bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Hungarian Immigrants in North America
Authors: Kosa John 
Published: June 2006

Sociologists have formulated a number of general theories to explain the residential mobility of immigrants in American cities and the formation of immigrant colonies. One such theory, brought forth by the Chicago school of sociology, conceived the residential mobility of immigrant groups in reference to subsequent waves of immigration. According to that theory, an immigrant group, upon first arriving in a city, tends to settle in a compact community near the centre of the city which is usually a deteriorated area, a slum. As the individual immigrants improve their economic position, they move from this settlement to more desirable neighbourhoods; their place in the old colony, however, is taken by new immigrants. In such a process the older ethnic group may invade a new area near the centre of the city or it may move out entirely from that part of the city to be succeeded there by another ethnic group. This wave theory was successfully applied to Canadian cities to explain the foreign islands of Montreal and the Jewish community of Winnipeg.Recently Walter Firey has put forth another theory that regards the foreign colonies as more static formations in the ecology of large cities. His study of the Italian settlement in the North End of Boston has showed that Italian immigrants localize social solidarity in their ethnic area. They gather in a section of the city where they are among themselves and may maintain rather undisturbed their special type of life with its old system of values. Thus, the theory of localized social solidarity would imply that ethnic groups show less residential mobility than the native-born population and do not fall in line with the constant “filtering process” whereby the average resident tends to filter, according to his socio-economic success, into better residential districts with higher rents.
Canadian Post-War Monetary Policy, 1946–52
Authors: McIvor R. Craig , Panabaker John H. 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to analyse and evaluate Canadian post-war monetary policy, in the light of the recurring inflationary pressures to which the economy was subjected. In the evaluation of past events, even the least perceptive critic possesses two great advantages, that is, published statistical data and the revelations of hindsight. When rightly used, hindsight is a valuable guide, but the critic must be careful to distinguish two significant questions: (1) In the light of the relevant contemporary circumstances, what alternatives were available to policy-makers at the time decisions were made? (2) What were the merits or demerits of the policies adopted, when viewed in the light of subsequent events, that is, given the same problem again, would different policies be adopted?Any analysis, to be useful, must guard against oversimplification and unrealistic abstraction, and it is therefore impossible to evaluate Canadian postwar monetary experience fairly unless the analysis moves beyond the consideration of primarily domestic influences to an adequate recognition of the economic difficulties posed by violent shifts in our balance of payments. The following criticism of specific aspects of Canadian policy does not imply any over-all condemnation, for although we may deplore the damage which inflation has wrought, it must be admitted that its post-war development in this country has been relatively moderate, despite the substantial limitations imposed upon Canadian monetary policy by our open economy.
The Constitutional Crisis of 1889 in Newfoundland
Authors: Mitchell Harvey 
Published: June 2006

The constitutional crisis of 1889 in Newfoundland offers an excellent example of what may occur when a governor, in the full belief that he is adhering to the strict observance of his constitutional position, yet manages to defy its limits, bring it into disrepute, and earn the opprobrium of nearly all concerned. That the Governor of Newfoundland did so, as the unsuspecting instrument of a political struggle, points up the dangers of appointing to high office men with little or no appreciation of the duties and responsibilities they are called upon to assume. The crisis of 1889 proves above all the importance that must be attached to the choice of men of good intelligence, even temper, and flexibility. When to insist on the exercise of his prerogatives and when to desist are questions that a governor can only solve by considering as far as possible the results of the choice he makes. A very difficult decision, admittedly, but one which will primarily depend on the governor's tact, influence, articulation, the vital features of his official personality. There is no need to stress the importance of the problem discussed below; the list of constitutional authorities who have studied similar questions is an impressive and well-known one.The Governor in question was Sir Terence O'Brien, a military man who had qualified as an engineer and surveyor in India, had for some years been Inspector General of Police in Mauritius, and, immediately before coming to Newfoundland in 1889, had served as Governor of Heligoland. His immediate concern in Newfoundland was, as befits a man with military experience, the fortification of St. John's against attack in the event of a global conflict which he saw as imminent; but this project was fated to suffer the indifference of a government that did not share his views. In November, 1889, the Governor's attention was abruptly diverted from his scheme of defence to a situation that appeared quite normal and might have remained so but for a combination of events that he grasped only imperfectly.
Government Economic Controls in the British Building Industry, 1945–9
Authors: Rosenberg Nathan 
Published: June 2006

Most discussions of the control of investment during the late 1930's and the Second World War had their origin, for obvious reasons, in the desire to regulate the aggregate level of economic activity. An unfortunate consequence of this preoccupation was that insufficient consideration was given to another problem of great importance: the determination of the uses to which investment resources are put.It was precisely this problem of the allocation of investment resources which became a matter of major concern to the Labour Government in Great Britain in the years after the Second World War. This paper will examine the manner in which the problem was handled with respect to investment in building, investment in plant and equipment will be ignored since no serious attempt was made to regulate it. The Government did not go much beyond entering into “gentlemen's agreements” with engineering firms respecting the percentage of their output which they planned to devote to export purposes-agreements of the sort which D. H. Robertson has delightfully described as “… the characteristic English processes of jollying along—of encouragements which are not quite promises, frowns which are not quite prohibitions, understandings which are not quite agreements.”The control of investment in building, by contrast, was a very ambitious venture. The Labour Government's experience in operating these controls is interesting for the light it sheds on problems of government planning for a major private industry. Moreover, this experience is particularly important since the industry concerned is one which is likely to play a crucial role in the programmes for development and welfare undertaken by many governments. The central focus of this paper, therefore, will be on the problems which arose in the attempt to control the pattern, as well as the volume, of activity in construction.
British Steel: A Unique Record of Public Regulation
Authors: English H. E. 
Published: June 2006

The iron and steel industry of the United Kingdom is unique in at least three respects which are important in any examination of its present condition and prospects. It is the world's oldest capitalistic iron and steel industry. It is widely dispersed geographically—a factor which distinguishes it particularly from the steel industries of other western European countries with which it is most in competition. Finally it has experienced what must surely be the most extended period of changing economic and political circumstances to which any industry in a predominantly private enterprise nation has been subjected in modern times.While the intention here is to concentrate upon the political economy of the industry in recent years, it is useful to begin with some review of relevant geographical, structural, and historical factors. The structure of the industry is summarized in Table I.The geographical dispersion of the industry contrasts rather sharply with the concentration of German steel in the Ruhr and of the French industry in Lorraine. It is, however, not difficult to explain in terms of the original wide-spread occurrence of coal and iron in Great Britain and of the specialized steel-making and steel-using skills which have developed in various parts of the country since 1850, even earlier in the instance of Sheffield. In Scotland and to some extent on the northeast coast and around Sheffield the industry has continued strong mainly because of the market for steel and the supply of specialized labour and knowledge, which has survived the exhaustion of coal or iron ore in these districts. In fact both the northeast coast and Yorkshire retain important reserves of coal, and other more recent considerations have helped to sustain and expand production in these sectors.
Trends in Class Fertility in Western Nations
Authors: Wrong Dennis H. 
Published: June 2006

Although the birth-rate has declined in all Western nations since the middle of the nineteenth century, the decline has not been equal among the various groups that compose their population. Measures of fertility for national units conceal differences in the fertility of the many distinct groups in urban-industrial societies. Changes in the pattern of these differences are of particular significance in the later stages of the demographic transition from high to low birth-rates and death-rates which the Western world has undergone in the past century. Changes in the birth-rate rather than in the death-rate are the main determinants of growth in societies where mortality has been brought under control by modern medicine and public health practices.Demographers have often treated differential fertility as a special, virtually autonomous subject instead of viewing it in the broad historical context of the Western demographic transition. In fact, as J. W. Innes has pointed out, few studies have been made of trends in differential fertility by comparison with the numerous studies which simply establish the existence of group differences in fertility at a single point in time. The present paper is concerned with class differences—probably the most pervasive of all group differences in advanced societies. The attempt is made to gather together by historical period the available data on trends in class differences in fertility for several Western countries in order to present a systematic picture of the way in which these differences have evolved in modern times.The problem of dividing a population into socio-economic classes that are genuinely distinct from one another in a sociologically meaningful sense has been widely discussed by sociologists. Demographers, however, usually work with official data which provide only limited information on the characteristics of populations. They are, therefore, unable to employ the more refined indices of class developed by sociologists and are forced to use as indices such relatively simple objective attributes as income, occupation, or education.
The Post Office since 1867
Authors: Currie A. W. 
Published: June 2006

Throughout its history the Canada Post Office has faced substantially the same set of problems but the emphasis has shifted. For instance, technology, which formerly was mainly related to the use of railways and then of automobiles and airplanes, is now concentrated on the problem of sorting mail by electronic means. At one time the Post Office devoted much attention to extending postal services to all parts of Canada, however remote. Now it is increasingly concerned with providing service intensively, that is, with giving door-to-door delivery in suburban areas and in every community of 5,000 or more people. Postal authorities and the general public have always been interested in the relative rates on letters, magazines, advertising circulars, and parcels, as well as in the allied question of a surplus or deficit on the operation of the Post Office as a whole. In the last few years rising wage-rates and rapid growth in the volume of second- and third-class mail have made the matter of pricing for postal services more significant than ever before. This article deals first with the history of the Canada Post Office and then with problems of the postal service which remain unsolved.Before 1851, all postal services in British North America were ultimately controlled by the Postmaster General in London. Even after the reforms of Rowland Hill, the Postmaster General’s policy for the colonies was to secure a profit which was remitted to Britain. After the colonies assumed control they rapidly increased the number of offices and the milage of postal routes. Internal postage rates, which had averaged 18 cents per half ounce and were graduated for distance, became uniformly 2d. sterling or 5 cents anywhere in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada. The colonists bore the resultant deficits without much complaint.
On the Present State of Economic History
Authors: Aitken Hugh G. J. 
Published: June 2006

It is far from easy to decide, at any given moment, whether the state of a particular branch of intellectual inquiry is to be described as healthy or unhealthy, as full of promise or stagnant and moribund. The criteria of advance are not clear and personal bias may distort judgment. Development seems to take place not in a smooth upward trend but in a series of discontinuous steps. What seems at first sight to be a period of inactivity or even decline may on a longer view turn out to be merely a necessary pause preparatory to further growth. Anyone undertaking to appraise the present state of an intellectual discipline such as economic history must therefore be aware that his task is a hazardous one.There is no scarcity of evidence to suggest that economic history is at present in critical condition, at least in the United States. Traditionally tied to both history and economics and called upon to meet the expectations of each, it has always led a somewhat precarious existence. At least since the First World War its relationship to economic theory, always debatable, has become tenuous, until today it is a common experience to find in the same university department economic historians who know little economic theory and find no use for what they do know, and economic theorists who know little history and have no interest in learning more. This alienation has proceeded far beyond the normal differences of emphasis that might be expected to exist between specialists in the inductive and the deductive methods. Economic theory today, in most of its branches, neither draws on economic history for its data nor goes to economic history for empirical verification. Economic history, for its part, commonly uses only the crudest of the tools in the economist's tool-box, and displays almost complete indifference to the refinements in analytical methods that occupy the theorist's working time. The consequences of this divorce have been unfortunate for economic history. Some would say they have been unfortunate for economic theory also.
The Appointment of the Governor General: Responsible Government, Autonomy, and the Royal Prerogative
Authors: Mallory J. R. 
Published: June 2006

The public face of events is often very different from their true inward nature. Sometimes it is possible so to arrange things that the real facts have been wholly concealed and a harmless but false conclusion is drawn from events. The appointment of John Buchan as Governor General of Canada in 1935 is a case in point. MacGregor Dawson, like everybody else, drew a conclusion from that appointment which can now be shown to differ from the actual constitutional lesson which emerges from the evidence. He said: “Mr. Bennett stated in 1936 that when Lord Tweedsmuir's name was being considered, he, as Prime Minister, first discussed the matter with Mr. Mackenzie King, the Leader of the Opposition, so that the Governor's appointment was in effect quite non-partisan in character inasmuch as it carried the approval of the leaders of both major parties.”This arrangement of bi-partisan recommendation, he said, “may prove to be an accepted practice.” Whatever its practical advantages, a moment's reflection will show that it is hardly in accord with the theory of responsible government. Furthermore, the events which led up to this particular appointment were far more complex, and lead inescapably to a rather different set of conclusions.
Political Ideology as a Tool of Functional Analysis in Socio-Political Dynamics: An Hypothesis
Authors: Dion Léon 
Published: June 2006

There is so little agreement concerning theories of political ideology that it may be appropriate to devote some preliminary remarks to the main orientations of recent research. I shall then state the approach to political ideology which is adopted in this paper.“Political ideology” has different meanings in the two principal fields of knowledge in which it is used: sociology and political theory. The ambiguity which results is the greater because neither of these disciplines has as yet integrated this notion into the main body of its operational concepts. If the Marxist school of thought be excepted, one may well state that the notion of political ideology plays only a secondary and marginal role as a tool of sociopolitical analysis.Political theorists and philosophers generally view political ideologies as a part of the complex of forces which sustains the political structure or tends to its overthrow. For them, political ideologies are one of the means to power, or, as stated recently by Anthony Downs, of getting votes. This approach is adequate so far as it goes, but in my view it narrows the notion of political ideology to one of its most manifest functions in democracies. Furthermore, most such treatments of political ideology assimilate it to a pseudo-philosophy. When this pseudo-philosophy is considered good, it is said to uplift and educate the people; when it is considered bad, it is held to mystify and corrupt them.
The Problem of Succession in the Soviet Political System: The Case of Khrushchev
Authors: Bociurkiw Bohdan R. 
Published: June 2006

The mode of succession has long been recognized as one of the principal factors in determining the stability of a given political system and a key datum in the analysis of power relations within such a system. Essentially, the problem can be stated as involving (a) the technique of choosing a successor to a political leader, and (b) the successor's legitimization in the legal, traditional, or charismatic sense. This paper will deal primarily with the technique of succession in the Soviet system, touching only marginally on the question of legitimization. While drawing analogies from the post-Lenin succession crisis, the paper will attempt to identify the factors that shaped the nature and the course of the post-Stalin power struggle and the technique that ensured Khrushchev's victory over his rivals. Needless to say, limitations of evidence have introduced a considerable speculative element into the discussion, and some of the generalizations are therefore, at best, only tentative hypotheses that will have to be tested against such empirical evidence as may become available in the future.Although modern constitutionalism has largely resolved the problem of succession by legally defining the technique of succession and making the technique the criterion of legitimacy, the very nature of the totalitarian dictatorship that emerged in Russia after 1917 precludes a constitutional solution to the problem. “… dictatorship,” Lenin wrote in 1920, “means neither more nor less than unlimited power resting directly on force, not limited by anything, not restrained by any laws or any absolute rules.”
Extension of the Life of Legislatures
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

One of the most fundamental of democratic rights is the right to representation in a free parliament. A legislature which is in a position to prolong its own life indefinitely can nullify that right.That is why the United States Constitution lays it down that there must be a general election for the House of Representatives, and for one-third of the Senate, every two years. Nothing except a constitutional amendment can change this; and the process of amendment is so elaborate and difficult, and takes so long, that we can be certain that there will never be any lengthening of the term of either House of Congress unless American public opinion emphatically and overwhelmingly desires it. The same is true of the individual states. If Congress or any state legislature tried to prolong its own life, the “act” would be void, and any citizen could have it annulled by appealing to the courts.In Canada, the Dominion Parliament can prolong its own life, but only “in time of real or apprehended war, invasion or insurrection” and only “if such continuation is not opposed by the votes of more than one-third of the members” of the House of Commons. In other words, one-third plus one of the members of the House of Commons can prevent prolongation even in the midst of war, invasion, or insurrection. Any extension “act” passed contrary to these provisions would be void, and any citizen could have it annulled by appealing to the courts.
Capital Accumulation, Technological Change, and Economic Growth
Authors: Urquhart M. C. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is limited to a narrow portion of the field of economic growth. Its purpose is to discover how growth in the labour force, capital accumulation, and technological change have affected the movements of factor prices (particularly the return to capital) in a private enterprise economy. The question of what may happen to the return on capital, and indeed to all factor prices, is an old one. There is now material to provide some evidence of what has happened.The first part of the paper deals briefly with the theory of the matter and provides a rough model. The second part explores the dimensions which quantitative data for the United States for a period of 100 years put on the variables and parameters of the model. Finally there are some comments related to the possible bearing of the results on future changes in the economic variables dealt with. The analysis is entirely for the long period.It is evident from the discussion that I assume that factor prices are determined by the factors' marginal productivities.In what follows I take much that is commonly accepted for granted and use many obiter dicta, some of which are justified in footnotes.