bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Russie-Biélorussie-CEI : efforts d'intégration et tendances à la désintégration
Authors: Alexandrova Olga , Timmermann Heinz 
Published: November 2007

Russia-Belorussia-CIS: Integration Efforts and Disintegration Trends, by Olga Alexandrova and Heinz Timmermann
The Russian-Belorussian union established on April 2, 1997 is a response to a deep-seated désire for reunification of the « brother nations » which were separated in 1991. Although it exists on paper, the treaty cannot take shape because the ambitions of the respective presidents cannot coincide and ― apart from the personalities — because the Russian and Belorussian elites will hear none of it or only subject to certain conditions; finally, because the price to be paid in the economie domain is high for Russia and cornes at a particularly bad time, when she is having great difficulty in restoring her own growth. The potential divergences are numerous and nobody would like Russia to take the risk of having Loukatchenko at the head of the Union. The impossible application of the treaty of Union merely exacerbates the crisis within the CIS and consolidates the aspirations of each Member State to enjoy greater independence.
Pluralisme à Hong-Kong et tolérance chinoise
Authors: Yahuda Michael 
Published: November 2007

Pluralism in Hong Kong and Chinese Tolerance, by Michael Yahuda
Beijing has displayed greater tolerance for the exercise of autonomy in Hong Kong than was expected because it serves Beijing's wider interests with regard to Taiwan and to using Hong Kong as a key contributor to economie reform and economie development in China. Contrary to the fears of many Chinese officials, Hong Kong has not been used for subversive purposes by hostile foreign forces and its recovery has strengthened the leadership position of Jiang Zemin. Beijing is confident in the high level people it selectea to serve as the executive government and does not appear to be troubled by the prospect that HK may serve as a model for political reform in China. In fact it seeks to « learn » from HK about the rule of law, professionalism in the civil service, and how to regulate a market economy. As a result people in HK have unexpected opportunities to define their own political identity and already there are signs or new political cleavages emerging now that the colonial era is over.
L'Asie dans la tourmente de la globalisation : pour une régulation à l'échelle du monde
Authors: Wolf Martin 
Published: November 2007

The Solutions to the Asian Financial Crisis: Political and Economie Implications, by François Godement
The Asian crisis has brought about the collapse of regional cooperation: each government has tried to isolate its own economy from the crash. Each country currently faces different problems that require adapted solutions, more or less liberal according to their degree of development. Various propositions have been suggested by economists, in particular the setting-up of new institutions to assist the IMF and the need for a greater dialogue with the United States and Europe, which has been quite discreet since the beginning of the crisis. Stabilization of the exchange rates, together with a better coordination at the regional level, is an urgent necessity.
La nucléarisation de l'Asie du Sud et ses conséquences
Authors: Ahmad Khan Munir 
Published: November 2007

Nuclearization of South Asia and Its Conséquences, by Munir Ahmad Khan
The nuclearization of South Asia is linked to India's thirst for power and her bellicose attitude towards her neighbours, of which Pakistan is the victim. Pakistan was thus forced to react to the Indian tests. This new configuration is affecting the region's economie development and political stability. It could easily have repercussions on the nearby regions, the non-proliferation system and, by extension, on the process of nuclear disarmament as a whole. The solution therefore requires that India renounce her policy of nuclear proliferation and that the disputes ― particularly the Kashmir issue — be settled.
Une Europe ou plusieurs ?
Authors: De La Serre Françoise 
Published: November 2007

One Europe or Several?, by Françoise de La Serre
What is the purpose of the "closer cooperation" introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam? Not easy to put into practice when it does exist, lacking in the CFSP and inappropriate for expansion, closer cooperation remains in its infancy. It is as if the Union of Fifteen had contented themselves with posing — without wishing to solve — a problem that will soon be inescapable: that of the vanguard countries which will lead to an expanded Union.
Le Royaume-Uni et l'UEM
Authors: Buiter Willem H. 
Published: November 2007

Britain and EMU, by Willem Buiter
The only real threats to the success and survival of EMU are the perception that the ECB lacks legitimacy. Lack of openness, transparency and accountability are built into the laws and operating procedures of the ECB. In a democratic polity, accountability is a prerequisite for the survival of Central Bank independence. Monetary union involves a transfer of national sovereignty to the supranational centre. The legitimacy of this transfer will depend on the effectiveness with which the European Parliament will exercise its constitutional duty of calling the ECB to account. The UK will join EMU as soon as the UK government can jump the hurdles to membership that it is, regrettably set for itself. There are costs both to the UK and to the current Euroland members of the UK not being an EMU member from the start.
L'Europe de la défense dans l'Alliance atlantique
Authors: Heisbourg François 
Published: November 2007

Europe's Common Defence in the Atlantic Alliance, by François Heisbourg
Notwithstanding fifty years of success, the future of the Alliance is far from assured. While we know what the Alliance does — transatlantic security and defence co-operation ; the preparation and conduct of multilateral military operations — we don't really know what it is for (or against). Furthermore, the balance of responsibilities between a "hard power" America and a "soft power" Europe is increasingly considered to be unsatisfactory viewed from both sides of the Atlantic. Europe must do what is in its power to increase its "hard power" capability, notably in terms of power projection. This implies, inter alia, a deliberate effort by the EU Defence Ministers to promote a convergence of defence policies, through the adoption of a set of budget and manpower criteria, methodologically akin to the effort which led to the establishment of the euro.
L'Europe, les Etats-Unis et le Japon à la fin du millénaire
Authors: Brittan Leon 
Published: November 2007

Europe, the US and Japan at the Millennium, by Sir Léon Brittan
In this article, Sir Leon Brittan takes an overview of current relations between the European Union, the United States and Japan, and their role in the wider world as the new millennium approaches. He argues that in an increasingly interdependent global economy, it is essential that the world's three major economies work together constructively towards a stronger and more effective System of international economie relations. He also underlines the crucial role that the World Trade Organization, and in particular a comprehensive Millennium Round of WTO trade negotiations, have to play in achieving this objective.
Interdépendance et conduite des relations internationales
Authors: Teo Chee Hean 
Published: November 2007

Interdependence and Conduct of International Relations, by Teo Chee Hean
Globalization will continue to be the dominant trend in the 21st century. Contrary to some expectations, increased interdependence has not reduced the risks of conflicts. It is even tending to encourage ethnie fragmentation and a new form of tribalism. Furthermore the world has not become multipolar. Rather it is characterized by an Americanization that generates uneasiness. However, backtracking is not an option, especially as this phe-nomenon seems to be generally beneficial and will not cause nation states to vanish. We need to pool sovereignties and to use new methods to attack the global problems. The European Union has an important role to play in this respect and can help to establish a stabler world, given its experience of settling conflicts and cooperation.
Après le Kosovo : pour un nouveau contrat transatlantique
Authors: Parmentier Guillaume 
Published: November 2007

After Kosovo: Towards a New Transatlantic Contract, by Guillaume Parmentier
The criticisms levelled at NATO during the Kosovo conflict revealed the contradictions in the Organization. The discrepancy between a politico-military apparatus dating from the Cold War and contemporary reality calls for the adoption of measures necessary to adapt the Alliance, and for a reflection on its true nature. Multilateralisme which presides over the political decisions in NATO, is still matched by unilateral domination of the military structure, the illustration of which was seen in terms of planning during the Kosovo operations. The necessary reform of NATO implies setting up a multilateral procedure for military decision-making, and a better symbiosis between military activities and political requirements, particularly by means of an adaptation of the command System that will aflow it to discharge properly the new tasks assigned to NATO. In this respect the Saint-Malo process could provide an opportunity for an initiative within NATO itself, so as to allow a truly balanced Alliance to émerge. Progress on European issues is partly contingent on a reform of the Atlantic Alliance.
La France « pratiquante non croyante » ? Les vrais enjeux d'une présidence modeste
Authors: Goulard Sylvie 
Published: November 2007

Is France an Unbelieving Believer? The True Challenges of a Modest Presidency, by Sylvie Goulard
As from July 1 of this year France will have the presidency of the European Union. The intergovernmental conference that began in February 2000 its work of reforming the Union before the next new members join will therefore constitute the main challenge facing this presidency. The French authorities have chosen to restrict the agenda to the difficult issues that were left in abeyance at Amsterdam: size and composition of the Commission, weighting of votes on the Council and scope of use of a qualified majority and to a reform of reinforced cooperation. This technical agenda does not measure up to the political challenge that enlargement represents. It squares ill with the determination that France is still showing to build a "powerful Europe", a political Europe. Will France remain, along with Germany, in the vanguard of the building of the Union, or will she slip back to the rearguard in the name of a form of pragmatism bordering on resignation?
Le Conseil de sécurité dans les années 1990: essor et récession ?
Authors: Malone David M. 
Published: November 2007

The Security Council in the 1990's: Boom and Bust?, by David Malone
In this article, David Malone reviews key cross-cutting issues in Security Council decision-making throughout the 1990s. These include the growing focus on internai conflicts, a related increase in recourse to coercive measures (sanctions, naval blockades, authorization of the use of force) and often difficult partnership with regional organizations in addressing challenges to the peace. He examines humanitarian concerns, human right violations and democratization as an instrument for stabilization of war-torn sociaties as factors driving many Council decisions. The article also addresses institutional issues, including the CounciFs creation of international criminal tribunals, its relationship with the international criminal court (the Statute of which was agreed in Rome in 1998) and the slow-moving debate over Security Council reform. The author argues that Council decisions in the 1990s undermined fundamentally absolute conceptions of State sovereignty, but identifies several major challenges facing the Council (relations between the UN and the USA; Russia's role within the Council; and the UN's poor record at grappling effectively with African conflicts) at the turn of the millenium.
L'avenir du politique
Authors: Pettigrew Pierre S. 
Published: November 2007

The Future of Political Authority, by Pierre S. Pettigrew
The nation-state emerged as a vertical political authority operating on a spécifie territory in relation to a relatively homogenous group. Internationalization builds on this momentum on the basis of the interdependence of states. Globalization imposes a new relationship between economies and politics: the horizontal power of the market is increasingly replacing the vertical power of the state. Political and economie spaces no longer coincide; and the pace of politics, slowed by consultations, has little in common with the pace of economies, accelerated by new technology. This new situation may resuit in greater exclusion of populations or even of increasingly marginalized states. This is the source of the problem of values and cultural diversity. With regard to culture, variety concerns France as it concerns Canada, which — through the mosaic model — serves as an inspiration for many societies. With regard to values, a moral renewal is emerging that will take us from an ethics of justice to an ethics of otherness; the contributions of women and of NGOs will be decisive here. Seattle will be remembered mainly as the first place of confrontation between the old order, which must adapt, and the new order, which is striving to emerge. The century just beginning will be marked by their coexistence.
Russie - [URSS] - Russie
Authors: Tiraspolsky Anita 
Published: November 2007

Russia - [URSS] - Russia, by Anita Tiraspolsky
From Nicolas II to Vladimir Poutine, Russia passed through many changes. To the tsarist empire succeeded the Union of the Soviet socialist republics. To Lenin's international revolutionary ambition succeeded Stalin's continental imperialism, and later on Khrouchtchev's and Brejnev's world imperialism. But the superpower "homeland of socialism" could not resist the explosion of the empire announced by the fall of Berlin's wall, in 1989 : in 1991, Russia was reborn, and a new page of Russian history was turned. But despite the specificities and tensions which are still shaking the country, bet- ween North and South, East and West, Christianity and Islam, Russia wants eventually to be integrated into the world community and to stop being considered as an alien actor on the international stage.
La politique étrangère du Japon depuis Meiji : essai d'interprétation
Authors: Bouissou Jean-Marie 
Published: November 2007

Japan's Foreign Policy Since the Meiji Era : an Attempt of Interpretation, by Jean-Marie Bouissou
Joining the modem world during the Meiji era (1868-1912), Japan has still not found its real place within the international community. At first having failed in its attempts to establish in Asia its own imperial dominion, and having still failed to transform its tremendous economie efficiency into an equivalent political power, and finally not enjoying its rehabilitation in the Asian community till the very beginning of the 1990s, Japan seems to have been endowed only recently with a global and coherent vision in foreign policy. This vision today tries to impose the image of a strong Japan, capable of bringing peace, prosperity and safety to an Asia Pacific area still in the grip of turbulences, while playing its own part in a process of globalization largely dominated by the United State.
La France et l'ONU, entre singularité et ambivalence
Authors: Tardy Thierry 
Published: November 2007

France and the UNO, Between Singularity and Ambivalence, by Thierry TARDY
Singularity and ambivalence characterise the relationships between France and the UNO since 1945. Singularity, because France is one of the rare medium powers that belong to the Security Council and that use this position to materialise its original stand on the international stage. Ambivalence, because if France has largely reconsidered, in a positive way, the role of the UNO since the end of the "gaullienne" era, and in particular since the end of the Cold War, the United Nations are used by Paris more as a mean to express and legitimise its policies, than as a frame where France can implement them, as it does within the EU. In the American "hyperpower era", however, the UNO and the Security Council are likely to play for a long time a central role in the definition of what France is and does in the world.
Europe de la Défense : y a-t-il encore une ambition française ?
Authors: Andréani Gilles 
Published: November 2007

Europe and Defence: Does France still Have an Ambition for it?, by Gilles ANDRÉANI
After 50 years under the aegis of the United States, Europe has begun seriously, through the European Councils at Saint-Malo and Helsinki, to take over its own defence. This evolution was made possible by the end of the cold war, the warming of relations between London and Paris on transatlantic relations, and, finally, through the priority given to military capabilities, the key to independence on defence matters. But, after September 11 and the reaffirmation of the US hegemony on the international scene, a European defence policy must confront a major issue: does Europe want and can it become a genuine international player, capable of standing up to the challenges of global security? By proposing a transatlantic and European solidarity project that allows a European defence policy to coexist along side the US hyperpower, France will be able to play a once again a leading role on the old continent.
L'Amérique a redécouvert les limites de la puissance
Authors: De Montbrial Thierry 
Published: November 2007

"America has Rediscovered the Limits of Power", by Thierry de MONTBRIAL
Will the difficulties of post-war Iraq impact on the foreign policy of the Bush administration? Do they signal the existence of limitations to American power and if so, which are these? Will China and Russia become tomorrow's great powers? Are the United Nations in crisis and should the organisation be reformed? Has France truly decided to make the construction of Europe the axis of its foreign policy? Comparing short term data with long term trends, Thierry de Montbrial replaces the year 2003 within the context of the general evolution of the international System.
Le "malaise enseignant". Réflexions sur la construction d'un problème journalistique
Authors: Pinto Louis 
Published: November 2007

Teachers «discontent». Reflections on the construction of a journalistic issue.
Louis Pinto. [102-112].
How to explain the success of the theme of a widespread teachers «disconten» despite the complexity and the diversity of the situations resulting from the transformations of the schooling ? Constructed by journalists, took on and legitimated by intellectuals defending an eternal kind of culture, this stylized vision of teachers presents as the truth of a group its image fantasized by those who are prone to contest the school monopol and who try to appear as the only specialists entitled to analyze the social discontent.
La philosophie de l'Etat esthétique
Authors: Urfalino Philippe 
Published: November 2007

La philosophie de l'Etat esthétique.
Philippe Urfalino. [20-35]
Cet article examine la singularité de la «politique culturelle» française en explicitant les différentes caractéristiques qui font de la création du ministère des Affaires culturelles par André Malraux une rupture fondatrice. Il analyse l'une de ses caractéristiques : la philosophie de l'action culturelle ou de «l'Etat esthétique», indissociablement politique et esthétique, qui a orienté les initiatives du nouveau ministère. Cette philosophie fait de l'Etat le promoteur d'un nouveau rapport entre les œuvres et le public. Fondée sur le rejet de l'éducation et la sublimation de l'engagement politique, la «politique culturelle» fut érigée en équivalent fonctionnel, dans l'action publique et administrative, de la figure de l'intellectuel français.
Le vote secret contre la démocratie américaine (1880-1910)
Authors: Crowley John 
Published: November 2007

Le vote secret contre la démocratie américaine.
John Crowley. [69-83]
Le vote secret est généralement considéré comme un mécanisme éminemment démocratique auquel ne s'opposent que ceux qui rejettent la démocratie elle-même. Pourtant, l'introduction du vote secret (sous la forme du suffrage dit "australien") aux Etats-Unis à la fin du XIXème siècle avait des objectifs explicitement antidémocratiques, et les réalisa très largement. Ce paradoxe ne s'explique que si l'on tient compte des formes concrètes du suffrage et du contexte politique et idéologique dans lequel les débats s'inscrivirent. Dans le cas américain, le secret du vote joua en pratique le même rôle que son caractère public dans d'autres réflexions : exclure du champ politique les ignorants et les incompétents. L'analyse de cet épisode éclaire le débat théorique plus général sur les relations entre les formes institutionnelles de la démocratie et l'esprit démocratique.
L'acte du vote en situation de crise. L'Amérique centrale
Authors: Dabène Olivier 
Published: November 2007

Vote In critlcal situations. The case of central America.
Olivier Dabène. [84-92].
This article analyses a certain number of characteristics of tbe way people vote in a crilical situation. Among otber tbings, an attempt is made to assess the conditions in whicb such a situation arises. As a basis of this analysis, tbe author bas first studied bow people learn bow to vote, specially the way it happened in central America under autboritarian regimes. It has had a durable impact on tbe behaviors of the voters : voters forming herds or even groups of supporters, festivities marking the occasion, results being regarded witb scepticism or even derision. He bas then described the conditions prevailing in a critical situation (lack of mobility of voters, presence of the militaty,...). Finally, he gives an account ofthe meaning of that voting in a time of crisis bas for tbe voters : a return to democracy in the case of elections taking place after dictatorship and a transition towards establishing peace and achieving economie reconstruction. Tbe author doubts that the appearance of the implemenls used in elections contributes to the consolidation of demoracy.
Des votes aveugles. L'exemple des électeurs FN en milieu populaire
Authors: Franceries Franck 
Published: November 2007

Blind votes : the case of Front National voters from the worklng classes.
Franck Franceries. [119-137].
Without claiming to explain why people from tbe working classes vote for the Front National, this article aims at describing the factors that lead to such a choice. A number of interviews with FN voters in which an attempt bas been made to understand their relations with politics and elections, bas permitted to understand how voters apply their practical knowledge to politics. Whatever the supporters of the participation ideology may think, it seems that voting is a "blind act" : first because it is a gesture which stems mainly from a "conditionning of the belly" (r. Bourdieu). Second, because the choice of FN might set in motion a type of categorizations unrelated to politics. In fact, the "act of voting" FN in popular classes seems rather to be a politically blind answer of habitus to the modifications of the political offer.