bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Ronald Reagan, le Congrès et les déficits budgétaires
Authors: Kempf Hubert 
Published: October 2008

Ronald Reagan, le Congrès et les déficits budgétaires. Hubert Kempf.
Les deux mandats de R. Reagan se sont caractérisés par des déficits budgétaires spectaculaires. L'explication purement économique de la conjoncture américaine s'avère incapable de répondre à la question cruciale que ces déficits posent : pourquoi a-t-il été impossible de corriger la politique en cours, alors que les déficits ne cessaient de croître ? Seule une lecture politique des rapports entre l'exécutif et le Congrès permet d'y répondre : les déficits sont le produit d'une lutte pour le contrôle du processus budgétaire entre les responsables fédéraux. A l'issue des années Reagan, le Congrès apparaît clairement comme le vainqueur — peut-être provisoire — de cette lutte sourde et constante.
La pensée constitutionnelle du général de Gaulle à « l'épreuve des circonstances »
Authors: Alibert-Fabre Véronique 
Published: October 2008

General De Gaulle's constitutional thinking: the test of circumstances
General de Gaulle entertained, as everyone knows, a « certain idea of France », which is undoubtedly at the origin of his concept of the state — a legitimate, democratic and respected state — as well as of his very personal concept of the Head of State, the two essential components of which are natural, moderate and hierarchic authority and active arbitration. Charles de Gaulle's constitutional thought nevertheless took circumstances into account to a large extent. Thus, his institutional practice inaugurated a growth of his concept of the presidential function, of a Head of State « who is really that », reaffirmed by the 1962 reform, without however excluding a democratic reading of the Gaullist institutions.
La naissance d'une politique sociale : les retraites en France (1900-1914)
Authors: Dumons Bruno , Pollet Gilles 
Published: October 2008

The birth of a social policy. pensions in France (1900-1914)
The construction of a national pensions policy in France was the outcome of a long historical process in which the law of 5 April 1910 represented a decisive step. Among several highly antagonistic conceptions of society, a relative consensus finally emerged on the necessary intervention of the state in the social field. The fundamental role played by the social reformers and an " interventionist international ", as well as the French political-administrative apparatus, both the cornerstone and the Achilles' heel of the System, must be emphasized. As of the Belle Epoque, and beyond the many difficulties of implementation, the law, whose failure can be explained, marked the victory of a specific model of old-age management and seemed to lend credence to the thesis of the French people's deep social acculturation to the modern notion of pensions.
Représentations sociales, controverses et débats dans la conduite des politiques publiques
Authors: Jobert Bruno 
Published: October 2008

Social representations, controversies and derates in the conduct of public policies
Reflecting on learning processes in the conduct of public policies, the author suggests that such policies rarely take the form of an ordered succession of firmly designed paradigms. Debute generally plays a secondary rele ; it creates an ideological climate which influences the decision-makers' selection criteria and contributes to bestowing order and legitimacy on processes which had often begun as patchwork.
Les élus locaux à l'épreuve de la décentralisation. De nouveaux chantiers pour la médiation politique locale
Authors: Faure Alain 
Published: October 2008

Elected local officials and the test of decentralization
In France, elected members of local authorities fulfil a mediating role traditionally centred upon the politico-administrative machinery of peripheral power. In the context of decentralization, and under the influence of rapidly changing socio-economie and cultural factors, this position, structured by access to institutional resources, has been complexified in a number of fields : certain interest groups now negotiate directly with elected politicians without respecting the hierarchies of corporatism à la française as codified by the state's grands corps; staffs have been set up by local authorities in order to provide a framework and fïlter for territorial public priorities ; mayors and the presidents of regional and departmental councils have become increasingly keen to communicate an image of their elective authority combining entrepreneurial spirit and values steeped in local identity. Based upon récent research on the promotion of local economie development, the protection of the environment, cultural development and amenagement du territoire, this article endeavours to analyse the emergence of three domains (sectoral, institutional and symbolic) which may announce a deepseated reorganisation of modes of regulating local politics in France.
Le vote comme produit historique de la pensée magique
Authors: Guyonnet Paul 
Published: October 2008

The vote as a historic product of magic thinking. Paul Guyonnet.
The classic explanatory models setting the analysis of electoral behavior in strategic or ecological terms do not resolve ail the enigmas of voting. The psychologizing conceptions display an excessively radical reductionism of collective action to the individual sphere underestimate the fundamental dimension of the social individual. The more globalising epistemological approach of the social-psychoanalysis paradigm which combines with the sociological approach, and within a problematic of complementarity, the achievements of anthropology and psychoanalysis, leads to an interpretation of voting in the conceptual framework of reflection about primitive thinking. The analysis of the voting act, thus identified as a magie rite, refers to the major proposition that in magie, in linguistics as in politics, it is unconscious ideas that act.
Un État-providence contesté et fragmenté. Le développement de la citoyenneté sociale en France. Comparaisons avec la Belgique, l'Allemagne, l'Italie et la Suède
Authors: Korpi Walter 
Published: October 2008

A fragmented and contested welfare State
The development of social citizenship in France.
Comparisons with Belgium, Germany, Italy and Sweden
The paper begins with a discussion of the problems raised by the concept of social citizenship and the development of comparative measurement indicators. A typology of welfare states reflecting the institutional structure of the major social insurance systems is proposed, followed by a brief review and discussion of the development of social welfare legislation in France. The measurement and description of social rights are based on indicators on social citizenship in an original database whose content is outlined. The development of social rights in France within three social insurance programs from 1930 to 1985 is compared with that found in Belgium, Germany and Italy, as well as in Sweden, often considered the model welfare state.
Rawls et le libéralisme politique
Authors: Guillarme Bertrand 
Published: October 2008

Rawls and political liberalism
In Political Liberalism, Rawls's declared ambition is to overcome one contradiction which he now sees in his A Theory of Justice. As a liberal theory, «justice as fairness » should aim to be stable in a special way : it should be freely affirmed by democratie citizens. In the context of a plurality of conceptions of the good, which is itself an offspring of liberalism, it is not realistic to think of justice as the supreme value. Any liberal conception must aim at the emergence of an overlapping consensus on reasonable doctrines. This ideal view of démocratie politics can be criticized, as can the specific version based on the idea of a « political conception of justice » which Rawls has proposed.
La Commission européenne entre autonomie et dépendance
Authors: Lequesne Christian 
Published: October 2008

The European commission between autonomy and dependence
Whereas the European Commission was designed at the most original institution of the European Union's political system, it is paradoxically one of the least studied by political scientists : little work has been devoted to the internal functioning of the Commission, because many political scientists have chosen to work mainly on the inter-state dimension of the European integration process. It is also because the Commission is an organisation that generally defies the models constructed by political scientists in order to analyse the relations between politics and the administration in national political systems. The article begins by reviewing various social science works devoted to the Commission since its creation. Considering the Commission as a complex organisation, it then analyses the resources that enable its various elements to act as policy entrepreneurs endowed with a margin of autonomy vis-à-vis governments and interest groups in the political system of the European Union. It seeks finally to demonstrate that this policy entrepreneurship is subject to endogenous and exogenous constraints. The conclusion is that studying the Commission's internal functioning, as that of all Community institutions, is indispensable in order to apprehend the characteristics of a European political system which is a balancing act between a logic of autonomisation and one of dépendance on the national actors.
La fin d'une étrange lacune de la sociologie des mobilisations. L'étude par sondage des manifestants : fondements théoriques et solutions techniques
Authors: Mayer Nonna , Favre Pierre , Fillieule Olivier 
Published: October 2008

The end of a strange gap in the sociology of mobilizations. the sample survey analysis of demonstrators : theoretical bases and technical solutions
While the forms and springs of collective action are beginning to be better known, the individuals who demonstrate — the actors in street demonstrations — have not been subjected to studies centered on the modes of the move to action. Since Barnes and Kaase, we have serious survey studies of the propensity of individuals to demonstrate, but they provide data about representations, and in particular on the perception of the legitimacy of collective action and on the willingness to act, not on actual behavior. Most classic works on demonstrations take these as the units of analysis and build up more or less extensive data sets, always rich in information. But on the one hand, their conclusions are often incompatible with those of studies on the propensity to demonstrate. On the other hand, such research does not contribute much to elucidating the mechanisms of individual participation in demonstrations. The solution suggested in order to remedy this strange gap in the sociology of mobilizations is to take sample surveys during demonstrations. Rarely used, this procedure raises specific technical difficulties. Three polls taken during demons­trations in Paris between February and May 1994 provide solutions to these problems, which are here discussed at length. The apparent antinomy between a method of individualizing construction — the opinion poll — and an object of a collective nature — the street demonstration — to which it is applied must therefore no longer be considered an obstacle.
Réformer les institutions... Regard rétrospectif sur deux Commissions
Authors: Vedel Georges 
Published: October 2008

Reforming the [french] institutions ...
A retrospective look on two committees
In late 1992-early 1993, Prime Minister Pierre Bérégovoy asked a special Committee to study a reform of the electoral system, and François Mitterrand, the President of the Republic, set up an "Advisory Committee on Constitutional Reform". In neither case did the experts' conscien­tious work produce any official results. But over the years, without referring to them or perhaps even having read them, political leaders did implement many of their recommendations. Experts seldom create the future, but they often announce it.
Le vote gaucho-lepéniste. Le masque extrême d'une dynamique normale
Authors: Evans Jocelyn A. 
Published: October 2008

The left-wing vote for le pen. the extreme mask of a normal dynamic
This article seeks to provide an explanatory model for the electoral phenomenon of gaucho-lepénisme. Arguing that existing explanations tend to ascribe primacy to one social or attitudinal facet of the process, such as xenophobia, social marginalisation or political dissatisfaction, this model presents evidence for all three aspects being necessary to producing left-wing defection to the Extreme Right. In particular, without an attitudinal array containing elements consonant with the party or its candidate's political supply, neither the « modernization loser » nor the « protest » explanations of defection is sufficient. However, the possible existence of heterogeneous belief sys­tems containing both Left-wing and Right-wing elements means that such changes in voting behaviour can occur solely on the basis of fluid hierarchies of belief clusters, rather through radical change in beliefs. Defection is thus to be seen as less exacer­bated a change than previous analyses have suggested.
Les hauts fonctionnaires croient-ils à leurs mythes ? L'apport des approches cognitives à l'analyse des engagements dans les politiques de réforme de l'État. Quelques exemples français (1988-1997)
Authors: Bezes Philippe 
Published: October 2008

Do senior civil servants believe in their own myths ? the contribution of the cognitive approach to the analysis of commitment to state reform policies. French examples (1988-1997)
State reform policies, by dint of repetition in their announcements, end constituting a mythical, anonymous and indirect narrative that provides information about the state (its dysfunctions, shortcomings, ideal characteristics, etc.) and simultaneously celebrates both the heroic and the routine dimensions of commitment to reform. Seeking to answer a legitimate question - "do senior civil servants believe in their own myths ? " -, the article suggests that one should inves­tigate how they believe, and formulate hypotheses about the complexity of their beliefs and the varieties of their reform commitment. After a discussion of neo-institutionalist theories and hypotheses drawn from the writings of R. Boudon and L. Festinger, two cognitive mechanisms are shown to structure partially the reformers' commitment : acceptance of reform ideas, cons­trained by the actors' attitudes and by their position in the institutional order, and diversity of beliefs in the feasibility of the action. In order to account for the diversity of adjustments of beliefs to practices, the article provides many illustrations based on administrative reforms car­ried out in France since 1989.
Les voies incertaines de la transitologie : choix stratégiques, séquences historiques, bifurcations et processus de path dependence
Authors: Dobry Michel 
Published: October 2008

Uncertain paths of transitology : strategic choices, historical sequences, bifurcations and path dependence processes.
The article examines the problems that the analysis of processes of transition towards demo­cracy meets, from the point of vue of the transformations in this field of research since the 1989 political upheavals in Eastern Europe, in particular with the self-assertion, next to the strategic approach of classic " transitology ", of an approach that was, at least in this area, defined in opposition to it, that of path dependence. The article attempts to identify the way in which the various transitological approaches define the enigmas to be solved, the specificity of their research objects and their explanatory principles. That is where it is possible to locate, in spite of the real differences that separate these approaches, the main sources of the obstacles and difficulties that they come across, particularly concerning : the relations between the historical paths of transitions and the results these paths are supposed to lead to ; the weight of determi­nation of the past, and the way in which this past is supposed to " count " ; the " bifurcations " in the trajectories of the transitions, and the critical junctures, often confused with " big " events or with " crises " ; the temptation of methodological exceptionalism, i.e. the difficulty the transitological approaches have in conceiving of the diversity of the conjunctures which make up transitions ; lastly, what a consolidated democratic system and what the process of consolidation, which is supposed to lead to this state, are made up of, as well as the place given to uncertainty as a definitional feature of democracy.
La recomposition territoriale de l'Espagne et la mémoire de ses territoires
Authors: Gabriel-Oyhamburu Kattalin 
Published: October 2008

The territorial reorganisation of Spain and the memory of its local territories Kattalin.
The Spanish Constitution of 1978 provides a specific model of territorial organisation, which is open, progressive and consensual. It is open because the regions create territory through the use of names and by delimiting and centralising, functions which result from their autonomous status. It is progressive because areas which are slow to reach autonomy are able to catch up those areas which obtain it more rapidly. It is consensual in that it takes into account the memory inherited from the territory and, in doing so, makes reference to the political geo- graphy. Catalonia chose the « comarca » as an intermediate solution between the « commune » , the smallest territorial division, and the region. Andalusia, on the other hand, failed in its attempt to adopt the « comarca ». The Basque area chose the level of the province, using the organisational structure of the P.N.V. The Spanish decentralisation model can thus be regarded as a swing-wing territorial model.
La rencontre contemporaine entre le droit juif et le droit musulman
Authors: Meron Yaakov 
Published: October 2008

L'arène où se déroule, dans le monde musulman, l'essentiel des affrontements entre les systèmes du droit traditionnel et ceux du droit moderne est réservée au droit de la famille. Cette limite est ainsi faite non seulement parce que ce domaine est le plus imprégné de valeurs et de croyances, et, en Islam, le plus touché par des dispositions coraniques, mais aussi parce que les autres domaines du droit, notamment du droit civil, sont déjà codifiés ou du moins consolidés, ce qui désavantage les systèmes de droit traditionnel, qui demeurent sous leur forme casuistique.
L'article employé en Israël est assez singulier du fait que le système juridique auquel on a eu recours de préférence au droit traditionnel, et qui sert comme système de référence, est le droit anglais, lui-même un droit assez casuistique et loin d'être codifié. Aussi, bien que la restauration du droit juif fût parmi les aspirations du sionisme, le seul abri resté au droit juif dans l'État d'Israël est celui-là même qui lui a été réservé par le sort du droit musulman — le droit de la famille.
Le redressement des entreprises en difficulté en droit hellénique
Authors: Liakopoulos Tharassis 
Published: October 2008

Le droit hellénique de la faillite s'est avéré insuffisant pour faire face aux problèmes les plus sérieux créés par la récession économique. L'objectif principal du droit de la faillite est d'assurer une satisfaction proportionnelle des créanciers chirographaires ; ceci est en principe recherché par la liquidation des biens du failli (union des créanciers). Le droit de la faillite perse n'est pas concerné par les conséquences sur le chômage, ou les autres incidences négatives sur l'économie nationale, qui découlent normalement de la cessation du fonctionnement d'une entreprise mise en faillite à cause de son impossibilité constatée d'honorer ses dettes.
Afin d'assister les entreprises viables qui se trouvent financièrement en détresse, le gouvernement hellénique a introduit et fait voter la loi 1386/83. L'objectif majeur de cette loi est d'assainir les entreprises en faillite (ou menacées de faillite), à la condition que ces entreprises seraient considérées comme viables.
La procédure introduite par cette nouvelle loi est de nature essentiellement administrative. Une institution — qui fonctionne sous la forme juridique de société anonyme (S.A.) — a été fondée, afin d'assurer l'administration et le redressement des entreprises soumises au régime de la loi 1386/83. Une entreprise en détresse peut être soumise à ce régime par décision du ministre de l'Économie Nationale.
Dans ce cas, un nouvel administrateur ou un conseil d'administration, selon les cas, est nommé pour assumer les fonctions d'administration de l'entreprise. Dès la nomination de l'administrateur ou du conseil d'administration en question, les droits de l'entrepreneur ou des actionnaires ayant trait à l'administration sont suspendus.
La décision ministérielle précitée peut, dans chaque cas spécifique, prévoir que toutes actions en justice sont suspendues pour une période de temps raisonnable. Elle peut aussi arrêter les intérêts des créances portant intérêt.
Pendant toute la durée de cette étape d'application de la loi, une augmentation du capital social peut être imposée par décision du ministre de l'Économie Nationale.
L'administration de l'entreprise par l'institution susmentionnée se termine au cas où un arrangement est conclu entre une majorité des créanciers (60 %) et des actionnaires (51 %), ainsi que de l'institution. Si un tel arrangement ne peut être acquis, l'entreprise passe à un deuxième stade, de « liquidation spéciale ».
Les difficultés de codification du droit de la famille algérien
Authors: Hamdan Leila 
Published: October 2008

La codification du droit de la famille en Algérie s'est trouvée depuis l'indépendance confrontée à tous les problèmes que l'on rencontre dans les diverses disciplines régissant l'organisation des rapports familiaux. Mais ces problèmes sont compliqués par l'existence d'un double facteur : incompatibilité entre deux ordres juridiques, le droit musulman classique et les règles d'origine étrangère, et incompatibilité entre deux mentalités socio-juridiques.
L'adoption du Code de la famille, en juin 1984, intervient plus pour résoudre des difficultés ponctuelles que pour introduire un droit moderne répondant aux principes posés par les grands textes algériens. De plus, l'adoption du Code de la famille met fin à une situation permissive de pouvoirs exorbitants en faveur du juge.
A l'instar de nombreux pays de culture islamique, le Code de la famille algérien, dans sa teneur, pose le principe de référence à la Charià islamique. A quelque exception près, le texte général reprend les principes du droit musulman applicables dans les relations familiales. Le Code de la famille algérien est en ce sens fidèle à la tradition islamique.
La Garde : un attribut de la maternité en droit algérien
Authors: Dennouni Hadjira Bencheikh Hocine 
Published: October 2008

Prérogative purement féminine, la garde dite « hadana » en arabe a pour objet la protection de l'enfant. Pendant le mariage, la garde est indissociable de l'autorité parentale : elle est assurée conjointement par les deux parents. Mais en cas de dissolution du mariage (décès, divorce), la loi confie l'enfant à sa mère de préférence.
La nature féminine de la garde a paru tellement évidente aux juristes musulmans, qu'ils dressèrent une liste de dévolutaires principalement féminine. Il ressort de cet ordre de dévolution, la préférence de la mère à toute autre personne. En cas de défaillance de celle-ci (remariage, inconduite) ; la branche maternelle est préférée à celle du père. Cet ordre légal des dévolutaires n'est dicté que par l'intérêt de l'enfant.