bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Local Government Reorganization in Alberta
Authors: Hanson E. J. 
Published: June 2006

Among the few Canadian provinces and American states which have effected major changes in the structure of local government in recent years is the province of Alberta. During the last fifteen years, rural local government in that province has been reorganized extensively. It is the purpose of this paper to describe the main features of the reorganization, to suggest why it took place, and to appraise briefly its effects and implications.Local Government Units in Alberta. The structure of local government in Alberta finds no counterpart elsewhere except in the other Prairie Provinces of Canada. In Alberta, the municipal district is a rural local government unit which is empowered and required by the provincial government to provide for local public works, public welfare, sanitation and health, and the protection of persons and property. Such a district levies the property taxes required to pay for these services as well as to pay the requisitions of school and hospital districts. Towns and villages within the boundaries of a municipal district are not under its jurisdiction; they are small urban incorporated municipalities operating under a special statute, The Town and Village Act. Cities are self-governing under separate charters. Thus a municipal district is peculiarly rural in character. It is governed by elected councillors, while a secretary-treasurer and office staff appointed by the council administer the district's affairs in accordance with the council's by-laws and the provincial statutes.The less-developed rural areas of the province are divided into improvement districts. These are administrative areas in which the provincial government performs the functions alloted to the elected councils and the administrative staffs in the municipal districts.
South African Capital Imports, 1893–8
Authors: Duncan Acheson J. 
Published: June 2006

In 1886 a large gold field was discovered in the heart of South Africa. This led not only to a significant change in the comparative advantage of the country, but also to a considerable inflow of both labour and capital. The movements of these productive factors came in spurts and for many, years set the pattern for, or at least synchronized with, the cyclical swings in the South African economy.One of the most striking of the capital movements of this period was occasioned by the gold mining boom of 1894-5. The initial wave of foreign investment in the gold mining industry came in 1888-9. However, the excessive exuberance of the early speculators, the difficulties arising from the occurrence of pyritic ore below water level, and the development of a world-wide business crisis in 1890 all conspired to make this initial boom short lived. Furthermore, the gold mining industry needed to acquire maturity and respectability before it could arouse the interest of more conservative investors. It was therefore not until the middle nineties that the major wave of foreign investment developed.
Keynes as a Public Servant
Authors: Mackintosh W. A. 
Published: June 2006

Of the forty years of his working life, John Maynard Keynes spent approximately eleven as a public official. These years of public service were broken into three widely separated and differing periods. Of the first two, I know no more than does most of my audience. The Keynes of the third period I had some limited and intermittent opportunity to observe.The Civil Service was Keynes's first choice as a career—or at least as the beginning of a career. Not achieving the first place necessary for the Treasury, he was assigned to the India Office where he remained from 1906 to 1908. John Morley was the secretary of state for India and the permanent secretary, Sir Arthur Godley, was an experienced and skilful administrator. I mention John Morley because it is well to remember that Keynes knew and understood Morley's generation though the Keynesians do not. I mention Godley because it was under him that Keynes acquired his knowledge of the workings of government and of the official's point of view. He was never thereafter completely an outsider as far as the government service was concerned. There too began his interest in Indian currency and finance which bore fruit in his Essays and in his work as a member of the Royal Commission on Indian Currency and Finance in 1913. To this period too may perhaps be attributed his readier knowledge of India than of the Dominions.
The Rural Community and Political Leadership in Saskatchewan
Authors: Lipset S. M. 
Published: June 2006

The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (C.C.F.) movement in Saskatchewan is the first avowedly socialist group to win an electoral majority in any province or state of Canada or the United States. Many have expressed surprise that a socialist party should have won office in the most rural province in Canada. This paper is an attempt to throw some light on this question through a study of the leadership of the C.C.F. as compared with that of other community groups and political parties in that province.The significance of the growth of the C.C.F. party can best be expressed in economic class terms. The movement has two important aspects. Essentially, it represents the latest historical phase of the almost continuous conflict of the western grain farmers of the United States and Canada with eastern business interests. Secondly, within the province, success of the movement has resulted in a political transformation in which the representatives of the rural majority supported by the working class of the cities and towns rejected the political control of the urban middle-class business and professional groups which dominated the Liberal and Conservative parties and the government of the province.Since 1901, the farmers of the West and of Saskatchewan in particular, have been attempting to reduce the hazards of a one-crop wheat economy which is perennially subject to extreme fluctuations in income, as a result of the variability in grain prices and climatic conditions. At the turn of the century, Saskatchewan farmers organized the Territorial Grain Growers' Association (later the Saskatchewan Grain Growers' Association) to force the Canadian Pacific Railroad to provide loading platforms and freight cars for their wheat.
Financial Relations Between the Australian Commonwealth and the Australian States
Authors: Moffat Robert E. 
Published: June 2006

The maintenance of a satisfactory relationship between the financial resources and the responsibilities of a government is one of the most fundamental problems of all states. The difficulties are greatly complicated in those states in which a central government shares its tax resources and its responsibilities with local administrations. The complexities reach their peak in federations where central, provincial, and municipal governments all have strong traditions of independence, all draw their revenue from sources which overlap to a greater or lesser degree, and all compete for the support of the same voting public. As there develops a recognition of the nation-wide and not merely the local significance of such services as schools, roads, welfare services, etc., it becomes increasingly necessary for each local government to keep its services up to a level not too far below the accepted national standard. As the cost of these government services increases, an ever increasing proportion of the wealth of the community must be diverted to these uses and the point is eventually reached where the less wealthy communities are unable to raise the tax revenue necessary to maintain an acceptable standard.Two conflicting courses of action offer themselves as possible solutions to such a situation. On the one hand there has been a movement toward larger administrative areas and toward centralization of services under the control of the authority operating over the larger area.
Some Aspects of Population History
Authors: Taylor K. W. 
Published: June 2006

I deeply appreciate the honour which the Canadian Political Science Association has done me by inviting me to fill this vacant place in the programme of these meetings. More than most of those present, I profoundly regret the necessity for the invitation which was extended to me. Professor William Burton Hurd, the president of the Canadian Political Science Association for 1949-50, had been one of my close friends for twenty-five years. We had worked together on various research projects and we were colleagues at McMaster University. The severe illness which came upon him more than a year ago, against which he maintained a gallant struggle, but which terminated in his death last February, cut short a career of distinguished research, of brilliant teaching, and of effective university administration at a time when it had reached the height of its power. In terms of the normal span of life we had the right to expect another dozen or fifteen productive years of maturing wisdom and scholarship. The deprivation we have sustained is a serious loss to Canadian thought and life.I do not know what topic or what aspect of his work Professor Hurd would have chosen for his presidential address this evening, but it is natural that I should turn to a field of study in which we were both deeply interested, but which I have been forced to relinquish for the past twelve years. Our interests in population studies were different but complementary. Professor Hurd was trained and took his first degree in mathematics and, as an adolescent and as a young man, he witnessed the great wave of population movement which during the half-dozen years preceding the First World War poured more than a million migrants through the portal city of Winnipeg. It was natural, therefore, that after serving with distinction in the Canadian army overseas, and after turning to economics during his deferred tenure of a Rhodes scholarship at Oxford, he should develop a special interest in the statistical analysis of Canadian population trends with particular reference to their growth factors, our absorptive capacity, and the problems of assimilation into a developing Canadian culture.
Multilateral Trade in an Unbalanced World
Authors: Bernstein E. M. 
Published: June 2006

A system of multilateral trade means no more, fundamentally, than the right of exporters of a country to sell in any market and the right of importers to buy in any market. The right to export must be without discrimination and with complete freedom to transfer the proceeds of exports; and the right to import must be without discrimination and with complete freedom to transfer the funds to pay for imports. In short, multilateral trade involves the convertibility of currencies for current payments and the absence of any discrimination in exports and imports on the basis of the country with which or the currency in which the trade is undertaken.On the face of it, multilateral trade yields the greatest benefits to each country from any given volume of exports and imports. As the exports can be sold in the highest-priced markets, without regard to the currency in which payment is received, the money value of the exports will be maximized. And as the imports can be bought in the lowest-priced markets, without regard to the currency in which payment is made, the money cost of the imports will be minimized. On the other hand, under bilateral trade, it becomes necessary to import, even at higher cost, from those markets whose currencies are available from export proceeds. And it becomes desirable to export, even at lower price, to those markets whose currencies are needed to pay for more essential imports. Because it is difficult to direct exports on the basis of social need for currencies, there will be a strong tendency to secure the bilateral balancing of payments through a restriction of imports by the country with a bilateral deficit.
The Pragmatic Basis of Economic Theory
Authors: Gordon H. Scott 
Published: June 2006

Although the English tradition of analytical economics was established at least as long ago as the publication of David Ricardo's Principles in 1817, doubt has never ceased to exist concerning the fruitfulness of abstract and deductive methods in economics. Indeed, although the significant advances made since Ricardo's day were the products of men following closely the theoretical tradition, this doubt has increased rather than lessened. While the established methods weathered the attacks of the historical school during the latter part of the nineteenth century, they were severely shaken by the fundamental questionings of Thorstein Veblen. No one has emerged in our day as a true inheritor of the Veblenian mantle, but the institutionalist school of economics, which acknowledges him as its source of inspiration, is undeniably a very serious critic of orthodox economic theorizing.This paper stems in part from the most recent controversy on the methods and conclusions of economic theory. It attempts to meet the sense of dissatisfaction with which I read the arguments of both attackers and defenders. Perhaps also the fact that during the past few years I have frequently been asked embarrassing questions by students may have something to do with my interest in this problem. I am surely not the only person who has had to contend with the remark that “it looks all right in theory but how does it work out in fact?” For some time now I have been either a consumer or a purveyor of economic theory and I feel motivated to demonstrate (at least to myself) that the activity constitutes productive labour. If that has given this paper the character of rationalization, I hope that it will not be one that cannot be put to good professional service.
Socialism and the Theory of Bureaucracy
Authors: Bendix Reinhard 
Published: June 2006

Throughout the world governmental regulation of social and economic affairs has increased during the first half of the twentieth century. Whether prompted by the emergencies of two World Wars, by the wide-spread extension of social welfare measures, or by the rise of totalitarianism, this increase has caused apprehension among liberals and socialists alike. Enthusiasm for social reforms, whether they be moderate or radical, has declined in the face of these developments. The many social problems, which remain unsolved, call for reform measures as insistently as ever; yet the fear of governmental regulation besets the advocates of social change. They are confronted by the danger of regimentation in every extension of governmental power.This concern with the danger of bureaucracy has grown apace with the realization that the countries of Western Europe and North America are on the road to a planned society. It is curious that among the advocates of a planned society, socialists are perhaps more apprehensive of these dangers of regimentation than are New-Deal liberals. In fact, fear of bureaucracy and dictatorial methods has been a recurrent theme of socialist thought. Before and after World War I the Revisionists advocated a gradual transition from capitalism to socialism in order to safeguard the institutions of democratic government; during the same period the Guild Socialists attempted to formulate a programme of industrial democracy, which would regularize worker-participation in the management of industry and government; and throughout the nineteenth century anarchists and “utopian socialists” sought to safeguard the freedom of the individual by conceiving of voluntary associations and co-operation in community organizations as the foundation of the ideal society of the future. Others, then as now, retained the belief that a proletarian revolution was necessary or inevitable; but they insisted that democracy could be preserved, if the people gave full support to the revolution; indeed, only then was a successful revolution possible. All these interpretations were concerned with the transition to a planned society. They were concerned to retain democratic institutions in this transitional period. Yet it is fair to say that the interpreters who were specific in proposing organizational safeguards against a future tyranny were usually vague when they discussed the political means by which socialism was to be established. Conversely, those who specified the necessary political means were ordinarily vague when they discussed how a revolutionary dictatorship could avoid a new oppression.
Unionism in the Fishing Industry of British Columbia
Authors: Gladstone Percy , Jamieson Stuart 
Published: June 2006

Fishermen’s organizations in British Columbia present an interesting and in many ways unique case study of unionism among a distinct occupational group. The peculiar economic and social factors which have conditioned their growth were examined at some length in a previous article. A brief recapitulation may be in order at this point, as a background to the more factual history that follows.Unionism among the fishermen of British Columbia has experienced an intense and diversified organizational growth, accompanied by frequent and at times violent industrial disputes. As may be seen from Tables I and II below, there have been at least thirty different fishermen’s organizations formed at one time or another since 1893, and members of these, as well as numerous non-union fishermen, have engaged in more than forty strikes. The fishing industry of British Columbia today is highly organized, and industrial relations are relatively stable and harmonious. The majority of fishermen now belong to one union that has collective bargaining jurisdiction over all major branches of the industry. Most of the non-union fishermen (as well as a considerable number of union members) belong to processing and marketing co-operatives.Yet it would be difficult to imagine an occupational group less amenable to unionism. Strictly speaking, most fishermen in British Columbia are not employees or “workers” in the usual sense of the term. They are proprietors who own and operate their own capital, that is, their boats and gear. Their occupation is by nature highly migratory, individualistic, and competitive, as it is carried on in many scattered operations along thousands of miles of rugged coastline. Their employment and income are very insecure by reason of the characteristically extreme seasonal and cyclical fluctuations in the supply, demand, and prices of fish.
The Multi-Product Firm
Authors: Weldon J. C. 
Published: June 2006

It appears that very little has been written about the multi-product firm. What has been done is largely an extension of single-product theory to those multi-product firms which have their origin in related demands and related supplies. For example, the utilities of two or more products may be so interrelated as to produce a joint demand. In such event, if the products are linked in a technical sense, as, say, the pieces and pawns of a chess-set, then they will be marketed by a single firm, usually under a name inclusive of the component products. If there is no such technical link, still the products (e.g., knives and forks) are more likely to be produced by a single firm than are unrelated products. Again, regardless of demand, the production of one product by a firm may necessarily result in the production of other products. To take the classic example of joint supply, the production of wool entails the production of mutton.Each of these cases presents special analytic difficulties, notably problems of cost imputation. Various writers have essayed solutions, some of which have found their way into text-books, and some of which (by no means a separate class) are still matters of controversy.The present paper, however, is not concerned with the extension of single-product theory to multi-product situations. Rather, it is an effort to analyse those features of the multi-product firm which belong to it as such. In effect, this means that it concerns costs and receipts peculiar to the multi-product firm, other costs and receipts being considered as given. This approach serves to emphasize those factors which give rise to the multi-product firm and which limit its size. It must be remembered that all firms are potentially producers of all products. Single-product theory demonstrates why no single-product firm expands its production without limit, and shows on what grounds a choice of output is made. Multi-product theory is required to show why expansion by variation is also limited, and on what grounds a choice of output is made when there is no restriction of the number of products.
The Break-up of the Poor Law in Britain 1907–47: An Historical Footnote
Authors: Morgan John S. 
Published: June 2006

It is too often assumed that the social legislation which has been hammered out in the British Parliament of the last two years is the product of some purely socialistic blue-print. In reality it is the culmination of a process dating back to the first decade of the twentieth century, which has been carried out by Liberal, then Conservative and now Socialist governments over the whole period from 1907 to 1947. Although there are differences of opinion on the timing of this process, and on many administrative and legislative details, the broad pattern of development has almost common acceptance. In its essence this pattern is simple. It is no less than the replacement of the Elizabethan Poor Law, with its emphasis on the relief of poverty, by a more modern structure of social legislation intended to ensure the freedom of the individual from the major evils of a modern industrial society. These evils have been aptly summarized by Sir William (now Lord) Beveridge: “physical Want, … Disease which often causes that Want and brings many other troubles in its train, … Ignorance which no democracy can afford among its citizens, … Squalor which arises mainly through the haphazard distribution of industry and population, and Idleness which destroys wealth and corrupts men, whether they are well fed or not, when they are idle.”The accompanying table sets out the steps in this process of social change in the chronological sequence of the legislative measures by which it has been achieved. In order to prevent the confusion of over-elaborate detail, this tabulation gives only the major changes as they occurred. To have included, for example, the complete tally of unemployment insurance acts from 1911 to 1944 would have been unprofitable and would have obscured the issue.