bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Cold‐induced limb pain decreases sensitivity to pressure‐pain sensations in the ipsilateral forehead
Authors: Knudsen Lone , Drummond Peter D. 
Published: January 2009

AbstractThe aim of this study was to investigate the effect of unilateral limb pain on sensitivity to pain on each side of the forehead. In the first experiment, pressure‐pain thresholds and sharpness sensations were assessed on each side of the forehead in 45 healthy volunteers before and after a 10 °C cold pressor of the hand and in 18 controls who were not subjected to the cold pressor. In a second experiment, forehead sensitivity was assessed in 32 healthy volunteers before and after a 2 °C cold pressor. The assessments were repeated without the cold pressor, and before and after six successive 4 °C cold pressor tests. The 10 °C cold pressor did not influence forehead sensitivity, whereas the 2 °C cold pressor and the 4 °C cold pressor tests resulted in bilateral analgesia to sharpness and pressure. The analgesia to pressure was greater in the ipsilateral forehead. Stress‐induced analgesia and diffuse noxious inhibitory controls may have contributed to the analgesia to pressure‐pain and sharpness sensations bilaterally after the most painful cold pressor tests. The locus coeruleus inhibits ipsilateral nociceptive activity in dorsal horn neurons during limb inflammation, and thus may have mediated the ipsilateral component of analgesia. Pain‐evoked changes in forehead sensitivity differed for sharpness and pressure, possibly due to separate thalamic or cortical representations of cutaneous and deep tissue sensibility. These findings suggest that several mechanisms act concurrently to influence pain sensitivity at sites distant from a primary site of painful stimulation.
Spatial competences in Williams syndrome: a radial arm maze study
Authors: Mandolesi L. , Addona F. , Foti F. , Menghini D. , Petrosini L. , Vicari S. 
Published: January 2009

AbstractThis study was aimed at evaluating spatial function in subjects with Williams syndrome by using the radial arm maze task and comparing their spatial abilities with those of mental age‐matched control subjects. Two different paradigms were administered: the free‐choice version for analyzing the aspects linked mainly to procedural and mnesic components, the forced‐choice version for disentangling components linked to spatial working memory from the procedural ones.The findings evidenced a deficit in the acquisition of procedural competences as well as in the spatial memory processes in Williams subjects. In the free‐choice paradigm, they performed worse than control subjects on all parameters analyzed. Namely, they needed more time to complete the task, did not collect all rewards, exhibited low values of the spatial span as well as low percentages of correct visits, and displayed a reduced use of the most efficient exploration strategies. Even in the forced‐choice paradigm, Williams subjects made a number of errors significantly higher than control subjects.The marked impairment in spatial information processing is discussed on the light of neuro‐anatomical alterations reported in Williams subjects.
Consumer decision making and aging: A commentary from a public policy/marketing perspective
Authors: Goldberg Marvin E. 
Published: January 2009

AbstractEfforts to assist older adults with cognitive deficits can take one of three paths: law, education or marketing. Legal protections have proved insufficient. Government educational efforts are typically dryly factual and likely to go unheeded. With the growing size of the older adult market, the independent efforts of both for‐profit and social marketers to develop products and services that can help this population remain functionally healthy and independent are likely to be successful. Both governments and insurance companies should be motivated to help subsidize these entrepreneurial efforts given the considerably higher costs of caring for the elderly in an institution.
Perioperative administration of vedaprofen, tramadol or their combination does not interfere with platelet aggregation, bleeding time and biochemical variables in cats
Authors: Brondani Juliana T. , Luna Stelio P.L. , Marcello Gracy C.G. , Padovani Carlos R. 
Published: January 2009

A randomized double blind and placebo controlled design was used to investigate the hemostatic, biochemical, gastrointestinal and behavioral effects of pre- and postoperative administration of vedaprofen 0.5 mg/kg PO (V), tramadol 2 mg/kg SC (T), their association (VT) or placebo (P) in 40 adult female cats (3.0±0.32 kg; 1.8±0.7 years) distributed in groups of 10. Platelet aggregation and bleeding time were measured before and 52 h after ovariohysterectomy. Serum urea, creatinine, alanine aminotransferase, alkaline phosphatase and gamma-glutamyl transferase concentrations were measured before and 7 days postoperatively. The occurrence of vomiting, frequency and consistency of feces, and behavior were observed for 7 days postoperatively. Morphine (0.5 mg/kg, IM) was used as rescue analgesic. Laboratory variables did not change. Vomiting was observed only after morphine administration. Mild euphoria was observed in T and VT. The perioperative use of vedaprofen and/or tramadol did not modify the hemostatic, biochemical and gastrointestinal function in cats.
Long-term and short-term vertical velocity profiles across the forearc in the NE Japan subduction zone
Authors: Matsu'ura Tabito , Furusawa Akira , Saomoto Hidetaka 
Published: January 2009

AbstractWe estimated the long-term vertical velocity profile across the northeastern Japan forearc by using the height distribution of late Quaternary marine and fluvial terraces, and we correlated the ages of the two marine terraces with marine isotope stages (MIS) 5.5 and 5.3 or 5.1 by cryptotephra stratigraphy. The uplift rate, estimated as 0.11–0.19 m ka− 1from the relative heights between the terrace surfaces and eustatic sea levels, was nearly equal to, or slightly slower than, the uplift rate farther inland (0.15–0.19 m ka− 1), as determined from the relative heights of fill terrace surfaces. In contrast, the short-term vertical velocity profile, obtained from GPS observations, showed that the forearc is currently subsiding at a maximum rate of 5.4 ± 0.4 mm yr− 1. Thus, the current short-term (geodetic) subsidence does not reflect long-term (geological) tectonic movement. Short-term vertical deformation is probably driven by subduction erosion or elastic deformation caused by interplate coupling, or both. However, long-term uplift is probably due not to moment release on the mega-thrust but to crustal thickening.
Setting the Agenda in the U.S. Senate: A Theory of Problem Selection
Authors: Walker Jack L. 
Published: January 2009

The choice of issues for debate is of central importance in any political system. By deciding what they will decide about, legislators also establish the terms and the most prominent participants in debate and, ultimately, the distribution of power and influence in the society. As Schattschneider has pointed out:Political conflict is not like an intercollegiate debate in which the opponents agree in advance on a definition of the issues. As a matter of fact, the definition of the alternatives is the supreme instrument of power; the antagonists can rarely agree on what the issues are because power is involved in the definition. He who determines what politics is about runs the country, because the definition of alternatives is the choice of conflicts, and the choice of conflicts allocates power.
Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives
Authors: Vogel David 
Published: January 2009

The most characteristic, distinctive and persistent belief of American corporate executives is an underlying suspicion and mistrust of government. It distinguishes the American business community not only from every other bourgeoisie, but also from every other legitimate organization of political interests in American society. The scope of direct and indirect government support for corporate growth and profits does not belie this contention; on the contrary, it makes it all the more paradoxical. Why should the group in American society that has disproportionately benefited from governmental policies continue to remain distrustful of political intervention in the economy?It is of course possible to attribute at least some of the public distrust of government by members of the business community to political posturing; continually to denounce government is a way of assuring that the policies of government reflect corporate priorities. Wilbert E. Moore suggests:When businessmen did, and do, make extreme, ideologically oriented pronouncements on freedom from political interference, it is surely fair to say that they do not mean to be taken with total seriousness…Often, in fact, the sayers and the doers are not the same people… [T]he extreme spokesmen of business ideology are more often lawyers and public relations men than they are practicing executives…These are generally men, who like professors and Congressmen, ‘have never met a payroll’.
Electoral Forecasting from Poll Data: The British Case
Authors: Whiteley Paul 
Published: January 2009

Forecasting elections has long been regarded by political scientists as an interesting problem in its own right. But it assumes special importance for those countries that do not have fixed election dates. In Britain, for example, it is up to the prime minister to choose the date, within the statutory five year limit. Correct timing can clearly be crucial to the outcome, and the prime minister can be expected to go to considerable lengths to ensure that the election is called for the date most favourable to his party. But there lies the prime minister's problem: elections must be called three to four weeks before polling day. With what degree of accuracy can the result be forecast at the time the election is called?A small but interesting literature on election forecasting has emerged in recent years. The forecasting techniques used in this literature vary widely, from crude extrapolation to sophisticated model building. Up to now the emphasis has been on election night forecasting, in which the basic problem involves extracting the maximum amount of information from electoral returns, in order to forecast the outcome a few hours before it is finally known. For obvious reasons the techniques utilized in this context are of little use prior to election day.
The Urban Basis of Political Alignment: Social Class, Domestic Property Ownership, and State Intervention in Consumption Processes
Authors: Dunleavy Patrick 
Published: January 2009

The declining association between occupational class and political alignment in Britain has now been documented by a number of studies. For the political analyst the decline of a previously important cleavage must raise complex questions of causation. One of the most important possible explanations for such a change is that a new cleavage has arisen or grown in political significance so that its influence on political alignment cross-cuts that of the previous cleavage, blurring its impact and exposing sections of the population to contradictory or cross-pressuring influences. But political commentators in present-day Britain have apparently ruled this out as an explanation of the declining electoral influence of occupational class. Crewe, for example, remarks:It is difficult to think of any social cleavages or fundamental changes in the social structure in the last twenty years that could have affected national partisan alignments in any way comparable to the substitution of the religious cleavage by the class cleavage in the first three decades of this century. Glacially slow changes in the British social structure have undoubtedly taken place. The emergence of coloured immigrant communities, the growth of white collar employment (and of white collar ‘trade unionism’), the movement of agricultural workers to the towns and their displacement by commuters and the retired rich, a further secularization and a growing disparity of income between the organized and unorganized working class are all cases in point. But in all these cases, shifts in party support have been small, often only temporary, and always localized; no shift in the social structure has produced an enduring, nationwide realignment of party support since 1945.
The Growth of Public Welfare Provision: Does Politics Matter?
Authors: Roweth Barbara , Gould Frank , King Desmond S. 
Published: January 2009

In their article – ‘Public Welfare Provision, Scandinavia, and the Sheer Futility of the Sociological Approach to Polities’ – Castles and McKinlay claim to have demonstrated thattwo factors contribute to and explain the particularly high levels of public welfare provision in Scandinavian countries [compared to other advanced, industrial democratic states]. The absence of a large right-wing party establishes the initial necessary condition that removes the primary barrier to the development of welfare provision. The historic strength and unity of the working-class movement, reflected in the dominance of social democracy, is the factor which is then responsible for the development of public welfare to its current high level.
The Electoral Consequences of Gender in Australia
Authors: Kelley Jonathan , McAllister Ian 
Published: January 2009

The increasing importance of women in politics is a common feature of almost all advanced industrial societies. Women have become increasingly active in most aspects of political life during the 1970s: as voters, as lobbyists and, perhaps most significantly of all, as candidates for election to public office. The traditional prejudice against women in public life, which assumes women to be less suited to politics by temperament and training, suggests that they could be expected to receive fewer votes than men in an election. But it is unclear to what extent this prejudice has been mitigated by the broad changes which have taken place in women's roles in recent years. Can we still expect women candidates to fare less well than their male counterparts?Such eviddce as there is in Australia suggests that the parties are less likely to nominate women but that, once nominated, women candidates fare neither better nor worse than men. Sawer concludes that ‘the differential electoral fortunes of male and female candidates has always reflected the failure to pre-select women for safe and winnable seats, not any failure to win votes.’ In a similar vein Mackerras argues that ‘the average performance of women is neither better nor worse than that of men. Women will be elected when parties select them for winnable seats.’ Research in the United States and Britain also suggests that a candidate's sex does not matter: Darcy and Schramm found that sex did not matter in the United States, controlling for incumbency and party, and in an analysis of three British general elections, Hills concluded that ‘the gender of a candidate makes only a very small difference to the voters.’
Are the Liverpool Liberals Really Different? A Path Analytic Interpretation of Local Voting in Liverpool 1973–82
Authors: Laver Michael 
Published: January 2009

It has already been demonstrated that part of the success of the Liverpool Liberals in local elections can be attributed to split-ticket voting by Liverpool electors. In May 1979, when city council and Westminster elections took place simultaneously, substantial proportions of voters went into a polling booth and voted for different parties at local and national level. This note attempts a further investigation of the basis of Liberal support in Liverpool local elections. Its main purpose is to test two hypotheses.1. ‘Liberal voting displays a weaker causal linkage to the socio-economic structure of Liverpool wards than does voting for the other two parties.’2. ‘Liberal voting is much more directly related to ward turnout than is voting for the other two parties.’
Labour Party Politics and the Working Class: Problems of Validity
Authors: Mughan Anthony 
Published: January 2009

Steven Beackon's ‘Labour Party Politics and the Working Class’ (this Journal, VI (1976), 231–8) highlights a common problem in political science research, an inadequate concern for the validity of measuring instruments.On the basis of six statements, the first three of which are claimed to be of an explicitly class character whilst the other three are not, Beackon classifies Labour party activists into those who perceived the party as a class party and those who did not. The weak discriminatory power of these statements is evidenced by their failure to assign fully 39 per cent of the respondents to either category. This third group of activists was labelled ‘Ambivalents’. An assessment of the measuring instrument's face validity, however, suggests that this ambivalence is due not so much to these activists' ambiguous perceptions of the party as to the shortcomings of the instrument itself.
Response to Polsby and Wekkin
Authors: Reiter Howard L. 
Published: January 2009

First I would like to thank Professors Polsby and Wekkin for their thoughtful comments on my article. I am also grateful to the Editors of the Journal for providing this forum for us to exchange our views.Professor Polsby's first comment is that I have misinterpreted his position on the causes of the current sorry state of American political parties. In reply, I shall focus on his book, which provides the most elaborate development of his thoughts on the subject. The passage he cites in his third footnote is one of at least four which seem to agree with the thrust of my argument. however, in the context of a book that is, after all, entitled Consequences of party Reform, these qualifications are peripheral indeed.
Some Recent Work in Public Choice
Authors: McLean Iain 
Published: January 2009

The standing of the public choice approach to politics is ambiguous. Most people now accept that there is something in it, even if the ‘something’ is restricted to Arrow'sSocial Choice and Individual Values, Downs'sAn Economic Theory of Democracy, Olson'sThe Logic of Collective Action, and (perhaps) Riker'sThe Theory of Political Coalitions. The Logic, for instance, is a cult abbreviation propagated by Olson himself but accepted by others. Three new adjectives (Downsian, Arrovian and Olsonian) are now established, although I have not yet found ‘Rikerian’. By analogy (Keynesian,The General Theory), the language seems to denote acceptance. But the seminal works (they are always seminal, as dawn in the Odyssey is always rosy-fingered) came out between 1951 and 1965; so where are their successors? Why have they had relatively little impact on student texts and informed public opinion? In short, what has been going on?A very great deal, in fact. The first generation proposed bold hypotheses; their successors have put enormous efforts into refining them and proposing new ones, and (unfortunately) rather limited efforts into testing them. There have been four main lines of development. It would be impossible to review all four critically in a single article; therefore I make only fairly brief comments on the first three and devote most of this article to the fourth, which I think is one of the most promising and of the greatest interest to political scientists.
More Power to the Soviets? Reform and Local Government in the Soviet Union
Authors: Slider Darrell 
Published: January 2009

In recent years the chief emphasis of Soviet legislation on urban administration has been to expand the rights and responsibilities of city governments in planning and co-ordinating economic activities within their territory. Very little has been done, however, to enhance the power of city Soviets so that they might actually carry out these new responsibilities. The same problems that historically have plagued local Soviets continue to undermine their capabilities. Chief among these problems are the following:1. Insufficient powervis-à-visthe ministries; in most decisions concerning enterprises subordinate to all-union (Moscow-based) or republic-level ministries, the local soviet has little influence. With the exception of Khrushchev's short-livedsovnarkhozreform, which dismantled most of the central ministries and attempted to expand the power of regional authorities over economic decision-making, the branch principle of management has been dominant ever since the beginning of Stalin's industrialization drive. The most powerful actors are the ministries located in Moscow or in the republic capitals. A large percentage of the money invested in the construction of housing, cultural facilities and the urban infrastructure is not part of the budget of the local soviet. Instead, such facilities are financed out of funds that the ministries allocate to enterprises for these purposes. In the mid-1970s, ministries paid for and supervised the construction of 70 per cent of housing and 65 per cent of new kindergartens and nurseries. The result is that facilities are built according to the interests of the ministries rather than in response to more general, local needs.
State Structures and Clientelism: The French State Versus the ‘Notaires’
Authors: Suleiman Ezra N. 
Published: January 2009

The autonomy of a state is thought to depend on the state's structures. This widely accepted view of the policy-making process has given rise to an uncontested assertion: states that possess centralized administrative structures are better able than decentralized states to formulate and implement policies independently of societal pressures.Is a decentralized state more permeable than a centralized one? We seek to answer this question by treating it as a hypothesis. The empirical material derives from a case study of a reform project proposed by the French state and objected to by the group in question, thenotaires.
The Effects of Candidate Gender on Voting for Local Office in England
Authors: Welch Susan , Studlar Donley T. 
Published: January 2009

There has been considerable controversy over the reasons why women hold less than 20 per cent of all local council offices in England. Using a simple model of the votes a candidate might be expected to receive, this Note uses data from the 1985 English non-metropolitan county council elections to shed light on the paucity of women in local elected office. Our analysis evaluates the following alternative explanations for the low proportions of women in local office:1. Relatively few women are selected by parties to run for local office;2. Parties tend to nominate their women candidates for unwinnable races;3. Voters disproportionately vote against women candidates.
The Impact of Structural and Ideological Party Cleavages in West European Democracies: A Comparative Empirical Analysis
Authors: Knutsen Oddbjørn 
Published: January 2009

This article examines the relative impact of different political cleavages on party preference in a comparative West European context. The point of departure is the so-called ‘new polities’ theory, which postulates that the value polarization between materialist and post-materialist (MPM) political orientation is a new and increasingly important dimension in this respect.The findings from ten West European democracies confirm that the MPM cleavage is an important party cleavage in most of the countries examined, although the traditional structural cleavages are still most important from a causal perspective. The MPM dimension does not, however, have the largest impact in the most advanced industrial democracies, something new politics theory appears to contend. Another ideological cleavage dimension – ‘Left-Right Materialism’ – is also an important party cleavage, and appears to have most impact in the most advanced (post-industrial) West European countries.