bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Transvaal Labour Crisis, 1901—6
Authors: Denoon D. J. N. 
Published: January 2009

One of the crucial reasons for the failure of British policy in South Africa during the Reconstruction period was an acute shortage of African labour for the mines, which were therefore unable to support a large English-speaking immigrant community. According to the prevailing economic beliefs, there was a fairly rigid ratio between the numbers of unskilled coloured workers and of skilled white workers which the mines could employ, so that the scarcity of African labour did inhibit the mines from expanding their white labour force.The reasons for this scarcity include the deplorable physical conditions in which labourers lived and worked, and the unusually large demands for African labour in other sectors of the economy. British policy also, inadvertently, put less pressure on Transvaal Africans to take industrial or agricultural employment. However, the scarcity of labour was noticeable not only within British South Africa, but more especially outside its borders, where Africans seem to have been more reluctant than usual to take employment in the mines. It is possible to argue that the shortage was caused partly by the disillusionment of the workers as a result of their experience of British administration, and partly by a fairly extensive determination to withhold labour until conditions were improved. Such an interpretation is compatible with the facts of the case, though impossible at this stage to prove.Whatever the reasons for the scarcity, the result was the importation of Chinese labour to supplement the existing unskilled labour force. The well-documented complaints of the Chinese labour throw some light on the treatment of African labour. The Chinese also undercut the wages paid to Africans, who lost their commanding position as unconscious arbiters of the success of mining. Further, the Chinese were employed in terms of a very restrictive contract, whose terms were later extended to cover African labour as well, with the result that the industrial colour-bar was solidified at a time when white labour was in control of an unusually large area of employment.
Radiocarbon Dates for Sub-Saharan Africa: V
Authors: Fagan Brian M. 
Published: January 2009

This list contains many scattered dates, most of them from sites either provisionally dated from other sources, or recently excavated. An important series of dates from the Sahara confirm earlier readings for food production in that area. The Daima sequence from Nigeria is dated from the middle of the first millennium A.D. to the closing centuries of the Iron Age.In East and Southern Africa, two important early Iron Age dates from Kenya have been released. Four dates for Ivuna salt-pans place the site as slightly later than the closing stages of the Kalambo Falls sequence. Two more problematical dates for Engaruka have been announced, as well as a date of A.D. 410 for the Iron Age in Swaziland.All dates given in this and subsequent lists are radiocarbon ages, rather than readings in calendar years.
The Swahili Community of Mombasa, 1500–1900
Authors: Berg F. J. 
Published: January 2009

The Swahili community of modern Mombasa is composed of an amalgam of the descendants of the city's early ‘Shirazi’ settlers and more recent immigrant Swahili groups, most of which migrated south to Mombasa Island during or after the sixteenth century. It appears likely that the ‘Shirazi’. dynasty and its retainers were themselves derived from older Swahili settlements along the southern Somali coast.After the ‘Shirazi’ polity was destroyed by. the Portuguese and their local allies in 1591–93, Mombasa's accretions of foreign Swahili gradually reorganized themselves into twelvemataifaor ‘tribes’. These twelvemataifagrouped themselves into two separate and sometimes hostile confederations, theThelatha Taifa(The Three) and theTisa Taifa(The Nine). Political unity was maintained by means of a loosely structured state system in which foreign dynasties of Omani Arabs, first the Mazrui and later the Busaidi, bridged the gap between the two confederations.During the Mazrui period (approximately 1735–1837), Mombasa was an independent city-state which enjoyed political hegemony over much of the Kenya and north Tanzania coasts. Under Busaidi rule (1837–95) the city lost its independence and was incorporated in the Zanzibar Sultanate. Differences between theThelatha Taifaand theTisa Taifaslowly faded during the Busaidi period and have almost disappeared since 1900. Though precolonial social and political structure is still perceptible in the modern Swahili community of Mombasa, it has for the most part become vestigial.
Aspects de L'Archeologie Ethiopienne
Authors: Anfray Francis 
Published: January 2009

Au premier millénaire avant notre ère, l'Ethiopie entre en contact avec la culture sémitique. Cette recontre donne lieu à l'élaboration assez rapide d'une synthèse où l'élément aborigène — les Proto-Ethiopiens — s'assimile une religion, des usages étrangers et se crée de nouveaux modes d'existence. Les plus anciens monuments archéologiques témoins de ce fait, trouvés sur les hauts plateaux du nord, datent des environs du cinquième siècle avant J.-C. Ce sont essentiellement des statues, un trône sculpté en pierre, des inscriptions ,des autels votifs. La culture éthiopienne de cette période dérive de la culture sudarabique, et s'en distingue. Un processus d'évolution est alors amorcé dont l'aboutissement sera l'instauration du pouvoir axoumite aux premiers siècles de l'ère, et la fondation d'Axoum comme capitale d'un royaume dont la durée s'étendra sur un millénaire.On peut diviser en trois périodes le déroulement de l'antiquité éthiopienne: période sudarabisante, période intermédiaire, et période axoumite. Deux sites illustrent les étapes de cette évolution: Matara, surtout par sa stratification, et Axoum où récemment une mission de l'Institut Ethiopien d'Archéologie a mis au jour les vestiges importants d'une demeure seigneuriale (château) de la période axoumite.Dans ce bilan de l'acquis nouveau en archéologie éthiopienne, nous donnons un bref aperçu des recherches en préhistoire et protohistoire. Les faits marquants sont principalement les résultats obtenus par une mission internationale dans la basse vallée de l'Omo (notamment, la découverte duParaustralopithecus aethiopicus) et les travaux de J. Chavaillon sur le site de Melka-Kontouré oà se trouvent en stratification quasiment toute la série des industries de la préhistoire africaine depuis la Pebble Culture.
Madagascar and Africa III.The Anteimoro: A Theocracy in Southeastern Madagascar
Authors: Kent R. K. 
Published: January 2009

The Anteimoro, last of the overseas migrants to settle in Madagascar, conclude the essential formation of the Malagasy people. From genealogies and early European accounts, it is estimated that two initial contingents of the Anteimoro reached Madagascar around 1490 and settled at Matitana by 1512. The last and final one arrived by 1540. As agroup, the Anteimoro were able to impose their own political and social structure on thetompontanyof Matitana. Through intermarriage, the Anteimoro adopted the Malagasy language while moving toward endogamy to preserve their distinct identity as well as aristocratic position.Alone in Madagascar, the Anteimoro developed a scribal tradition, manifested in countless Arabico-MalagasySora-bémanuscripts. One appears to antedate the 1600s, most were composed in the nineteenth century, but some are undoubtedly copies of earlierSora-bé. An old Anteimoro vocabulary reveals a much higher percentage of Arabic words than are found today. While Islam is now extremely diluted among them, due to the complete isolation of the Anteimoro, there is no doubt that they were once zealotic Muslims.The problem of their origin, explored by Grandidier, Ferrand and Julien, has been suspended between Arabia and the Swahili coast. Neither can be accepted. At least one genealogy shows a ‘pause’ of ten generations between the great ancestor of the Anteimoro in Madagascar and the last descendant of a line that had fled from Arabia. While there is no plausible alternative for this ‘pause’ other than Africa, the Swahili coast must be discounted in the absence ofanyarchitecture among the Anteimoro and of Swahili loan-words, phonemes and calligraphy. Attempts to see the etymon of Anteimoro (phon.temūrū) as Malagasy or as Swahili ‘Mahūrū’ (slaves) are also unsatisfactory. Imperfect as it may be, partial evidence points toTemur, a people of eastern or southern Ethiopia who vanished locally in the fifteenth century. It is also suggested that there were connexions with the Qadiriyyatarika, which Anteirnoro religious specialists sought to extend into Madagascar without success.
The Wandering Capitals of Ethiopia
Authors: Horvath Ronald J. 
Published: January 2009

The purpose of this essay has been twofold: first, to describe the wandering capitals of sixteenth and seventeenth-century Ethiopia, and secondly, to offer an explanation for the pattern of movement.Ethiopian wandering capitals possessed many of the characteristics that are often used to distinguish cities from other forms of settlement. Roving capitals were large and densely populated enough to qualify for city status, they performed an essentially urban role of administration, the capitals were heterogeneous socially, and representatives of the Ethiopian literati were present. The population of these capitals were for the most part only seasonally urban and seasonally rural. And yet, these capitals were not permanent.The explanation offered may be succinctly summarized as follows. Initially, military motives prompted the Ethiopianéiteto change their capitals from fixed to mobile settlements. These guerilla cities were adapted to in several ways. First, capitals moved to food supplies rather than supplies being moved to the capital. Secondly, capitals impoverished their current hinterlands. And thirdly, political integration of Ethiopia came eventually to depend on a mobile centre of polity. These three factors not only represent adaptations to nomadic capitals, but they in turn made a stabilization of capitals difficult. In other words, the very adaptations to the wandering capitals themselves had a feedback effect on the pattern of movement, and therefore contributed to a continuation of capital movement.
The Fall of the Bapedi of the North-Eastern Transvaal
Authors: Smith K. W. 
Published: January 2009

When the remnants of the Bapedi returned to their country after they had been driven from it by the Matabele, Sekwati strengthened the tribe so that attacks by the Boers, Zulus and Swazis were repulsed.When Sekhukhune succeeded to the chieftainship in 1861, his attempts at expanding Bapedi influence caused the South African Republic to declare war in 1876.After the annexation of the Transvaal by Great Britain, Sekhukhune resumed his empire building, and in March 1878 the Bapedi went on the warpath. Groups of hastily raised volunteers managed to contain the Bapedi in their strongholds, but after the failure of a British expedition in October 1878, offensive operations were abandoned until the end of the fever season in April–May 1879. Patrols were then once again active, when Sir Garnet Wolseley ordered a halt to all offensives; Sir Garnet himself arrived in the Transvaal in September 1879, and personally directed operations against Sekhukhune. A massive assault was made on the Bapedi stronghold on 28 November 1879; the Bapedi suffered a crushing defeat and the chief himself was captured.
Long-Distance Trade and States in the Niger Delta
Authors: Alagoa E. J. 
Published: January 2009

European trade in slaves from at least the seventeenth century, and in palm oil during the nineteenth century, has become established as a crucial factor in the development of states in the Niger Delta. However, there is already a dangerous tendency to see these external factors as the only forces responsible for the creation of states in the area. Oral traditional evidence is marshalled to show that internal long-distance trade with these states as focal points existed before European trade. Internal long-distance trade consisted of (i) a north-to-south axis mainly for the supply to the states of agricultural produce, for which salt and fish were exchanged; and (ii) an east-to-west axis between these states and places as far west as Lagos and the Ijebu country for trade in specialist goods produced in various localities.It is therefore stressed that the discussion of the admittedly great influence of European trade on the internal development of states in the Niger Delta needs to be qualified by an understanding of the prior existence of these states in some form, and of the internal long-distance trade that might have exercised similar great influence in the distant past.
Firearms in the Central Sudan
Authors: Fisher Humphrey J. , Rowland Virginia 
Published: January 2009

The earliest mention of firearms in the central Sudan appears to be from the time of Idris Alooma, ruler of Bornu in the latter part of the sixteenth century. Ibn Fartuwa says of Alooma:Among the benefits which God (Most High) of His bounty, beneficence, generosity, and constancy conferred upon the Sultan was the acquisition of Turkish musketeers and numerous household slaves who became skilled in firing muskets.
Reactions to Rinderpest in Southern Africa 1896–97
Authors: van Onselen C. 
Published: January 2009

Rinderpest, a highly contagious cattle disease which swept through southern Africa in 1896–7, has attracted little interest from historians. A more detailed consideration of its effect on a cattle-keeping peasantry within the context of an industrializing economy assists in illuminating some of the socio-economic and political forces operative in the 1890s.The spread of rinderpest was acompanied by widespread suspicion and rumour. Some Europeans thought that the disease was spread by Africans. Many Africans, for their part, were convinced that rinderpest was a product of the white man's malice. Over large areas rinderpest was accepted with an attitude of fatalism and resignation. In Basutoland and East Griqualand, however, local leaders emerged who were willing to utilize grievances and rumours stemming from rinderpest for attempts at mobilization for the wider objective of revolt.The loss of large numbers of cattle caused considerable social and economic distress in African communities. The transport system was paralysed in an economy dependent on the extensive use of the ox-wagon, and this resulted in price rises and profiteering in more remote areas. With the disappearance of the source of meat and milk Africans experienced considerable hardship and in some cases starvation. Forced into taking contingency action, activities ranged from planting vegetables to stock-thieving. Generally, however, the impoverishment of Africans caused by rinderpest contributed to the growing proletarianization of Africans and the process of labour migration. Rinderpest did not produce fundamental structural changes in Southern African society, but it did emphasize the processes which were to characterize industrial South Africa of the twentieth century.
Unis and Bna: the rôle of ‘Traditionalist’ parties in Niger, 1948–60
Authors: Fuglestad Finn 
Published: January 2009

The institutional framework imposed upon Niger in 1946, tended to function according to traditional political concepts, norms, notions and values. Hence the distinction established in this paper between ‘traditionalist’ (UNIS/BNA) and ‘modern’ political parties, refers to the degree of reliance upon this traditional culture and also to the degree to which party-leaders were able to manipulate the norms, notions, etc., of the traditional political systems, in order to gain influence within the new institutional framework. The French Administration, functioning largely as an indigenous chieftaincy, was to a certain extent forced to interfere in politics, since an electoral victory for a ‘modern’ political party (i.e. the évolués) would have to be interpreted—according to the logic of traditional political theory—as a loss of the ‘force’, ‘power’ or ‘luck’, without which the French could no longer be regarded as the legitimate rulers of Niger.If the French finally decided to collaborate with the évolués (and in the process disentangled themselves from the ‘chieftaincy-model’), it was because the évolués constituted the only group capable of grasping the intricate problems of economic development and of running a modern state.
L'impact des interets coloniaux: S.C.O.A. et C.F.A.O. dans L'Ouest Africain, 1910–1965
Authors: Coquery-Vidrovitch Catherine 
Published: January 2009

Par l'analyse comparée de l'évolution, depuis le début du siècle, des deux plus grandes firmes d'import-export de l'Afrique francophone, l'article teste une méthode d'analyse des bilans visant à préciser l'histoire des investissements privés dans l'Empire colonial français, en privilégiant tour à tour les analyses de conjoncture et le trend à long terme.Les firmes ont trouvé dès le milieu des années 20 leur extension géographique définitive. La C.F.A.O., représentative du commerce colonial marseillais, a toujours été plus timorée, mais aussi plus rentable dans le cadre restreint de ‘l'économie de traite’ coloniale. La S.C.O.A., plus dynamique et liée aux milieux bancaires, s'est montrée plus sensible à la conjoncture (crise de 1921 et grande Dépression), mais s'est reconvertie plus tôt aux méthodes financières contemporaines.Dans le long terme, ce qui ressort le plus nettement, c'est une croissance régulière des profits jusqu'au tournant de l'année-charnière 1952, qui marquait l'apogée de la hausse des cours des produits tropicaux. Au-delà, la détérioration accélérée des termes de l'échange et l'accroissement des charges sociales ébranlèrent les profits coloniaux ‘classiques’. C'est surtout depuis l'indépendance que les firmes ont modernisé leurs structures, caractérisées par l'ampleur nouvelle des investissements d'équipement, la diversification des activités et l'internationalisation des investissements.Néanmoins, l'investissement global reste médiocre, et le renversement tardif de la tendance confirme l'hypothèse d'un impérialisme colonial français archaïque et malthusien.
Migrations as Revolt: The Example of the Ivory Coast and the Upper Volta before 1945
Authors: Asiwaju A. I. 
Published: January 2009

This study is offered as a contribution to the literature on African protest movements during the era of colonial rule. Existing studies of migration emphasize the socio-economic aspects of motivation and have tended to gloss over or even omit migrations in which the dominant factor was disapproval of colonial policy. Existing studies of African protest movements focus on armed confrontations, perhaps because of their greater dramatic appeal.The case of the Ivory Coast and Upper Volta illustrates a phenomenon found in various parts of French West Africa and, indeed, in other colonies, particularly the Belgian and Portuguese territories. The causes of protest migrations were usually related to the same resentments which provoked revolt in localities where armed confrontation was the only option. These compelling factors included forced labour, burdensome taxation, conscription, requisitions and an attack on indigenous political institutions, notably chieftaincy. The use of repressive police measures, as manifested in the Native Penal and Indigénat Codes, exacerbated African discontent. Judging from the French reaction to the exodus from the Ivory Coast and Upper Volta, it is clear that migrations, as protests, proved far less costly to Africans and had much the same effect on the colonial authorities as did other more militant forms of protest and rebellion.
A Reconsideration of Hausa History before the Jihad
Authors: Fuglestad Finn 
Published: January 2009

It is argued in this paper that what happened in the region of Katsina in c. 1492–3 was not a dynastic change, but the establishment of the institution of ‘kingship’. This ‘kingship’ did not grow out of local pre-existing institutions. Rather, it was imposed on the kinship-society by the leaders of the new (Wangara) community of Muslim clerics and traders. These leaders aimed probably at creating a Muslim state in Katsina. However, owing to the resistance of the indigenous population, they failed to achieve this. Therefore, a rapprochement with the indigenous paramount animistic ‘priest-chief’—the durbi—was attempted. This led to the establishment of an institutional structure defined as ‘dual’ or ‘contrapuntal paramountcy’. Within this institutional structure the durbi became responsible for choosing the sarki or ‘king’. As a consequence, the institution of ‘kingship’ took on some of the characteristics of a ‘sacred’ animistic ‘kingship’.It is further suggested that the evolutionary process outlined for the region of Katsina was paralleled by similar processes in Yauri, Kano and Gobir, and possibly also Zaria. However, in Kano the institution of ‘kingship’ did not originate from within the new community of traders and clerics: rather, the Kano ‘kings’, whose power was traditionally circumscribed by that of the local ‘priest-chiefs’, tried to bring about revolutionary changes with the support of the Wangarawa. But they too apparently failed.It is suggested, finally, that the rapprochement achieved with the animistic ‘priest-chiefs’ alienated the community of clerics and traders; i.e. the community which constituted in a sense the very power-basis of the Hausa ‘kings’. This in turn may explain in part the jihad of 1804.
Mortality in the Eighteenth-Century French Slave Trade
Authors: Stein Robert 
Published: January 2009

The eighteenth-century French slave trade claimed the lives of at least 150,000 African captives and 20,000 French crewmembers. Traditionally, the ‘Middle Passage’ has been held responsible for these deaths, but detailed information from the port of Nantes shows that the time spent on the African coast could be just as deadly as the crossing, at least for the crew. During the century nearly 8 percent of the crews died along the coast, compared with 5 per cent at sea. The African death rate for the crew actually rose in the second half of the century because increased competition made for longer stays in Africa. At the same time, faster crossing times led to a decline in the death rate at sea and yielded a fairly constant overall rate for the century.The situation was somewhat different for the captives. Although the data are less comprehensive, they indicate a generally declining mortality rate during the century. This was due ultimately to reduced sailing times from Africa to the West Indies. Like the crewmembers, the captives benefited from the quicker crossings of the post-1763 period. Unlike the crew, however, captives were less affected by the increased time in African waters. More familiar with the African environment, they did not suffer as much from the extended stay along the coast, and by the end of the century slave mortality was lower than crew mortality. Unfortunately, the data are lacking to relate mortality either to trading sites in Africa or to Caribbean destinations.