bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
What to Gain from Technical Sophistication?
Authors: Shi Yuhang 
Published: May 2006

In a recent article in this journal, James McGregor (1993) criticizes political scientists for practicing regression analysis without recognizing the limitations in the regression technique. McGregor argues that the technique is inappropriate for political science research in many cases and suggests that we pay close attention to both the substantive (e.g., linearity and additivity) and statistical aspects of the technique.While acknowledging that many of us have not done enough to meet the statistical assumptions of regression analysis, George Krause (1994) argues that McGregor has underestimated the value of the technique to political science research. To support his argument, Krause directs our attention to a number of complicated regression models, including those designed for situations in which the dependent measure is a discrete variable (logit, probit, ordered probit, multinomial logit, Poisson, negative binomial and generalized event count) or the independent effects on the dependent variable are lagged distributed (polynomial distributed lag). He also mentions the recent developments related to event history regression, bootstrapping (a nonparametric approach to statistical inference), and vector autoregression (VAR, a creative use of OLS in simultaneous time series data). Krause deserves credit for his attempt to show us that the scope of the regression technique is not as narrow as McGregor might have assumed.However, in rejecting McGregor's pessimism, Krause does not realize that McGregor's major concern with regression analysis, as he illuminates by applying OLS to certain laws of nature, is not about the type of dependent variable but about relationships.
Understanding Electoral Systems: Beyond Plurality versus PR
Authors: Monroe Burt L. 
Published: May 2006

Although we often plead with our colleagues and students to be more “systematic,” we may not always be clear about what we mean. In biology, systematics is the “scientific study of the kinds and diversity of organisms and of any and all relationships among them” (Simpson 1961), the most important aspect of which is taxonomy, “the theory and practice of classifying organisms into groups on the basis of their relationships” (Mayr 1969). In political science, our organisms are political institutions. This article is a call for research in political systematics with suggestions for how the taxonomy of electoral systems might be developed.Institutional taxonomy can play many roles in comparative politics. It can provide an appreciation of the existing and theoretical diversity of political institutions, provide the information necessary to construct a theory of institutional development, systematize the variables that affect and constrain political interactions, and provide the starting point for informed discussions of institutional reform. Current attempts to develop large standardized data sets in comparative politics (Rosenstone 1994), for instance, require institutional taxonomy if the effort is to be effective. Of course, this discussion would be moot if institutional taxonomy were already well established (with or without the term).
The New Challenges Facing European Studies
Authors: Worcester Kenton W. , Tarrow Sidney 
Published: May 2006

These should be bracing times for students and scholars of European studies. The tumultuous events of the past five years—from the collapse of the Soviet empire and the unification of Germany, to the problematic consolidation of the European Community, and the resurgence of ethnic and religious nationalism—have recast the region's boundaries and have called into question many of the concepts and theories developed by area specialists in the postwar period.It was with these issues in mind that the Social Science Research Council and the German Marshall Fund of the United States commissioned Sidney Tarrow to produce a report that would identify trends and raise issues of importance to the future of European Studies in the universities and among funders and other concerned organizations. Tarrow's report, Rebirth or Stagnation? European Studies after 1989, was published in June 1993 and has circulated widely among scholars, foundation officers, and university administrators working on the region.The report finds that Europe's geo-political earthquakes pose fresh challenges for the way we think about and teach international and comparative politics. The transformation of Europe's social, economic, and political terrain has important implications not only for the region but for the international environment as a whole. Recent developments are also significant from the standpoint of university centers and funding organizations attempting to effectively intervene in an era of multiple demands and fiscal retrenchment. Virtually every institution of higher education in this country is trying to do more with fewer resources, and interdisciplinary programs—such as centers of European studies—may offer unusually inviting targets for budget-cutting administrators. As a result of these pressures, the support structure necessary for effective training and research is experiencing considerable strains.
Drivers Wanted: Motor Voter and the Election of 1996
Authors: Knack Stephen 
Published: May 2006

The cartoon below, which I first saw printed on the cover of PS in March 1994, has unfortunately proved prophetic. Voter turnout has steadily declined from its 1960 peak of 63%, and the presidential election of 1996 was the first in the lifetime of most Americans in which a minority of the voting-age population cast ballots. Turnout dropped in every state between 1992 and 1996.That only 49% of eligible voters went to the polls in 1996 was especially disappointing for advocates of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA). The most dramatic liberalization of voter registration procedures in American history coincided with not only the lowest level of turnout since 1924, but with the largest single four-year decline since 1920. The theory that registration barriers are the chief cause of the gap between turnout rates of the U.S. and other developed democracies suffered a devastating blow, as turnout in North Dakota—where voters aren't even required to register—was a mere 56% of the voting-age population in 1996.Moreover, the turnout decline was heavily concentrated among “electorally disadvantaged” groups, particularly the young and residentially mobile, the very groups that reform activists expected would be the primary beneficiaries of easier registration. In fact, registration of licensed drivers—the key “motor voter” provision of NVRA—was originally conceived in 1975 by Michigan's then-secretary of state, Richard Austin, as a means of facilitating registration for the young and recent movers.
U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office
Authors: Jeffries Judson L. 
Published: May 2006

The number of black elected officials has increased steadily since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Prior to that time, less than 150 blacks had been elected to public office. By 1993, there were over 8,000 black elected officials. Of these 8,000, over 300 were mayors (Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies 1993). By contrast, blacks have not experienced the same kind of success at the state level. The number of blacks who have been elected to statewide office is a mere one-tenth of the number elected to mayorships. The number of black high-profile statewide office holders, those being governors and U.S. senators, is even smaller. Only three blacks have been elected to these offices since Reconstruction.Holding high-profile statewide office is important for a number of reasons. First, issues such as funding for education, health care, housing, and social services are decided at the state level and these resources have traditionally been distributed disproportionately. Second, blacks elected to high-profile statewide offices would have the ability to bring other blacks into government through appointments and hiring. Third, blacks holding these positions would serve as symbols and role models for all of a states' citizens. It is important that whites see blacks as capable of governing and making intelligent decisions that affect white people's lives. It is equally important for young blacks to see people with faces like their own in positions of power. Finally, holding a high-profile statewide office is an important step on the career path of those wishing to occupy a national office. Candidates who are fortunate enough to win their party's nomination for president are usually former governors or U.S. senators, as are many vice presidents (Schlesinger 1966, 1991).
What is Happening in History
Authors: Singer Max 
Published: May 2006

We usually think of description and prediction as two different things, but are they really so disconnected? Suppose I report that the temperature now is 65 degrees—that is description without prediction. But if I say that it is noon on a Spring day and the temperature is 65 degrees—that is still description, but haven't I really also made some predictions? Aren't I, in effect, predicting that during the next 12 hours the temperature will fall, but that three months from now the temperature will be higher?When I predict that the temperature will fall during the next 12 hours it is not based on a trend, or a statistical analysis, it is because I understand that the sun causes the temperature, and that because the Earth revolves on its axis every day, 12 hours from now we will be in the shade and therefore cooler. Because I know what is happening, I know how the present is related to the past and I can predict the future. If you can't predict anything of the future it is because you don't understand the present.Take another example: Suppose we have a group of four animals whose average weight is 85 pounds and average age is 22 years—is any prediction possible? Not much. But suppose that the description includes that the four animals are people, two children, age 9 and 11, and their mother and father, age 31 and 33.
Zog for Albania, Edward for Estonia, and Monarchs for All the Rest? The Royal Road to Prosperity, Democracy, and World Peace
Authors: Mayer Jeremy D. , Sigelman Lee 
Published: May 2006

Monarchy has been the predominant form of governance throughout recorded history, and its hegemony extended well into the twentieth century. On the eve of World War I, only four nations in Europe, and none of any consequence (France, Portugal, San Marino, and Switzerland), were not monarchies. Today, however, democracy reigns, and monarchs are widely seen, in the words of the American writer Austin O'Malley, as “a vermiform appendix: useless when quiet; when obtrusive, in danger of removal” (quoted in Esar 1962, 140), or even as the capstone of a sinister conspiracy. “The Royal Family stands at the pinnacle of the class system, and its wealth is linked to the creation of poverty and need,” charges British Marxist Mark Kirby (1998, 37). For antimonarchists, the crown is not only a symbol but also a source of centuries-old class domination, social injustice, and imperialism, a wasteful frippery at best (Came 1998) and a malignant atavism at worst (Nairn 1994).Thus, the forces of blond egalitarianism have humbled the Nordic royalty by replacing their horse-drawn carriages with bicycles, and the British have reduced their nobility to guiding hordes of T-shirted, gumsnapping American tourists through their ancestral homes in order to make ends meet. In Australia, “progressive” forces have succeeded in scheduling a referendum in 1999 on whether the current head of state, Queen Elizabeth, should be replaced by an illustrious Australian—if one can be found.Though an endangered species, monarchs are by no means extinct.
Leaving Office Feet First: Death in Congress
Authors: Maltzman Forrest , Sigelman Lee , Binder Sarah 
Published: May 2006

Charlie Wilson (D-TX) described his decision to retire from the U.S. House of Representatives as the best of the three options open to him: “To get defeated, to get carried out feet first, or to … start another life” (Gerhart and Groer 1995). Although much research has been undertaken on electoral defeat (Collie 1981; Ferejohn 1977; Jacobson 1992; Mann 1978) and voluntary retirement (Gilmour and Rothstein 1996; Groseclose and Krehbiel 1994; Hall and Van Houweling 1995; Hibbing 1982; Kieweit and Zeng 1993; Schansberg 1994), research on death is still in its infancy. Indeed, rather than staring death in the face, political scientists have buried the issue. In one recent study, for example, mortality is treated as a form of retirement:Members of the House leave for a number of reasons, most prominent among them being electoral defeat and retirement. Other avenues of departure include death and expulsion. … Simplifying somewhat, we categorize all departures as either the result of electoral defeat or the result of ‘retirement’ (Gilmour and Rothstein 1996, 56).Of course, some deaths—suicides—are voluntary. However, although many members of Congress die in office, suicide is extremely rare. Accordingly, we caution against treating death as a form of retirement. Otherwise, members of Congress must be presumed to engage in such implausible calculations as the following: “Let's see now. How shall I spend the next few years? I suppose I'll run for re-election. But maybe I should retire so I can spend more time playing golf. Or, since I'm thinking of retiring, why don't I just shuffle off this mortal coil, cross over Jordan's bank to the Stygian shore, pay my debt to nature, and join the choir invisible?”
Who Runs for Congress?
Authors: Fowler Linda L. 
Published: May 2006

The United States has more elections than any other democracy. Voters not only fill positions that are typically appointive in other countries, such as judges, but they also select officials for many more layers of government, from the town or county to the federal level. Voters even select nominees for the ballot through primaries, instead of relying on party organizations to designate candidates. With the briefest intervals separating the close of one election cycle in November and the onset of another in February or March, Americans are never far from some candidate's plea: “Vote for me.”Among the thousands of candidates who compete for elected office each year, those who run for Congress occupy a special place. The Congress is the crossroads of local and national politics, where representatives of state and district interests forge a national consensus on a staggering array of issues. Given this task, it is logical that most members of the House of Representatives and Senate begin their political careers in local and state government. In the House, for example, more than fifty percent of the members use the state legislature as a stepping stone to Capitol Hill. The House, in turn, serves as a proving ground for many who aspire to the Senate or a governorship, while the Senate fosters the ambitions of numerous presidential candidates. Thus, the Congress provides a useful vantage point for examining the experiences and goals of the men and women who become candidates in the United States.
Urban Political Machines: Taking Stock
Authors: Stone Clarence N. 
Published: May 2006

Big city political machines hold an important place in the nation's political lore. They gave us interesting characters with colorful names—John “Bathhouse” Coughlin, “Red Mike” Hylan, Michael “Hinky Dink” Kenna, “Slippery Dick” Connolly, “Old King Cole” (Boss Cole), “King” James McManes, “Iz” Durham (the “dying boss” who confessed to Lincoln Steffens), George Washington Plunkitt, James Michael Curley (“Mayor of the Poor”), and many more. Long before television, they gave us memorable sound-bites—“I seen my opportunities and I took 'em,” “reformers [are] only mornin' glories,” “we don't want nobody nobody sent,” “honest graft,” “don't make no waves, don't back no losers” and “study human nature and act accordin’” along with many others.In their prime the urban machines were often condemned as the weakest link in American democracy, but they came later to be viewed nostalgically as a humanizing and benevolent force that had taken the rough edges off the experiences of immigrants as they settled into a newly industrializing America. After Edwin O'Connor (1956) romanticized the urban machine in his novel, The Last Hurrah, it was inevitable that the movie version feature a lovable Spencer Tracy as Sheffington, the fictional boss.
Voter Turnout in U.S. Presidential Elections: An Historical View and Some Speculation
Authors: Nardulli Peter F. , Dalager Jon K. , Greco Donald E. 
Published: May 2006

An examination of presidential voting patterns between 1828 and 1992 for all counties and most large cities in the continental U.S. (approximately 135,000 cases altogether) confirms that there has been a decline in turnout rates since 1960, as most commentators have suggested. For the nation as a whole, turnout in presidential elections dropped 20% from 64% in 1960 to 51% in 1988. Turnout rebounded slightly in 1992 to 55%, due perhaps in large part to the interest generated by Ross Perot.As striking as these data appear, they must be put in historical perspective to be properly understood. Graph 1 displays the turnout rate for every presidential election between 1828 and 1992 (See Table 1 for a listing of the actual rates). It shows that while turnout in the presidential election of 1988 was the third lowest since 1828, surpassed only in 1920 and 1924 (with turnout rates of 44% in each election), the 1960–1988 decline is not unprecedented in U.S. electoral history. In an earlier 28-year period (1896–1924), turnout rates in presidential elections declined from 72% to 44%. This is a 39% decline in turnout almost double that experienced between 1960 and 1988.Graph 1 also shows that while most commentators use the 1960 election as a basis for gauging changes in turnout, it is a somewhat misleading baseline. Turnout in 1960 was 64%, which was the highest turnout rate for U.S. presidential elections since 1900. The 1960 election capped a 36-year rise in turnout rates, and represented a 45% increase over the low points registered in 1920 and 1924. Indeed, with the exception of 1944 and 1948, when the nation was preoccupied with World War II and its aftermath, the period between 1928 and 1968 shows a steady increase in presidential turnout rates.
The Impact of Service Learning on Democratic and Civic Values
Authors: Hunter Susan , Brisbin Richard A. 
Published: May 2006

Throughout the twentieth century, American scholars and political pundits have argued that the survival of democratic political institutions and an ethic of concern for the welfare of others in the political community depended on ensuring all citizens received a high-quality civic education. Despite repeated efforts to act on this concern, empirical evidence suggests that a substantial number of Americans continue to be ignorant of how best to express their political demands, lack essential factual knowledge about political institutions and policies, and fail to acquire more information about politics and policy (Barber and Battistoni 1993, 235; Battistoni 1985).Recently, service learning has been put forward as a means for increasing students' limited knowledge about democratic politics and general sense of civic responsibility. Service learning is a form of experiential education that combines structured opportunities for learning academic skills, reflection on the normative dimensions of civic life, and experiential activity that addresses community needs or assists individuals, families, and communities in need (Eyler and Giles 1999, 3-5; Gray et al. 1999, 4-5, 7-8; Jacoby 1996, 5-10). Many proponents of service learning argue that it provides experiences that can change students' frame of reference for or perspective on people and their problems; leads students to see links between theory and practice; teaches students social problem-solving techniques, interpersonal skills, and critical thinking; provides students with education in citizenship; engages the school as well as the student in democratic governance; and involves schools “sympathetically and productively” with the communities they serve (Eyler and Giles 1999, 7-19, 23-163; Gray et al. 1999, 1-2).
Theorizing Citizenship and Evaluating Public Achievement
Authors: Hildreth R.W. 
Published: May 2006

Researcher (R): How has doing Public Achievement (PA) changed the way you think about yourself?Casey (pseudonym for an elementary school student): I am less lonely now that I have done Public Achievement.R: Really, that's interesting, what is it in PA makes you less lonely?Casey: Well, people used to think that I am kinda weird here, and I am different. I like playing in the woods and stuff by myself and doing my own kind of stuff.R: And people think of you as less weird when you do PA?Casey: Yeah, they even give awards to kids like me in PA.R: Wow! It sounds like you are a leader in PA.Casey: Yeah, I really like doing PA.R: Let me see if I am hearing you right, before PA people thought that you were weird, and now that you have done PA, people look at you differently?Casey: Yeah.R: How do you think they look at you differently now?Casey: They look at me as a citizen.R: As a citizen, what does it mean for them to look at you as a citizen?Casey: Like I am more of an equal, they listen to what I have to say.This dialogue, filled with civic promise, is typical of the many conversations I have had with young participants in reflecting upon their experiences in Public Achievement.
Social Capital and Service Learning
Authors: Campbell David E. 
Published: May 2006

Trends in the political engagement of America's high school students present a paradox. At the same time that an unprecedented number of opportunities exist for American adolescents to get involved in activities with a political flavor like student governments, model United Nations, model Congress, Young Republicans and Young Democrats, and debate clubs, both interest and participation in political activities among high school students is low and declining. This is not unlike what has been observed among adults in the general population. A proliferation of advocacy groups has not resulted in more Americans getting involved in politics. Nor has a never-ending supply of political news on TV and radio, in print, and online led to an increase in the nation's attention to political matters.It would be too presumptuous for me to claim that there is a direct causal connection between an increasing supply of opportunities for extracurricular political activities among young people and their declining rates of civic engagement. A more modest claim does seem plausible, however: politics has increasingly become a niche activity, pursued by that relatively small slice of the population who are, as Robert Dahl (1961) famously put it, “homo politicus,” i.e., “political junkies.” Television channels provide a telling analogy. Whereas once, events like national political conventions and presidential press conferences would preempt all network programming, they are increasingly shunted off to all-news cable channels and C-SPAN. Ironically, a greater supply of political news has meant that it is easier for people who are not pre-disposed to seek out politically-oriented programming to avoid it.