Crown.” The subjects of such Addresses “have comprised every matter of foreign or domestic policy; … the administration of justice; … and, in short, representations upon all points connected with the government and welfare of the country.”Edward Blake was equally clear and emphatic that the Canadian Parliament also possessed this power. Replying on April 30, 1890, to Sir John Thompson's contention that it would be unconstitutional for the Government to disallow a provincial Act after announcing that it would not disallow, Blake said flatly that this was wrong, because Thompson's doctrine might
thwart, annul or affect the power of Parliament to express its opinion by Address, requesting His Excellency to exercise his power to disallow. … The Parliament of the country has a power not merely to approve and to condemn, but it has also a more important power with reference to every political and executive act-it has a power to advise. … Neither the approval nor the condemnation of an accomplished act serves any purpose save that of criticism. The power of advice is the great power of Parliament, a power to be exercised with reserve, but to be maintained in efficiency; and to preserve effectively that power, it is necessary that we should deem that it has not passed beyond the domain of Parliament to advise within the twelve months, no matter what the Executive may do. … It is of very little use for Parliament to say to Ministers, who have decided that they think an Act ought to be allowed: “Gentlemen, we think you are wrong; we condemn you; we censure you.” Are we to be told that if the twelve months still remain unexpired, we may condemn the Administration, forsooth, but the Act must remain operative; that we cannot make our advice effective; that we cannot take a step which will cause that to be done which the great council of the country decides in the interest of the country ought to be done? The power of Parliament itself would be thwarted by the proposition of the hon. Minister of Justice.
Hats and the Fur Trade
Authors: Crean J. F. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is an attempt to describe developments in the European hatting industry as a background to the evolution of the North American beaver trade. Most studies of the fur trade trace the movement of the furs no further than the fur market; interest is centred on production and marketing with insufficient attention directed to the ultimate sources of the demand. Vague references to style changes usually suffice as explanations of long-run demand movements. There were, however, certain technological discoveries and evolutions in hat-making which underlie both the style changes and the long-run demand fluctuations. My intent is to examine these developments and to relate them to the Canadian fur trade.The cornerstone of this essay is L'Art de faire des chapeaux, by M. I'Abbé Nollet, published at Paris in 1765. This mid-eighteenth century work examines the sources of raw materials, the methods of production, and the history of the French hatting industry. In order to understand the industrial background against which this book was written and to explain several of the references Nollet makes, it is necessary to begin with a history of the felt hat industry. In sketching this history I have drawn extensively on other sources. Some of the hypotheses advanced in Section I may be open to question; the evidence upon which they are based is fragmentary, and I have had to content myself with material in secondary sources. In later parts of the paper I shall compare L'Art de faire des chapeaux with the article on hatting in Diderot's Encyclopedia published in 1753.
Regional Interests and Policy in a Federal Structure
Authors: Hodgetts J.E. 
Published: June 2006

Almost overnight, regionalism in Canada has become the current fashion and a subject for much intellectual speculation as well as administrative experimentation. This symposium is but one of many testimonials to the growing interest in the subject. In 1964, the Committee on Statistics of the Canadian Political Science Association considered the problem. Early in 1965, Queen's University sponsored a conference on areas of economic stress that was the forerunner to a much larger conference on regionalism convened by the Province of Ontario. The Institute of Public Administration of Canada selected regionalism as the theme for its autumn conference. Recent reports of a royal commission in New Brunswick and of a legislative committee in Ontario are implicitly concerned with regionalism in so far as they propose basic remodelling of the local government services in their respective provinces. The Resources Ministers Council is grappling with the concept, as are also the federal departments of Industry and of Agriculture. On the international plane, the St. Lawrence Seaway and the Columbia River development have projected more grandiose conceptions of regionalism. In short, regionalism, with concomitant regional administrative structures, is being advanced as an answer to the new problems of interdependence that cut across traditional political boundary lines, whether they be municipal, provincial, or national.The title chosen for this symposium suggests that regional interests are, indeed, a reality within the Canadian federal structure and that policy must accommodate itself not only to the familiar strains of dominion-provincial tensions but to the newer cross-currents of regionalism. The detailed implications of regionalism cannot be considered here, but resort to the analytical tools of the new school of systems analysts may help to develop certain general conclusions.
Role of CYP pharmacogenetics and drug-drug interactions in the efficacy and safety of atypical and other antipsychotic agents
Authors: Murray Michael 
Published: June 2006

AbstractCytochrome P450 (CYP) drug oxidases play a pivotal role in the elimination of antipsychotic agents, and therefore influence the toxicity and efficacy of these drugs. Factors that affect CYP function and expression have a major impact on treatment outcomes with antipsychotic agents. In particular, aspects of CYP pharmacogenetics, and the processes of CYP induction and inhibition all influence in-vivo rates of drug elimination. Certain CYPs that mediate the oxidation of antipsychotic drugs exhibit genetic variants that may influence in-vivo activity. Thus, single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in CYP genes have been shown to encode enzymes that have decreased drug oxidation capacity. Additionally, psychopharmacotherapy has the potential for drug-drug inhibitory interactions involving CYPs, as well as drug-mediated CYP induction. Literature evidence supports a role for CYP1A2 in the clearance of the atypical antipsychotics clozapine and olanzapine; CYP1A2 is inducible by certain drugs and environmental chemicals. Recent studies have suggested that specific CYP1A2 variants possessing individual SNPs, and possibly also SNP combinations (haplotypes), in the 5′-regulatory regions may respond differently to inducing chemicals. CYP2D6 is an important catalyst of the oxidation of chlorpromazine, thioridazine, risperidone and haloperidol. Certain CYP2D6 allelic variants that encode enzymes with decreased drug oxidation capacity are more common in particular ethnic groups, which may lead to adverse effects with standard doses of psychoactive drugs. Thus, genotyping may be useful for dose optimization with certain psychoactive drugs that are substrates for CYP2D6. However, genotyping for inducible CYPs is unlikely to be sufficient to direct therapy with all antipsychotic agents. In-vivo CYP phenotyping with cocktails of drug substrates may assist at the commencement of therapy, but this approach could be complicated by pharmacokinetic interactions if applied when an antipsychotic drug regimen is ongoing.