bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Politics: American and Non-American
Authors: Berger Suzanne 
Published: April 2006

Tocqueville, considering how Americans compare their nation with others, observed that general ideas about politics testify to the weakness of human intelligence. “The Deity does not regard the human race collectively.… Such is, however, not the case with man. … Having superficially considered a certain number of objects, and remarked their resemblance, he assigns to them a common name, sets them apart, and proceeds onwards.”As it is for human beings, so, too, for political scientists. And of the generalizations which have helped Americans and American political scientists organize the confusing mass of differences and similarities between this country and others, none has been more important and enduring than the notion of the uniqueness of the American political community. This conception is reflected in the split within the discipline between those who study the U.S. political system and those who study comparative politics, a field understood to encompass various foreign countries. The rubric that in the American Political Science Review until the 1950s used to read “Foreign Governments and Politics” has been replaced by a subsection of the book reviews that is entitled “Comparative Politics.” But today as in the past, it is rare to find teaching or research in political science that truly integrates the analysis of American politics within a comparative framework.Why this should remain the case is difficult to understand, for over the past half-century there have been many shifts in the discipline and in the world that challenged the premises of research based on American exceptionalism. Already in the interwar period, significant work in political science was moving beyond configurative case studies of individual countries. C. J. Friedrich's important Constitutional Government and Democracy (1937), indeed, included the United States in its examination of how well certain general political theories explained the experiences of major political systems. Whatever reservations one might have had about the methodologies of comparative research on which Friedrich relied, the broad influence of his work promised a new integration of American politics into an expanded field of comparative politics.
Political Scientists as Professional Observers
Authors: Shafer Byron E. 
Published: April 2006

Walter Beach has provided a roster of political scientists as delegates and alternates to national party conventions and short essays by a number of them. Elaine Kamarck and John Bibby have contributed some more extended thoughts on political scientists as campaign operatives and party officials at national party conventions. And I have been asked to add a few words on political scientists as, well, political scientists in the same locale.I doubt that many political scientists who have been convention delegates would trade the experience. Delegate status is not a particularly good way to observe the full convention as an institution, or to get a sense of the convention in the larger political system. But it is the best means for examining the micropolitics of the convention, i.e., the small discussions and bargains, or the utilization of a delegate's time, and it is perhaps the quintessential way to develop an appreciation for the impact of the convention as a social context—as a peculiar, small, short-lived world unto itself.
Strategy and Choice in the 1982 Congressional Elections
Authors: Jacobson Gary C. , Kernell Samuel 
Published: April 2006

Common to both political folk wisdom and political science is the idea that the mid-term congressional election is a referendum on the performance of the current administration. The more popular a president and the more successful his policies, the better his party does at the midterm. The president's party almost invariably loses some congressional seats in off-year elections (since the Civil War the president's party has added House seats only once—in 1934—though it occasionally picks up Senate seats). But the extent of its losses varies widely (from one to 56 House seats in postwar midterms), depending, so the theory goes, on how the electorate rates the administration's performance.The 1982 congressional elections will, in this view, be a referendum on President Reagan's administration and in particular on his economic policies, which have been the focus of political attention since inauguration day. If this is true, then economic conditions prevalent through the spring of 1982 (a potentially devastating combination of deep recession, high unemployment, and high interest rates) and Reagan's shaky support in the polls (less than 50 percent approving his performance in all Gallup surveys during the first four months of 1982), portend a Republican disaster of major proportions in the fall.Remarkably, almost no one is seriously predicting anything of the kind. And it may indeed be a mistake to bet on enormous Republican losses—partly, we will argue, because they are not widely anticipated.
Building Support for the ERA: A Case of “Too Much, Too Late”
Authors: Boles Janet K. 
Published: April 2006

A case can be made that non-ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is a classic example of “snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.” After all, the ERA had received overwhelming support in both houses of Congress, passing by a vote of 354 to 23 in the House and 84 to 8 in the Senate. Both major political parties had repeatedly supported the ERA in their national party platforms; not until 1980 did one party (the Republican) adopt a stance of neutrality. Every President from Truman to Carter had endorsed the amendment. And, by the end of the campaign for state ratification, more than 450 organizations with a total membership of over 50 million were on record in support of the ERA. While the amendment was before Congress in 1970-72, lobbying for the ERA was heavy and well-organized, and no countervailing forces were ever mobilized in any effective way. In view of this broad base of political and public support for the amendment, and little visible opposition, a reasonable prognosis in 1972 was that it would be ratified by the required 38 states long before the original deadline of March 22, 1979, set by Congress.However, the ratification process was far more complex than either political observers or amendment supporters recognized initially. Although an intensive lobbying effort had been waged to push the amendment through Congress, supporters naively believed that it would be quickly ratified in the absence of pre-existing state groups poised to press for passage and without major allocation of national organizations' resources.
The Washington Restaurant: A Socio-Economic Congestion Strategy
Authors: Crutcher Anne 
Published: April 2006

As any political scientist knows, it isn't just the formal institutions of government that make a society go; it's the mediating structures. Such as restaurants.Washington, D.C., once a wasteland of southern hotel food redeemed only by Chesapeake Bay crabs and oysters, is now a city where not even the most fastidious need brown-bag it to feel well fed. There's a restaurant for every taste and budget. What's more, there's Metro and a pretty good supply of taxis for getting to them. Some are within walking distance of the Hilton.A few words of general counsel. If invited to the White House, the Senate dining room, the House restaurant, the Cosmos Club or the National Press Club, go, but for the company rather than the cuisine. Among these, culinarily speaking, the White House is the best and the Press Club the worst.
The Anti-Nuclear Weapons Movements
Authors: Mandelbaum Michael 
Published: April 2006

Of all modern machines, indeed of all the artifacts of modern culture, the bomb is the most frightening. It is the most dangerous of all human inventions. The American, European, and Soviet people have always known how dangerous it is. They have, nevertheless, left nuclear weapons in the hands of the nuclear priesthood. (In the Soviet Union this has not been a matter of choice.) In the 1980s some in the West resolved to take control of the bomb. They began to demand that disarmament replace deterrence as the principal nuclear business of the Atlantic alliance.Probably from 1945 onward the average American or European would, if asked, have said that he wanted to do away with all nuclear arsenals rather than refine or increase them. But the average Westerner was not asked, and did not say so, at least not in any way that influenced public policy. In the 1980s citizens of the West did begin to say so, publicly, loudly, and in growing numbers. For the first time, a mass movement dedicated to shaping the nuclear future appeared on both sides of the Atlantic.In this, as in other things, the North American and the European wings of NATO differ. Opposition to the alliance's nuclear weapons policies made itself known earlier in Europe than in the United States. Both European and American anti-nuclear weapons activists aimed ultimately to lift the nuclear siege that the world must endure as long as these weapons exist. But each rallied around a more immediate issue, and the issues were different. The Europeans opposed the stationing of 572 intermediate-range missiles on the continent, which the NATO governments deemed necessary to offset comparable Soviet weapons. In the United States a proposal to freeze the deployment, testing, and manufacture of all weapons by both superpowers attracted wide support.
Black and Hispanic Power in City Politics: A Forum
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers 
Published: April 2006

The number of blacks and Hispanics elected to office in American cities has grown dramatically. The media frequently report on their victories in local elections and run features on black and Hispanic mayors. From none in 1960, there are now 27 black and three Hispanic mayors of cities with populations over 50,000 (Joint Center, 1985; National Association of Latino Elected Officials, 1986).The trend is obvious, its significance disputed. Is it likely to continue, or can we already see signs of reversal? How much power do local black and Hispanic officials have? How was it achieved? And what difference does it make in any case? Can blacks and Hispanics in office strike a better bargain with the investors and financial institutions they depend on for development than previous administrations? In a period of fiscal stringency and reduced federal spending, can they carve out a larger piece of the municipal pie for minority populations? Can minority officeholders make any headway against the growing tide of unemployment and poverty, as help from the federal level is dismantled? Although the growing number of minority officials suggests political integration and racial/ethnic succession, do the limited powers of cities in a federal system and a capitalistic society render that apparent gain more symbolic than real?
Is Anything Enough?
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers 
Published: April 2006

Is anything enough? The authors of this forum are in agreement that the political incorporation of blacks and Hispanics achieved thus far is not enough. Not only is protest not enough: they question whether any of the political arrangements by which members of these groups have been brought into city governments are sufficient to meet the goals of the civil rights movement—political equality and the alleviation of poverty. They have much to say about ways in which the incorporation of blacks and Hispanics falls short and about the conditions that block further strengthening of their position.Is any theory enough—the theory of Protest Is Not Enough, in particular? The answer to the particular question is partly Yes, but the articles of this forum suggest qualifications and additions; we discuss these below. There are two answers to the general question, both of them No. No, because a theory of variations across cities does not fully meet the need for an understanding of possibilities or of leadership, agenda, and strategy over time in a particular city. And No, because the largest cities must be understood on their own terms, as we would seek to understand a nation or a war on its own terms.Nevertheless, a theoretical structure of the sort in Protest is useful to practitioners and researchers because it focuses attention on a limited number of main factors and relationships, permits systematic and standardized comparisons between groups of cities, provides a way to summarize the main structure of causal factors and conditions in a given city, and allows us to estimate the levels of minority mobilization and incorporation and of governmental responsiveness that we should expect in a city on the basis of the experience in other cities.
Excerpts from First Declaration of Bernard Grofman in Badham v. Eu
Authors: Grofman Bernard 
Published: April 2006

1. I am a professor of political science at the University of California, Irvine.… I am thoroughly familiar with the congressional districts delineated in Assembly Bill 2X as implemented with the so-called March 17, Technical Changes. The congressional districts of A.B. 2X (Plan II, passed in 1983) as implemented constitute an egregious form of partisan gerrymandering.Methods of GerrymanderingGerrymandering is a technique which operates to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial or political elements of the voting population by one or more of the following twelve methods:(1) Packing the voting strength of a group to insure that much of its voting strength is wasted in districts which are won by lop-sided margins—in particular, packing its strength to a greater extent than is true for the voting strength of the group controlling the district.(2) Fragmenting or submerging the voting strength of a group to create districts in which that group will constitute a permanent (or near certain) minority.(3) Reducing the re-election likelihood of some of a group's representatives by altering district boundaries to put two or more representatives from the group into the same district.(4) Reducing the re-election likelihood of some of a group's representatives by altering district boundaries to cut-up old districts so as to make it impossible for these representatives to continue to represent the bulk of their former constituents.
Postscript
Authors: Baker Gordon E. 
Published: April 2006

Subsequent to the filing of Badham v. Eu, the 1984 California elections provided classic examples that pervasive gerrymandering has become the newest form of voting dilution. On a statewide basis, Republican congressional candidates in California captured a clear majority of the two-party vote, yet won only 18 of the 45 seats (or 40 percent). Congressional district lines were drawn by incumbent Democrats in Congress and ratified by the heavily Democratic California legislature.It is probably little exaggeration to term the California legislature a self-perpetuating oligarchy, accountable primarily to itself by the act of carefully fencing voters in and out of districts calculated to preserve the status quo, regardless of all but monumental shifts in voter sentiment or population mobility. In other states (e.g., Indiana) the legislative oligarchies are Republican.Does this type of voter debasement call for another bold move—as in 1964—by the United States Supreme Court? To many, this understandably seems to be the thorniest part of the “political thicket” that the late Justice Frankfurter had cautioned his colleagues to avoid. But, having entered it in 1964 and after, can the judiciary now ignore this new dimension of malapportionment? It is tempting to leave the problem to the “give-and-take” of the political process. But the process itself is closer to one of monopoly than of free competition. A quarter century ago the problem of malapportionment (geographically defined) was virtually immune from political remedies for much the same reasons.
The Supreme Court: From Warren to Burger to Rehnquist
Authors: O'Brien David M. 
Published: April 2006

Changes in the composition of the Supreme Court perhaps inevitably invite speculation about whether and how the Court will change, and what direction it will take in the future. The move of William Rehnquist from associate justice to chief justice and the addition of Antonin Scalia certainly alters the chemistry of the Court. These changes may also have a profound impact on the Court's place in American government during the rest of this century.There is no doubt that the Court will change. Differences are already apparent during oral arguments. Rehnquist is sharper, more thoughtful, more commanding and wittier than his predecessor in the center chair. And from the far right of the bench, Scalia almost bubbles over with energy and questions for counsel. No less revealing is that in the week before the start of the 1986–87 term on the first Monday in October, Rehnquist managed to get the justices to dispose of over 1,000 cases (granting 22 and denying or otherwise disposing of the rest). He did so in only two days, whereas it usually took Burger more than twice as long to get through about the same number.
Public Morality and Religion in the Liberal State
Authors: Galston William A. 
Published: April 2006

During the past generation, the view has arisen that a liberal polity must remain systematically neutral on the widest possible range of moral and religious questions. During this same period, religious fundamentalism has attained an influence not seen in the United States for more than half a century. It is my thesis that these two developments are intimately related and that, considered together, they have much to teach us about public morality in a liberal society.Early liberal theorists worked to disentangle civil society from destructive religious quarrels. But they nevertheless assumed that civil society needed morality and that publicly effective morality rested on religion. Juridical liberalism, which focused on the exercise of liberty and the limits of government, presumed a foundation of individual moral restraint. While the civil authority in a liberal society need not directly enforce this moral code in most cases, it should certainly encourage that morality—at the very least, by refraining from utterances and policies that undermine it.This understanding of the proper relation among politics, morality, and religion dominated the American Founding. It suffused Tocqueville's analysis. In clearly recognizable form, it survived well into the twentieth century. In the past generation, however, this understanding came under attack, and the delicate balance between juridical liberalism and its social preconditions was disrupted. Influential philosophers argued that the essence of liberalism was public neutrality on the widest possible range of moral issues.
Reforming the Presidency: Nonproblems and Problems
Authors: Rockman Bert A. 
Published: April 2006

Riddle: Why is political reform like a clear mountain lake? Answer: When we look into both we see ourselves.The Means and Ends of ReformsWhat should be the ends of presidential reform? Obviously, such a question assumes that something is wrong and can be remedied through reform, which I define here as an intentional act (or acts) of institutional engineering to restructure incentives in the political system. Naturally, any effort to engage in reform, therefore, raises numerous issues. What are the purposes of reform? What are the problems a reform proposal or package of proposals presumes to address and to remedy? What are the feasibilities for implementation? What are the consequences and implications of reform? Will its purported benefits be larger than the costs incurred? To what extent does thinking about reform help lead to or clarify a theory of the presidency and, more generally, a theory of government? To what extent, above all, when thinking about reform can we escape the time warp in which our present preferences or momentary dissatisfactions lie? A would-be reformer must struggle to disassociate short-term preferences and judgments about an incumbent from longer-term conceptions as to how institutions should operate. In this regard, a would-be reformer must think like a constitution-maker. Is this the system one would prefer under worst case conditions?
Social Federalism: The Constitutional Position of Nonprofit Corporations in Nineteenth-Century America
Authors: Campbell Bruce A. 
Published: April 2006

The importance of voluntary associations is apparent to all who study the development of American society in the nineteenth century. Observations made by the perceptive nineteenth-century traveler Alexis de Tocqueville have become an obligatory cliché in historical writing on the subject:Americans of all ages, all conditions, and all dispositions constantly form associations. They have not only commercial and manufacturing companies,… but associations of a thousand other kinds, religious, moral, serious, futile, general or restricted, enormous or diminutive. The Americans make associations to give entertainments, to found seminaries, to build inns, to construct churches, to diffuse books, to send missionaries to the antipodes; in this manner they found hospitals, prisons, and schools. If it is proposed to inculcate some truth or to foster some feeling by the encouragement of a great example, they form a society. Wherever at the head of some new undertaking you see the government in France, or a man of rank in England, in the United States you will be sure to find an association.
A New S4‐Ligated Zinc–Peptide 1 : 2 Complex for the Hydrolytic Cleavage of DNA
Authors: Reddy Pulimamidi R. , Mohan Sepuru K. , Manjula Pallerla , Chakraborty Tushar K. 
Published: April 2006

AbstractA new sulfur‐ligated Zn–peptide 1 : 2 complex, [ZnII(Boc‐NH‐Cys‐Gly‐Cys‐OMe)2]2− (2), was prepared, characterized, and tested for its DNA‐binding and ‐cleavage properties. Complex 2 was found to cleave DNA hydrolytically. The negative charge in 2 reduces the affinity of the complex for DNA, and enhances its binding specificity.
Comorbidity: concepts, claims and choices
Authors: Rutter Michael 
Published: April 2006

AbstractThe presence of comorbidity may distort research findings but, if properly dealt with, it also provides important research opportunities to test hypotheses about causal mechanisms. Seven possible sources of artefactual comorbidity are noted. Five key alternative bases for apparent comorbidity are discussed, using medical examples to illustrate the different processes that they may represent. They are that the apparent comorbidity: (1) represents two manifestations of the same disorder; (2) reflects two stages of the same underlying condition; (3) arises from the same or correlated risk factors; (4) represents a nosologically distinct condition; and (5) is due to one condition predisposing to the other. All possibilities, however, have to start with demonstration of the distinctiveness of the two syndromes involved in the comorbidity. Such evidence may be provided by differences in: (1) pathophysiology or pathopsychology; (2) correlates likely to reflect aspects of causal processes; or (3) treatment responses and adult outcome. Copyright © 1997 Whurr Publishers Ltd.
Microwave‐Assisted Synthesis of 2,5‐Piperazinediones under Solvent‐Free Conditions.
Authors: Lopez‐Cobenas Alberto , Cledera Pilar , Sanchez J. Domingo , Lopez‐Alvarado Pilar , Ramos M. Teresa , Avendano Carmen , Menendez J. Carlos 
Published: April 2006

AbstractChemInform is a weekly Abstracting Service, delivering concise information at a glance that was extracted from about 200 leading journals. To access a ChemInform Abstract, please click on HTML or PDF.