bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Later History of the Varangian Guard: Some Notes
Authors: Dawkins R. M. 
Published: May 2006

The famous Varangian corps of mercenary soldiers in the service of the emperors of Byzantium is well known in its earlier days to have been recruited from the Scandinavian north. Forging their way from their own inhospitable lands the Northmen, first of all from Sweden, reached the Volga and the lands even to. the south of the Caspian; later by the ‘East Way’, called also the ‘Varangian Way’, they came down through Russia by way of the Dnieper and the Black Sea to Constantinople, first as pirates, then as traders, and finally as the most trusted guards of the imperial person. Later again they ventured on the all-sea route, the ‘West Way’, and also opened a path across Europe, either over the Alps or by way of Provence, and so through Italy: this was the ‘Southern Way’, otherwise called the ‘Way by Rome’ But in the eleventh century, in the first half of which Harald Hardrada, the most famous of all the Varangians, was in the imperial service, there was a certain change; recruits began to come increasingly from England.The first actual mention of the English name seems to be in a bull issued by the Emperor Alexios in 1088 to Christodoulos, the Abbot of the Monastery on Patmos.
The Lex Valeria Cornelia
Authors: Brunt P. A. 
Published: May 2006

The Lex Valeria Cornelia of A.D. 5, known to us only from the Tabula Hebana of 19, provided that the senators and those Equites who were enrolled in the judicial decuries should henceforth vote in ten centuries, named after the dead princes, C. and L. Caesar, for the ‘destinatio’ of consuls and praetors. In 19 these same voters were redistributed into fifteen centuries, and in 23 into twenty centuries; the new units were named after Germanicus and Drusus respectively.Professor Tibiletti has virtually established that these ‘destining’ centuries were an integral part of the comitia centuriata. Candidates who received the majority of their votes were credited with all of them, before the remaining centuries voted. Furthermore, the ‘destining’ centuries must have taken over the role of the old centuria praerogativa; before A.D. 5 the vote of that century, composed of iuniores of the first class, was declared before the proceedings were carried further and the Comitia had been apt to follow its lead.
Corythus: the Return of Aeneas in Virgil and His Sources
Authors: Horsfall Nicholas 
Published: May 2006

The Italian town of Corythus, which Virgil makes the home of Dardanus and the cradle of the Trojan people (Aen. iii, 170; vii, 209; ix, 10), has long been identified with Cortona, between Arezzo and Chiusi. It is the purpose of this paper to suggest that this identification is false; in reviving an alternative suggestion, which has not been current since the Renaissance, I hope to show too that the vexed question of whether or not the story is a Virgilian innovation admits of a decisive answer. The Aeneid itself provides our earliest evidence; it is remarkable that Virgil's own topographical indications, oblique, but not obscure, should have been so completely ignored by earlier writers on the topic.From his ancestral throne, King Latinus addresses the Trojan embassy (vii, 195 f.): ‘dicite Dardanidae (neque enim nescimus et urbem et genus, auditique advertitis aequore cursum’. He speaks of Dardanus, ancestor of Aeneas, as ‘his ortus ut agris’ (206): the old story relates that, ‘Corythi Tyrrhena ab sede profectus’ (209), Dardanus made for Samothrace, and then Troy (207 f.). The location of Latinus’ city is indeed left uncertain, but we are clearly to envisage it as standing somewhere between the Tiber mouth and Ardea. That is about 120 miles from Cortona—enough to impose a great strain on his (206). It would be far more satisfactory if we could discover a Tyrrhenian location for Corythus that was easily reconcilable with ‘his … agris’. The fama which Latinus relates is obscurior on account of anni (205) and not because the story has percolated with difficulty through the length of Etruria.
Illyris, Rome and Macedon in 229–205 B.C.
Authors: Hammond N. G. L. 
Published: May 2006

In JRS LVI (1966) I gave a description of the Aoi Stena which was based on autopsy, and I discussed the campaigns of Rome against Philip V of Macedon in the years 200 to 198 B.C. In this paper I am concerned with the area farther north which Rome acquired in 229 B.C. and with the actions which took place there before 200 B.C. Many scholars have discussed Rome's early activities in Illyris but practically none of them has trodden the ground. My knowledge of most of the area may help me to advance more down-to-earth views of the extent of Rome's sector in Illyris and of Roman and Macedonian policies. I include some new evidence on the position of Dimallum.The salient feature of Central Albania is the belt of coastal plain which extends from north of Lesh (Lissus) to north of the Gulf of Valona (see fig. 1). The widest and richest part of this plain is in the Myzeqija, which extends southwards from Kavajë. The Myzeqija in particular is integral to the economy of Central Albania, the area which was called Southern Illyris in the third century B.C. The transhumance of sheep has always been practised in this part of the Balkans, and the coastal plain of Albania with months of very heavy rainfall in October and March affords exceptionally fine pasturage for the winter period.
The Autopsy of C. Asinius Pollio
Authors: Morgan Llewelyn 
Published: May 2006

The historical record of the Roman civil wars gives an unusual prominence to C. Asinius Pollio (76b.c.–a.d.4). There is more than one reason for the anomaly, not the least being that Pollio was himself largely responsible for creating that record in the form of his celebratedHistoriaeof the civil wars. It was this work which provided the authors we read — Appian, Dio, Plutarch, and Suetonius — with their major source for the period, and a characteristic feature of the work, as these later texts attest, was the emphasis which Pollio placed on his presence on the scene and immediate, eyewitness knowledge of much of the historical material he narrated.And yet Pollio had earned for himself at least a small place in history, independently of his historiographical activity. After the death of Caesar he played an important role in the manoeuvring which brought Mark Antony to power (three letters to Cicero survive from the period), and held the consulship in 40 B.C. (cf.Ecl.4.1–17). Whilst consul he acted as co-sponsor of the pact of Brundisium between Antony and Octavian, and subsequently celebrated a triumph over the Parthini, a Balkan tribe.
Ritual, Myth, Doctrine, and Initiation in the Mysteries of Mithras: New Evidence from a Cult Vessel
Authors: Beck Roger 
Published: May 2006

Despite the wealth of the cult's material remains, we still know relatively little about the ritual of the Mithraic mysteries. What was it, in the sense of liturgy performed, that Mithraists actually did in mithraea? How did it relate to myth, to the story of the god, which, by contrast, is singularly well documented on the monuments? Was it, in some way, a mimesis or re-enactment of that story? How, if at all, was it an expression of the initiate's progress, an actualization of his ‘salvation’, and thus of cult doctrine on these matters.There are three major pieces of this puzzle already in place. First, and most important, we know that the cult meal, shared by the initiates on the banquet benches of their mithraeum, replicated the feast of Mithras and the Sun god at a table draped with the hide of the newly slain bull. We know this primarily from representations on the Konjic relief and the Sa. Prisca frescoes, where we see the initiates participating in roles defined by their positions within the hierarchy of grades: the Father (Pater) and the Sun-Runner (Heliodromus) represented Mithras and Sol reclining at their feast, the remaining grades their ministers. It is worth noting that there is no known counterpart in ritual to the central mythic act which precedes the feast, the bull-killing itself. Nevertheless, since the bull-killing in some sense effected ‘salvation’, we may suppose that the feast of the initiates, replicating the feast of the gods, celebrated this salutary effect for mortals. That the divine feast follows, and followsfrom, the bull-killing is assured by (1) the fact that it was served on the hide of the slaughtered bull, and (2) its depiction on the reverse of tauroctony reliefs, at least some of which could be rotated at the appropriate ritual moment. Finally, the ubiquity of the mithraeum's distinctive banqueting benches implies the ubiquity of the cult meal as the ‘liturgie ordinaire’.
Demography, Geography and the Sources of Roman Slaves
Authors: Harris W. V. 
Published: May 2006

Where did a large-scale Roman slave-owner obtain new slaves? Varro in effect tells us: Ephesus. And the answer would probably have been the same for many generations after his time. But can we work out more systematically and more thoroughly the relative importance of differentkindsof sources? The sources which most require consideration are: (1) children born to slave-mothers within the Empire; (2) persons enslaved in provincial or frontier wars; (3) persons imported across the frontiers; (4) the ‘self-enslaved’; and (5) infants abandoned at places within the Empire.Several years ago, I argued on a number of grounds that the last of these sources, child-exposure, was more important than had previously been recognized. Subsequent reconsideration of the problem has led me to suspect that the source-material under-represents the amount of slave-importation across the frontiers, but not to doubt that child-exposure was very widespread or that it made an important contribution to the slave supply. Of the many subsequent discussions, the most original is that of Ramin and Veyne, who, in an article of 1981 too little attended to in the Anglo-Saxon world, made it appear very likely that those who voluntarily sold themselves into slavery were a larger category than scholars usually imagine. More recently, Scheidel has attempted to revive the case, previously propounded by Shtaerman among others, in favour of the self-reproductivity of the slave population.
A Book Made New: Reading Propertius Reading Pound. A Study in Reception
Authors: Comber Michael 
Published: May 2006

In situations in which understanding is disrupted or made difficult, the conditions of all understanding emerge with the greatest clarity. Thus the linguistic process by means of which a conversation in two languages is made possible through translation is especially informative. (Gadamer)This article was prompted by a reading of Pound'sHomage to Sextus Propertius, and, in particular, by a basic question: why might the argumentative, edgy poet Pound have been drawn to Propertius? What might he have seen in him? Some of the attraction, no doubt, lay in Propertius' slightly marginal status as a Classical author, part of the main tradition but on the edge. But it does not seem to have been the romantically agonized version of Propertius that Pound saw. Nor the merely clever, witty, light and playful Propertius – though he saw more of the second figure than the first.
The God of the Lupercal
Authors: Wiseman T. P. 
Published: May 2006

On 15 February, two days after the Ides, there took place at Rome the mysterious ritual called Lupercalia, which began when the Luperci sacrificed a goat at the Lupercal. There was evidently a close conceptual and etymological connection between the name of the festival, the title of the celebrants, and the name of the sacred place: as our best-informed literary source on Roman religion, M. Terentius Varro, succinctly put it, ‘the Luperci [are so called] because at the Lupercalia they sacrifice at the Lupercal … the Lupercalia are so called because [that is when] the Luperci sacrifice at the Lupercal’.What is missing in that elegantly circular definition is the name of the divinity to whom the sacrifice was made. Even the sex of the goat is unclear — Ovid and Plutarch refer to a she-goat, other sources make it male — which might perhaps imply a similar ambiguity in the gender of the recipient. Varro does indeed refer to a goddess Luperca, whom he identifies with the she-wolf of the foundation legend; he explains the name aslupa pepercit, ‘the she-wolf spared them’ (referring to the infant twins), so I think we can take this as an elaboration on the myth, and not much help for the ritual.
In Search of the Author of Strabo's Geography
Authors: Clarke Katherine 
Published: May 2006

‘As intellectuals and academics we are constantly engaging in projects of representation, but in the dominant epistemologies that guide our work, our role as representers is effaced’.‘At the heart of the issue lies a fundamental insistence on the contextualised nature of all forms of knowledge, meaning and behaviour. There is a further recognition of the partial and partisan edge to inquiry, theory construction, and scholarly (re)presentation, as well as an explicit acknowledgement of the importance of the author's biography in this creative process’.The assertions of two modern geographers, Katz and Merrifield, are symptomatic of an underlying, but persistent, debate within their field of study. To what degree should academic prose aim at impersonality? The discipline of modern geography, perhaps more than any other academic subject at pains constantly to justify and redefine itself, has taken on this problem, formulated its history, and posited some solutions.
Satyrs in Rome? The Background to Horace'sArs Poetica
Authors: Wiseman T. P. 
Published: May 2006

At the central point of Horace's epistle to the Pisones (ll. 220–50 out of 476) is a lengthy passage on the history and composition of satyr-plays. At the central point within that passage (ll. 234–5), with emphatic use of the vocative and the first-person pronoun, Horace presents himself and his addressees as actively involved in writing satyr-plays:non ego inornata et dominantia nomina solumverbaque, Pisones, satyrorum scriptor amabo.
Columella's Living Hedge: The Roman Gardening Book
Authors: Henderson John 
Published: May 2006

The subject of this essay is not Roman gardens, their reconstruction or restoration, but Roman gardening. This must be found on the page, and specifically in the work of Columella, who has more to say on this aspect of Country Life than the rest of Classical Antiquity put together — literally more, in quantity, but also, and more to the point, more to the point.Reference to Columella's Garden always means the poem of 436 hexameters that bursts into the prose De re rustica as Book 10. It appears on its own in a cluster of manuscripts, and has regularly been read as a free-standing composition. In this paper, I resist this sin of excerption, to explore the role of gardening on Columella's farm.
Penumbral rock communities in campo rupestre sites in Brazil
Authors: Alves R.J.V. , Kolbek J. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. A syntaxonomic study of penumbral (open‐shade) communities in small rock caves in five campo rupestre sites in Minas Gerais, Brazil, was carried out according to the Braun‐Blanquet method. On the basis of 41 releves, the following new syntaxa were described: the associations Doryopterido ornithopodis‐Eriocauletum cipoensis, Coccocypselo erythro‐cephali‐Anemietum oblongifoliae in the alliance Coccocypselo erythrocephali‐Eriocaulion cipoensis, and the Trichoma.no pilosi‐Anemietum elegantis in the alliance Trichomano pilosi‐Anemion oblongifoliae, both order Coccocypselo erythro‐cephali‐Anemietaliaelegantis andclass Coccocypselo erythro‐cephali‐Anemietea elegantis.Additional synecological observations and measurements of environmental factors were correlated to the zonation and distribution of plant species within the caves. Relevant literature on South American penumbral plant communities is virtually non‐existent and restricted to floristic data and usually superficial habitat descriptions.
Hydrometeorological differences between opposite valley slopes and vegetation asymmetry in Hawaii
Authors: Noguchi Yasuo 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Hydrometeorological observations over a 15‐month period and the evaluation of calculated water balance components across a selected valley in the northeast trade‐wind environment in Hawaii showed the following:

A large reduction in wind speed and evaporation occurred on the upper protected west‐facing slope as compared with an exposed ridge immediately in front of it and within a short horizontal distance.
Can evaporation values measured across the valley closely reflect the wind exposure and the availability of energy at each station. In terms of Penman potential evapotranspiration, the ridge station was again found to be the most exposed and the upper leeward slope the most protected.
The upper protected west‐facing slope was comparatively more favourable for vegetation development in terms of the annual soil moisture conditions (both measured and calculated) and protection against mechanical damage by wind and air‐borne salt; all the other parts of the slopes were exposed and occasionally received severe salt spray damage in winter. Most probably, these factors have contributed to the difference in speed of vegetation recovery from the disturbance, thus producing a, temporary, vegetation asymmetry.
Population structure and growth‐stress relationship of Pinus taeda in rock outcrop habitats
Authors: Houle G. , Delwaide A. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract. On the granite outcrops of the southeastern United States, soil accumulates in shallow depressions on the rock surface. A specific sequence of vascular plants characterizes the temporal development of these systems. The edaphic end point of the succession is apparently attained with a herb‐shrub‐tree stage with Pinus taeda as the dominant tree. We studied the characteristics of this stage and the population structure of P. taeda on outcrop islands in order to specify the successional status of the species in this habitat. We compared the radial growth pattern of outcrop and Piedmont populations of P. taeda, and of two outcrop sub‐populations. We checked whether trees on outcrops experience more limiting conditions than trees on the Piedmont, and studied the recent change in the relationship between growth and stress (e.g. drought and atmospheric deposition) reported for loblolly pine in the southeastern United States. We also attempted to identify the climatic variables most critical for tree growth on outcrops.On outcrop soil islands, P. taeda maintains populations that are of irregular age distribution, possibly in response to irregular recruitment and survival. There are no signs of loblolly pine replacement by hardwood species on any of the islands studied, although an understory of shrubby oak appears to characterize larger and deeper‐soil islands. Although trees on the Piedmont were growing at a higher rate than those on the outcrop in the first part of the 1950–1988 period, their growth declined at a higher rate than that of trees on the outcrop. As a result, at the end of the period considered (1950–1988), the differences in radial growth between outcrop and Piedmont populations were relatively small. On the outcrop, trees < 22 yr old in 1989 were growing at a rate somewhat lower than that of trees of similar age, 40 yr ago. Differences were apparent in the initial growth patterns between the two outcrop subpopulations (1989 and 1949 stems), and these could have resulted from differences in competition regime, stress or climatic conditions, or a combination thereof. However, a repeated‐measures ANOVA failed to reveal a significant recent decrease in the radial growth of loblolly pine in the system studied.The identification of numerous signature years (years with ≥ 80 % of the trees with similar increasing or decreasing trend in their radial growth) suggests that similar environmental variables control the growth of loblolly pine in both outcrop and Piedmont habitats. High temperature and low precipitation in the first part of the summer (June‐July) seem to limit radial growth. Those pines growing on outcrop soil islands, however, appear more sensitive to climatic fluctuations.
Population structure and dynamics of the clonal dwarf‐shrubLinnaea borealis
Authors: Eriksson Ove 
Published: May 2006

Abstract.The demography of the long‐lived clonal dwarf‐shrubLinnaea borealiswas studied during four years in a coniferous forest in central Sweden. The main object was to infer patterns of temporal variation in population dynamics of this species. The shoot population is organized in fragments, i.e. physically connected systems of shoots partly covered by the moss carpet. The age and size structure of the fragment population is described, but shoots are more convenient units for a study of population dynamics. A stochastic model of shoot population dynamics was constructed, and simulations indicated a considerable temporal variation in population size and flowering. Hence, variability as such is an essential aspect of the dynamics of established populations ofLinnaea.Simulations of extinction risks revealed that small‐sized shoot populations (ca. 250 shoots) are likely to be long‐lived when experiencing environmentally induced demographic variation of the range observed. Mortality agents for established genets, such as large‐scale disturbances, were not incorporated in the models. Some implications of variable population growth rates in clonal plants in woodlands are discussed.
Aquatic vegetation and hydrology of a braided river floodplain
Authors: Bornette G. & Amoros, C. 
Published: May 2006

The response of aquatic vegetation to the complex hydrology of a river floodplain was investigated on a stretch of former braided channels of the Rhône River near Lyon, France, which is fed by three different water inputs: underground water, surface flow from a small tributary and river overflow during spates.Water temperature, pH, conductivity, alkalinity, sulfate, nitrate, and phosphate content were measured monthly at seven sampling stations. Principal Component Analysis (PCA) of these data revealed two gradients: a gradient of spatial heterogeneity and a gradient of temporal fluctuations. A PCA of samples based on substrate grain size, flow velocity, channel width and depth, height and shade of bank vegetation suggested the division of the braided system into four zones.Along these former channels, the vegetation varies from communities with Potamogeton coloratus of nutrient‐poor water, to meso‐eutraphent communities with Callitriche platycarpa, Elodea canadensis, and Ranunculus trichophyllus. Correspondence Analysis (CA) of the floristic data revealed four zones. Regarding the habitat parameters investigated, one zone is assumed to be linked to the instability and the nutrient inputs of a former channel (running water from the tributary and flood disturbances), while another is linked to the stability and nutrient‐poor conditions of the other former channel (supplied by underground water). The other two zones are considered as ecotones, each of them occurring in a former channel, upstream of the confluences. The location as well as the floristic and functional differences between these two ecotones are discussed.