bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Disallowance and the National Interest: The Alberta Social Credit Legislation of 1937
Authors: Mallory J. R. 
Published: June 2006

In the Canadian constitution, that which relates to the national interest is the responsibility of the federal government; while the provincial governments deal with those matters of local concern. In a perfectly static situation this division of labour would present no problem because the national interest would always assume the same form. But governments operate in a situation that is never static. Changes in techniques or beliefs, in the location of population, and in the political and economic conditions of the external world are taking place all the time. If there is an equilibrium within the Canadian federal system, it is a dynamic equilibrium in which those common purposes which are the proper concern of the federal government are in a constant state of flux. The national interest expands and contracts: it is ever shifting its ground.It has been quite impossible to contain this elusive concept within the angular Victorian frame of the British North America Act. It would be unreal to suppose that the division of legislative power produced entirely water-tight compartments of action for the Dominion and the provinces. It could not. There is a large range of governmental activity which quite evidently may be the preserve of either the federal parliament or of the provincial legislatures, or, in fact, of both. Much of the difficulty which was created by the judicial interpretation of the constitution between the eighteen-nineties and the nineteen-thirties flowed from an attempt to make the enumerated heads of Sections 91 and 92 represent fields of exclusive legislative power. The only way in which this could be done was by interpreting away the meaning of several heads of Section 91 in order to preserve some meaning for Section 92. This search for water-tight compartments was unnecessary and contributed to the unsatisfactory decisions of those years. One of the results of this before 1939 was that it limited the effective range of action of Canadian governments—Dominion and provincial—to such activities as would commend themselves to a Victorian liberal.
Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec
Authors: Trudeau Pierre Elliott 
Published: June 2006

Historically, French Canadians have not really believed in democracy for themselves; and English Canadians have not really wanted it for others. Such are the foundations upon which our two ethnic groups have absurdly pretended to be building democratic forms of government. No wonder the ensuing structure has turned out to be rather flimsy.The purpose of the present essay is to re-examine some of the unstated premises from which much of our political thinking and behaviour is derived, and to suggest that there exists an urgent need for a critical appraisal of democracy in Canada. No amount of inter-group back-slapping or political bonne-ententisme will change the fact that democracy will continue to be thwarted in Canada so long as one-third of the people hardly believe in it—and that because to no small extent the remaining two-thirds provide them with ample grounds for distrusting it.
The Vital Revolution Reconsidered
Authors: Helleiner Karl F. 
Published: June 2006

The historian's understanding of past situations benefits greatly from the fact that he, unlike any contemporary observer, knows a good deal about the subsequent development. It is only in retrospect, if at all, that germinal forces, unnoticed or underestimated at the time, can be seen in their true significance. However, hiridsight also has its dangers. Reading history backwards we are easily misled into postulating specific “antecedents” and “early phases” of phenomena which seem to require a long period of gestation; and we are almost inclined to distrust our records if they fail to confirm our expectations.It is well to be on guard against this temptation when trying to appraise the general character of the closing years of the seventeenth, and the early decades of the eighteenth century. Certainly, as far as the demographic situation of this period is concerned, there was little if anything to herald the impending changes. Man was still very much at the mercy of the elements. As late as the 1690's a succession of poor and indifferent harvests created severe subsistence crises in almost all countries of Europe. So far from growing, the population declined here and there, as dearth and starvation stalked through the lands from Castile to Finland, and from the Scottish Highlands to the foothills of the Alps. In 1698, after a serious crop failure, certain regional death rates in Sweden are known to have risen to 9 and 16 per cent respectively.
Ideology, Democracy, and the Foundations of Local Self-Government
Authors: Whalen Hugh 
Published: June 2006

At a congress of the International Political Science Association held at The Hague in 1952, Professor Georges Langrod delivered a paper entitled “Local Government and Democracy,” subsequently published in the British journal Public Administration. The incisive logic and unorthodox conclusions of that paper seemed at the time to demolish, once for all, the justification of local representative government commonly found in much traditional liberal political theory. Mr. Keith Panter-Brick, facing a skilled prosecutor, and doing the best he could with a difficult case, replied in a later issue of the same journal. Dr. Leo Moulin next entered the discussion in defence of Langrod, and Panter-Brick wrote a second rejoinder. I felt that the contest, although conducted with flair by all parties, left far too many important questions unsettled. The object of this paper, however, is not to reopen points raised in dispute by the recent combatants; it is rather to suggest that the problems connected with the theory of local self-government ought to be approached in different terms.The question to be considered refers to the relation between local self-government and democracy. By local self-government is meant that system of subordinate local authorities which has developed in many modern states. Each unit of local government in any system is assumed to possess the following characteristics: a given territory and population; an institutional structure for legislative, executive, or administrative purposes; a separate legal identity; a range of power and functions authorized by delegation from the appropriate central or intermediate legislature; and lastly, within the ambit of such delegation, autonomy—including fiscal autonomy—subject always, at least in the Anglo-American tradition, to the limitations of common law such as the test of reasonableness.
The Professions in Society
Authors: Hughes Everett C. 
Published: June 2006

“The Recent History of Professionalism in Relation to Social Structure and Social Policy” by T. H. Marshall was published by this Journal twenty years ago. It has since become a classic; and may be fittingly celebrated in this anniversary issue. Its classic quality lies in the skill with which Marshall worked enduring themes with current trends and problems into a common web. He defines professions as, in effect and with some other characteristics, those occupations in which caveat emptor cannot be allowed to prevail and which, while they are not pursued for gain, must bring their practitioners income of such a level that they will be respected and such a manner of living that they may pursue the life of the mind. There are certain problems which surround such occupations in all times.The current changes noted by Marshall are the ever greater dependence of modern society upon professional services, an increase in the variety of such services and in the number of the professions, and the tendency for many practitioners of the older professions and for most or all of some newer professions to work in organizations with an employer, rather than to set up a shop to which clients come, one by one, are served, and pay for the service. He also noted that while the community at large is in all times and places concerned with the manner in which professional services are performed, this is especially so in our times; indeed, the community at large is the client of some new professions and, in increasing measure, of older ones.
Canada's Immigration Policy, 1896–1910
Authors: Timlin Mabel F. 
Published: June 2006

Tonight I am going to exercise the prerogative of the President to make an address to a large extent unornamented by the extensive documentation and citations which perhaps too often go by the name of scholarship. My primary theme is our immigration policy. In developing this, I am going to deal mainly with the period from 1896 to 1910, since that is the period over which policy shifted from one at least theoretically laissez-faire to the selective policy inherent in the Immigration Act of 1910. My method will be to consider for a space the characters of two men, to follow that by narrative and analysis respecting the changes which occurred and then to draw together what seem to me to be the morals of the story.When Clifford Sifton took over the Ministry of the Interior in the autumn of 1896, entry to Canada was proscribed to three classes of persons only: the diseased; the criminal or vicious; and those likely to become public charges. Even these might find entry not too difficult if they went the right way about gaining it. The controls exercised under the law by the Minister covered only entries by ocean ports and here the general assumption was that only steerage passengers were immigrants. There was no control over those who entered by railway. Once immigrants coming by steamship had passed inspection and had become “landed immigrants” deportations were administered by the Department of the Interior with the assistance of the Department of Justice and generally on complaint of the municipal authorities. It was only after Clifford Sifton had left the cabinet in early 1905 that a sequence of events occurred forcing a series of restrictive measures which were finally embodied in the Immigration Act of 1910.
Quebec and Canadian Democracy
Authors: Oliver Michael 
Published: June 2006

It is one of the truisms of Canadian politics that stable federal power cannot be achieved without support from the province of Quebec. Until 1896 the dominant political party, the Conservatives, was the one which held Quebec. Since that period, Liberal ascendancy has been based on solid strength in French Canada. The problem of creating sufficient inter-cultural agreement to make possible the formulation of federal policy has been the most important single factor in determining the character of national party competition. This difficulty has set a premium on those skills of negotiation and conciliation which have in fact distinguished most successful Canadian statesmen, and has, more than anything else, inhibited the formation of national parties with consistent principles and policies.Political parties, as a condition of national success, have had to unite French and English elements; but thus far they have done so only on the most tenuous basis. For many purposes, a minimal consensus was sufficient, but it seems to have been inadequate to achieve the full measure of power and influence which the Fathers of Confederation envisaged for central government. Although judicial decisions, and economic and geographic forces, may have accentuated the trend to a decentralization far greater than that contemplated in 1867, the basic reason for this development has been the impossibility of creating national parties which would unite both French and English Canadians behind alternative programmes. In the words of a French-Canadian historian: “Les principaux auteurs de la Confédération n'avaient pas caché leur intention d'organiser un gouvernement central très puissant.” It must be concluded that they either seriously overestimated the range of shared assumptions between the two cultures, or badly underestimated the degree of unity on fundamentals which was necessary to run the centralized state they had tried to create. The only type of national political party which Canada has been able to construct successfully has not proved capable of fulfilling their intentions.
The Construction and Use of an Occupational Class Scale
Authors: Blishen Bernard R. 
Published: June 2006

The construction and use of occupational scales to serve as an index of social class have recently absorbed much of the time of sociologists in the United States. In Canada, on the other hand, very few studies of this nature have been published. This paper will outline the method used in the construction of such a scale, and the results obtained when it is applied to certain features of Canadian society.The problems involved in the methodology of studies of stratification result partly from the lack of agreement among sociologists on a theoretical framework in this field, and partly from the lack of precise tools of measurement. The theoretical difficulties involved can be seen from an examination of four main lines of theoretical development in the works of Marx, Weber, Warner, Davis, and Parsons.The individual's position in the system of production was seen by Marx as the fundamental determinant of class position. A subjective awareness of class is another vital element in his theory although such awareness follows from the objective position. The objective economic foundation of class is an important aspect of Max Weber's theory also, but unlike Marx, Weber gives equal importance to subjective awareness, and he shows the importance of power as well. The approach of W. L. Warner, which has been followed by so many sociologists, emphasizes the subjective awareness and claims that class is what people in the community say it is. It is the consensus of people about other people's position, and about the class divisions in the social structure.
Robert Coats and the Organization of Statistics
Authors: Keyfitz N. , Greenway H. F. 
Published: June 2006

For most of the first half of this century the dominant figure in Canadian statistics was Robert Coats. The principal facts of his life and career are given in an obituary written for this Journal (August, 1960, pp. 482–3) by Mr. Herbert Marshall. It now seems appropriate to make a first attempt to sum up his effort and achievement. We hope that this brief article will encourage a more detailed account of Coats's work and a more penetrating statement of its enduring effects.For twenty-five years Coats was Dominion Statistician, a post created for him, whose potential importance he perceived early and whose strategic role he firmly established. He not only shaped Canadian statistical organization; he shaped it in a characteristically self-conscious way, adding to the effectiveness of a practical administrator a sense of the long-range implications of his actions. He has left a number of papers in which some of his philosophy is made explicit in the phrases of a master of essay writing. He had a clear notion of the kind of theory that would help to collect and interpret practical data, in contrast to the many curiosities that were then included in statistical courses. In his presidential address to the American Statistical Association in 1938, he asked for a book that would elucidate statistical theory for the practising statistician, a call that has since been answered in several volumes.
The Quantity Theory and the Income Expenditure Theory in an Open Economy: Canada, 1926–1958
Authors: Macesich George 
Published: June 2006

Post-war balance of payments problems are partly the results of policy applications of the “modern view” of the balancing mechanism of international trade theory. Derived from the Keynesian income-expenditure theory of income determination, the “modern view” relegates the role of the stock of money to a secondary place in determining national income. It asserts that control of the stock of money through monetary policy is incapable of significantly, or dependably, influencing the circular flow of income and thereby the balance of payments. One reason for this view is the conviction that monetary velocity behaves in an erratic and unpredictable manner. In contrast, pre-Keynesian theory attributed a central role to the stock of money, and so to monetary policy, in the balancing mechanism of international trade. It contained an explicit acceptance of the quantity theory of money which argues, among other things, that monetary velocity does behave in a predictable manner.The usefulness of the modern view of the balancing mechanism of international trade turns partly on the relative stability and behaviour of monetary velocity on the one hand and of the Keynesian investment multiplier on the other. In all countries, but particularly in those that are sensitive to external disturbances, the balancing mechanism of international trade is an issue of vital concern for public policy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relative stability and behaviour of monetary velocity and of the investment multiplier in an open economy that is subject to external disturbances and in which international trade plays a relatively important role in aggregate output and income. The article deals with the Canadian economy during the period 1926–58.
One-Party Dominance and Third Parties
Authors: Pinard Maurice 
Published: June 2006

In the 1962 federal election in Canada, to the great surprise of almost all political observers, the Social Credit party obtained 26 per cent of the votes in Quebec—as against 39 and 30 per cent for the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives respectively—and gained 26 of the 75 seats of the province. If one considers that in the preceding election the Social Credit Party had obtained no seats and less than one per cent of the vote, there were good reasons to be astonished.The purpose of this paper is, first, to show in what ways the political situation at the federal level in Quebec was particularly conducive to the rise of the Social Credit party and, second, to present a general hypothesis concerning the political factors which account for the rise of third parties during other periods, and elsewhere in Canada.To be sure, the rise of Social Credit, as well as of other third parties in Canada, was not the result of a single overriding factor. Many facets of reality—social, economic and political—were involved. In the case of Social Credit, in particular, economic “strains” were as important an independent factor as the political conditions to be discussed below. As can be seen from Table I, our survey data clearly show the strong effect of unemployment in the respondents' family, which accounts for some 30 per cent of the variation in the support of Social Credit.
Voting Behaviour and Socio-Economic Characteristics: The Middlesex East Federal Election, 1965
Authors: Simmons James W. 
Published: June 2006

Although the interrelationship between socio-economic characteristics and electoral behaviour in Canadian elections is widely recognized, only recently have attempts been made to evaluate these interactions in a precise manner. The approaches used so far vary in methodology–using both interviews and voting results–and in the level of analysis–ranging from poll to constituency to province to nation. The results depend to some extent on the research approach. Particularly strong variations exist in the effects of social variables in different provinces and different constituencies.This study presents another research alternative, using multiple regression techniques to combine census small-area information with voting results at the poll level. Although the strengths and weaknesses of this approach are discussed in detail by Meisel and Paquet, few Canadian studies have yet exploited its potential return. Problems of sampling and of variations in candidates and issues among constituencies are replaced by the difficulties of ecological correlation, but the use of regression procedures allows the evaluation of the predictive power of the explanatory variables.
A Theory of Government Grants
Authors: Breton Albert 
Published: June 2006

Government grants in federal countries account for a small share of the national product of these countries. I suppose that this, and the fact that federal arrangements are relatively flexible, explains why no well-organized body of economic doctrine deals with the issues raised by the existence of these grants. In terms of general principles, I venture the opinion that the consensus among economists—though perhaps not among students of public administration—holds that these grants can be defended with ethical and distribution arguments, but that on grounds of efficiency (in the economist's sense) and resource allocation they are to be condemned. Further, I would guess that majority opinion would favour unconditional over conditional grants on the ground that the latter do not respect the sovereignty of the “consumer” or of the spender.These principles seem to have been accepted and even defended by economists like Bhargava, Buchanan, and Scott and to have received the support of Dehem and Wolfe among others. Dissenters, like Buchanan—on the question of efficiency versus ethics—have dissented only in part.
Spectroscopy
Authors: Gauglitz Günter 
Published: June 2006

AbstractSpectroscopy, the study of electromagnetic radiation and its interaction with matter as a function of frequency or wavelength, is a versatile and powerful tool for investigating atomic and molecular structure, as well as for qualitative and quantitative analysis. Optical spectroscopy is surveyed emphasizing its applicability for qualitative and quantitative laboratory and process analysis and for monitoring atmospheric pollutants. Absorption, emission (from excited samples, and radiometry of ambient thermal emission), scattering (elastic and Raman), and luminescence (fluorescence and phosphorescence) spectroscopies are discussed for the different regions of the electromagnetic spectrum: radio and microwaves, mid‐ and near‐infrared, molecular ultraviolet–visible absorption, atomic absorption and emission, and X‐ray and γ‐ray, in each case discussing instrumentation, sampling, and applications. Special techniques covered include null‐background detection, nonlinear Raman spectroscopy and other laser‐induced processes, optical activity, and Mössbauer spectroscopy. Modern ultrasensitive spectroscopies being developed for analytical use are briefly reviewed.
Textiles
Authors: Wardman Roger H. 
Published: June 2006

Abstract
This article gives an overview of textile materials, their classification, methods of manufacture, and uses. An attempt has been made, wherever possible, to demonstrate the broad range of applications textile materials have. It surveys the types and characteristics of textile fibers, indicating the chemical nature of fiber‐forming polymers. Statistics on the worldwide production of the various fiber types are given. The methods of production of natural and synthetic fibers are discussed, and their conversion to yarns, fabrics, and nonwoven structures are described. The article explains the processes of dyeing and finishing for enhancing appearance and functionality of textile materials. An important section deals with the nonapparel uses of textiles, technical textiles that are manufactured for their technical performance rather than their aesthetic qualities. The final section deals with the latest developments in textiles, the smart (or intelligent) textiles. These types of textile materials are generating new applications for textiles, especially in healthcare and personal protective equipment, because they are capable of monitoring and responding to their environment. These materials represent the textile industry of the future and the article indicates the exciting prospect ahead for the textile industry.