bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Decline in the Canadian Birth-Rate
Authors: Hurd W. Burton 
Published: June 2006

During the last fifteen years carefully prepared population forecasts have appeared for nearly every important country possessed of reasonably adequate vital statistics and census records. With the general recognition of essential differences between the behaviour of bugs in a bottle and homo sapiens “in leaky national containers”, the usual procedure in the more recent studies has been to isolate the principal component factors in population growth, predict the future trend in each, and thus estimate the probable population ten, twenty, fifty, or more years hence. Already the majority of even the more conservative forecasts are proving too high and almost invariably because of over-estimation of the birth-rate.Errors of this sort are not unexpected in view of the inherent difficulties of the problem. Their number is legion; it will suffice to note three. First, there is the difficulty of foreseeing changes in the social and particularly in the economic environment. Even in so-called normal times, each year brings unanticipated and sometimes substantial modifications in the complex of social forces making for greater or smaller rates of population increase. The duration and severity of such abnormal phenomena as the present depression are, of course, incapable of measurement in advance. Second, the nature and extent of human reactions to environmental change vary greatly both from country to country and from time to time. How a particular people will behave in a new situation is, therefore, usually a matter of considerable uncertainty. This uncertainty is in part at least attributable to a third difficulty. While many excellent studies, especially during the last decade, have contributed materially to a more adequate understanding of the forces controlling population growth, the existing state of knowledge still falls appreciably short of permitting precise quantitative measurement of many important influences on the birth-rate.
Interest Rates in Canada
Authors: Nixon Stanley E. , Nixon Stanley E. , Hackett W. T. G. 
Published: June 2006

The eight years' interval from 1929 to 1937 was one of the most eventful periods in modern economic history. In common with other indices of economic conditions, rates of interest returns were affected by the world-wide collapse in the years immediately after 1929, and by the recovery movement which has persisted from about 1933. Among Canadian interest rates the outstanding development was the extensive decline after 1932 in the return obtainable from most of the important types of loan investment. Two significant features of this decline were, first, the decreases in certain rates which had been relatively stable for several decades and, second, the unprecedented divergence between rates of return on short and long term bonds of high grade. These developments are broadly illustrated in table I and in a chart accompanying this article.The remarkable changes in recent years in rates of interest returns are primarily attributable to the influence of unparalleled “easy money conditions” induced in the first instance by the economic collapse and later intensified by governmental policies of an emergency nature. These were pursued in Canada and most other countries; and were designed to modify some phases of the disequilibria produced by the depression and to promote recovery. Data presented in this paper will trace the behaviour of interest rates in Canada since 1929 as indicated by returns obtainable from time to time on several types of loan investment which are popular with institutional and private investors. Limitation of space prevents an exhaustive analysis of this subject; and the scope of the two papers to follow renders unnecessary anything but incidental reference to the causes of changes in rates.
An Essay on the Rise of Historical Pessimism in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Helleiner K. F. 
Published: June 2006

As indicated by the attribute “historical,” this essay is not concerned with evaluations on metaphysical grounds of life and the universe. Statements by philosophers to the effect that this is the best of all possible worlds, or that “life is a business the returns for which do not cover the costs by any means,” may indeed become objects of historical inquiry. After all, what has not become “historicized” these last hundred years! But investigations of that kind are not likely to yield any great results. Metaphysics, like mathematics, is all but timeless.A good deal more closely related to historical and political categories are certain fundamental ideas regarding the nature of man. It has been observed that “the pessimistic view of human nature is, and has always been, the deepest sense of a conservative argument.” The inverse is true of a philosophy of progress, which is almost invariably based on an intrinsically optimistic evaluation of human nature. We shall have to touch occasionally upon that interdependence of metaphysical and politico-historical thought in the course of this inquiry. Our chief interest, however, centres on different problems.
The Effect of the War on Oriental Minorities in Canada
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

The presence in Canada of substantial minorities of Oriental race interests us both as citizens and as social scientists. Even those who believe that the task of good citizenship has been made harder by immigration from Asia must recognize that the interest of Canada to the social scientist has been enhanced.The racial minorities are three in number and are very unequal in importance. There are about 25,000 persons of Japanese race in Canada, of whom 23,000 live in the province of British Columbia. The Chinese are somewhat more numerous in Canada, although there are only 21,769 in British Columbia. There are very few East Indians and it is significant that the Special Committee on Orientals in British Columbia which reported in December, 1940, treated “Orientals” and “Persons of Japanese and Chinese racial origins” as interchangeable terms.The figures cited concern race (as determined by paternal descent) and do not indicate nationality or culture. Of the 23,000 persons of Japanese race in Canada approximately 2,400 are naturalized Canadians, and 13,400 Canadians by birth. This leaves an alien group of 7,200 but it must not be overlooked that many of those who are Canadians by birth may claim Japanese nationality by descent, or may have Japanese nationality imposed upon them because their parents have registered their births at the consulates. It is probable that almost all the Canadian-born are more Canadian than Japanese in culture, and this is true of some of the immigrants from Japan who entered Canada at early ages. Not many Chinese are Canadian either by birth or naturalization. For the former the figure is 900, for the latter 200. Of the East Indians probably none are aliens.
The Religious Sect in Canadian Economic Development
Authors: Clark S. D. 
Published: June 2006

There is probably no other form of organized group life in the Canadian community which has been more unstable than the organization of religion. The history of Protestantism in the country is very largely a history of church unions and sectarian divisions. If account were taken of the activities of the Jesuit Order in New France, of the defection at various times of many Catholics to Protestant religious sects, and of recent anti-clerical movements in the province of Quebec and among the Catholic immigrant population in Western Canada, the same would be found to be true in a general way of Catholic development in the country.The dream of the universal church, of the church which would unite all nations and all classes, has never been fully realized, in Canada as elsewhere in the Western World. Efforts to accomplish such an object, by the establishment of a state church, by the union of separate religious bodies, or by the initiation of a new religious movement which would transcend all other religious groups have invariably failed in face of the expression of strong separatist forces in religious organization. Out of every such effort to create an all-embracing religious body in the community have come new movements of religious protest, the religious sect.On the other hand, the sect form of religious organization has proved equally unstable. The pure sect, the religious group organized exclusively in terms of the other-worldly or spiritual interests of its members, has never been more than an idealistic conception of religious organization finding expression in movements of religious reform at various times. The necessity of existing in a worldly society has led religious sects from the very beginning to accept to some extent a worldly outlook. Where they have not succeeded in developing into churches, or at any rate into types of religious organization accommodated to the secular community, they have perished. Almost from the moment of their inception, they have been forced to make such a choice between social accommodation or extinction.
Post-war Tax Policy
Authors: Higgins Benjamin 
Published: June 2006

Previous post-war experience is so uniform, and economists differ so little in their prognoses for the next post-war period, that it seems safe to be somewhat dogmatic about the situation that post-war tax policy must meet. In the absence of measures specifically designed to prevent it, there is every reason to expect the typical post-war pattern of hesitation, inflation, deflation, boom, and prolonged depression. It is clear that the unprecedented magnitude of the war effort could lead to fluctuations of unprecedented violence. If the Japanese war were to end soon after the European war, or if it were on a much smaller scale, it is conceivable that the uncertainty characteristic of the months just after cessation of hostilities might lead directly to deep depression. During the reconversion period, there is bound to be serious unemployment in certain industries and regions, that could start a cumulative downswing if allowed to produce a commensurate drop in national income. If on the other hand the Japanese campaign lasts several months and is on a comparable but nevertheless smaller scale, the “hesitation” period may be completely ironed out.In the first year or two after the European armistice, and perhaps even for a similar period after the Japanese armistice, the primary economic problem will still be scarcity of consumers' goods relative to potential demand for them. The money supply has already risen over 70 per cent since war began, and with $1.75 billion of war bonds in the hands of individuals and another $1.5 billion in the hands of non-financial corporations even before the fifth war loan, it could rise another 70 per cent through sale of government securities to the banking system if war ended tomorrow.
The Effect of Health Insurance on the Demand for Health Services
Authors: Richter L. 
Published: June 2006

How will the introduction of health insurance influence the demand for health services? In the discussions on the reform of our health services this question has been seldom put and hardly ever answered. Expressly or tacitly the assumption is made that the present demand can be used as a yardstick for measuring future needs under a system which it is thought aims mainly at a more equitable distribution of available services.The problem is, however, of a more fundamental nature. What health insurance would achieve is to remove the whole field of health care from the automatism of the price system. The fee-for-service system based on the individual's ability to pay for medical care will disappear. A compulsory scheme of prepayments will be introduced which will entitle insured persons to services whenever they need them or whenever they feel that they do. Economic and psychological factors about which very little is known so far will come into play, and are bound to have a profound influence on the demand for health care. Changes may be of a quantitative and of a qualitative nature. Not only may the demand increase but it may also be directed toward other types of health care than in the past.All these factors have to be considered when the foundations of a national system of health insurance are being laid. They are, of course, decisive for the cost of the scheme and for the supply of health personnel. But the evaluation of the potential demand will also have a bearing on the type of services to be offered, on the form of organization and administration, and above all, on the methods used for making the beneficiaries of the scheme conscious of their responsibilities.
Training for Public Administration: A Symposium. I. The Social Sciences and Public Administration
Authors: Coats R. H. 
Published: June 2006

By “The Social Sciences and Public Administration,” the title assigned me by Professor Clokie, I am assuming he meant “Special Teaching in the Social Science Departments of Canadian Universities for Students Contemplating the Civil Service as a Career,” which is both more definitive and (being of eight words or over) even long enough for copyright. It is to “lead off” a symposium on “Training for Public Administration,” a vasty frame of reference indeed, taking in (some might go so far as to think) a course in the great school of Practical Politics itself.Insinuating this role upon me, Professor Clokie pointed out that I had been a long time in the Public Service, and was now a teacher in a university. It is the logic of the redoubtable Pott, Mr. Pickwick's editor-friend, on Chinese metaphysics—an impregnable logic, says Mr. Bernard Shaw. In my case, however, whilst I was undoubtedly in the Service a long time indeed, at Toronto I am only what is called a “Visiting Professor,” i.e., one who lectures merely on what he knows, and can be let out at any time. Moreover, that new flower, the Course in Public Administration, which (again in the search for the particular) seems to represent a fortiori the “special teaching” aforesaid, was unknown in my generation as a student, and late-blooming in my generation as a civil servant. But one must not let one's style be cramped, and today therefore I take it as a sort of text, if only in the grand manner to which educationally speaking so old-fashioned a civil servant is accustomed.
Keynes In Cambridge
Authors: Plumptre A. F. W. 
Published: June 2006

I Was asked to write a paper about “Keynes in Cambridge,” to supplement two other papers about his work as a public servant and as an economist. I am glad to do this, but let me explain at the beginning the limits of my qualifications. I worked under him as an undergraduate for two years, 1928 to 1930, and I saw something of him on three later visits to Cambridge in 1931,1934, and 1936. I saw him again in the United States several times during the war when he was representing the Government of the United Kingdom in financial discussions. From all this you will gather that I cannot claim for a moment to have been an intimate friend. Nevertheless I understand I am supposed to write in a rather more personal vein than those who are reading the other papers.Let me begin by talking, about Keynes as a teacher. During the years in which I happened to work under him, 1928 to 1930, his thinking on monetary theory was changing. These were the transition years between his traditional quantity-theory-of-money approach, in his Tract on Monetary Reform published in 1923, and his novel savings-and-investment approach, in his Treatise on Money published in 1930. He put forward his new ideas in a series of eight lectures—one a week for one term. Obviously the lectures had to be highly condensed and, despite the pleasantness and clearness with which they were delivered, I doubt that many undergraduates got very much out of them. However, they were not primarily intended for undergraduates; Keynes was trying out his new ideas on anyone who cared to listen, and there was always a group of his fellow dons at his lectures, as well as some graduate students who were still rather rare in Cambridge.
The Prospects for the Rule of Law
Authors: Corry J. A. 
Published: June 2006

The events of the last thirty years have reinforced the attachment of the thoughtful to the Rule of Law. After watching the shocking excesses of rulers who had escaped from the restraints of law, we can think of dozens of reasons for maintaining the authority of law, which we could not have articulated thirty years ago. But agreement on the end has not enabled us to agree on the means. What kind of institutional arrangements are needed to meet the requirements of the Rule of Law? Since there are infinite possible gradations between the untrammelled licence of rulers and the Rechtstaat of eighteenth-century England, what minimum framework of restraints on rulers is needed? Supposing we could determine the formal requirements of the minimum, in what kind of a society can they be maintained and guaranteed? To be specific, will the inner nature and the inexorable requirements of the collectivist societies in which we live erode and submerge them?What is required for the Rule of Law to be effective? On the one hand, some have contended that the phrase is essentially meaningless because it means only that the exercisers of power must show that it was conferred on them by law. Hitler showed a scrupulous regard for legal and constitutional forms as he persuaded the German Reichstag to confer on him practically boundless discretion. He could always point to legal warrant for the substance of his actions. In this sense, we might become subject to the most capricious tyranny without ever abandoning the Rule of Law.
Organized Philanthropy in an Urban Community
Authors: Ross Aileen D. 
Published: June 2006

Although philanthropy has been important in many societies, it is safe to say that it has never played such a prominent role, nor become such an elaborate part of the social structure, as it has in twentieth-century North America. Much has been written on it, particularly in recent years, and many reasons have been given for its development, but there has been little scientific analysis of it as a social activity, nor interest in its relations to the social order. The purposes of this paper are threefold: to trace the development of organized philanthropy since the beginning of the century in a Canadian city, here called Wellsville; to analyse how the philanthropic pattern has become elaborated and integrated into the structure of the community; and to assess the function which this organized activity fulfils for both the individual and various groups in the community.Before the twentieth century, philanthropy in Canada was a haphazard affair, and except for the few individual donors who occasionally gave large sums of money for the cause of religion, health, or education, “giving” was mainly confined to the poor and indigent. Today vast sums of money are continuously being raised by the combined efforts of large numbers of voluntary collectors for an infinite number of purposes. Thus in a relatively short period of time “giving,” once the prerogative of the pious and wealthy, has become part of the common experience of a large proportion of the population of any modern city or large town. With the increase in giving has come the increased participation of many people in the actual work of collecting money through the media of highly organized, money-raising campaigns.
Religious Affiliation and Electoral Behaviour: A Case Study
Authors: Meisel John 
Published: June 2006

In many countries of the Western Hemisphere the nineteenth century witnessed the gradual expansion of the franchise. This development was made possible in the English-speaking world by the fact that the political creed of the power élite—liberalism—created a climate of opinion favourable to a belief in the inevitability of progress and the perfectability of man. The decision about who was to govern, and in general terms the way in which government was to be carried out, was to be made by the majority of the adult population. The necessity of deciding such important matters would, it was thought, induce the voters to rise to the occasion demanded by their new responsibilities: they would, on the whole, become politically educated, informed, and wise. In casting their ballots men were expected to bear in mind the public good, not private gain. John Stuart Mill, for example, in opposing the secret ballot, argued that a person's voteis not a thing in which he has an option; it has no more to do with his personal wishes than the verdict of a juryman. It is strictly a matter of duty; he is bound to give it according to his best and most conscientious opinion of the public good. Whoever has any other idea of it is unfit to have the suffrage; its effect on him is to pervert not to elevate his mind. Instead of opening his heart to an exalted patriotism and the obligation of public duty, it awakens and nourishes in him the disposition to use a public function for his own interest, pleasure, or caprice. … In any political election … the voter is under an absolute moral obligation to consider the interest of the public, not his private advantage.…
The Struggle of Prerogative and Common Law in the Reign of James I
Authors: Waite P. B. 
Published: June 2006

No conscience molten into gold,Nor forged accusers bought and sold,No cause deferred, nor vain spent journey,For there Christ is the King's Attorney. …—Sir Walter Raleigh,A Passionate Man's PilgrimageIn English history the seventeenth century is the locus classicus of the struggle between the prerogatives of the king and the rights of Parliament. And the student, looking beyond James II and Charles I, tends to see the Revolution of 1688 and the Civil War of the 1640's latent in the first two decades of the century. Indeed, the struggle between James I and Parliament in these years has more than once been stated in moral terms: the supporters of prerogative were wrong, Parliament and the common law were right. More than one student has regarded the seventeenth century as Tanner did: a drama, the prologue of which is the reign of James I, and the final act the Revolution of 1688. The suggestiveness of this analogy obscures the real nature of the struggle; one looks for events on the stage and neglects the world outside it.
Confederation and Responsible Government
Authors: Ward Norman 
Published: June 2006

Responsible government, as Professor Hodgetts has demonstrated convincingly in his Pioneer Public Service, means more than that the political life of the executive depends on the support of a majority of the members of the elected legislature. Behind the executive, government departments must be so organized that the ministers can exercise a control for which they can be held responsible. The issuance of public money to pay for departmental activities must be under a central authority, and so must a thorough audit of expenditures. The public accounts must be intelligible to the laymen who sit in Parliament, and a system of estimating in advance the needs of government for each ensuing year is indispensable. “Each of these aspects of internal financial control,” in Professor Hodgetts' words, “… had to be satisfactorily developed if Parliament was to become the watchdog of the executive.” They were satisfactorily developed between 1840 and Confederation, some of them as late as the middle sixties.Partly because several of the political and administrative practices involved were still in their infancy, and partly because Confederation meant the destruction of old lines of authority and the creation of new ones, a severe strain was put on several essential elements in responsible government in 1867. The administrative side of the story, as it concerned governmental financial control, has already been told by Herbert Balls, but the legislative side has hitherto been neglected. The legislative story, not only in its financial aspect but also in the wider context of the whole parliamentary scene, is worth recounting.