bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Introductory American Government Textbooks: An Anatomical Analysis
Authors: Adams William C. 
Published: April 2006

The Fall, 1973, PS contained a remarkable exchange. Stephen Stephens charged that Irish and Prothro's Politics of American Democracy panders to youthful radical chic proclivities, while the beseiged authors responded with dark hints that Stephens is a closet conservative. In this enlightened age, such an embarrassing, albeit stimulating and entertaining, foray is a kind of academic streaking. The time has come for this subject of textbooks to begin to be clothed with systematic empirical data.Introductory textbooks assume a new level of dramatically increased significance because, as shrewd academic entrepreneurs have observed, “teaching political science” is clearly a growth stock. What with more and more association panels devoted to “teaching,” a special APSA committee, and the new journal Teaching Political Science, we have a wonderful ironic new subject to employ as the discipline continues to pursue what continues to count—publishing. Will the forthcoming articles on intro texts meet the rigorous standards we demand in other fields of political science or will they be of the Stephens—Irish and Prothro variety? In hopes that the former rather than the latter will prevail, herein is offered preliminary research which seeks to put the matter in a proper punctilious perspective.
Political Values and Professional Values in Conflict: Irish and Prothro's The Politics of American Democracy
Authors: Stephens Stephen V. 
Published: April 2006

It may be an unfortunate commentary on our achievements as “scientists”, but an American government textbook tends to be a rather topical document, and the ones that are good enough to justify the effort must be updated every several years, in order to maintain their competitive position. One of the best, I think, and surely one of the ones most highly recommended to me by other political scientists, was Marian Irish and James Prothro's The Politics of American Democracy (Prentice-Hall: 4th edn., 1968; 5th edn., 1971). I used the 1968 edition in classes several times, with such satisfaction that I ordered the new fifth edition in the summer of 1971, sight unseen. As the following comments indicate, I had reason to regret the decision. Since textbooks are rarely reviewed, and since Prentice-Hall reports that this edition will be current through 1975, I have reluctantly chosen this medium to bring some rather strange attributes of this book to the attention of the political science community.In common with many of the texts that have appeared in the last one or two years, the authors have gone to considerable effort to make their new edition more relevant to the great political disturbances we have just experienced and — to a lesser extent — are still experiencing: ghetto riots, the Vietnam peace movement, and women's liberation.
Political Values and Professional Values: The Recognition of Conflict in Both as Essential to Education in Political Science
Authors: Irish Marian D. , Prothro James W. 
Published: April 2006

Academicians are properly suspicious of efforts to characterize all the intellectual currents of a decade by a single phrase. But perhaps our less cautious friends in journalism are not so far wrong in suggesting that we are returning in the 1970s to the conservatism of the 1950s. The first edition of The Politics of American Democracy (1959) was denounced by a John Birch group in California for its left-wing orientation. The only previous broadside attack on the book to appear in print was directed at the third and fourth editions (1965, 1968); this attack, which appeared in a 1970 issue of the Newsletter of the Caucus for a New Political Science, denounced the book for its right-wing, pro-system biases. Now we have come full circle and find the fifth (1971) edition denounced because “spokesmen of the left seem to have been given more than equal time.” In some respects we are gratified to think Mr. Stevens' critique must prove we have not grown more conservative with each edition, and we shall certainly display his comments to our children, nieces, nephews, junior colleagues, and students.More seriously, however, we cannot be gratified to have our scholarship and our integrity impugned. We do not wish to overreact, but the charge that we are guilty of “bizarre statements of ‘fact’ and misrepresentations of the academic literature” and the suggestion that we “can no longer claim to be speaking as … political scientists[s]” can hardly be interpreted to mean that we have merely slipped into occasional error.
The Journalists' View
Authors: Blanchard Robert O. 
Published: April 2006

I have made relatively frequent use of political science papers and journals in [my] reporting ... I find that there are often very helpful insights in the political science literature and certainly that my own membership in APSA and the reading of the [APSR] Journal is worthwhile.—David S. BroderThe Washington PostMy membership in APSA was originally part of the reporting awards I won... Since then, I have maintained membership for old times
sake. As a working documentary producer, membership hasn’t done anything for me-the journals, PS, etc., are undigestable-even though Nelson Polsby is a nice person.William R. LeonardFormer Executive Producer, National Broadcasting CompanyHow useful or “relevant” do journalists find political science sources and information, including that furnished through APSA membership?The most elementary and obvious response is that national print journalism specialists can make more extensive use of political science that can broadcaster generalists. Between these extremes are responses of other national and local reporters telling us what we may already suspect: that current journalistic practice generally excludes political science sources in routine newsmaking.But the exceptions to this practice are instructive. They suggest ways and means which political scientists might more effectively close the gap between political science information and its accessability to newsmakers, policymakers, and the public.Concern has been expressed among journalists that the news media have been relying too much on “official” or institutional sources for news.
New Orleans 1973: Scholars as Saints and Sinners
Authors: Edgerton Nancy Boland 
Published: April 2006

In the Winter 1973 PS, a few charts and tables, and four paragraphs of dry prose were passed off as a “Report on the 1972 Annual Meeting.” Since no one who attended the meeting in Washington, D.C. would recognize the week in that report, something more descriptive seems in order.For instance, the emphasis on program panel statistics ignores the fact that almost half of the meetings are not panels organized by the Program Committee. The Association, through its several committees, sponsored twenty-five meetings; these included the Annual Business Meeting, the Presidential Address by Robert E. Ward, reports of the year's activities of some committees, educational films, panels on political science education, and presentations of federal grant opportunities. Several groups not affiliated with APSA sponsored another some sixty-five meetings. Over twenty of these were cocktail parties. But in addition there were editorial board meetings, special-interest gatherings for political scientists specializing in federal studies, German politics, health politics, international studies, and transactionalism, to mention a few. The Caucus for a New Political Science and the Women's Caucus for Political Science continue to sponsor larger programs of panels and business meetings.
Data on Dissertations in Foreign and Comparative Government by World Area: 1965-1972
Authors: Blank Stephen 
Published: April 2006

One component of a survey of Western European studies in the United States being conducted by the Council of European Studies in cooperation with the Institute of International Studies of the U.S. Office of Education is a study of dissertations completed in the social sciences in recent years with special emphasis on those in the area of Western European Studies. The full study, to be published early next year, seeks to identify the actual and potential resources in the American academic community with a goal to increasing our understanding of contemporary European society and politics and securing better insights into the ways in which these resources might be more effectively mobilized to support training and research programs.The data on dissertations completed with special emphasis on those in the fields of foreign and comparative government by world area is presented here because of its general interest and as a complimntary piece to the data presented in this issue by Walfred Peterson.
Political Science and the Life Sciences
Authors: Corning Peter , Losco Joseph , Wiegele Thomas C. 
Published: April 2006

At the 1980 APSA meeting in Washington, a group of approximately 25 political scientists and others, out of a much larger network of contributors and sympathizers, agreed to form an Association for Politics and the Life Sciences dedicated to the advancement of an integrated biosocial perspective in our discipline. Although this short article is intended primarily to announce that fact and detail plans for the immediate future, we feel that this might also be an appropriate occasion to review briefly the history and rationale behind this intellectual activity and describe some of the objectives of the Association.The study of the relationship between biology and politics (sometimes called “biobehavioral political science” and sometimes also “biopolitics”) drew its initial impetus in the latter 1960s and early 1970s from emergent developments in a number of other disciplines, particularly (a) ethology (the naturalistic study of animal behavior and adaptation), (b) psychophysiology (specifically, efforts to correlate various physiological characteristics and “indicators” with various mental and behavioral states), (c) psychobiology (including neurological and endocrine influences on social behavior), (d) behavior genetics (involving both human and non-human animal research), (e) psychopharmacology (especially the chemical manipulation of behavioral states), (f) sociobiology (the application of modern Darwinian theory to the explanation of social behaviors), and (g) ecology (the study of the relationships between organisms and their environments, which gained visibility when the so-called “environmental crisis” erupted).
In Congress Reassembled: Reconciliation and the Legislative Process
Authors: Schick Allen 
Published: April 2006

Reconciliation forces Congress to consider issues in redistributive terms and alters traditional roles and relationships, but this legislative technique may be short-lived.The 1981 battle of the budget might leave a deeper imprint on legislative behavior than on federal programs and expenditures. The process that produced the omnibus reconciliation bill was extraordinary in its scope and in its integration of diverse legislative activities. More than 30 House and Senate committees were drawn into the reconciliation process and more than half of the Members of Congress participated in the conferences that resulted in the reconciliation decision. The outcome was not a perfectly consistent set of budget decisions, but for a legislature that thrives on the dispersion of power, reconciliation demanded much more cohesion and coordination than Congress normally achieves.It is too early to determine whether reconciliation will become a permanent feature of the congressional budget process or whether it will be applied as extensively in the future as it was in 1981. If it were confined to a few committees and only changed the budget at the margins, reconciliation might not affect basic legislative roles and relationships. But if it continues to demand the active cooperation of numerous committees and tries to change major parts of the budget, reconciliation would certainly lead to a redistribution of legislative power.
America's Declining Industrial Competitiveness: Protectionism, the Marketplace and the State
Authors: Walters Robert S. 
Published: April 2006

A rising protectionist tide is threatening to undermine the domestic political foundation necessary to sustain America's liberal trade posture through the 1980s. U.S. trade officials and recent administrations remain committed to a liberal trade order, but severe crises in key economic sectors of the economy, regionally concentrated in the traditional industrial region of the country, are cutting the ground from beneath them internationally and domestically.At the recent GATT ministerial meeting in Geneva, for example, the United States pressed hard for expanding international trade liberalization in agriculture, services, and high technology industries—all areas of economic activity in which the United States enjoys a strong competitiye position and trade surpluses. American trade officials in Geneva had the burden of advancing their arguments for further trade liberalization against the backdrop of recent U.S. actions, taken in response to domestic pressures, which imposed import quotas on European steel and Japanese automobiles and which adopted a more restrictive trade regime for textiles and apparel in the renewal of the Multi-Fiber Agreement. While the GATT meeting was in progress, the U.S. Congress was considering a domestic content bill that would require auto-makers selling over 900,000 vehicles in the American market to use 90 percent U.S. labor and parts by 1985. U.S. trade representative William Brock III called this “the worst piece of economic legislation since the 1930s.” The House passed the bill with 215 votes, but it died in the Senate. The bill will certainly be re-introduced in the more protectionist 98th Congress.
To Run or Not to Run: Estimates of a Black Contender's Delegate Strength at the 1984 Democratic Convention
Authors: Lengle James I. 
Published: April 2006

The possibility of a black contender for the Democratic presidential nomination has raised many interesting questions. Has the Democratic Party and its past nominees taken the black vote for granted? Can the black community reach a consensus on a black issue agenda? Can it agree on a candidate? Could a black candidate actually hurt black interests by dividing the liberal vote and throwing the nomination to a more conservative Democratic contender? Could the strategy seriously backfire in other less obvious ways? Do the presumed benefits, both symbolic and real, outweigh the potential costs? Could the threat of a candidacy be just as beneficial to black interests as the candidacy itself? Are there other strategies during the nomination process that could enhance black political power even more?Although the debate has covered a wide range of questions, one crucial question has been ignored: how many delegates could a black presidential contender conceivably win in 1984? While few experts believe that a black contender could win a majority of delegates, many argue that, if the contest is close between two other contenders, blacks could be “kingmakers,” crowning the nominee in exchange for major policy concessions, patronage appointments, and, conceivably, the vice-presidency. If the nomination is not close, then a group of black delegates, at a minimum, would increase substantially black influence on important rules and platform decisions. Hopes based on these or any other convention scenario the mind can devise, however, depend on how well a black contender fares in the race for delegates. The larger his delegation, the more power he can potentially wield at the convention. Conversely, the smaller his delegation, the less power he will have.
The Revival of Political Science in China
Authors: Baoxu Zhao , Chu David 
Published: April 2006

As an independent basic social science, the study of politics occupies an important position among all the social sciences. In 1952, however, China abolished political science teaching and research. This was a mistake which is now being corrected. China has reestablished the field of political science in recent years.When a historical event is shown to be mistaken, people often like to describe the reasons for its having taken place as very absurd and unimaginable, as though to demonstrate how confused people were at that time compared with how smart we are now. Such a simple attitude, however, will not help us in understanding the realities scientifically nor will it help us in learning from the lessons of history, and is therefore to be avoided.This essay describes both objective conditions and the way people thought, both in the early 1950s and after 1976. It deals with two opposite events: first, the abolition of political science in China three decades ago, and second, its current revival.
The Teaching of Citizenship
Authors: Mansfield Harvey C. 
Published: April 2006

The teaching of citizenship might seem inappropriate for a political scientist. Such teaching is normative, it might be said, but political science is empirical. And, it might be added, citizenship is a parochial concern for the good of one's own country, whereas political science is based on a universal love of truth. These objections will have to be made more precise, even recast; but insofar as they suggest that good citizen and good political scientist may not be the same thing, they are perfectly reasonable.The distinction between empirical and normative, or fact and value (which cannot be explored theoretically here), means that a political scientist, as political scientist, cannot tell citizens whether citizenship is a good thing, or say that political science is a good thing and ought to be welcomed or tolerated by citizens. A political scientist might perhaps remark empirically, or half-empirically, that love of one's country animates the citizens as citizen and love of truth inspires the political scientist as political scientist. But instead of leading to conflict between citizens and political scientists and hence to a problem for political scientists, who must be both, this observation is made to yield a queer harmony between the two. It is thought that since political scientists cannot pronounce upon the worth of citizenship, they do not get in the way of citizens. Their work is neutral to that of citizens. Love of truth does not interfere with love of country because all loves, being “values,” are incommensurable. Thus, the methodology of the fact-value distinction provides a lefthanded endorsement of (at least democratic) citizenship.
The Changing Structure of Party Identification
Authors: Epstein Laurily K. 
Published: April 2006

However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.
Election Forecasts in 1984: How Accurate Were They?
Authors: Lewis-Beck Michael S. 
Published: April 2006

One autumn out of four, election forecasting surpasses baseball as America's national pastime. Then, everyone wants to know who will win, and everyone has a guess. Now, with the ballots carefully counted, forecasters await their awards. Below, I evaluate the quality of a wide range of 1984 presidential and congressional forecasts. The evaluation proceeds from nonscientific to scientific approaches, although this distinction is sometimes blurred. To lower the level of suspense, I should say that some forecasts turned out to be quite good. By way of conclusion, I offer a set of rules for selecting a high-quality forecasting instrument.Lucky GuessesMany popular election forecasting rules take advantage of chance, which has been working in their favor. Perhaps the most famous is the World Series forecast, which says, “If the American League wins the World Series, then the Republican presidential candidate will win.” This technique was accurate from 1952 to 1976, missed in 1980, but worked again in 1984 with the victory of the Detroit Tigers. A lesser known rule of this type, which is my personal favorite, is based on the Beaujolais wine harvest. Accordingly, “If the Beaujolais vintage looks bad, then the Republican will take the presidency.” This has held post-1960, and continues to do so with the poor 1984 crop (yielding a wine too light, with little color). There are other such rules that relate more directly to the candidates themselves and, in that sense, have more verisimilitude.
Young vs. Old in 1984: Generations and Life Stages in Presidential Nomination Politics
Authors: Beck Paul Allen 
Published: April 2006

Amidst changing voter preferences and unexpected volatility in candidate fortunes, the 1984 contest for the Democratic presidential nomination contained at least one constant. From Iowa and New Hampshire through “Super Tuesday” and the middle round in big industrial states to the early June finale, voter preferences among the major contenders for the Democratic nomination diverged sharply by age.Gary Hart enjoyed his greatest support among young voters, while Walter Mondale's strength was drawn from older voters, especially those over 65. The appeal of Jesse Jackson varied by age as well. Young blacks flocked to the Jackson banner. Older blacks, perhaps no less excited by the presence of an attractive black candidate for president, were more reluctant to follow, giving a greater share of their vote than did young blacks to Walter Mondale. Not since the protest candidacies of McCarthy and Kennedy in 1968 or the more successful insurgency of McGovern in 1972 has so much attention been paid to the contrasting responses of Americans of different ages to candidates for the presidency.Popular accounts of the relationship of age to presidential choice in 1984 have treated these differences as indicative of generational conflict. The epicenter of the Hart constituency is located in the “Vietnam” or “baby boom” generation, while Mondale's generational home base has been placed among voters who came of age politically during the New Deal. The implication is that Mondale represented vestiges of the old Democratic New Deal coalition, whereas Hart was the candidate of Americans for whom the New Deal is only an historical footnote. Simply put, the 1984 Democratic battle commonly has been described as pitting the old coalition against the new ideas.