bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Suffrage Provisions in State Constitutions
Authors: Porter Kirk H. 
Published: May 2006

Within recent years there has been a tendency to give more careful attention to the technique of legislation. In the past proposed laws have often been prepared by legislators who knew what they wanted, but were not able to express their wishes in scientifically constructed form. It is desirable of course that representatives of the people should determine legislative policy; and yet it is not counter to any intelligent principle of democracy that the drafting of bills should be done by experts who can put in brief though adequate phrases the essence of what the technically unskilled representative may want. It should be their task to use political machinery intelligently, and to warn the overzealous advocate against using it in a vain attempt to achieve an end which mayhap cannot be secured through political machinery at all. It is right that the people, through democratic channels of popular assemblies, should determine what they want; but it is no less proper that use should be made of those with special training to formulate ways and means.Some states have already established legislative reference bureaus which do the work of bill drafting. The individual legislator goes to the bureau with a general outline of a law he has in mind. The bureau renders expert advice on the subject matter of the bill, if such advice is wanted, and proceeds to draft a measure embracing the subject in hand. The staff connected with the bureau should be prepared to offer advice as to the constitutionality of the proposed law, to cite precedents in other states if such can be found, and to express an opinion as to the probable attitude of the courts when interpreting it. Information should be at hand regarding the experience of other states, or indeed other countries, with similar legislation.
The Separation of Powers in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Carpenter William Seal 
Published: May 2006

“Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society.” Thus the authors of The Federalist defined the purposes of the government created by the Federal Convention. But they reached this definition as the conclusion to a discussion of the factious nature of mankind. Madison had already remarked that the causes of faction could not be removed without abolishing the liberty which is essential to political life. He believed, however, that the control of its effects was within human power. To the mind of the Virginian the vital political forces in the state should be tied up in a nice poise through the clauses of a written constitution. A government so contrived would, as Madison believed, “secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation.”The ideal which Madison envisaged was one of dynamic equilibrium. He thought that by deriving the various branches of the government from different sources all positive action to the detriment of established order and guaranteed rights would be checked from the outset. Every safeguard against “the mutability of public councils” was to be embodied in the interior structure of the government itself. It was not enough that government should have a dependence upon the people; “experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.”The political experience to which Madison referred was fresh in the minds of all the men who assembled at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. It was afforded by the thirteen states, in none of which did political practice square with the expressed provisions of its constitution.
The Future of the Consular Office
Authors: Potter Pitman B. 
Published: May 2006

The consulate is an old and a dignified office. Through various vicissitudes the consul has come down to us from the days when, with the dawn of new courage and enterprise, the closing of the Middle Ages saw the revival of international trade and travel in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hence the future of that office must be of considerable interest from an historical point of view, to say nothing of the interest which all of us who expect to do any foreign traveling ought to feel in the fate of the traveler's best friend. All of this is doubly true in view of the fact that serious changes in the consulate are in point of fact impending, or even taking place before we have had time to notice them.Almost everyone who has even a slight acquaintance with the history of international relations is aware of the way in which the consular office has already lost much of its old standing through the abolition of privileges of extraterritoriality in modern states. Originally, the consul was a judge in many cases between citizens of the state which he represented who were permanently, or even only temporarily, residing abroad. Today in all Western states he has come to exercise judicial powers only with respect to seamen on vessels flying the flag of his appointing state. The result has been a great diminution of his powers and prestige, a change so pronounced and of such long standing that few nowadays appreciate the great dignity and influence of the consular office in its earlier history.
Some Applications of Statistical Method to Political Research
Authors: Rice Stuart A. 
Published: May 2006

This paper deals with the applicability of statistical principles and methods to research in political science. The subject is virgin and comprehensive. At the outset it will be necessary to delimit the treatment to be given it here, and to state some of the premises upon which this treatment will be based.In the first place, the topic is unrelated to questions of public finance, or any of the bookkeeping aspects of government. I shall confine attention to more fundamental problems, distinctly psychological and sociological as well as political in character. These have to do with the nature and operation of forces that give rise to political activity and that determine its forms and its direction. A socio-political-psychology, quantitative in method, is the goal with respect to which orientation is sought.In the second place, only data of a kind now available for research will be considered. Every statistician will agree with Professor Merriam's demand for the development and extension of governmental reporting, but my immediate concern is with undeveloped possibilities of utilizing existing materials.In the third place, the desirability of a quantitative approach to political research problems is taken for granted. Yet the statistical method has serious limitations, not merely because it can never replace logic as a means of interpretation, but also because it is not universally available for scientific inquiry. The developments of recent years in the field of abnormal psychology, for example, have no quantitative method of discovery behind them. When subjective processes give rise to or accompany behavior, measurements of the latter may be possible.
The Parliament of the Republic of China
Authors: Goodnow F. J. 
Published: May 2006

A study of the history of China would serve to reveal the fact that notwithstanding the great duration of Chinese political life there has been comparatively speaking little change in the political organization of the country. With the exception of the abolition of, to use a European expression, the “feudal system” which existed for several centuries before about 200 B. C., Chinese history presents no instance of any important change in political forms.The character of the political organization which existed both prior and subsequent to the abolition of this “feudal system” was absolute monarchy, what is sometimes called autocracy. In this respect China differed little if any from other Asiatic peoples, whose great contribution to the political development of the human race has been the conception of an all powerful king or monarch in whom all the functions of government were concentrated.
Cincinnati
Authors: Lowrie S. Gale 
Published: May 2006

The charter group was again successful in the November elections in Cincinnati and retained the six seats won in the first contest, while the Republican organization lost one seat to an Independent candidate. Seven of the nine councilmen were reёlected to office. The victory of the charter ticket was due in large measure to public approval of the unusual accomplishments of the last two years, and in part to the political sagacity of the leaders throughout the series of campaigns. The election of 1924, which resulted in the adoption of the council-manager form of government with a council chosen by proportional representation, and the election of two years ago which “kept the charter in the hands of its friends,” have been described in the pages of this journal. It was appreciated that the real test of the reform movement would come at the election of 1927 when the charter party would be on the defensive. This test has now been met.Cincinnati was fortunate in the character of the men who composed the first council under the new system. They employed a manager with administrative ability, a charm of manner which quickly ingratiated him with the people, and a personality which complemented the personal qualities of the councilmen themselves. These men elected by the people did not refuse leadership, and the mayor especially has become a dominant force in the community. The combination of Mayor Seasongood and Manager Sherrill is an unusual one. The former is a leader of reform; the latter, the man to carry out the policies which the representatives determine upon. Consequently, the manager himself never became a campaign issue. Both groups pledged him support. As the mayor said of him, “He personifies the people's own desire for good government.”
The New French Electoral Law and the Elections of 1928
Authors: Sharp Walter R. 
Published: May 2006

The year 1928 will witness national elections in at least three of the great western democracies of the world. The first of these important electoral contests took place in France on the last two Sundays in April. Following a campaign of unique character, some 8,000,000 voters went to the polls to pass judgment upon the record of M. Poincaré's National Union government—a government headed, strangely enough, by the same man whom the electorate had seemingly repudiated four years earlier. Not only was this contest unusual in that it brought into play certain new kinds of campaign technique, but when carefully analyzed in the light of the operation of the new electoral law, the outcome almost defies any logical interpretation. On the surface, it has been heralded as a great personal triumph for Premier Poincaré as the “savior of the franc.” But more than that one cannot say; for he presented his case without the least semblance of a political program, and the party complexion of the newly elected Chamber of Deputies is baffling. Nor is one certain that it faithfully reflects the existing state of public opinion in the nation.A resumé of the provisions of the latest electoral law, enacted in July, 1927, is necessary for a full understanding of what happened at the polls. In France, as all students of politics know, “electoral reform” is a perennial question. Since 1871 five successive systems of voting have been used: to 1885, the scrutin uninominal, or d'arrondissement; from 1885 to 1889, the scrutin de liste; from 1889 to 1919, the scrutin uninominal again; from 1919 to 1927, the scrutin de liste, with partial proportional representation; and now a reversion once more to the old scrutin uninominal.
Present Tendencies in American Politics
Authors: Ford Henry Jones 
Published: May 2006

For the first time since its sessions began in 1904, the American Political Science Association was last year unable to hold its regular annual meeting. For fourteen years, in unbroken series, the association had brought its members together for conference and discussion; but last year, with more matter in its field engaging thought and provoking study than ever before, the association had to suspend its activities. This was due to circumstances so well known that the matter would be scarcely worth mentioning were it not that it exhibits a plight in which political science is apt to find itself whenever the ordinary course of events is interrupted by some great catastrophe.In President Lowell's standard work on Governments and Parties in Continental Europe, he remarks that to him “the State sometimes presents itself under the figure of a stage-coach with the horses running away. On the front a number of eager men are urging the most contrary advice on the driver, whose chief object is to keep his seat; while at the back a couple of old gentlemen with spy-glasses are carefully surveying the road already traversed.”
The Committee System in State Legislatures
Authors: Smith C. Lysle 
Published: May 2006

Every state legislature in the United States is divided into a considerable number of standing committees. In spite of obvious advantages which seem to render it indispensable, the development of the committee system has been attended by great evils. Indeed, it is perhaps not too much to say that with the committee system the worst evils connected with legislative organization and procedure are intimately associated.It is the chief purpose of this paper to point out the principal weaknesses or defects of the committee system in connection with state legislatures generally, and particularly the defects which have appeared in the practical operation of the system in the Illinois legislature; and at the same time to discuss certain proposals designed to remedy these defects.These weaknesses and proposed remedies will be taken up in the following order:I. Defects in the methods of making committee assignments.II. Defects due to the number of standing committees.III. Defects due to the size of committees.IV. Defects due to the lack of a definite and fixed schedule of committee meetings.V. Defects due to the lack of publicity and to the irresponsibility surrounding committee proceedings.VI. Defects due to the insufficient control of each house over its committees.VII. Defects peculiar to the committee on rules and the conference committee.
Federal Aspects of Preferential Trade in the British Empire
Authors: Allin C. D. 
Published: May 2006

The battle over the Corn Laws was fought out in Great Britain as a domestic issue. But it had nevertheless a great imperial significance. During the mercantilistic régime the colonies had been regarded as a commercial appanage of the mother country. The victory of the free traders opened up a new era in the economic history of the empire. The colonies were released from the irksome restrictions of the Navigation Laws. They acquired the right to frame their own tariffs with a view to their own particular interests. In short, they ceased to be dependent communities and became self-governing states.But the emancipation of the colonies was by no means complete. The home government still claimed the right to control their tariff policies. The colonies were privileged, indeed, to arrange their tariff schedules according to local needs; but it was expected that their tariff systems would conform to the fiscal policy of the mother land. The free traders, no less than the mercantilists, were determined to maintain the fiscal unity of the empire. There was still an imperial commercial policy; its motif only had been changed from protection to free trade. The colonies were still bound to the fiscal apron strings of the mother country; but the strings were no longer so short, nor the knots so tight as they had formerly been.
The Attempted Revision of the State Constitution of New York
Authors: Benjamin Gilbert Giddings 
Published: May 2006

The American people, especially in the eastern portion of the United States, are averse to political and social change particularly in institutions that have existed for a long period of time. A recent critic of American life has the following to say as a reason for this attitude of the American people:“Among the many characteristics which foreign observers have ascribed to Americans are two about which there has been little difference of opinion. We are good-natured and we are individualists. Sermons have been preached against our good nature, so we need not dwell upon it. Much more important is our individualism—our absorption in individual interests and our reluctance to undertake things in combination with our neighbors or through the government. That individualism is an American characteristic is proved by a number of familiar facts. Thus the phrase ‘social reform,’ which in other countries suggests comprehensive plans of state action, is still usually associated in the United States with the welfare work of private corporations, private endowed schools of philanthropy…. Again, the coöperative movement which has made such signal progress in Europe, is in its infancy here.
The Czechoslovak Advisory Board for Economic Questions
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton 
Published: May 2006

A characteristic post-war institutional development has been the appearance, under one guise or another, of instrumentalities for the representation of functional or economic interests. There is scarcely a nation in Europe that has not in some fashion taken cognizance of social and economic groups by their recognition through definite legal agencies. Witness the Italian lower house, with representation based upon Fascist corporations; and note the Consiglio Superiore dell' Economia, the German Reichswirtschaftsrat, and the Conseil National Économique of France. These bodies are too well known to warrant comment. Czechoslovakia, however, has an agency for expert economic counsel and guidance that challenges comparison and invites examination. Her Advisory Board for Economic Questions is noteworthy as one of the most carefully contrived of institutions for the representation of interests and classes. This board, together with the bodies just mentioned, demonstrates the working compromises that have been made with parliamentarism in view of the ever-increasing technical complexities of the present day “public-service state.”Functional representation is recognized in varying forms in a large number of countries. The mere extent of this development is significant of the change in attitude that is taking place toward the state. The concept has been acknowledged in word, if not in action, in the constitutions of Yugoslavia, Poland, and Danzig. By decree or statute, the principle has been accepted in Spain, Turkey, Mexico, and Japan. Estonia, Latvia, and Luxembourg must likewise be added. There has been agitation in Norway for an economic council. Plans have been considered toward this end in Greece, Austria, Rumania, and Portugal.
The Sovereignty of the British Dominions: Law Overtakes Practice
Authors: Elliott W. Y. 
Published: May 2006

It is interesting that this work by Professor Keith, who is acknowledged everywhere to be the most authoritative of the commentators on the constitutional system of the British Empire, should have appeared at the very moment when the Conference on Dominion Legislation and Merchant Shipping Laws began its sittings in London in October, 1929. If it was intended to guide their deliberations, the publication of the Report of the Conference in February, 1930, shows how widely a conservative statement of the existing law and practice will differ from the new structure of Dominion autonomy, once the Report is accepted by the Imperial Conference, by the Parliament in Great Britain, and by the legislatures of the Dominions. For where Professor Keith saw in the “equal status” of the now classic Balfour Report of 1926 only “exaggerated language,” “careless phraseology,” and “rhetoric,” the Conference took this “root-principle” seriously and applied it throughout. As the Conference contained all the most important legal advisers and civil servants of the governments concerned, besides four Dominion ministers, its report will almost certainly be accepted by the Imperial Conference.The experts recognized only one general principle from Professor Keith's work: that any changes which are to be made in the legal status quo in relation to certain subjects would have to be accomplished by acts of the British Parliament. These subjects are: (1) disallowance and reservation, (2) the extraterritorial operation of Dominion legislation, (3) the over-riding powers of British legislation laid down by the Colonial Laws Validity Act of 1865, (4) the right of Great Britain alone to legislate on royal titles and the succession to the throne, and (5) the making of basic changes in Merchant Shipping and Colonial Courts of Admiralty Acts.
A Nomenclature in Political Science
Authors: Titus Charles H. 
Published: May 2006

A nomenclature is a system of names or signs, or both, used in any field of knowledge. Such systems are of value to scientists in a field if they enable positions to be seen more clearly or distinctions to be drawn more readily.In a recent article, Huntington Cairns says: “There prevails, secondly, confusion with respect to the instrument—linguistics—with which the anthropologist, the jurist, or the social scientist must pursue his investigations and through whose medium he must state his conclusions. … But once the social scientist passes from these simple aspects to the realm of theory, linguistics becomes a problem and it is in his struggle with this problem that he is most envious of the symbolism of the mathematician.”1Confusion and uncertainty appear to be present in several sections of political science. Linguistics is a problem for us in theory; in addition, it is a serious one in teaching and in the field of research.When a problem appears in a field of knowledge which handicaps effective work, experiments are in order, not only to analyze the phenomenon itself, but, in addition, to find ways or means by which the causes producing the unfortunate circumstance may be removed, or at least reduced. Can the apparent confusion and uncertainty among political scientists concerning the meaning of terms, labels, or intellectual positions be reduced? This is an important problem which directs our attention to the possibility of developing a nomenclature for political science.
The Evolution of the League of Nations
Authors: Rappard William E. 
Published: May 2006

All living organisms, no matter how minute or insignificant, when examined through the microscope, appear enormous, intricate, and extraordinarily active. Similarly, the world at large, when considered through the microscope of contemporary analysis, has no doubt, at all historical periods, struck its immediate witnesses as being infinitely complex and eventful. Is it, then, a mere delusion if the flow of recent and current happenings impresses us as being exceptionally uneven and rapid in its course, as resembling indeed a swollen Alpine torrent at the melting of the snow in the spring?I believe not. I believe that, even viewed in the perspective of centuries, the last ten years will be characterized by the future historian as an epoch of extraordinarily numerous and radical changes.To consider the world in its political aspects only, what previous decade has witnessed as many momentous events as the last? The final, decisive struggle and the end of the greatest war that has ever taken place. In Europe alone, the crumbling of four of the most powerful monarchies. The setting up or resurrection of seven or eight new or reborn sovereign entities.