bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
“Cent Moutons Font Un Loup”
Authors: Rodegem F. 
Published: May 2006

One of the most perplexing features of the welter of events that led to the slaughter of 1972 has to do with the emergence, or the resurgence, of intra-Tutsi rivalries. These were particularly noticeable in the months immediately preceding the holocaust and involved among other things a struggle for power between the so-called Tutsi-Hima and the Tutsi-Banyaruguru. The following passage is excerpted from Father Rodegem’s article “Burundi: La Face Cachée de la Rébellion” (Intermédiaire, 15 June 1973) in which the author emphasizes the historical dimensions of the Hima-Banyaruguru conflict. One may or may not agree with the facts and interpretations presented by the author; however, the article suggests at least one possible explanation for the scale of the massacre: by systematically killing all educated Hutu elements, the Hima elites also destroyed the basis for a potential alliance between Hutu intellectuals and Tutsi-Banyaruguru.Father Rodegem spent many years in Burundi and is intimately acquainted with the traditional aspects of Rundi culture. He is the author of Sagesse Kirundi (Tervueren: 1961) and “Ainsi Parlait Samandari: Analyse ethnolinguistique d’un phénomène de déviance dans une société à caractère empirique” (Anthropos, Vol. 69, 1974). The latter is a pioneering effort to penetrate the political culture of Burundi through techniques of analysis borrowed from ethnolinguistics.
Economic Recovery in the Eastern States of Nigeria
Authors: Ukpong I. I. 
Published: May 2006

Nigeria’s attainment of independence on 1 October 1960 was greeted with world-wide acclaim in the expectation that this new nation would eventually emerge as a model of unity and strength in a developing continent that was bristling with internal strife and local partisanship.The events that followed proved this expectation to have been based on weak axioms. The political division of the country-first into three, and later into four regions—resulted in political, economic and social imbalances. Not only did such a structure favor the growth of tribalism with its attendant evils; it aided the emergence of a class sytem of “haves,” “have-mores,” “have-littles,” and “have-nots.”
Policy Reform in Africa: How Effective?
Authors: Lancaster Carol 
Published: May 2006

The United Nations Special Session on the Critical Ecnomic Situation in Africa concluded in June 1986 with the Adoption of a Programme of Action which included an explicit recognition of African policy failures and the need for reform:The endogenous aggravating factors include deficiencies in institutional and physical infrastructures, economic strategies and policies that have fallen short, in some cases, of achieving their objectives, disparities in urban and rural development and income distribution, insufficient managerial/administrative capacities, inadequate human resource development and lack of financial resources...Urgent, far reaching and imaginative economic policies are required to avert further deterioration in the economic conditions in Africa...
The Limits of Electoralism
Authors: Olufemi Kola 
Published: May 2006

With the declaration of former military ruler, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as the president-elect, the long process of choosing Nigeria’s next civilian leadership finally brought to an end what had been a veritable “transition without end.” Although the elections have been successfully concluded, serious doubts remain concerning the survival and stability of the incoming civil order. It is one thing to hold elections, but establishing an enduring democratic order is a totally different and more challenging task.On at least two grounds, the ongoing transition differed from earlier attempts. First, unlike General Ibrahim Babangida’s model of “guided transition”—in which the government formed the two political parties, wrote their manifestos, provided their funding, and appointed their officials—the current political parties were formed entirely by the political elite through the coalescence and structuring of the different political tendencies that survived General Sani Abacha’s reign of terror.
Sepulchral architecture as illustrated by the rock façades of Central Etruria
Authors: Rosi Gino 
Published: May 2006

In cube tombs the mouldings which exhibit the greatest variation are the ‘lip’ and the ‘bell.’ It has been said above (J.R.S. XV, p. 22) that the ‘bell’ is the dynamic element of the upper part of the decorated façade.Generally the depth of the ‘bell’ is equal to its height. When the former exceeds the latter, the crowning member naturally recedes, and the whole appearance of the upper decoration is less heavy. In the contrary case it becomes heavier. The large band is almost always somewhat high and is proportional to the height of the ‘bell.’
Woodeaton Coins
Authors: Milne J. G. 
Published: May 2006

The site on Middle Hill at Woodeaton, known as the ‘Roman field,’ has long been famous locally for the number of objects which have been picked up on its surface: and a detailed account of the chief finds, so far as they could be traced, was given by Miss Taylor in vol. vii of the Journal. In regard to coins, however, a good deal can now be added to her account from the collections that have come to the Ashmolean Museum since it was written: and it will be seen that there is some evidence to be derived from them as to the currency in use during the period when the place was a centre of activity.It is not easy to say exactly what this activity was: though numerous coins and small articles, especially fibulae, have been found on the surface, there are hardly any traces of permanent buildings on the site. The Oxford University Archaeological Society, in the course of its trial excavations, came on some fragments of painted plaster which look as if they had belonged to a substantial erection, but there were no foundations of a corresponding character discovered. Potsherds are not uncommon, but are nearly all of late and rough ware, and seem to be distributed irregularly about the field. In fact, there is nothing to suggest that the place was continuously inhabited by a population of such importance as would be expected from the multitude of small finds.
“Demaratus”: A Study in Some Aspects of the Earliest Hellenisation of Latium and Etruria
Authors: Blakeway Alan 
Published: May 2006

The first commercial contact of the Greeks with Etruria is certainly earlier than the foundation of the Greek colony at Cumae. Vulci, Chiusi, Terni, Bisenzio, Vetralla, Capodimonte, Leprignano, Veii, Falerii, Tarquinia, Cerveteri, have produced evidence of the importation of Greek pottery of a style considerably earlier than that of the contents of the earliest Greek graves of that colony.The general conclusions which can be derived from this evidence for the history of Greek commerce with the Western Mediterranean have been discussed elsewhere; it is the particular significance of it as evidence for the earliest Hellenization of Italy that I wish to consider here.
Actium: A Note
Authors: Tarn W. W. 
Published: May 2006

I am writing this note on Mr. G. W. Richardson's Actium (JRS xxvii, 1937, 153) for the sake of one general principle, drawing attention briefly to the main points.First, Horace. Mr. Richardson says sinistrorsum will not fit my interpretation because it is ‘commonly assumed’ that Antony's centre was opposite the mouth of the Gulf. Horace wrote within a few days of the battle, and was in a position to know; suppose we keep to what he says, and forget all about ‘common assumptions.’ If he says sinistrorsum, he means that Antony's whole fleet was north of the Gulf. Antony came out in line ahead—he could not do otherwise through the narrow exit; he could turn either north or south, and Horace shows he turned north, i.e. to his right. When all his ships were out—he could not do it earlier—he changed to line abreast; the last ship out, now the last on his left, might still have been opposite the mouth of the Gulf, but the three squadrons of the centre and left, taken as a whole, were northward of it, and if they wanted to get back into the Gulf they would go sinistrorsum. It is simple enough, provided we follow the primary evidence. Mr. Richardson further seeks to get rid of Horace's reference to the desertion of Antony's fleet, or of part of it, by saying that it means ships fleeing from (or after) the battle. But puppes navium citae, as a long line of commentators have pointed out, can only mean backing water, i.e. going stern first; and I am sure no galley ever fled from a lost battle stern first.
Treason in the Early Empire
Authors: Rogers Robert Samuel 
Published: May 2006

Twenty years after its publication the present writer's Criminal Trials and Criminal Legislation under Tiberius has now been laid under attack, in general and in particular, by C. W. Chilton. He endeavours to establish the following major conclusions:(1) That Ulpian's word ‘perduellio’ for certain offences of treason was as obsolete as ‘the clumsy ritual and barbarous punishment’.(2) That the author of Trials and ‘Ignorance of the Law in Tacitus and Dio’ should not have rejected the clear evidence of Tacitus and Dio that suicide by a defendant would avoid the confiscation of his property.(3) That Roman law was ‘constantly changing’ and so a jurist affords no evidence except for his own time.
The Bronze Mace from Willingham Fen, Cambridgeshire
Authors: Alföldi A. 
Published: May 2006

The bronze votive object shown on plate I forms part of a hoard which must have come from some small shrine or sanctuary. Professor M. Rostovtzeff's essay with its detailed interpretation has already called general attention to this find.The swollen lower part of this typical Hercules club most certainly belongs to the stem adorned with figures and shown with it, though there is a break between the two parts. This must be so, not only because the diameters correspond, but also because the carefully engraved grooves which encircle both the upper part and the lower broken-off part of the club prove their original connection.
Alexandria ad Aegyptum
Authors: Bell H. I. 
Published: May 2006

In JRS xxxiii, 58, Dr. F. Schulz writes: ‘The place is Alexandria or, as our documents always put it, Alexandria ad Aegyptum. This is a translation of the Greek’ Ἀλ. ἡ πρὸς Αἰϒύπτῳ which occurs in pre-Roman times. The legal meaning in the period of our documents is nothing else but “Al. in Aegypto”’; and in a footnote he states: ‘Wilcken's opinion … is not acceptable’.This statement, which is utterly contrary to the prevailing view, gave me, I confess, something of a shock, for I had myself more than once made the assertion that Alexandria was, for the Romans, not officially a part of Egypt; but so dogmatically was Dr. Schulz's obiter dictum formulated that I was so far shaken as to make up my mind to investigate the point before again committing myself. I was at the time too much occupied with other work to do so, but recently I have had an opportunity to examine the evidence, and I think it desirable to place the result of this examination on record without delay.
Social Mobility and the Theodosian Code
Authors: MacMullen Ramsay 
Published: May 2006

Until recent centuries, historians had to reckon with only limited social movement. I use the phrase in a very wide sense, to cover change of habitation, profession, or class; but even so defined, in a world dominated numerically by small farmers, people rarely moved around, or up or down, socially. This is as true of the thirteenth as of the third century.But it is usual to say that, granted these limitations, social movement was still much more restricted after 250 than before. This has recently been challenged by A. H. M. Jones. ‘The late Roman empire is often conceived of as a rigid hierarchical society, in which every man was tied to the station in life to which he was born.’ But the laws directing this confess, in their repetitions and relaxations, that they could not really be applied. Society, he says, was actually less static after 250 than before. Despite what has become the almost canonical view of the question, Professor Jones is certainly in the right. Under three major headings, all perfectly well known, many people did change jobs and homes. Some fled from invasion, in numbers powerfully suggested by the thousands of coin hoards from Britain to the Black Sea—we must assume that for every treasure we find, a hundred are still hidden, and for every man who buried his money, a hundred took it with them—; another group, from one to two hundred thousand, joined an expanded army; an equal number in Egypt alone turned monk. If we say, then, that over the century 250–350, half a million people were taken from one life and newly rooted in another, we have a figure by no means fantastic, yet without parallel in any earlier era of the Empire.
The Silver Lanx as means of propaganda of a Roman Family
Authors: Svoboda Bedřich 
Published: May 2006

Out of a grave containing a skeleton that was accidentally discovered in 1939 near the village of Stráže, in the vicinity of the world-famous spa of Pieštany in south-western Slovakia, archaeologists succeeded in recovering a large circular plate (33 cm. in diameter)—a lanx (Pl. III). It is decorated on its upper surface with a very interesting engraved design in the centre and a series of scenes in graded relief on its flat flange, along the outer edge of which is a row of minute half globules. No niello is employed, but the ornament is richly gilded with gold foil, which today shows cracks in many places and has in some places even fallen off.In the central roundel (119 mm. in diameter; Pl. IV) there is a picture of an oath-taking over a sacrificial victim, similar to that on gold coins of the Roman Republic ascribed to the family of the Veturii. This scene is drawn by a skilled hand, in fine lines and with great feeling for its decorative potentialities. The interpretation of the coin-type (Pl. VI, 2) has already given rise to a number of different opinions which, however, agree on one point, namely that it was struck to commemorate some significant event in which a member of the house of Veturii had played the decisive role.
Dionysius on Romulus: a Political Pamphlet?
Authors: Balsdon J. P. V. D. 
Published: May 2006

Dionysius of Halicarnassus arrived in Rome at one of the most exciting moments in Roman history, on the morrow of Actium in 30 B.C. He lived in Rome for twenty-two years and at the end, in 7 B.C., his history was finished, an authoritative—indeed, he claimed, the first authoritative—history of Rome from the Foundation down to 265 B.C. His work would be the first in the triad of reliable Greek histories of Rome. Possessing his book and the books of Polybius and Posidonius, a Greek reader would at last have a continuous and reliable history of Rome written for him in Greek and by Greeks from the Foundation down to the late Republic.In chapters 7 to 29 of book 2, Dionysius gave an analytic account of the ordinances of Romulus, painting him in the character of a Greek nomothetes, responsible for nearly everything that was fundamental in Romanità.
The Consuls Of A.D. 13
Authors: Syme R. 
Published: May 2006

In the year 13 of our era C. Silius and L. Munatius Plancus held the fasces, known characters. But the inscribed record presents a double and intricate problem. First, nomenclature. Is Silius by his full and proper style to be registered as ‘C. Silius Caecina Largus’ ? Second, was there also a consul suffect—and was there perhaps another suffectus or a pair of suffecti ?That Silius was polyonymous, Borghesi claimed, and so did Mommsen. The persuasion obtained in the standard works of reference. Recently, however, a firm and reasoned negation was issued. It seemed cogent. None the less, it failed to win the assent of the scholar whose authority stands paramount in this field. And somebody else has essayed a refutation, reinstating ‘C. Silius Caecina Largus’. It is expedient to look into the matter again. That can be done briefly, thanks to the arguments already adduced—and no fresh evidence accrues.
Vegetation development in abandoned gravel pits: effects of surrounding vegetation, substrate and regionality
Authors: Borgegård Sven‐Olov 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Vegetation development in 68 abandoned gravel pits and their surroundings in five regions in Sweden is described by means of classification and ordination. Most pits were less than 10 yr old, but some pits in central Sweden were up to 100 yr old. For 26 pits in central Sweden the results of mechanical and chemical soil analyses are presented.Vegetation in young pits is more homogeneous than the vegetation in the surroundings. The surrounding vegetation type strongly affects pit vegetation. There are regional differences in pit vegetation between pits in coniferous forests in different parts of Sweden. Old gravel pits are clearly distinguished from young ones and show more resemblance to the surrounding vegetation. Tree layer cover and nitrogen content increase, whereas C/N ratio and pH decrease with age. Species richness of the gravel pits was not related to their size.
Environmental controls of NDVI dynamics in Patagonia based on NOAA‐AVHRR satellite data
Authors: Paruelo José M. , Aguiar Martin R. , Golluscio Rodolfo A. , León Rolando J. C. , Pujol Gloria 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Variation in vegetation in extra‐Andean Patagonia (Argentina) was analyzed using spectral data derived from AVHRR/NOAA satellite. The study of seasonal dynamics of the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI, i.e. a combined index of the reflection in the red and infrared bands) highlighted similarities in functional aspects between regional vegetation units which are dissimilar in a geographical, physiognomical and/or floristical way, and also suggested that gross primary production is correlated with mean annual rainfall.The first axis in a Principal Component Analysis of NDVI data was correlated (r2 = 0.90) with NDVI as integrated for the study period. The second axis was correlated (r2 = 0.50) with the differences in NDVI during the growing season, reflecting seasonality. Mean annual rainfall accounted for 60% of integrated NDVI variability among vegetation units. Much of the residual variance (62%) was accounted for by the inverse of the distance to the Atlantic Ocean, which is interpreted as an ocean effect on vegetation functioning in the extra‐Andean Patagonia.
BOOK REVIEWS
Authors: Kellman Martin 
Published: May 2006

Book reviewed in this issue.Leck, M. A., Parker, V. T. & Simpson, R. L. (eds.). Ecology of soil seed banks. 1989. 462 pp. Academic Press, San Diego ‐ New York Berkeley ‐ Boston ‐ London ‐ Sydney ‐ Tokyo ‐ Toronto. ISBN 0–12–44045–7. Price: USD 69.95.
BOOK REVIEWS
Authors: Rapoport Eduardo H. 
Published: May 2006

Sukopp, H. & Hejny, S. (eds.) & Kowarik, I. (co‐ed). 1990. Urban Ecology. Plants and Plant Communities in Urban Environments.Short reviewsHolten, J. I. (ed.) 1990. Effects of climate change on terrestrial ecosystems.Höner, D. 1991. Mehrjáhrige Beobachtungen kleiner Vegetationsfláchen im Raume von Karpathos (Nomos Dhodhekanisou, Griechenland).
Seed banks of a rare wetland plant community: distribution patterns and effects of human‐induced disturbance
Authors: Wisheu Irene C. , Keddy Paul A. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractSeed banks in rare shoreline communities (Nova Scotia, Canada), were examined in order to determine their role in the persistence of rare plant species. A pristine shoreline which supports globally and nationally significant Atlantic coastal plain species averaged 8500 seeds/m2. Seedsweremost abundant high on the shore and where standing crop was greatest. Rare species, which made up 22% of the standing crop and litter of the adult vegetation, comprised only 4% of the seed bank. Common rushes such as Juncus canadensis and J. filiformis, were not well represented in the adult vegetation (5% of the standing crop and litter) but were abundant in the seed bank (52% of all seeds). Seed densities were on average, much lower on an intensely disturbed shoreline (1000 seeds/m2), where heavy all‐terrain vehicle traffic had destroyed the adult vegetation.These results suggest that intense disturbances will destroy both existing vegetation and the seed bank and moderate disturbances will alter community composition so that common rushes will replace already endangered Atlantic coastal plain species.
Distribution of seedlings and saplings of Quercus robur in a grazed deciduous forest
Authors: Andersson Christian 
Published: May 2006

AbstractSeedling and sapling distribution of the deciduous tree Quercus robur was, studied in a grazed, partly open forest, ca. 20 km S of Linkoping, Sweden. Numbers of seedlings and saplings were compared between open and shaded parts of the forest. Cover values for the shrub and tree layers, proportion of bare ground and of stones and soil water content were determined. Q. robur was shown to germinate equally well in open and shaded parts of the forest; however, most saplings were found in the shade. No correlation was found between seedlings or saplings and cover of shrub layer or proportion of stones in the soil surface or with soil water content.
Spatial models for spatial statistics: some unification
Authors: Ver Hoef Jay M. , Cressie Noel A. C. , Glenn‐Lewin David C. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractA general statistical framework is proposed for comparing linear models of spatial process and pattern. A spatial linear model for nested analysis of variance can be based on either fixed effects or random effects. Greig‐Smith (1952) originally used a fixed effects model, but there are also examples of random effects models in the soil science literature. Assuming intrinsic stationarity for a linear model, the expectations of a spatial nested ANOVA and two term local variance (TTLV, Hill 1973) are functions of the variogram, and several examples are given. Paired quadrat variance (PQV, Ludwig & Goodall 1978) is a variogram estimator which can be used to approximate TTLV, and we provide an example from ecological data. Both nested ANOVA and TTLV can be seen as weighted lag‐1 variogram estimators that are functions of support, rather than distance. We show that there are two unbiased estimators for the variogram under aggregation, and computer simulation shows that the estimator with smaller variance depends on the process autocorrelation.
Vegetation change following exclusion of grazing animals in depleted grassland, Central Otago, New Zealand
Authors: Allen R.B. , Wilson J. Bastow , Mason C.R. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Models of semiarid vegetation dynamics were evaluated to explain changes in the grassland of interior South Island, New Zealand. Annual records were taken for six years of plant species height frequency and percentage ground cover in five plots established in 1986. One subplot at each site was fenced to exclude sheep, one to exclude rabbits and sheep, and one remained unfenced as a control.Records from 1986–1992 were analysed by ordination. The overall pattern of vegetation change shows considerable year‐to‐year variation. At some sites, variation in vegetation composition between years was as great as, or greater than, that between grazed and ungrazed subplots. Such variation is particularly evident in grazed vegetation, perhaps because it is under greater stress than ungrazed vegetation. At one site changes in vegetation total cover and species composition could be statistically related to rainfall during the first half of the growing season.The only general trends following cessation of grazing were for perennials to increase in frequency, and for year‐to‐year changes to become smaller with time. Total vegetation cover values seldom changed as a result of cessation of grazing, but tended to follow year‐to‐year changes in species frequency.The results do not in general support switch/state‐and‐transition models of semi‐arid vegetation dynamics. Vegetation change follows changes in grazing and climate with little lag. This most closely conforms with the Pulse‐phase dynamic model.