bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Caspofungin as Primary Antifungal Prophylaxis in Stem Cell Transplant Recipients
Authors: Chou Lillian S. , Lewis Russell E. , Ippoliti Cindy , Champlin Richard E. , Kontoyiannis Dimitrios P. 
Published: November 2007

Study Objectives. To assess the effectiveness and tolerability of caspofungin as primary prophylaxis against invasive fungal infections in stem cell transplant recipients who are poor candidates for triazole or lipid amphotericin B prophylaxis due to renal or hepatic dysfunction, and to determine whether any patient characteristics are independently associated with an increased risk of breakthrough invasive fungal infection during caspofungin prophylaxis.Design. Retrospective medical record review.Setting. Tertiary care comprehensive cancer center.Patients. One hundred twenty‐three adult stem cell transplant recipients who received caspofungin 35–50 mg/day for up to 100 days after transplantation as primary antifungal prophylaxis between January 1, 2002, and June 30, 2005.Measurements and Main Results. Data were collected on host and transplant characteristics such as transplant type, neutropenia, graft‐versus‐host disease (GVHD), and corticosteroid use, as well as evidence of break‐through invasive fungal infections. Of the 123 patients, 117 (95.1%) were allogeneic recipients, and the median time to engraftment was 12 days (range 6–26 days). Fifty (40.7%) of the patients developed GVHD of grade 2 or greater and received corticosteroids for more than 21 days. Median duration of caspofungin prophylaxis was 73 days (range 10–100 days). Nine patients (7.3%) developed breakthrough invasive fungal infections (two cases of mixed Aspergillus species and one each of Aspergillus terreus, Rhizopus, Exserohilum, an unspecified mold, Cryptococcus, Candida glabrata, and Candida tropicalis). Median time to invasive fungal infection development was 65 days (range 12–88 days). Only one case occurred during the neutropenic period before engraftment. Multivariate analysis showed that Pseudomonas coinfection (p=0.04) and infliximab therapy (p=0.02) were associated with breakthrough invasive fungal infections in patients receiving caspofungin. By day 100, there were five (4.1%) deaths, two of which were directly attributable to invasive fungal infections. No caspofungin‐related adverse events were reported.Conclusion. Caspofungin seems to be an effective and well‐tolerated option for primary antifungal prophylaxis in the highly immunosuppressed stem cell transplant patient population.
The Myth of William Morris
Authors: Wiener Martin J. 
Published: November 2007

A few years ago the iconoclastic architectural scholar Reyner Banham declared: William Morris's “ruralizing vision of John Ball's other island as a vast medieval dude-ranch full of bit players addressing one another as ‘Neighbour’ just doesn't stand up.” Surely not, if this indeed was Morris's vision. Yet did this vision originate with Morris or with certain of his interpreters?E. P. Thompson has called attention to the growth of a “Morris myth.” Thompson argued that William Morris's revolutionism, and specifically, Marxism, had been buried under layers of praise (and disparagement) for a fictitious—and socially harmless—character. This mythic Morris was a mixture of romantic poet and traditional craftsman, in love with old English countryside and old English folk life. As such, he could be—and was—embraced by Liberals, Tories, and right-wing socialists.Thompson's observation was not the first such, nor the last. By now these protests have altered the commonly accepted view of Morris, and we see the revolutionary within the medievalist, the communist within the craftsman. Yet no one has asked why the myth flourished. Thompson, like R. Page Arnot more briefly before him, saw this myth, properly, as something more than a simple mistake. Thompson followed the Marxist lead of Arnot in implying deliberate distortion for class purposes.
Robert of Meulan and Raison d'État in the Anglo-Norman State, 1093–1118
Authors: Vaughn Sally N. 
Published: November 2007

In 1097, King William Rufus of England was engaged in a campaign to conquer the county of Maine. When he succeeded in capturing Count Elias of Maine, the count begged Rufus to allow him to serve the Anglo-Norman king as count of Maine, and to participate in his inner council. Moved by his chivalrous instincts, Rufus agreed. But the king's chief advisor, Count Robert of Meulan, counselled that to admit a conquered enemy to one's innermost council only invited perfidy and rebellion, and gave him means to do greater injury. Rufus immediately changed his mind and assumed the governance of Maine himself.Orderic Vitalis reports this event with some ambiguity, approving of the wisdom of Robert's advice, but mourning Rufus's abandonment of traditional chivalrous behavior. He attributes to Count Robert motives of preserving his own position as chief advisor to the king, rather than notions of service or loyalty. Such motives of self-interest would be consistent with traditional baronial practices. But the advice was sensible and practical, and clearly to the king's advantage in an objective, political sense, despite Orderic's fondness for Count Elias. It is an early example of a change taking place in Anglo-Norman politics—a change of which Robert of Meulan appears to have been the architect.
Jeremy Bentham: Businessman or “Philanthropist”?
Authors: Bader William C. 
Published: November 2007

Professor Gertrude Himmelfarb, in her stimulating essay, “The Haunted House of Jeremy Bentham,” examines Bentham's projected prison, the Panopticon, in order to reassess prevalent views of Philosophical Radicalism and its founder. She rightly directs attention to the central importance of the Panopticon in Bentham's doctrine, but her interpretation of its significance is, I believe, wide of the mark.The major object of Ms. Himmelfarb's essay is to note and explain the extraordinary personal involvement—the obsession—of Bentham with this his most cherished project. Bentham not only waged a battle with Parliament stretching across decades to win acceptance of his plan; but, more importantly, he intended that he himself become the first warden of his novel prison. In later years, he still could not reconcile himself to defeat. Ms. Himmelfarb sees in the warden Bentham's alto ego. Bentham's scheme places the warden, the contract manager, at the literal center of the Panopticon. Invisible and apparently omniscient, all power is vested in him without any formal regulatory authority reserved to the government. The contract manager is absolute within his realm. Ms. Himmelfarb concludes that such a striking departure from conventional penal principles indicates a plan tailored to suit the personal needs and wishes of its author. There is “a poetic Tightness' to Bentham's attempt personally to play the part he had written for himself. Even if this touch were lacking, “one would be tempted to assume” psychological identification. However, Ms. Himmelfarb is able to give only one specific meaning to this identification she so rightly intuits: the Panopticon is a design for the unmitigated economic exploitation of an unfortunate few for the pecuniary advantage of society in general and the warden, Jeremy Bentham, in particular.
Scotland and the Glorious Revolution of 1688
Authors: Barnes Robert Paul 
Published: November 2007

While the English Glorious Revolution has been the subject of considerable investigation, the Scottish phase of this vital conflict has been virtually ignored. The purpose of this paper is to look briefly at the degree of Scottish participation in the revolutionary events of 1688. It is not my intention to investigate either the underlying or the immediate reasons for the ousting of James VII & II from the thrones of Scotland and England, for that would necessitate a a detailed consideration of James's policy of political and religious despotism.It would be a very rash judgment to charge any single person or event with catapulting the Scottish nation into revolution. Yet, if ever one person came close to individually fomenting a revolution, that person was James VII of the ill-fated house of Stuart. In Scotland James's attempts to cajole, bribe, or threaten influential men into lending their support to Roman Catholic relief was without success. His personal policy of religious oppression and arbitrary rule progressively alienated politically important segments of his Protestant kingdom so that by 1688, despite their differences and personal rivalries, they coalesced to a degree that left the king virtually isolated in Scotland. The failure of James's policies had created a situation ripe for revolution. Nevertheless, there is no evidence of any readiness on the part of the Scots to initiate such a revolt. However much one might wish to be able to point to the catalyst of revolution in Scotland, one is still left with the hard fact that from June to October 1688, while Englishmen plotted their revolution and William of Orange prepared his invasion, Scotsmen remained loyal to their native king, and Scottish royal administration continued its rule virtually unchallenged by dissenters. James's rule may have been detested by the majority of Scotsmen, but Scotland was too weak a nation to unilaterally overthrow a monarch who also commanded the superior strength and resources of England. Scottish hesitancy to precipitate a revolution persisted despite the fact that the birth of the Prince of Wales in June 1688 seemed to assure the permanence of the hated Catholic regime.
Henry Fielding and Eliza Haywood: A Twenty Year War
Authors: Elwood John R. 
Published: November 2007

Although Henry Fielding may not always have been fully aware of his participation in it, he and the colorful Mrs. Eliza Haywood conducted a feud which began in 1730 and did not end until 1752. There was a time of apparent peace between them when Mrs. Haywood worked for Fielding at the Little Theatre in the Haymarket in 1736 and 1737, a fact which may account for Fielding scholars being aware only of the final engagements in 1751 and 1752 when Mrs. Haywood launched an attack upon Fielding in the course of her heroine's adventures inThe History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless, and Fielding apparently retaliated by bringing a B— T— to trial in hisCovent Garden Journal, charging her with dullness. There had, however, been earlier action which makes clear that Mrs. Haywood felt herself to be a woman scorned; and, that although she had been attacked in print by other writers of her day, it was the scorn of Fielding she could least bear.Up to now it has been Mrs. Haywood's attack upon Fielding in BetsyThoughtlessthat has been the puzzler. G.F. Whicher, her biographer, could give no satisfactory explanation, calling it “An outburst of unexplained virulence.” Fielding scholars add little more. They do not, indeed, go much beyond Austin Dobson's:The isolated irrelevance of the quotation seems to indicate some unexplained irritation on the part of its writer. But, as far as we are aware. Fielding, who mentions Mrs. Charlotte Lenox, never once speaks of Mrs. Haywood, although, oddly enough, one of her earlier dramatic efforts had been (with the aid of a Mr. Hatchett) to turn Fielding's ‘Tragedy of Tragedies’ into an opera.
Elizabethan Foreign Policy in Microcosm: The Portuguese Pretender, 1580–89
Authors: McBride Gordon K. 
Published: November 2007

Among the numerous preoccupations of historians one of the most persistent concerns the political and diplomatic skill of England's Elizabeth I. From the two extremes of James Anthony Froude and Elizabeth Jenkins through the judicious work of J. E. Neale, scholars have long been frustrated by the English queen's apparent inconsistency, though dazzled by the brilliance of her reign. The result is a plethora of argument. It is the attempt here to illuminate Elizabethan foreign policy by isolating one minor aspect of it: the career of the Portuguese Pretender, Don Antonio. Hopefully the result will be a slightly clearer perception of that most illusive lady.It can be asserted that two interests went to the very heart of foreign affairs in the reign of Elizabeth I: the encouragement of English maritime expansion and the resolve to keep the Netherlands from absolute domination by a major continental state. The maelstrom of international events in the second half of the sixteenth century placed both of these policies in stark juxtaposition to the interests of Spain, the greatest state of the age and the spear's tip of the militant Counter-Reformation.By 1580 Anglo-Spanish relations had suffered a steady deterioration for two decades. The might of Philip II of Spain appeared boundless. Then in that year Philip's power grew perceptibly greater by the acquisition of the Portuguese throne, the significance of which did not escape the English. Had it not been for a persistent rival-Don Antonio, the Prior of Crato—King Philip might have conquered an old and respected kingdom with no more effort than it took to lace his boots.
George Orwell and the Victorian Radical Tradition
Authors: Beadle Gordon B. 
Published: November 2007

Since his death in 1950, at the age of forty-six, George Orwell's personal following and literary reputation have grown so steadily that he has become the most widely read English writer of his generation. Orwell's name has come to evoke almost universal recognition as a kind of legendary symbol of resistance to political dishonesty, hypocrisy, and totalitarianism. But in spite of his popularity, he remains a strangely enigmatic figure and a source of continuing controversy among critics and historians.The initial critical studies of Orwell and his work were often little more than highly partisan attempts to define or dismiss Orwell as an anarchist, a disillusioned socialist, or a conservative reactionary. The shortcomings of this critical approach, which was once virtually an obsession with the politically committed critics of Orwell's generation, have become increasingly obvious. Orwell was one of the most politically “engaged” writers of the twentieth century, but the precise nature of his political posture simply cannot be defined and analyzed within the context of any identifiably modern political ideology, party, or movement. During his politically active years, Orwell enthusiastically supported a wide variety of radical causes and revolutionary reforms, but the political and intellectual conformity demanded by the modern parties of the Left seems always to have been at odds with his well-developed sense of intellectual honesty and personal integrity. As Anthony Powell has observed, “Orwell could never be integrated into any normal party machine. His reputation for integrity might be invoked, his capacity for martyrdom relied on, his talent for pamphleteering made use of, but he could never be trusted not to let some devastatingly unwelcome cat out of the political bag.”
Continuity and Discontinuity: Professor Neale and the Two Worlds of Elizabethan Government
Authors: Hill Lamar M. 
Published: November 2007

There is a story told among English historians about two enterprising and perceptive young scholars who, more than fifty years ago, determined that their common interest in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Parliaments could best be served by a fundamental division of labor. One of them, Professor Wallace Notestein, took as his province the early Stuart Parliaments while the other, Professor John Neale, took the Elizabethan Parliaments as his own. Elaborations of this story tell us that while Notestein had a goodly collection of diaries and journals to work with in his studies, Neale was less well served by the evidence; thus he was forced to cut accordingly his scholarly coat. This led to a parliamentary history which concentrated upon a limited range of important constitutional issues: the succession, the religious settlement, and the privileges of the House. Neale excluded from his study any account of the economic and social legislation of his period. On the other hand, Notestein, who had more material to work with, was able to produce a more encompassing history which took into account the economic and social legislation as well as the structure of English government in its many parts.Neale has dominated the field by the sheer volume of his work, by the apparent comprehensiveness of his evidence, and by the elegance of his style. His interpretation of the Elizabethan period has come to be cited as authority, and it has colored the writings of many younger historians. For the novice scholar, however, Neale's histories are fraught with hidden difficulties. Neale provided no caveat to warn the reader of his limited range of topics. Because of the scope of his work and the clarity of his argument, the student is often left with the impression that the only issues which were significant were the constitutional issues, and that the only goal of politically ambitious Elizabethan Englishmen was a seat in Parliament.
The English Landscape Garden in the Eighteenth Century: The Cultural Importance of an English Institution
Authors: Bassin Joan 
Published: November 2007

Art historians and cultural historians have noted what appears to be a puzzle in eighteenth-century history, a puzzle which emerges from an apparent conflict of the following trend: as English country houses became more and more classical, the gardens around them became less so. That is, as architecture progressively conformed to the principles of universal order and mathematical geometry embodied in the Palladian ideal, gardens seemed to repudiate those same principles, embracing irregularity and particularity. Another apparently contradictory trend is noteworthy: as country houses became smaller through the eighteenth century, the gardens around them became larger. By the later eighteenth century people of means seem to have preferred smallish houses in acres of parkland, rather than enormous houses in small, formal gardens.There are two possible ways of approaching this problem. The first is simply to ignore the contradiction and accept the houses and gardens as products of separate traditions. Most art historians have done this, fitting the houses and gardens respectively into the classical and romantic traditions. The houses are said to be classical in style because they were intended to appeal to the reasoning faculties of the Enlightenment mind, while the gardens are called romantic because they were designed to appeal principally to the subjective and non-rational faculties, the senses and the emotions. The puzzle of classical houses in romantic gardens simply does not arise when an author such as Hussey, for example, examines the history of gardens, or when Summerson writes about the classical country house.
The Career of Sir Eyre Crowe: A Reassessment
Authors: Cosgrove Richard A. 
Published: November 2007

Among the myths of the origins of World War I is that of the ability of obscure bureaucrats to influence the foreign policy of their country through intrigue and deceit. The foremost example in the volumious literature involved the unlimited capacity for evil attributed to Friedrich von Holstein of the German Foreign Office. One of his contemporaries left the. following portrait: “His life was devoted to poisoning human and international relationships. Holstein's diplomacy by intrigue, his vicious disloyalties, and the way he placed his own revengeful purposes before his country's good contributed largely towards the outbreak of the First World War.” Labeled the Grey Eminence of the Wilhelmstrasse in the aftermath of defeat, Holstein became the scapegoat for the disasters of German diplomacy in 1914.Other bureaucrats of the pre-war era whose careers followed a similar pattern have received like treatment. On the British side, it was asserted, there operated a civil servant whose anti-German animus steered Britain into conflict with Germany. Allegedly possessing a fatal fascination for Sir Edward Grey, Sir Eyre Crowe was credited by historians with enormous surreptitious influence. The hostility toward Germany manifested by Great Britain in the decade prior to 1914, the argument runs, reflected Crowe's personal hatred and suspicion of German power. “The vast influence exercised by Sir Eyre Crowe upon British policy between 1908 and 1914,” wrote the distinguished Austrian historian A. F. Pribram in 1951, “only became generally known outside the Foreign Office, and especially abroad, in recent years.” Apologists for Germany cited Crowe as the prime mover of British policy, and one German historian termed him the ‘böse Geist’ [evil spirit] of the British Foreign Office.
Samuel Smiles and the Origins of “Self-Help”: Reform and the New Enlightenment
Authors: Travers T.H.E. 
Published: November 2007

[J.S.] Mill played two philosophic roles. Sometimes he preferred the role of Coleridgian philosopher who was broadly concerned with human culture and, within the context it provided, with “moral regeneration” as the most appropriate means for the improvement of mankind. On other occasions he gave greater prominence to a more narrowly conceived philosophic role; then he emphasized change in political institutions, instead of moral regeneration, as the means of improving mankind.*Samuel Smiles' popular book Self-Help (1859) is usually cited as a convenient example of mid-Victorian individualism and middle class values. Yet the source and meaning of the self-help ideal is not to be found in the 1850's. Instead, the historian must first turn to eighteenth century values.The article will therefore trace the intellectual origins of Smiles' ideal of self-help, and show that it was strongly influenced by Enlightenment concepts. Secondly, and a central theme of the article, it will be argued that Smiles' ideal of self-help in fact consisted of two avenues to reform-one active and one passive-and that these avenues to reform can only be understood in the context of the intellectual origins of the self-help ideal. Thirdly, the paper will analyse the continuing relationship between the active and passive components of Smiles' avenues to reform, and will contend that between the 1830's and the publication of Self-Help, Smiles' ideal of self-help as two modes of reform remained consistent. In order to support these claims the article will trace the development of Smiles' thought, concentrating firstly on Smiles' earliest book, Physical Education (1838), then on his time as editor of the reforming Leeds Times (1839-1845), and finally on his place in the health and education reform movements of the late 1840's and early 1850's leading into the writing of Self-Help (1859).