bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Myth of Girra and Elamatum
Authors: Walker Christopher 
Published: January 2007

Dr. Barnett has long taken an interest in the recovery of Mesopotamian mythology, and many is the time that he has suggested to us that the enigmatic scene on a cylinder-seal represents “a myth now lost”. It is a pleasure therefore to dedicate to him the first edition of a newly recovered fragment of an Old Babylonian myth concerning the fixing of the destiny of Girra, the god of fire and giver of light to man, after his defeat of Elamatum.BM 78962 (Bu 89-4-26, 257) is one of a collection of tablets purchased by E. A. W. Budge in Baghdad, and said by him to include tablets from Sippar and Tell ed-Der. The collection includes the Old Babylonian Atrahasis tablets BM 78941 and 78942, the provenance of which has been discussed by Lambert and Millard. It seems reasonable to assume that BM 78962 like them comes from Sippar or Tell ed-Der and to date it on palaeographical grounds to the reign of Ammisaduqa or thereabouts. The content of the tablet was quite obscured by dirt and salt until 1973 when it was baked and cleaned by Mr. C. A. Bateman.
Glass Inlays and the Classification and Dating of Ivories from the Ninth-Eighth Centuries B.C.
Authors: Barag D. 
Published: January 2007

The extensive use of glass inlays on ivories and as separate inlays together with ivories, presumably on the same furniture, is one of the features characteristic of Western Asiatic ivories dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Their introduction marked a clear departure from second millennium B.C. traditions of ivory carving and their disappearance after the eighth century B.C. coincided with the end of the Golden Age of Western Asiatic ivory carving.In this discussion I intend to call attention to some phenomena connected with the use of glass inlays on and together with ivories from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. rather than presenting a full review of the subject — a project beyond the scope of the present study. It will be shown that the distinction between non-inlaid and inlaid groups of ivories in Phoenician style has a bearing on their attribution to different workshops and possibly also on their chronology.
The Revadim Seal and its Archaic Phoenician Inscription
Authors: Sass Benjamin 
Published: January 2007

This seal, one of the earliest with a linear alphabetic inscription, was found in 1959 at Kibbutz Revadim in the Shephelah (Fig. 3). Its find spot lies about three kilometres west of Tel Miqne (Khirbet el-Muqanna'), identified with Ekron of the Philistine Pentapolis. The seal is a scaraboid of hard limestone, most probablymizi hilu, measuring 16 × 13 × 7·5 mm, intended for a ring, as indicated by the two drilled holes that do not meet. The back and sides of the seal are plain. The base carries the owner's name and a scene engraved in a linear, schematic style (Fig. 1, Pl. XLII).The seal was published in 1961 by R. Giveon, who assigned it to the wellknown class of late Iron Age (mainly 8th—7th century) personal seals from Palestine and neighbouring countries. In an article published a year later, F. M. Cross, on palaeographic grounds, dated the seal to the 12th century. His view won wide acceptance. In this paper, offered with gratitude and admiration to Richard D. Barnett, whose student I had the privilege to be, I wish to re-evaluate the Revadim Seal and its date.
The Oenoanda Survey: 1974–76
Authors: Hall Alan 
Published: January 2007

Oenoanda in the Cabalis was the most southerly city of the Tetrapolis led by Cibyra in the late Hellenistic period; and it dominated both its close neighbour Termessus Minor and the fertile mountain valley through which runs an upper stretch of the river Xanthus. When L. Licinius Murena broke up the Cibyratis in 84 B.C., Oenoanda became a member of the Koinon of the Lycians. Little is known of its earlier history.The remains lie on the southern side of the Seki valley, on a hill which overlooks the modern road from Fethiye to Korkuteli, at the point where it crosses the river. The road to Seki diverges just south of the bridge, and the site of Termessus Minor lies on the other side of the river. Oenoanda's main buildings are grouped on a saddle-ridge below and south of the acropolis hill, some 300 metres above the valley. Against the lower slopes of this hill lies the theatre.
Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium B.C.
Authors: Mee Christopher 
Published: January 2007

The evidence of Minoan and Mycenaean trade with and settlement in Anatolia has never been comprehensively studied. Bittel (1967:5–23), Buchholz (1974:365–8), Cook and Blackman (1959–60:39–50, 1964–5:44–55, 1970–1:39–53), D. French (1969:73–4), Hiller (1975:406–11), Hope Simpson and Lazenby (1973:174–9), Lloyd and Mellaart (1955:81–3), Mellaart (1968:187–90) and Stubbings (1951:22–4 and 88–9) have discussed some of the sites involved but not in depth. Obviously it is only by considering the evidence as a whole that a definitive assessment is possible, so that a further study is not superfluous.Problems arising from the decipherment of the Boğazköy/Hattusas archives are not considered but I would hope that this study might nevertheless assist those concerned with the political geography of Anatolia in the second millennium.
Byzantine Malagina and the Lower Sangarius
Authors: Foss Clive 
Published: January 2007

Malagina was a place of considerable strategic importance in the Byzantine period, from the Dark Ages until the final collapse of imperial rule in Asia Minor. Frequent mentions in the sources indicate that it was a major base, a station on the route of imperial armies to the East, and the seat of the stables from which the expeditions were supplied. It had an administration of its own, and grew in importance as the Empire shrank. Although its general location, on the Sangarius river, has never been in doubt, the site has so far failed to be convincingly identified, in spite of serious attempts. Thanks to investigations in the field, it is now possible to provide Malagina with a precise location, and to identify and describe its fortress, whose remains add considerably to our knowledge of the site and its history. For the sake of completeness, these remains will be discussed in the context of what is known of the Byzantine and Ottoman history of the site.The first appearance of Malagina is in a curious text, an apocalyptic prophecy attributed to St. Methodius, but actually dating from the late seventh century. Its chronology can be determined from its forecast that the Arabs would break into Constantinople. Although that never happened, the prophecy has reasonably been associated with the great siege of 674–8. In preparation for that attack, the Arabs would, it announces, divide their forces into three parts, of which one would winter in Ephesus, another in Pergamum, and the third in Malagina. Although this provides no specific information about the site, it shows that Malagina was then considered an important military base, a likely goal for an Arab attack. It may also indicate that the place was actually taken and occupied by the Arabs on that occasion. In any case, Malagina was in existence by the seventh century.
A Rock-Working at Cursat Castle
Authors: Morray D. W. 
Published: January 2007

The castle of Cursat, modern Koz Kalesi, situated ten kilometres south of Antakya in Turkish Hatay, has been well covered: van Berchem (1914/5), Jacquot (1931) and Deschamps (1977). They draw attention to the conspicuous visible features, largely of 13th century Frankish origin, in the western and southern walls of Cursat, in particular salients A and B of the plan (Fig. 1). However, none of these previous investigators reports anything of significance on the eastern flank of the site, marked C on the plan, beyond noting the existence of a cistern, and several subterranean apartments.As a result, they overlook two interesting features which this writer discovered in the Spring of 1989. These consist of a vertical shaft, cut in the rock, which descends from the level of a subterranean complex below the eastern terreplein, and a lower chamber at the level of the base of the castle ramparts, which receives the shaft.The complex, comprising a Firing-platform, cistern and another apartment, possibly a bath, was noted by van Berchem and his successors. But the shaft and the lower chamber have not been recorded.
R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies No. 9: The Milyadeis and their Territory
Authors: Hall Alan S. 
Published: January 2007

At the end of a passage in Strabo's Geography (XIII, 631), where he gives an account of the foundation of Kibyra and the extent of its power in the first century B.C., we find a succinct definition of the territory of the neighbouring Milyas (τῆς ὀμόρου Μιλυάδος):“The Milyas is the territory from the defiles by Termessus and the passage through them to Isinda, stretching in a mountainous area as far as Sagalassus and the territory of Apameia.”In spite of its precision, Strabo's definition of the Milyas is inadequate in several ways. First, the geographical limits are set from south to north, but not from east to west. Secondly, it is only a brief footnote to his account of the Kibyratis, and lacks comparable information about the language, settlements and history of the inhabitants of this neighbouring region. Probably a dearth of information in Strabo's sources restricted him to a statement of what was agreed to be the core of a once extensive territory; earlier writers, such as Herodotus and Polybius, had referred to the Milyas in terms which show that it extended more widely in earlier centuries.
A Reinterpretation of the Milawata Letter in the Light of the New Join Piece
Authors: Bryce T. R. 
Published: January 2007

At the Rencontre Assyriologique held in Vienna in July, 1981, Dr. Harry Hoffner Jr. presented a paper in which he discussed a new join he had made to the Milawata letter, a document long recognized as being of considerable importance for Hittite historical studies, although one which is frustratingly fragmentary and incomplete.Without doubt, the join provides important new information on historical and political developments in western Anatolia in the period when the letter was written, during the 13th century B.C.; more specifically, it throws interesting new light on the circumstances in which it was written, and may help indirectly to establish the identity of both its author, a Hittite king, and its recipient. Perhaps of most immediate interest is the fact that we now have the name of another king of Wilua—Walmu. Walmu was already known to us from the original text, but the two passages in which his name appeared were too fragmentary to provide any more specific information about him. The new join provides us not only with this information, but a good deal more besides.
Iron in Anatolia and the Nature of the Hittite Iron Industry
Authors: Muhly J. D. , Maddin R. , Stech T. , Özgen E. 
Published: January 2007

The development of the skills necessary for working in iron, making possible the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, has long been regarded as one of the major break-throughs in man's technological history. For Lewis Henry Morgan, writing in 1877, the smelting of iron ore was a development on a par with the domestication of animals (Morgan 1877:39):“The most advanced portion of the human race were halted, so to express it, at certain stages of progress, until some great invention or discovery, such as the domestication of animals or the smelting of iron ore, gave a new and powerful impulse forward.”The importance of the appearance of iron as a practical, utilitarian metal has usually been seen in terms of a military context. With iron it was possible to produce weapons not only superior to those of bronze but also much cheaper. These improvements made it possible to arm a large peasant infantry in order to challenge the military superiority of the chariot forces of the Late Bronze Age aristocracy, armed with bronze weapons.
The Kululu Lead Strips Economic Documents in Hieroglyphic Luwian
Authors: Hawkins J. D. 
Published: January 2007

The present study incorporates the results of work which I did on the KULULU lead strips in Ankara in the spring of 1978. There by the kind permission of Professor Tahsin Özgüç I was enabled to examine all the lead strips thoroughly. The texts presented here are based on tracings of collated photographs of the strips made at that time. I am most grateful to Professor Özgüç for his help and encouragement.The manuscript of this article was submitted to Belleten for publication in 1979, but due to unforeseen circumstances has remained unpublished until the present. It has therefore been decided to publish it in the present form without further delay. Since the original submission of the manuscript to Belleten, however, two major contributions on the KULULU lead strips have appeared:(1) Sargon Erdem: “Le strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata (ed. O. Carruba; Pavia, 1979), 143–164);(2) Piero Meriggi and Massimo Poetto: “Note alle strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae: GS für Heinz Kronasser (ed. E. Neu; Wiesbaden, 1982), 97–115).
The Hittite Names of Kerkenes Dağ and Kuşaklı Höyük
Authors: Gurney O. R. 
Published: January 2007

A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.
The Early Iron Age in the Elaziǧ Region and the Problem of the Mushkians
Authors: Sevin Veli 
Published: January 2007

The salvage excavations and related surveys carried out both in the Keban and in the Karakaya reservoir areas during the last twenty years have made the Elazıǧ region one of the most thoroughly examined areas of Anatolia. Our archaeological information about this region, which previously was extremely limited, has now reached a significantly high level. Surveys conducted by the present writer during 1985–87, especially in the outlying areas of the reservoir regions, have resulted in the establishment of an archaeological sequence for almost the whole of the area. In spite of all this, it cannot be said that the history of the region is yet fully understood. For example, the two questions, when did the Early Iron Age begin in the region and what were the reasons behind its beginnings, are still far from being answered.In written documents relating to the Hittite ruler Shuppiluliuma I, the region is referred to as a kingdom, while in the time of Tudhalia IV it is clearly understood that the area, known as Ishuwa, had become a vassal kingdom of the Hittite empire, where people of Hurrian origin were living.
The Stamp Seals from Tell esh Sheikh
Authors: Aruz Joan 
Published: January 2007

The site of Tell esh Sheikh was excavated in 1947 and 1948 as part of the British project at Alalakh-Tell Atchana in the Amuq plain. It is located two miles west of Tell Tayinat, which adjoins Alalakh, with the mound of Tabara al Akrad one and a half miles east. Other sites on the eastern edge of the plain include Çatal Höyük and Judeidah. Woolley discusses Tell esh Sheikh in the reports of excavations at Alalakh. The seals are described most fully by Buchanan, based on information and sketches supplied to him by the excavators. The present study reflects research done in the Antakya Museum and references to its inventory books. As stated by Buchanan, the seals are distributed over seven levels at the site and include a number of gables made of bone. Further information regarding archaeological context is lacking, according to David French, who is reviewing documentation and finds for the forthcoming publication of the Tell esh Sheikh excavation.An investigation of seals and sealings at such sites as Norşuntepe and Değirmentepe in eastern Anatolia, and Tepe Gawra in northern Mesopotamia, has provided close parallels for materials, shapes, motifs and styles found in the Tell esh Sheikh seal corpus. Such associations in part confirm results of pottery analysis but also raise questions about the correlation of pottery and seal chronology, and about relations between sites on the Cilician plain and regions closer to the resource-rich areas in the northeast. A review of findings follows below.
Excavations at Amorium: 1992 Interim Report
Authors: Harrison R. M. , Christie et al N. 
Published: January 2007

August 1992 marked the sixth season of survey and excavation at the east Phrygian site of Amorium, located 170 km. south-west of Ankara. Excavation has so far sampled only a tiny part of what was in Roman and Byzantine times an extensive urban site, but results have consistently revealed that an exciting range of data can be drawn from this largely unexplored centre. Indeed, despite evident modern robbing for stone, the trenched areas have revealed that substantial zones may remain archaeologically intact.The ancient site of Amorium comprised two distinct fortified zones: a compact upper town, and a larger lower town, part of which is now overlain by the modern village of Hisarköy. A particular aim of the excavations so far carried out at Amorium has been to define the relationship between these two urban areas in the overall occupational sequence, with special interest placed on elucidating the transitional phase from the Early to Middle Byzantine period—a period in Amorium's long history which is fairly well documented by both Byzantine and Arab sources.
The Biconvex Seals of Alişar Höyük
Authors: Gorny Ronald L. 
Published: January 2007

Archaeological excavations were conducted at Alişar Höyük in central Turkey from 1927 to 1932 by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The six years of investigation uncovered evidence that indicated the mound had been occupied intermittently from at least the Early Bronze Age through the modern Turkish period. The premature cessation of excavations at the site, however, left many issues unresolved, a situation that has bedeviled Anatolian specialists up to the present day.Foremost among the problems left unsettled by the Oriental Institute excavations was the question of whether a Late Bronze II settlement (1400–1200 B.C.) had existed at the site, an issue that was raised by the discovery at Alişar of cuneiform tablets written in the Old Assyrian script that referred to a town called Amkuwa, known also from Hittite texts as Ankuwa. On the basis of these references, scholars were quick to associate Amkuwa/Ankuwa with Alişar. The problem with this equation is that, on the one hand, a Hittite text dating to the reign of Hittite king Ḫattušili III makes it clear that Ankuwa was occupied in the LB II.
Lydian painted pottery at Daskyleion
Authors: Gül Gürtekin-Demir R. 
Published: January 2007

AbstractAncient literary sources indicate that Daskyleion was under the control of the Lydian kingdom from the late seventh century to the mid sixth century BC, before it was made a regional Achaemenid capital of the Persian empire. This literary evidence is supported by the archaeological data. Lydian painted pottery from Daskyleion includes examples of so-called early Fikellura, Ephesian, Ephesianising, bichrome, streaked and marbling wares. Study of this pottery and comparison with parallels from Sardis suggest that most of it was imported from Sardis between the last quarter of the seventh century and the fifth century. A little over 15% of the sixth and fifth century pottery seems to have been produced outside Sardis.
Burials in context: The 1960s inhumations of Çatalhöyük East
Authors: Düring Bleda S. 
Published: January 2007

AbstractThe burial customs practised at Neolithic Çatalhöyük have raised a substantial amount of interest, due to factors such as a tradition of intramural inhumation, elaborate grave goods including organic remains in an excellent state of preservation, and a posited link to scenes in wall paintings supposedly showing vultures pecking at humanoid figures. In consequence, numerous publications have discussed the burial practices of the site, and the systematic study of the burial data is one of the aims of the present excavation project at the site. Given the attention the burials of Çatalhöyük have received, it is surprising that almost no hard data have been published on the hundreds of burials excavated in the 1960s. In this paper a systematic inventory of the 1960s burial data and their drawbacks will be presented. The data for this study were obtained from the notes made by Dr Angel and Dr Ferembach, the two physical anthropologists who analysed the skeletons excavated by Mellaart and his team. The inventory presented in this paper will allow us to study the burial practices at Çatalhöyük in a more systematic manner, and will provide an interesting background for the evaluation of the data forthcoming from the new excavation project at Çatalhöyük.
Seasonal variation in fecal testosterone levels in free‐ranging male Japanese macaques
Authors: Muroyama Yasuyuki , Shimizu Keiko , Sugiura Hideki 
Published: January 2007

AbstractSeasonal variation in fecal testosterone levels in free‐ranging male Japanese macaques (Macaca fuscata) was examined with reference to their dominance rank and age class. Six adult (≥7 years old, three higher‐ranking and three lower‐ranking) and four adolescent (5–6 years old, two higher‐ranking and two lower‐ranking) males were selected as target animals. Fecal samples of these males were collected during the first 3–5 days of each month and analyzed by the method developed by Barrett et al. [Primates 43:29–39, 2002b]. Testosterone levels varied significantly across the 12 months, and were highest in the early and middle parts of the mating season (i.e., October and November). Higher‐ranking adult males displayed a peak testosterone level in October, whereas lower‐ranking adults had no clear peak in the mating season. Such a difference in testosterone peaks in males could provide higher‐ranking males more opportunities to fertilize females at first ovulation in the mating season than lower‐ranking males. Am. J. Primatol. 69:603–610, 2007.© 2007 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.