bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Afluencia e Influencia: Ayuda al Exterior y Desarrollo
Authors: Krause Walter 
Published: March 2007

Uno de los grandes problemas de nuestro tiempo se relaciona con el estado de pobreza económica del sector subdesarrollado del mundo. Aunque el problema proviene en particular de las condiciones que prevalecen en los países subdesarroUados, se trata de un problema que también concierne a los países desarrollados. De hecho, esta preocupación toca muy de cerca a los Estados Unidos. Siendo este país el primero entre los avanzados, no sólo se da cuenta del problema y sus grandes implicaciones sino que ha dejado constancia de su voluntad de hacer algo al respecto.En pocas palabras podemos resumir las razones más importantes del porqué del estado de pobreza de los países subdesarrollados vino a convertirse en una preocupación de los Estados Unidos.
Power and Social Change in Colombia; The Cauca Valley
Authors: Blasier Cole 
Published: March 2007

The Cauca Valley in southwest Colombia offers a good closeup view of social change, the power struggle at the grass roots, and rural and urban problems in a country whose size and strategic location make her future a matter of special concern to those who seek to avoid violent solutions to Latin America's social problems.Colombia would seem to have better prospects for evolutionary development than several Latin American countries with less enlightened leadership and fewer democratic traditions. But Colombia's ruling groups face formidable, sometimes seemingly insoluble economic and social problems. The economy has been wobbly for years, buffeted by fiscal crises, foreign exchange shortages, quickening inflation, and urban unemployment. Also, Colombia has suffered more than any other country in this hemisphere from a species of internal war referred to locally as the violencia.
Sobre la Implementación del Derecho Laboral en la América Latina
Authors: Córdova Efrén 
Published: March 2007

El derecho laboral latinoamericano ha sido repetidamente criticado por su falta de aplicación efectiva. La crítica proviene primordialmente de estudiosos norteamericanos interesados en la problemática social de los países al sur del Río Grande. Robert Alexander, por ejemplo, se refiere a este tópico diciendo que para muchos observadores las leyes laborales y sociales de la América Latina existen sólo en los textos legales pero no son adecuadamente implementadas. En forma más precisa otros autores como Burnett, Morris y Tannenbaum han puesto también de relieve la existencia de serios fallos en la aplicación del derecho del trabajo latinoamericano.Lo curioso es, sin embargo, que este tema es casi totalmente ignorado por los autores latinoamericanos, los cuales dedican largas y sesudas páginas a la discusión de teorías jurídicas y problemas doctrinales, pero no se hacen cargo de esta deficiencia práctica.
The Politics of Civil-Military Relations in the Dominican Republic
Authors: Wiarda Howard J. 
Published: March 2007

The armed forces in nearly all of the developing countries have frequently played a significant role in the political process. Because civilian groups—such as political parties, interest associations, bureaucracies—tend to be weak, fluid, and amorphous during the transition from a “traditional” to a “modern” society, the military is liable to be the strongest and best organized actor in the system. The roles may vary, from performing minimal governmental functions to exercising exclusive governing power, but in general the armed forces in the developing countries have a deeper domestic involvement in government and politics than their counterparts in the more “developed” nations.From an historical point of view, Latin America is often considered the home of political militarism. Thecaudillo,or “man on horseback,” has traditionally galloped in and out of the presidential palace with frequent regularity.
Naval Strategy in the War of the Pacific
Authors: Worcester Donald E. 
Published: March 2007

One of the special characteristics of naval warfare is its aggressive nature and the speed of its resolution. Unless combat is avoided, naval warfare is invariably swift and decisive. Armies may stand face-to-face for days or months, both up to their shoulders in mud. When warships meet on the high seas, usually one side will soon be celebrating a victory, It is not often that a nation's sea power comes to rest on a single warship, but in the contest between Chile and Peru (1879-1883) this was the case, because this war occurred during the change from wooden ships to ironclads.Naval strength is customarily measured by counting guns and the weight of the metal they discharge, total tonnage of all combatant ships, thickness of armor plate, and the number of the crews. Before fighting commences this is the only convenient way to assess the strength of opposing forces. But hardware is only one factor of naval power. Once the cannons have been unlimbered an unmeasurable factor can change all calculations, a factor best expressed by the venerable naval maxim: “Men, not ships, win battles.”
The Decline of Caribbean Smuggling
Authors: Hinckley Theodore C. 
Published: March 2007

In the 1760's, the commerce of the British West Indies followed four general channels: (1) the trade with the Mother Country; (2) the exchange of goods and money with continental sister colonies to the north; (3) the African slave trade; and (4) the illegal intercourse with Spain's New World possessions. So extensive was the last that Josiah Tucker referred to it as “that prodigious clandestine trade.” This paper will explore one facet of that traffic: its eclipse in Jamaica in the years immediately after the 1763 Peace of Paris.Throughout most of the eighteenth century, only Bridgetown in Barbados and Kingston in Jamaica were markets of “conspicuous size and wide commercial connections.” The unloading of only a few cargoes would glut the capital towns of the lesser islands. Notwithstanding this fact, these islands held a coveted position in the Empire. London's high esteem for these possessions rested on their agricultural value, their importance in the crucial bullion exchange, and their utility as naval bases.
The Caribbean and the New International Economic Order
Authors: Demas William G. 
Published: March 2007

Definition of categories is an age-old scholastic and often sterile pastime. But in discussing the Caribbean, definitions are essential, particularly in these days when there is growing fuzziness as to what constitutes the Caribbean.The fact is that there are three separate but overlapping definitions of the Caribbean in widespread use today.First, there is the English-speaking Caribbean or the Commonwealth Caribbean or West Indies. Nearly all of these countries and territories are member states of the Caribbean community which comprises the four relatively “more developed countries” of Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, and the generally smaller eight relatively “less developed” countries of Antigua, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent.
Colombian Foreign Policy in the 1980s: The Search for Leverage
Authors: Bagley Bruce Michael , Totkatlian Juan Gabriel 
Published: March 2007

During 1981 and early 1982 - the first year and a half of Reagan's first term in office - Colombia, under the leadership of Liberal President Julio César Turbay Ayala (1978-82), surfaced as one of the staunchest U.S. allies in the turbulent Caribbean Basin. That Colombia would endorse the broad outlines of Reagan's policies came as no surprise to anyone, for the country had pursued a consistently pro-North American foreign policy throughout the post-World War II period. What did surprise many observers was the extent to which President Turbay abandoned his country's traditional low-profile approach to Caribbean and hemispheric affairs and replaced it with an activist foreign policy closely identified with the Reagan Administration.Colombia is structurally dependent upon the United States in economic, technological and military terms. While the country's industrial capacity has grown substantially in recent decades, the economy still relies heavily on agro-exports-, coffee alone accounts for two-fifths of the country's foreign exchange earnings.
The Brazilian Press and the Politics of Abertura
Authors: Dassin Joan R. 
Published: March 2007

On October 21,1983, an ominous two-column news story ran on page A12 of the New York Times. Datelined the previous day from Brasilia, the item off the Associated Press wire, noted that Brazilian President João Baptista Figueiredo had responded to a national congressional defeat of a government-supported austerity package by issuing a decree to replace the rejected legislation. President Figueiredo had also invoked emergency measures just before the vote, calling on police to enforce a ban on public gatherings in the Brazilian capital.Facing a $90 billion foreign debt and a world financial community insistent on forcing down a 200% inflation rate as a condition for the release of billions of dollars in international loans, the Brazilian government apparently saw little alternative to ruling by decree once again, and backing its decisions by force. Over 19 years of military rule, unpopular policies have often been imposed on Brazilians in just this fashion.
Haiti: Problems of a Transition to Democracy in an Authoritarian Soft State
Authors: Maingot Anthony P. 
Published: March 2007

Few Countries In The World, and certainly none in this hemisphere, could lay more claims to the title “original heroic land” than Haiti. If, indeed, such things mattered in this world, Haitians could rightfully note that, at a time when the dominant secular and religious ideologies defined the African as subhuman and thus “naturally enslavable,” Haitians challenged and defeated the supreme advocates of those doctrines, and their heroism became the stimulus for other liberation attempts.Not much after independence in 1804, Haitians opened their ports and hearts to all those battling slavery and oppression. Many benefitted from this daring act. Defeated and abandoned by many around him, Simón Bolívar turned to Haiti and they, not once, but twice, acted to help, true to their vows. Quite correctly did Bolívar write Petión that the liberation of America was only one of the debts owed Haiti.
The Brazilian General Staff and Brazil's Military Situation, 1900-1945
Authors: McCann Frank D. 
Published: March 2007

In June 1977, Argentine army forces in Entre Rios, Corrientes, and Missiones went on alert; while across the Rio Uruguay, Brazilian garrisons throughout Rio Grande do Sul readied themselves. The nerve center at Santa Maria vibrated with activity and even friendly military observers were warned away.Some months previously the bookEl Espacio Argentinoby Pablo R. Sanz had been published in Argentina outlining various hypotheses of how a war with Brazil might be conducted (Sanz, 1976: 335-351). The book had been circulated through the Brazilian general staff. Although it carried nothing new for the intelligence services, its publication was taken as an indication of Argentine attitudes.
Mexico's Failing Political System
Authors: Migdail Carl J. 
Published: March 2007

Revolution is Always a Latent Course of action for opposition groups in Mexico where no peaceful process exists for real change of control of political power.Mexicans opposed to the continued domination of their country by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), which has ruled Mexico since 1929, have compared this year's presidential election to that of 1910. Reelection then of President Porfirio Daz, who had been dictator for 34 years, led directly to the society-shattering revolution which devastated Mexico for well over a decade. The population of Mexico, 15 million in 1910, dropped to 14 million by 1920.Analysis of political trends in Mexico indicates, however, that while armed revolt against continuing political and economic control by the PRI remains an option for the opposition, Mexico's government is not now, nor is it likely to be in the foreseeable future, in danger of being overthrown.
Technology, the Military, and Democracy in Brazil
Authors: Conca Ken 
Published: March 2007

Brazil Entered the 1990s with its transition from authoritarian rule incomplete. The gradual withdrawal of the armed forces from power brought an end to over two decades of direct military rule in 1985, paving the way for a new constitution and the first presidential election in nearly 30 years. These formal democratizing changes were erected, however, on a foundation of socio-economic structures and political institutions with some decidedly non-democratic features. As a result, Brazilian politics retains some important vestiges of authoritarianism. Pre-existing centers of power in society remain extraordinarily influential within the emerging system, frequently operating beyond the reach of even nominal democratic control or oversight.If events of the 1980s did not completely transform Brazilian politics, they did redefine the main challenge of the political transition. The initial problem of replacing the military government with a civilian regime has given way to a second, less tangible, task of consolidating democratic institutions and procedures (O'Donnell, 1988).
Economic Policy Reform in Four Central American Countries: Patterns and Lessons Learned
Authors: Buttari Juan J. 
Published: March 2007

This Article Surveys the experiences of four Central American countries in implementing economic policy reform: it analyzes the factors which led to the introduction of new policies, explores various aspects in their implementation, assesses lessons learned in the process, and discusses prospects for the future.The Four Countries under discussion — Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras — are experiencing a move away from import-substitution policies of the past toward increased liberalization of their economies and becoming more competitive in the international marketplace. This shift in policy orientation began in the 1980s, after years of economic decline. At the risk of appearing arbitrary, the policy-shift years are here defined as those which followed an actual, or announced, change to an economic policy with a predominant market orientation.
Manpower, Labor Absorption, and Employment in Colombia
Authors: Zudak Larry S. 
Published: March 2007

The unemployment problem in Colombia was recently discussed by Geithman and Landers (1973) in this journal. They argue that one of the fundamental causes of unemployment is a “higher capital-labor ratio” than would otherwise exist, according to factor endowments and the structure of final demand. This is attributed to the dependency of less developed countries (LDCs) on capital from advanced countries (ACs), with laborsaving characteristics suitable for the latter (Geithman and Landers, 1973: 317). Their excessive capital intensity thesis is based on Bruton's cross-sectional statistical study (1967), which made a number of simplified assumptions which should be examined in some detail.Since Bruton and Geithman and Landers use the production function in their analysis, it is necessary to briefly discuss its most important characteristics. The quantities of capital (K), labor (L), and other inputs required by the industrial sector or the entire economy to achieve various levels of output (Q), can be viewed as a generalized production function.
Politics, Partisanship, and Social Position in Belize
Authors: Hanson David 
Published: March 2007

This paper presents data on the social and political opinions of junior college students in Belize (British Honduras) prior to independence. The data are intended to give a preliminary indication of current patterns of conflict and consensus which can be used as a bench mark against which future development in Belizean political culture can be measured. The organization of the data has been based on theoretical considerations of political development and socialization in transitional societies.A major influence on political attitudes and partisanship is the impact of social identity. In the United States, a self-identification as a Republican or a Democrat usually carries connotations of a wider range of social characteristics. In fact, people often adopt the partisan identification most appropriate to their social situation. Once acquired, partisan attitudes tend to influence other political attitudes as people react to issues and events in a way that tends to support and justify their party choices (Dawson and Prewitt, 1969).
Técnica dramática de José Antonio Ramos
Authors: Huidobro Matías Montes 
Published: March 2007

“Tan desperdigada anda la obra de cultura por nuestra América, y tan inepta es la organización y distribución bibliográfica en nuestros países, que acaso para muchos lectores de la Revista Iberoamericana el nombre de José Antonio Ramos (1885-1946) sea poco menos que desconocido. Mas a los ojos del escasísimo número de intelectuales familiarizados con su obra polifacética y saturada de fuerte aliento renovador, el homenaje que hoy rendimos a este enérgico luchador desaparecido está plenamente justificado. José Antonio Ramos es uno de los escritores más intensos y a la vez más desconocidos de la América ibera en la hora actual, y urge propagar su obra y divulgar su mensaje”.El comentario anterior justifica el homenaje que le rindió la Revista Iberoamericana a Ramos en su número 24 y con motivo de la muerte del escritor. Sin embargo, la figura de Ramos no ha sido lo suficientemente valorizada y su obra lo suficientemente divulgada, ni siquiera en Cuba.
Social Mobility of Negroes in Brazil
Authors: Garcia-Zamor Jean-Claude 
Published: March 2007

The Brazilian Negroes must be viewed in the context of Brazilian history and civilization and of the forces of social change operating throughout Brazilian society. In this article I intend to point out some of the historical factors that significantly influence the social mobility, or lack of it, of Brazilian Negroes, to analyze the present status of Negroes in Brazilian society, and to suggest some possible ways of dealing with this largely ignored, but very serious, racial situation that contains the seeds of a potential social crisis.After the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the Portuguese exploited its coastal territories for more than fifty years with little help other than that of the enslaved Indians.
The Dependency Model of Latin American Underdevelopment: Three Basic Fallacies
Authors: Ray David 
Published: March 2007

This article attempts to examine the set of propositions loosely known as the dependency model of Latin American underdevelopment. The dependency model attributes such underdevelopment to the economic expansion of highly developed capitalist countries, particularly the United States. The model was first elaborated by Latin American economists and has subsequently acquired numerous adherents in the United States, especially among younger political scientists.The basic premise of the dependency model is that the economic development of Latin America has been determined and limited by the needs of the dominant economies in the world capitalist market. Because they are thus conditioned and limited, the Latin American economies are described as “dependent.”
Addition and Substitution Reactions of Nitrile‐Stabilized Carbanions
Authors: Arseniyadis Siméon , Kyler Keith S. , Watt David S. 
Published: March 2007

Abstract
The utilization of carbanions stabilized by various electron‐withdrawing groups to effect carboncarbon bond formation occupies a central position in organic synthesis. This chapter focuses on the reactions of nitrile‐stabilized carbanions with an array of carbon electrophiles and updates another chapter along these lines in this series. Subsequent review articles have dealt with various aspects of the chemistry of nitrile‐stabilized carbanions. In this review, the reactions of nitrile‐stabilized anions are grouped according to the nature of the substituents attached to the carbanion center bearing the nitrile group. These substituents include alkyl, alkenyl, alkynyl, and aryl groups as well as various α‐oriented halogen‐, oxygen‐, nitrogen‐, sulfur‐, and selenium‐containing groups. Notably absent from this survey are the carbanions derived from active methylene compounds bearing two electron‐withdrawing groups such as cyanoacetate esters, malononitriles, α‐sulfonylnitriles, and α‐phosphorylnitriles. Also absent are those carbanions such as Reissert compounds, which are the subject of comprehensive reviews.
The chapter is arbitrarily subdivided into six sections: (1) reactions of alkyl‐, aryl‐, and heteroaryl‐substituted nitriles; (2) reactions of α,β‐ and β,γ‐unsaturated nitriles as well as tolunitriles; (3) reactions of cyanohydrins and their hydroxyl‐protected derivatives; (4) reactions of nitriles bearing α‐sulfur and α‐selenium substituents; (5) reactions of α‐(dialkylamino)nitriles; and (6) reactions of α‐halonitriles. Within each of these sections, the reactions are further subdivided according to the nature of the electrophile: (1) alkylation reactions employing alkyl halides, alkyl sulfonates, dialkyl sulfates, and epoxides; (2) arylation reactions involving the substitution of hydrogen, halogen, nitro, or alkoxy groups on aryl or heteroaryl substrates; (3) acylation reactions employing carboxylic esters, anhydrides, acid chlorides, dialkyl carbonates, and nitriles; (4) addition reactions involving aldehydes, ketones, imines, alkenes, and alkynes; and (5) Michael‐type addition reactions to unsaturated aldehydes, ketones, imines, sulfoxides, sulfones, and nitro compounds. Finally, a section involving cyclization reactions is included for each of the six groups of nitrile‐stabilized anions.
Diels‐Alder Reactions of Imino Dienophiles
Authors: Heintzelman Geoffrey R. , Meigh Ivona R. , Mahajan Yogesh R. , Weinreb Steven M. 
Published: March 2007

AbstractIn comparison to all carbon [4 + 2] cycloadditions, Diesl‐Alder reactions are still in their infancy. The last four decades, however, have seen intensive research in this area. The results if that synthetic organic chemists now have a powerful tool at their disposal for rapid construction of highly functionalized six‐membered nitrogen heterocycles, often in a regio‐, diastereo‐, and enantioselective manner.This chapter encompasses the topic of imine[4 + 2] cycloaddition reactions, of which there are a number of variants. This chapter is limited exclusively to imine and iminium ion dienophiles that undergo inter‐ and intramolecular Diels‐Alder reactions with acylic and cyclic all‐carbon 1,3‐dienes affording 1,2,5,6‐tetrahydropyridines as the initial cycloadducts. In situations where there is a mechanistic ambiguity, such as reactions that proceed via Mannich reactions, these mechanisms are included since it is difficult to know where to draw the line on coverage.A comprehensive discussion of each structural type of imino dienophiles covers the literature up to the middle of 2004. A general overview of mechanistic, regiochemical, and sterochemical considerations is also presented. Specific relevant exo/endo issues, remote diasteroselectivity and the use of chiral auxiliaries are discussed under each separate imine type. Separate sections have also been included that describe intramolecular reactions, as well as more recent advances in enantioselective cycloadditions involving chiral catalysts.