bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Paintings by Panaenus on the Throne of the Olympian Zeus
Authors: Gardner E. A. 
Published: May 2006

In the elaborate description which Pausanias gives of the throne of the Olympian Zeus, few parts have given rise to so much discussion and so much difference of opinion as the paintings by Panaenus, the brother of Phidias. It has been disputed both where they were placed, and how they were arranged.It is the aim of the present paper to propose a new composition for this series of paintings, and, by doing so, to justify an old and recently somewhat discredited view as to the position in which they were placed. The cuts which are added serve to illustrate this new suggestion and to make clearer its advantages over those which have been previously made. The restoration of one side (p. 240), which has been very kindly drawn by a friend, must not, of course, be taken as an attempt to reproduce exactly the designs of Panaenus. But, since the groups or the figures that compose them are derived from fifth century works of Greek art, they may well give us a notion of the conditions, as to space and balance of figures, that determine the whole composition; and these conditions may be applied with some confidence, when we remember how closely even the greatest artists of this period often adhered to the accepted scheme for any group or subject.
Inscriptions from Astypalaea
Authors: Rouse W. H. D. 
Published: May 2006

1. Found in the ground of Michael Palatianos at Martezana; now in a lime-store at Peragialós (the local name for the port or Skala): on the left side of a piece of marble which served as the lintel of a tomb, carved with a simple cornice. 1·27 × 0·31 × 0·17: letters 0·015 regular and carefully cut, equal in size except that and project beyond the lines.sic for Beneath the lintel, placed so as to be read under the doorway by those issuing out, i.e. in the reverse of the epitaph, in large letters 0·025.
Fresh Evidence for Τ
Authors: Foat F. W. G. 
Published: May 2006

Since the appearance of my article Tsade and Sampi in the preceding issue of this journal, a discovery highly important for the history of ‘Tsade’ has been made in the course of excavations at Ephesus by Mr. D. G. Hogarth, to whose kindness I owe the following information.On a silver plate found in the primitive stratum of the Artemision, below the Croesus temple, there is an inscription in which Τ occurs thrice, in the words τέΤαρες and τέΤαρες forming part of sentences in Ionic Greek.The position of the objects found in relation to the Croesus temple makes 550 B.C., the beginning of the reign of Croesus, the absolute terminus of date on the lower side: there is, I understand, little doubt that the inscription belongs to the latter part of the 7th century B.C.
The Persian Friends of Herodotus
Authors: Wells J. 
Published: May 2006

From what sources did Herodotus draw the materials for his history? At what date or dates did he compose it? These inquiries have an endless fascination for the student of Herodotus, which is not lessened by the fact that they admit of no certain answer. The combinations which will be suggested in this paper have, so far as I know, not been suggested before; but if, as is extremely likely, they have already been made, there is always a certain interest in the fact that two inquirers, working independently, have come to the same conclusions.It is not necessary to give evidence of the fact that Herodotus himself was highly satisfied with his own sources of information as to Persian history, and that he considered he could speak with authority upon it. (Cf. e.g. i. 95.) Nor is it necessary to give evidence for the view that Herodotus had on some points official or semi-official Persian information: e.g. in his account of the satrapies in Bk. III., of the Royal Road in Bk. V., and of the Persian army in Bk. VII.These two points will be assumed, and also that Herodotus is a trustworthy witness, that he reports truly what he has heard, without exaggeration or suppression, and that he had some idea of the differing value of various witnesses.
Inscriptions from the Cyzicus District, 1906
Authors: Hasluck F. W. 
Published: May 2006

[Routes followed: (a) Panderma, Mihallitch, Kermasti, Kavakly, Susurlu, Eski Manyas, Yeni Manyas, Alexa, Panderma; (b) Panderma, Erdek, Karabogha, Gunen, Pomak Keui, Hautcha, Panderma; (c) Soma, Balukiser, Mudania, Brusa.]1. Panderma, in private possession: stele 0·40×0·25 m., top broken, with relief:—(1.) Worshipper with sheep; altar; (r.) Apollo standing, with kithara in left hand, patera in right. Below (letters 015):The relief is of a type very commonly found in the district; cf. J.H.S. xxiii. 87 (39), xxiv. 20 (1), xxv. 58 (13).
Peparethus and its Coinage
Authors: Wroth Warwick 
Published: May 2006

The Plate which illustrates this article represents a series of silver coins, Nos. 1–8, which bear a strong family likeness. They are all tetradrachms of the Euboic standard, and each displays on the obverse a peculiar bunch of grapes which would have excited even the infantine ridicule of the humblest painter of Dutch fruit-pieces. Two of these coins, Pl. IV. 2 and 8, both recent acquisitions of the British Museum, are unpublished, and present new types. Nos. 9–11 are bronze coins of Peparethus.In type and style the most remarkable of these coins is Pl. IV. 1 = Fig. A. This piece was found in the island of Cos, but Mr. Barclay Head, who first made it known in 1891, attributed it in a very ingenious and learned paper to Cyrene. This attribution carried with it the assignment to Cyrene of the types here figured as Pl. IV. 3 (and 5), 4 (and 6), because all three types were found to be united together by a concatenation of dies.
The Double Flutes
Authors: Curtis J. 
Published: May 2006

If we are seeking an authoritative solution of the outstanding problems of ancient Greek music, it would seem that the most valuable assistance could be got from a consideration of the αὐλός, inasmuch as specimens more or less complete are to be found in plenty, scattered through the museums of different countries: in practice, this study has been found the most puzzling of all. Though many of the bodies of such flutes have been found, the mechanism of the mouthpiece, at once the most important and the most perishable portion of the instrument, has naturally disappeared, and all hope of extraneous aid from vase-pictures seems to vanish when we notice that in all the later pictures the mouth of the player, and consequently the mouthpiece of the instrument, is hidden by the ϕορβεία, a band passing across the mouth, and encircling the head of the player.Still I hope to show that not all these difficulties are insuperable: for example, much of the mystery of the ϕορβεία disappears when we see two terracotta figures of dancers wearing the ϕορβεία without the flutes. It is then clear that this band held the flutes rigidly in place, and we are able to form some conclusion as to the shape of the mouthpieces; but this will be discussed later.
The Samians at Zancle-Messana
Authors: Dodd C. H. 
Published: May 2006

In this article it is proposed to examine the available numismatic evidence relating to the settlement of Samians at Zancle, and the change of the name of the city to Messana, and to suggest possible lines along which a reconstruction of the events might proceed.It will be well first to review such literary evidence as we possess. The earliest such evidence is found in Herodotus. He gives at length the story of the Samian settlement. After the battle of Lade, which ruined the cause of the revolted Ionians, the Samian oligarchs (οἵ τι ἔχοντες) decided to abandon their city and sail away to found a colony elsewhere, rather than stay and endure the oppression of Aeaces, their old tyrant, restored under Persian influence (ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκπλέειν μηδὲ μένοντας Μήδοισί τε καὶ Αἰάκεῖδουλεύειν). Now the men of Zancle in Sicily had sent a general invitation to the Ionians to come to the West and settle at the Fair Shore (Καλὴν ᾿ Ακτὴν ἐᾶν χαίρειν), a Sicel possession on the north coast of Sicily. The Samians accordingly decided to accept the invitation.
Dionysus and the Satyr of Tripod-Street
Authors: White Hugh G. Evelyn 
Published: May 2006

In his description of the Street of Tripods at Athens Pausanias notices certain important works of art by Praxiteles. The passage has given rise to much dispute. The author states that in this street was preserved that Satyr of which Praxiteles was very proud, and quotes an anecdote to show that the artist ranked it with the Thespian Eros as one of his masterpieces. He then concludes with the words:—Φρύνη μὲν οῦτω τὸν ᾿´Ερωτα αίρεῖταιΔιονύσῳ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ πλησίον Σάτυρός ἐστι παῖς καὶ δίδωσιν ἔκπωμα᾿´Ερωτα δ᾿ ἑστηκότα ὁμοῦ καὶ Δίονυσον Θυμίλος ἐποίησεThree important questions arise out of this concluding passage:—(1) Is the ᾿´Ερωτα δ᾿ ἑστηκότα ὁμοῦ καὶ Δίονυσον Θυμίλος ἐποίησε by Praxiteles? (2) If so, is it to be distinguished from the Satyr of the anecdote? (3) Was it associated, as part of a group, with the statues by Thymilus? The aim of the present paper is to show (a) that the first and second of these questions should be answered in the affirmative, the third in the negative; (b) that the Satyr, however, did not stand alone, but was grouped with a figure of Dionysus; and to suggest a restoration of this group.
Nauarch and Nesiarch
Authors: Tarn W. W. 
Published: May 2006

The conclusion here reached, regarding the government of the Aegean under Ptolemy II, is as follows. The sea and all the Egyptian fleets were under the sole control of one nauarchos or admiral; he had, in addition, the powers that would have been exercised by the strategos or general of the Islands, had one existed; the two offices together made him almost a viceroy of the Sea, and he exercised a general control over the Islands. As the islands gradually passed from Egypt, it is possible that the office of nauarch remained attached to the strategia of those that remained: when this strategia finally vanished and Egypt retired from the Aegean, the office of nauarch became attached to another strategia, that of Cyprus. The nesiarch, on the other hand, had no military authority and very little power; he was the Ptolemaic Resident.I will take the nesiarch first.We know of three; (1) Bacchon son of Nicetas, a Boeotian, about 280, a contemporary of Philocles, king of the Sidonians; (2) Hermias, possibly of Halicarnassus, who founded the festival at Delos in honour of Arsinoe Philadelphos, afterwards known as the Philadelpheia, the first vase of which appears under the archon Meilichides II. (267), and who therefore was probably Bacchon's successor; and (3) Apollodorus son of Apollonius of Cyzicus, who was a private person in 279, and was nesiarch some time later, and who probably succeeded Hermias, though it is also conceivable that he may have preceded him.
Penalties in Lycian Epitaphs of Hellenistic and Roman Times
Authors: Arkwright W. 
Published: May 2006

It is well known that a large proportion of the Greek epitaphs of Lycia contain a clause by which any person making any burial unauthorised by the founder of the tomb becomes liable to pay a named sum to some corporation, whether public (as the δῆμος, the πόλις, or the imperial treasury) or religious (as the temple of some god), or a powerful association (as the γερουσία).This liability was not (as might be supposed) a fine imposed by the state in punishment of a criminal offence. Illegal burial was indeed (at least under the Roman government) a crime at law, and was punishable by a fine; but this fine is expressly distinguished from the sum due to the πόλις and the δῆμος. The penalty in question does not, in fact, represent a fine at all, but damages to be recovered by a civil action. This explains the wide variation in the sums specified, and the otherwise unaccountable fact that the amount is fixed by the builder of the tomb. It stands for the value which he placed on the possession of the tomb, modified, probably, by his estimate of the damages which the court was likely to grant.
The Daimon of the Persian King
Authors: Taylor Lily Ross 
Published: May 2006

In discussing the Persian worship of the king's daimon in J.H.S., 1927, p. 54, I cited the following passage from Isocrates's Panegyricus (151): θνητὸνμὲν ἄνδρα προσκυνοῦντες καὶ δαίμονα προσαγορεύοντες By an error, the origin of which I am at a loss to understand, I inserted the article τόν before δαίμονα and accordingly misinterpreted the words. The meaning is, of course, ‘paying obeisance to mortal man and calling him daimon.’ The passage cannot, therefore, be cited as evidence for the cult of the personal daimon of the Persian king.The significance of the evidence provided by the quotations from Theopompus and from the Artaxerxes of Plutarch is not affected by the fact that the words of Isocrates do not apply to the same cult. There is indeed another reference to the subject in Plutarch, this time in the life of Themistocles, which I have chanced to find recently. In the description of Themistocles's reception at the Persian court (chap. xxix), the chiliarch is represented as saying in wrath to Themistocles: ὄφις ῾´Ελλην ὁ ποικίλος ὁ βασιλέως σε δαίμων δεῦροἤγαηεν The story is, of course, of dubious historical value, but it is evident that in some one of the numerous sources which he cites in this part of the Themistocles, Plutarch found expression of the Persian belief in the idea of the king's daimon.
The Bacchae
Authors: Glover M. R. 
Published: May 2006

The Bacchae remains a puzzle. It is hard to be content with an interpretation of the play which makes Dionysus the hero, and even approximates him to Christ. Dionysus is more like Judas; he fondles the man whom he means to kill (1. 933). It is equally hard to believe that he is, as Pentheus said, a mere human hypnotist, a γόης ἐπῳδὸς (1.234) and an impostor. For the play is the story of how Pentheus, acting on that belief, was ruined utterly.I propose to argue, first, that Euripides is here, as elsewhere, a realist, giving us a picture of Dionysus worship as it really was; and that the miracles are meant as evidence of the presence of some supernatural power; and secondly, that if we want to know his judgment on that religion, we shall come nearest his thought, if not his vocabulary, in saying that it seemed to him devilish.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1925–1926
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I have tried to give a brief survey of the progress of epigraphical discovery and discussion during the years 1925 and 1926, following the order of the Inscriptions Graecae in dealing with inscriptions discovered in European lands and that of the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum in the case of those found in Asia or Africa. I have included reviews only in exceptional cases, because they afford summaries of books not generally accessible or because they make some original contribution to the study in question.During the years under review death has taken a heavy toll among epigraphists, especially in France, which has been bereft of three outstanding scholars—P. Foucart, T. Homolle and B. Haussoullier.
Archaeology in Greece, 1926–27
Authors: Woodward A. M. 
Published: May 2006

This article follows the arrangement of its predecessors, and includes an account of all the excavations in Greek lands of which I have received particulars since my last report was completed. As the total number of undertakings concerned amounts to more than thirty, some of my summaries have inevitably suffered in the process of compression, but I trust that nothing of outstanding importance has been passed over.At Corinth, during the spring and summer of 1926, the American School carried out excavations in four different areas: at the Theatre, on Acrocorinth, on the Temple hill and on the Lechaion Road. An account of Dr. T. L. Shear's work at the Theatre appeared in my last report. On Acrocorinth, Dr. C. W. Blegen examined the highest point of the rock in search of the Temple of Aphrodite mentioned by Pausanias. Though many worked poros blocks were found, it is disappointing that not one was in situ, and cuttings in the rock and numerous architectural fragments are the only indications that there had been a Greek building on this site, which was occupied later by a Byzantine church. The small objects found include Geometric, Protocorinthian and Corinthian pottery, three terra-cotta figurines, two pieces of marble sculpture and a fragmentary inscription.
The Antimenes Painter
Authors: Beazley J. D. 
Published: May 2006

I should have liked to begin what I hope will be a series of essays on black-figure artists, not with the Antimenes painter, but with one of those bold congeners of Euphronios and Euthymides to whom Buschor has recently drawn attention. But these, as it turned out, presented unexpected difficulties, so I begin with the Antimenes painter.I name him after the inscription on a vase in Leyden, a hydria with a representation of youths washing which has always seemed to me one of the prettiest of black-figure pictures. The vase has been published twice, first by Roulez in very imperfect drawings, lately by the lutrologist Sudhoff in good photographs. New photographs, which I owe to the kindness of Miss Brants, bring out some details obscure in Sudhoff (although in other points Sudhoff is superior), and give the proportions of the figures better, for in Sudhoff the lower parts are somewhat foreshortened.
A Gold Vase of Early Helladic Type
Authors: Childe V. Gordon 
Published: May 2006

The identification of the Early Helladic civilisation has been the most notable advance made in Greek prehistory since the war. Our knowledge of this earliest Aegean culture on the Mainland is still very fragmentary. But the Louvre has possessed for nearly fifty years a precious document which can now be assigned its true place and sheds an unexpected light on the epoch. It is a gold ‘sauce-boat’ of the form already so familiar in clay at Korakou and Tiryns. Thanks to the courtesy of M. Etienne Michon, Conservator of the Greek and Roman Antiquities, I am permitted to publish this remarkable object (Fig. 1).Save for the handle, our vase has been beaten out of a single piece of metal. The walls are exceedingly thin, not more than ·3 mm. thick, but, as with the gold beakers from Troy, measuring more at the rim, the edge being ·9 mm. across. The base is cupped to form a ring foot, a procedure also adopted by Trojan and Sumerian metal-workers. The handle is formed by a strip of gold with rectangular cross section, flattened at either end to receive the rivets which attach it to the vase. Its three outer sides are engraved with a herringbone pattern. The complete vessel weighs 125·2 grammes.
The Origin of the Greek Minuscule Hand
Authors: Allen T. W. 
Published: May 2006

I propound a question which I cannot answer. The period at which the Greek minuscule hand came into the world withdraws itself from direct evidence, and can only be approached by induction from dates apparently considerably distant. I have, however, facts to detail which do not seem to have been combined elsewhere, and which admit of a conclusion which I believe has not been drawn. And though the conclusion may not be right, the subject is of enough importance to justify a guess. With all the discoveries of papyrus and the survivals of uncial, the minuscule hand of the ninth to the sixteenth centuries is that in which we read nearly all our Greek classics, and imitated by the first printers has given us our present-day Greek type and modern Greek writing.No tradition remained in Greece of the place, manner, or date of the origin of this hand. Of late a mistranscription of a sentence in the fourteenth century MS. Canonici graec. 23 by Cramer (An. Ox. iv. 400. 5) has given rise to some singular speculations (Gardthausen, Gr. Pal., p. 205).
The Parthenos
Authors: Lethaby W. R. 
Published: May 2006

The recent publication of fragments of ivory statues in the J.H.S. has turned my thoughts to the Parthenos. It would be desirable to build up as complete a description as possible of this masterpiece of the world's art—a sort of verbal restoration, and I venture to offer the following notes as a basis for correction. To do the work thoroughly would be an elaborate piece of indexing evidences from a great number of authorities, a task for which I am in no way qualified.The fragments just mentioned make the ivory part of the great work much more real to us, they show the polished surface, the accurate working of the joints in planes which must have been joined by glue, the colouring of lips and nostrils and the insertion of eyes in different materials. The colossal image must, as Furtwängler remarked, have been completed without the gold and ivory.
Lycian and Phrygian Names
Authors: Arkwright W. G. 
Published: May 2006

According to a theory which has been very commonly accepted by archaeologists in this country, the local names of Greece prove that a single language was once spoken there and in Asia Minor which was totally different from Greek, Thraeian, Illyrian, or Phrygian. It was neither Aryan nor Semitic, and resembled that of the Lycian inscriptions. At a later date, whether before or after the arrival of the Greeks, certain Thraeian and Illyrian elements were added, but they contributed little to the sum of geographical names.This belief is founded on the occurrence in Greece of local terminations in -σσ- and especially in -νθ-, which are considered to be foreign, and on their identification with the suffixes -σσ- and -νδ-, which are well known in Lycia, as well as in other districts of Asia Minor, and are derived from the native Lycian language.
Reconstruction of the Greater Perfect System
Authors: Curtis J. 
Published: May 2006

Alypius has left us the notation of fifteen Greek scales; afterwards reduced by Claudius Ptolemaios, in the interest of simplicity, to seven. But were these fifteen all the scales ever noted? Clearly there were others, which must have possessed notations. Thus:—1. Mixo-Lydian. This scale is mentioned by many writers. Plato (Rep. III, 398) describes it as ‘wailful.’ Bacchius (Eisagoge Harmonikon, § 46) mentions and places it.2. Chalaro-Lydian. This scale is referred to by Plato (Rep. III, 399a).3. Syntono-Lydiak. Plato (Rep. III, 398) describes this scale also as wailful. Athenaios (Deipnosophistae, XIV, 624 f.) quoting the poet Pratinas, mentions and by inference places it.4. Hyper-Mixo-Lydian. Cleonidas (Harmonicum Introductorum, XII, 5) mentions this scale and defines its place.5. Hypo-Mixo-Lydian. This scale, though not mentioned by Greek writers, has its name preserved in the Roman Gregorian ‘Modes,’ where it appears as the Eighth Tone. It is curious, though of no importance as evidence, to observe that the ‘Final’ of the Roman Tone is G; the note we shall claim to have been the highest of the vocal octave of the scale.
Two Ivory Fragments of a Statue of Athena
Authors: Albizzati Carlo 
Published: May 2006

The mask of a young woman and the forearm, both of ivory, which are republished and studied in this article are now exhibited in the third wall-case on the right of the Museo Profano of the Vatican Library. They were found in the Sabine country in 1824, as appears from a report of an excavation published in that year by P. E. Visconti.The identity of provenance and correspondence in scale and style prove that, the two fragments belong to the same statue.An undated note in the archives of the Library, written about 1830, gives the information that they were offered to the Papal Commission of Antiquities and Fine Arts by the Antiquary Capranesi, and acquired for 50 Roman scudi (about 268·50 francs, or a little less than £11).