bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Paintings of Panaenus at Olympia
Authors: Tyler C. H. 
Published: May 2006

The arrangements hitherto suggested for these pictures on the throne of Zeus are in one point open to comment. As Pausanias describes them (V. xi. 5, 6), the most natural arrangement is as follows:—So they are taken in the last article on the subject, that of Mr. Evelyn-White (J.H.S. xxviii. pp. 49 sqq.). Professor E. A. Gardner (J.H.S. xiv. pp. 233 sqq.) has suggested that the third set on each side stood as separate figures below.In both these schemes the point for comment is the placing of the pictures of Heracles.(1) These three, as types of physical feats of strength and daring, are in thought out of tone with the others. (2) The three, all dealing with the same personality, are clearly connected; yet in the above schemes they are separated. (3) On the crossbars of the throne, on the same sides as the pictures, there was sculptured another enterprise of Heracles, his battle against the Amazons. This induces the impression that the Heracles pictures were somehow connected artistically with that, and therefore had some sort of prominence in the series, which would make that connexion artistically clear.
A Graeco-Roman Bronze Lamp
Authors: Marshall F. H. 
Published: May 2006

The beautiful bronze lamp, of which two views are here given, was recently acquired by Mr. T. Whitcombe Greene in Frankfort-on-Main. It is 146 mm. long, 76 mm. high, and is said to have been found in Switzerland.The lamp is in the form of a boat, the raised bow of which contains the hole for the oil. There are two projecting nozzles on each side of the boat, pierced with holes for the insertion of wicks. Their position suggests that they are intended to represent the rowlocks. A border of small circles with centre-dots is engraved round the top margin of the lamp; five waves are incised on each side of the bow, and another wave at its point. Three pairs of engraved lines run under the boat, one pair along the line of the keel, and one on each side. Within a shallow depression at the stern end of the boat is a nude figure of the infant Heracles in a half-reclining attitude, with his right leg slightly drawn up.
The Problem of Byzantine Neumes
Authors: Tillyard H. J. W. 
Published: May 2006

In past numbers of the Annual of the British School at Athens and elsewhere I have tried to deal with some of the questions connected with Byzantine Music, and, having brought to a close my studies of the Round or Later Mediaeval System, I am unwilling to leave the subject without giving my views on the abstruse and difficult problem of the older notation.The later forms of the Linear or Neume System have a visible likeness to the earlier forms of the Round System already familiar, and hence all investigators seem to have started with the idea that the general principles of decipherment could be transferred from the later to the earlier stage, or, in other words, that the task simply consisted in the interpretation of certain interval-signs possessing fixed value. But of the two scholars who have published their researches in this field, Gastoué and Riemann, neither has been able to carry this principle through, and their proposed solutions fail to give us such a chain of interval-signs as we are tempted to expect.
The Value of Papyri for the Textual Criticism of Extant Greek Authors
Authors: Grenfell B. P. 
Published: May 2006

An excellent survey of the evidence of Greek papyri for purposes of textual criticism together with some cautious generalizations was given by Sir Frederic Kenyon in the Transactions of the British Academy, 1904. The following paper gives a sketch of the present position of the question in the light of both his article and the new evidence which has accrued in the last 14 years.In literary papyri from Egypt the proportion of extant to new texts is very small in the Ptolemaic period (B.C. 323–30), when apart from Homer, Euripides, Plato, and Demosthenes that all too scanty portion of Greek literature which has survived did not yet stand out very conspicuously from the rest in popularity. In the Roman period (B.C. 30–A.D. 284) the proportion of new to extant works represented in literary papyri is more in the direction of equality, while in the Byzantine period (A.D. 284–640) after the general adoption of Christianity there was a rapid decline of interest in classical studies, and by the 6th century not very many lost classical works seem to have been commonly studied in Upper Egypt, from which the papyri come. In 1904 Sir Frederic Kenyon was dealing with 189 papyri of extant works, of which 109 belonged to Homer, 80 to other authors. Now, however, nearly 300 more have to be added, of which about 120 represent authors other than Homer, so that the material for examination is more than double.
Note on the Angora Resolution
Authors: Ramsay W. M. 
Published: May 2006

Mr. W. H. Buckler, with his accustomed skill, restores an inscription of Ancyra well known to me. In one point, important for the history of Anatolia, I hold a different opinion; and it seems worth a footnote to his article. He takes ἐν Νεαπόλει as ἐν νέᾳ πόλει interpreting it of the enlarged Ancyra of the second century. The text seemed to me to read clearly ἐν Νεαπόλει τῶν [Πισιδῶν] It belongs to a great family of South Galatia. Neapolis of Pisidia was at Karagatch, near Antioch, where M. Ulpius Pudens Pompeianus made a dedication to Men or Mannes, the god of the Phrygo-Pisidian frontier lands, when he attained the civitas, and took the nomen of the reigning Emperor. Pompeianus as cognomen he adopted perhaps in memory of Pompeius Collega (to whom he was in some way indebted), governor of Galatia c. A.D. 75; but cognomina are often difficult to explain. His son was Ulpius Aelius Pompeianus, who was permitted by the Emperor Hadrian to add his own nomen, a special honour. This wealthy provincial could afford to do what is recorded in the inscription. The entertainment of the Techneitai was done by Ancyra acting as metropolis of the province Galatia, not as metropolis of the tribe Tektosages. The title μητρόπολις τῆς Γαλατίας cannot be explained as if it referred to the tribal Galatia alone.The invention of Neapolis as name of a new quarter of the growing Ancyra can in no way be justified, so far as I can judge from the now rather voluminous evidence about Ancyra; on this point space precludes further statement. Mr. Buckler in his note on 1. 36 argues that there is no room for a fuller title of Neapolis, but his restoration is too long.
Pottery of Naucratis
Authors: Price E. R. 
Published: May 2006

This paper is intended as a contribution towards the study of only certain Ionian pot fabrics found at Naucratis. I have, therefore, merely drawn attention to the presence of the Bucchero from Lesbos, which demands a much fuller treatment than I am able to give it. I have also only briefly referred to the Clazomenian Black-faced and Pale Slip Ware because this must be studied in connexion with the fragments of the same ware from Daphnae. Throughout the paper in using the name ‘Naucratite Fabric’ I am referring only to the White Slip ‘Chalice Style,’ which may or may not have been made at Naucratis.In the early eighties of last century, when Professor Flinders Petrie and Professor Ernest Gardner published their account of the first excavations at Naucratis, any strictly systematic classification of the pottery found on the site was practically impossible, owing to the lack of material and data for comparison and identification. Since that date and even since the early years of this century, when Dr. Hogarth made the last excavation of the site, there has been a vast increase in archaeological knowledge and much material is now available. It is in the light of some of this material and this knowledge, especially of that gained from recent excavations either partially or wholly published, that I have ventured to attack the problems presented by the numerous and varied fragments of pottery which were found during the course of both excavations at Naucratis. My studies have had to be limited, practically, to the collections of fragments in the British Museum, the Ashmolean and the Fitzwilliam; but I can safely say, especially in reference to the Naucratite ware proper, that not one single piece of evidence of any real importance derived from accounts of other finds, or from photographs of fragments from other collections, has in any degree refuted, but rather on the contrary has established the conclusions which I had already drawn.
More Relics of Graeco-Egyptian Schools
Authors: Milne J. G. 
Published: May 2006

Some further light has been thrown on one of the educational problems suggested by the ostraka published in this Journal in 1908 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 121) from another ostrakon acquired at Luxor by Dr. Alan Gardiner shortly after that date and given by him to me. This, if we may judge by the peculiar staining of the surface, is another relic from the same scholastic rubbish heap as most of the ostraka previously described; and it bears a second copy of one of the exercises found on them. A comparison of the two copies is interesting.In the first place, the new ostrakon shows that Nos. XV. and VIII. of the old series belong together. The sherd appears to have been broken in two anciently, as the edges of the break are rubbed and dirty, and the two pieces are stained differently, as if they had lain in separate parts of the rubbish heap; but, though these circumstances helped to prevent their relationship being noticed previously, there can be no doubt that the two belong together. Their union makes a revision of the transcript, especially along the fracture, possible, and also explains some obscure points in the arrangement.
Notes on the ἀριστεία of Thebes
Authors: Cary M. 
Published: May 2006

According to the calculations of Busolt, whose elaborate essay on the Spartan army may be regarded as the standard work on this subject, the forces which King Cleombrotus took into action at Leuctra consisted of four out of the six μόραι, each containing 35 out of the 40 service classes, and 300 ἱππεῖς, or Guards.That 35 classes were mobilised for the campaign of Leuctra is directly attested by Xenophon and cannot be called into question. That four out of the six μόραι took part in the battle is an inference from another passage in Xenophon, which states that three years previously Cleombrotus was despatched to Central Greece with four μόραι.This inference is only valid if we may assume that the Spartan forces in Phocis were maintained at undiminished strength from 374 to 371 B.C. But such an assumption is hardly justified. A priori it is unlikely that a force representing some 60 per cent, of the entire military establishment of Sparta should have been marooned in Central Greece for three years on end. The Spartan government was of necessity most economical in the use of its citizen troops. As a general rule it reserved them for the critical operations of a field campaign and recalled them home at the close of each fighting season. For the routine duties of garrison service it relied almost entirely on mercenaries. But the emergency which had necessitated the sending of a large field force to Phocis in 374 B.C. had passed away long before the campaign of Leuctra. In 374, no doubt, a strong Theban force was concentrated for the invasion of Phocis. In 373 and 372, however, the Thebans were preoccupied with the coercion of Thespiae and the occupation of Plataea; and in view of the ill-concealed hostility of Athens and the presence of an Attic force on the Boeotian border at Oropus, we may fairly assume that a considerable portion of the Theban field forces had during these years to be called away from the Phocian frontier.
Bronze Work of the Geometric Period and its Relation to Later Art
Authors: Casson S. 
Published: May 2006

‘In the pottery of the Geometric style,’ says Dr. Buschor in his Greek Vase Painting, ‘are latent the forces which we see afterwards expanding in contact with the East as well as the oldest beginnings that we can trace of that brilliant continuous development which led to the proud heights of Klitias, Euphronios and Meidias. Its producers may be unreservedly described as Greeks.’The statement is a challenge to the less cautious supporters of the continuity of Bronze and Iron Age culture in Greece. But it is concerned only with vases and vase-painting. One is tempted to search farther afield for fuller illumination, particularly in branches of art other than vase-painting. Whatever stage of development a culture may be in, it always requires pottery, however crude and in however small a quantity, since pottery is for use: objects purely ornamental, however, can, under certain circumstances, be dispensed with. In pottery, therefore, a certain minimum of continuity in tradition and inheritance from previous cultures is inevitable; but in the arts of pure adornment this may not be the case. Thus sculpture and bronze work are branches of art which may remain submerged during periods of unrest and upheaval.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1929–1930
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I attempt briefly to survey the publications of 1929 and 1930 relating to Greek inscriptions, following the same general lines as in my last Bibliography. Their number and their volume will, I trust, serve alike to justify my bold venture and to explain the necessarily meagre and inadequate indication of their contents which is here presented.During the years under review epigraphical studies have suffered very serious losses in the deaths of K. J. Beloch and E. Meyer, who, though primarily historians, realised to the full the importance of epigraphical materials for the reconstruction of Greek history, of C. Michel, the compiler of the deservedly famous Recueil, of B. Leonardos, the tireless excavator of the sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Oropus, whose courtesy and helpfulness as Ephor of the Epigraphical Museum at Athens have won the gratitude and regard of numerous scholars, and of F. Halbherr, the leading authority on Cretan inscriptions and editor-elect of the Cretan volume of the Inscriptiones Graecae.
Early Greek and Oriental Ivories
Authors: Barnett R. D. 
Published: May 2006

Philostratus relates that Apollonius of Tyana, a sophist of the early Empire, was once at Peiraeus trying to find a passage on a ship sailing for Ionia. The skipper refused to take him, saying that she was a cargo-ship and did not carry passengers. Apollonius then asked of what the cargo consisted, and was told it consisted of statues of the gods, in gold and stone, or gold and ivory. Then there was some bantering, in which Apollonius chaffed the skipper for refusing to take him on board. ‘Are you so ignorant,’ he asked ‘as to drive away like this from your ship philosophers, men for whom the gods have a special fondness, and above all at a time when you are making a business out of the gods? This was not the way they made statues in olden times. They did not canvass the cities selling them the gods. They used to carry nothing but their own hands, their masons' and ivory-workers' tools; provided the raw material and fashioned the works of art in the temples themselves.’From this, then, it appears that in olden times the craftsmen travelled freely about, carrying with them nothing but the secrets of their craft, a few tools and their materials. Apollonius does not say to what period he refers; but what he describes exactly fits the facts in the early history of the ivory craft from the Mycenaean period to the seventh or sixth century B.C., as far as we can make out the facts. In the Mycenaean period, the sites where ivories have been discovered are numerous.
The Chatsworth Head
Authors: Wace A. J. B. 
Published: May 2006

Mrs. Strong in her publication of this head has described it fully and has discussed its place, as a work of art, in the history of Greek scuplture, and it is not my intention to discuss the head from those aspects. It is to be dated, as she has shown, to the second quarter of the fifth century, probably between 470 and 460. It probably represents an Apollo, and chronologically belongs to the group which includes the originals of the Cassel Apollo and the Terme Apollo, both marble copies of bronze originals. As to its stylistic kinship with these or other works, any discussion would be fruitless, for it would be impossible to arrive at any degree of probability in attempting to attribute either the Chatsworth head or the two Apollos mentioned to any one of the Greek artists of that age whose names are known, for we have little or no evidence for their style.The head was acquired by the sixth Duke of Devonshire at Smyrna from H. P. Borrell in 1838, and, according to a note from the vendor, was reported to have been found at Salamis in Cyprus. It would be a natural presumption that a head in the market at Smyrna would have been more likely to come from one of the Greek sites of Western Asia Minor. On the other hand, the mere fact that an unlikely, rather than a likely, provenance was given to the head is in its favour, for there would presumably be no reason to give it an unlikely provenance unless it was correct. So the head may really have come from Salamis in Cyprus. Further excavation at that site may throw more light on the subject. In any case, in the later years of the decade 470-460 B.C. there was a renaissance of Greek influence, especially Attic, in Cyprus after the battle of the Eurymedon.
The Epigram of Boupalos and Athenis
Authors: Beazley J. D. 
Published: May 2006

Conplura enim in finitimis insulis simulacra postea fecere, sicut in Delo, quibus subiecerunt carmen, non vitibus tantum censeri Chion, sed et operibus Archermi filiorum. So Pliny of Bupalus and Athenis (HN 36, 12). It may be worth trying to reconstruct the Greek epigram read by Pliny or rather his authority.We could do with an epithet for XIoϛ in the pentameter, an unessential word that would be omitted by Pliny in his prose version. The regular epithet for Chios is παιπαλόεσσα:— (Od. 3, 170.) (H. Hymn. Ap. 172).That gives the pentameter.In the hexameter we need an equivalent for vitibus. άμπέλοις will not scan, and the diminutive άμπελιοις is not in tone; σιαφυλῆισι would be uvis or racemis, not vitibus. οἱνάνθαι or οἱνάνθης might do, but Prof. D. S. Robertson suggests oïνηισι and I am sure this is right. So ούκ οϊνηισι μόνον. Mοῦνον, however, is the Ionic form, not ndvov. But we do not know that the epigram was composed by an Ionian. Simoriides, an Ionian of Ceos, uses μόνος; in his skolion for Skopas (Dieh1 4, 7, protected by the metre), but I do not press this, and if anyone objects to μόνον, let him read οῦκ οοἰνηισ᾿ οἰον.Now we need a verb. I cannot think of a word that is an exact equivalent of the censeri, and at the same time has the right scansion and construction. Censeri in the sense of ‘ to be famed for,’ ‘ noted for,’ is a favourite verb in Silver Latin, as may be seen from the Thesaurus, and I take it here to be a matter-of-fact translation of some poetic expression, such as κλέος ᾶρνυται, suggested to me by Mr. A. S. F. Gow.
An Orphic Bowl
Authors: Delbrueck R. , Vollgraff W. 
Published: May 2006

The alabaster bowl which is our subject is at present in the possession of Dr. J. Hirsch of Geneva and is published with his kind consent. Until recently it was in a private collection in Leipzig; it was presumably acquired in the Mediterranean area several decades ago. Its principal dimensions are:—Diam. at top, 22 cm.; h. 8 cm.; greatest depth, 5·5 cm.; diam. of the central knob of the base, 4 cm., and of the outer base-ring, 16 cm.; h. of arcade, 4 cm. Measurements seem to be based on an inch of about 2 cm.The bowl was worked freehand, without the lathe, and is accordingly somewhat uneven and irregular in shape. A deep point in the middle of the bottom indicates that the compass was used to control distances. The carving was done with some form of knife; the cutting is plainly visible round and between the letters of the inscription (fig. 1), at the edges of the hair, and elsewhere.
Archaeology in Greece, 1935–1936
Authors: Megaw H. 
Published: May 2006

This account owes much to the kind co-operation of those who at short notice supplied me with information and photographs; I would here offer my thanks to them, and also to Professor Karo, who generously placed at my disposal the typescript of his article for the Archaeologischer Anzeiger, to Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, without whose assistance it could not have been completed, and finally to Professor Myres, who has kindly read it.Athens and AtticaA stretch of the north wall of the Acropolis was threatened with collapse by a fracture in the rock which supports it; the rock has accordingly been underpinned with solid masonry at this point, and extensive reinforcements of the same kind have been provided at other weak points. The character of the rock face has been considerably altered by this work, but a disaster has been averted; care has been taken to preserve such ancient features as the underground passage from the Aglaurion.Broneer has followed up his investigations on the north slope of the Acropolis by an examination of the cave at the east end. In removing the top of the dump from the entrance to the cave a number of important pottery fragments were found, some of which join with the Acropolis vases. Within the cave a stele cut on the right-hand side of the entrance provides the solitary evidence of occupation in antiquity.
Keftiu
Authors: Wainwright G. A. 
Published: May 2006

In JHS. li, 286, Prof. Sayce published a note from which I am happy to find that I have his support for the main thesis of my article Keftiu : Crete or Cilicia ? However, some of his remarks demand a word from me in reply.Prof. Sayce still uses the word ‘Keftiu’ as if it were the name of the people and not that of the land. Like so many others he speaks of ‘the Keftiu,’ ‘the Kaftians,’ etc. This assumes that the name of the land was ‘Keft,’ and that of an inhabitant a ‘Kefti,’ making its plural ‘Keftiu’ in the normal way. But this is not so. The name of the land itself was ‘Keftiu,’ and a native was called a ‘Keftiu-i,’ a form which actually occurs (Wainwright, in LA. vi, 82, No. 18). The plural of this, of which, however, no example survives, would be ‘Keftiu-iu.’ The land must, therefore, be called Keftiu, and the inhabitants ‘the people of Keftiu’ or ‘Keftiuans’ or by some similar epithet.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1933–1934
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the present article I attempt briefly to survey the books and articles relating wholly or largely to Greek inscriptions which appeared in 1933 and 1934. I do not refer to all reviews, but only to those (including some published in 1935) which are of special value to the student, either as offering a useful conspectus of the works concerned or as making original contributions to the subjects under discussion. I mark with an asterisk those works which I have been unable to consult directly. Once again I tender my heartfelt thanks to all scholars who, by sending me copies of their contributions to epigraphical studies, have helped me in my pleasant but onerous task.Death has not taken from us during these years any whose main interests and achievements lay in the field of Greek epigraphy, though E. Cuq, E. Pottier and F. Vulič had done work of real value in it.