bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
International Structure and International Integration
Authors: Reinton Olav 
Published: March 2007

The article investigates interaction and integration in Latin America, using nations as units. Four indices of international stratification are presented and compared, and intensity of interaction within different pairs of nations is analysed. Interaction is measured in terms of trade, airborne transport, participation in continental meetings, negotiations, and participation in World Wars. The consequences of interactive disequilibrium appear important in analysis of inter action. An equilibrated pair, with units of equal status, is characterized by mutual exchange on equal level of intensity, and mutual influence that flows within the pair. A disequilibrated pair may be characterized by high intensity of interaction, but the exchange is not mutual, and there is no flow of influence. Equilibrated units influence each other; while in a disequilibrated pair one unit dominates, not influences, the other. The medium status units appear most important in international integration; such units foresee mobility in the international system, and imagine that international integration may make it possible to challenge top status units in the system. These and other findings are compared with findings in small group research, which are proved fruitful in the interpretations of our findings. We discover that Latin American nations do not imitate and are not responsive towards the United States because of lack of mobility within the inter-American system. Since the United States behaves as a 'superdog' in the system, thus dominating Latin American nations, the Latin American nations become followers of the United States and eager participants in inter-American meetings. It is our contention, however, that the United States' image in Latin America disappears when United States dominance ceases, because this image is not internalised in the local culture. One important policy implication emerges from our analysis: if a nation wants to influence another, its policy should aim at supporting the other nation in its attempts to gain the same status in the system as that of the 'would-be' influencer.
The Factor of Militarism
Authors: Eckhardt William 
Published: March 2007

To investigate the nature of militarism, two different but related questionnaires were admini stered to two different samples of adults and university students, N = 122 and 261, respectively. Both questionnaires contained a variety of ideological and personality scales selected on the basis of a review of the literature. In both cases, the scale scores were standardized, correlated with each other, and factor analyzed by the principal components method. In both samples, a primary factor of militarism was among the first two factors extracted. The primary factor of militarism contained scales of militarism, nationalism, severe treat ment of criminals, anti-Communism, anti-internationalism, conservatism, anti-democratic at titudes, authoritarianism, and anti-Semitism. The items in these scales were characterized by a readiness to use or threaten to use force and punishment to control the behavior of those believed to be deviating from the values of Western adult society, including the Communist 'enemy', children, Jews, Negroes, foreigners, lower-class people, sexual deviates, and mental patients. This need for compulsion and punishment was presumed to be a function of lack of faith in human nature. The primary factor of militarism was significantly correlated with the ideological factors of conservatism, nationalism, religiosity, lack of internationalism, lack of knowledge of foreign affairs, and political cynicism; and with the personality factors of extraversion, misanthropy, faulty childhood disciplines, lack of social responsibility, neuroticism, and lack of empathy. Some of these results (such as the correlation of militarism with conservatism and religiosity) are probably limited in their generalizability to the Western World, while the rest are prob ably more universal in their generalizability. However, cross-cultural studies will be required to increase our understanding of militarism in general. This study implies the need for more freedom in human relations if we want more respon sibility in human relations, including international relations.
A Model of International Interaction in Western Europe
Authors: Arosalo Uolevi 
Published: March 2007

Some features of international interaction patterns in Western Europe are examined both theoretically and empirically. Firstly some essential differences between sociological theories and their implications in the study of interaction are considered. The theory selected pre supposes a structure made up of two classes opposing the interests of the poor and the rich countries, and with a lack of pluralism in the forms of interaction among the members of the system. 'The West' was defined as all the NATO countries and those countries in Europe not be longing to the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The data consist of the number of memberships of 'the West' in International Governmental Organizations (IGO), in International Non- Governmental Organizations (INGO), and in Business International Organizations (BINGO) of each country. The results indicate that the interaction patterns form a hierarchical chain: IGO→INGO→ BINGO. Interaction is stratified according to the wealth of the countries. IGO-memberships can be expressed as the function of GNP, and INGO-memberships as the function of GNP/ capita. BINGO-memberships have some curious features. The dispersion of trade and the voting activity in national elections correlates differently with BINGOs than other forms of interaction. Finally, some implications are dealt with.
Political Conclusions of the Study 'The Consequences of War and the Prevention of War'
Authors: Afheldt Horst 
Published: March 2007

Seven theses and two consequences constitute the summary of the study: Thesis 1: The Federal Republic of Germany can not be defended by means of conven tional weapons. Thesis 2: The use of nuclear weapons in defence of West Germany would lead to nuclear self-destruction. Thesis 3: For the Federal Republic of Germany there only exists a self-contradictory pol icy of deterrence (deterrence by means of incalculable risks for both sides). Thesis 4: Between the superpowers there exists a strategy of deterrence which in its mili tary logic is not self-contradictory. Thesis 5: Deterrence policy as pursued by the superpowers (however) results in an arms race. Thesis 6: The arms race increases the risk of war. Thesis 7: The attempt to maintain an equilibrium of deterrence through the arms race cripples the superpowers politically and militarily. Consequences: 1. Precisely because it is highly questionable, the deterrence system opens up a margin of man oeuvre for the Federal Republic of Germany to utilize armaments decisions as a means for foreign policy. 2. In the appraisal of any policy, top priority must be given to contributions to the creation of a politically guaranteed world peace.
Peaceful Societies: An Introduction
Authors: Fabbro David 
Published: March 2007

This article is a tentative introduction to the idea of studying the social preconditions of peace by directing attention to a number of actual societies which are peaceful. These societies: 1) do not engage in violence against other groups; 2) have no civil wars or internal collective violence; 3) do not maintain a standing military-police organisation; 4) experience little or no inter-personal lethal violence; and, 5) lack certain forms of structural violence. The societies are: the Semai of Malaya, the Siriono of Eastern Bolivia, the Kung Bushmen of the Kalahari desert, the Mbuti Pygmies of equatorial Africa, the Copper Eskimo of Northern Canada, the Hutterites of North America, and the Islanders of Tristan da Cunha in the South Pacific. Various aspects of these groups were considered: type of economy, cosmology or world view, child rearing practices, conflict resolution methods, and their social control and decision-making processes. The societies displayed a number of commonalities along these dimensions. They are all small, face to face communities with a basically egalitarian social structure. Generally they lack formal patterns of ranking and stratification, place no restriction on the number of people capable of exercising authority or occupying positions of prestige and have economies which are based on generalised reciprocity. Only Tristan and the Hutterites produce a surplus. In none of these societies is there great material inequality between individuals. Sexism and to a lesser extent gerontocracy exist in all groups. It is suggested that it is possible for a society to have social justice without recourse to physical violence.
Egalitarian Reformism in the Third World vs The Military: A Profile of Failure
Authors: Wolpin Miles D. 
Published: March 2007

Patterns of civil-military relations associated with ten deposed reformist regime are delineated. The case studies were selected because of their historical prominence and the consequent availability of information. They consist of: Iran's Mossadegh (1953), Guatemala's Arbenz (1954), the Dominican Republic's Bosch 1962), Brazil's Goulart (1964), Indonesia's Sukarno (1965), Ghana's Nkrumah (1966), Mali's Keita (1968), Cambodia's Sihanouk (1970), Bolivia's Torres (1971), and Chile's Allende (1973). Similarities are identified in the origins and composition of anti-reform coalitions. These include not only the traditional 'right', but also most politically active middle class sectors and associated Western interests. The United States played a major interventionist role in most of the 'destabilizations'. The autonomy, conservative norms, and external linkages of the military officer corps constituted a key problem for reform leadership, as did the openness of the political svstem to penetration by Western agencies. It is theorized that the style, assumptions, and tactical decisions by the overthrown reformers deprived them of political resources which in most cases would have increased the probability of a progressive outcome. This underlines the crucial role of ruthless and anticipatory leadership if opponents of structural change are to be neutralized. Those who were deposed suffered from excessive elitism, vacillation, and the assumption that compromise with opponents was a viable option until it was too late to seize the initiative. The Fidelista model is discussed as a more viable or realistic leadership approach.
Breaking the Will of the Enemy During the Vietnam War: The Operationalizatin of the Cost-Benefit Model of Counterinsurgency Warfare
Authors: Shultz Richard 
Published: March 2007

In the period following Diem's assassination, US policy-makers faced a rapidly deteriorating situation in South Vietnam. Events had demonstrated that the GVN was unable to achieve either political stability or military success. In the face of impending disaster, the US Administration opted for the cost-benefit or suppressive model of counterinsurgency warfare. Based on a set of principles that would later be explicated in Leites & Wolf's controversial study, Rebellion and Authority, this model proposed to defeat insurgent movements by modifying the behavior of the populace supporting the movement through various adversive and coercive techniques and measures of control. Basic to this model is the assumption that the populace, both individually and collectively, behave as rational actors. In other words, they 'calculate costs and benefits to the extent that they can be related to different courses of action, and make choices accordingly'. Given this assumption, the model argues that if force and coercion are applied in large enough doses the will of both the populace and insurgents will be broken and the war won. Costs will outweigh the benefits, resulting in the decline of the insurgency. In effect, this model constitutes a pure coercion approach towards defeating the insurgents. In Vietnam, operationalization of this model began early in 1965 and culminated in the shock of the 1968 Tet offensive. Specific goals to be achieved included: (1) destroying supply sources located in the DRV, as well as those enroute to the South via the Ho Chi Minh trail network; (2) breaking Hanoi's will by punishing North Vietnam to such an extent that the benefits sought would be incommensurate with the costs inflicted; and (3) applying force and coercion in the South against those backing the NLF to the degree that the insurgents would be denied peasant volunteers and draftees, foodstuffs donated to or confiscated by the NLF, intelligence and information supplied by the rural populace, and the day-to-day support offered by the populace. This study examines the strategy and its application in Vietnam and explains why, at both the theoretical/conceptual level and the operational level, it failed to achieve the goals specified. Source material relevant to the study that is utilized includes: official government and military documents and studies; the Rand materials concerned with counterinsurgency and the Rand Interviews in Vietnam project and reports based on these interviews; memoirs, books, articles, and speeches of those involved; and the vast body of literature concerned with US involvement in Vietnam.
Militarization of Nature: Conflict and Control over Strategic Resources and Some Implications for Peace Policies
Authors: Hveem Helge 
Published: March 2007

Military consumption of natural resources is one of the problems which figure prominently in the United Nations' action programme on disarmament and development. Reporting on a study that was initiated in 1975 and which has met with considerable problems in getting access to information, the author presents original data on military-related consumption of energy and minerals in the United States and elsewhere. After the so-called 'oil crisis', decision-makers and strategists have shown increased concern over external supply of strategic resources and have come up with proposals on how to deal with vulnerable supply lines. These and other options are surveyed. It is concluded that the major powers, which are also the principal arms producers and exporters, still may secure supplies by measures, including imperialist practices, at the international level. At the same time, dependence on strategic resources domestically not available may be reduced by measures internal to the importing country. Technological innovations have reduced the relative demand for many minerals and are increasingly making composite materials available for military purposes. Still, the arms race continues to absorb great quantities of a number of non-renewable materials. Due to the close integration of state interests with those of private capital, co-ordination between them is the rule rather than the exception. Purely military-strategic interests may sometimes not coincide completely with those of state or private capital, but usually the latter is 'collecting' the necessary foreign resources for the former through the process of internationalization. These facts make control of supply, for the purpose of restricting or diverting military consumption, difficult — both at the national and the international level. Some such measures of control are presented and discussed, ranging from imposing taxes through regulating trade to supervising armaments industries in the arms-producing countries.
International Peace Research: The Field Defined by Dissemination
Authors: Chatfield Charles 
Published: March 2007

The paper reviews the periodical literature in the field of peace research. It describes in some detail the history and orientation of all periodicals that define themselves as peace research publications, as well as a few closely related titles. Three geographically distinct research communities are discussed: the North American, the European and the Japanese. A full bibliographical listing is provided as an appendix. The paper was prepared for a UNESCO meeting, and the author concludes with a set of recommendations to UNESCO regarding the development of peace research information activities.
Structural Violence at the World Level: Diachronic Findings
Authors: Alcock Norman , Köhler Gernot 
Published: March 2007

Previous cross-national studies have shown that life expectancy is linked to GNP per capita. Indeed, an earlier paper by the authors of this paper postulated an economic law of life: for every increase of GNP per capita of 7.7 % in the poor nations of the world there is an increase of one year in life expectancy, on the average. Using energy consumption per capita data for 26 poor nations for two different time periods, the authors confirm that this 'law of life' applies over time as well as across nations: for every increase of energy consumption per capita of 7.2 % there is an increase of one year in life expectancy, on the average. For rich nations there is a discrepancy between the synchronic and diachronic analyses. Across nations, wealth is not significantly associated with life expectancy, while across time, wealth is significantly associated with life expectancy, an 18.1 % increase in wealth pro ducing a one year increase in life expectancy.
Economic Policies of the New Independent Trade Unions: Domains of Interest and Premises of Choice
Authors: Kurowski Stefan 
Published: March 2007

The basic dilemma of the new independent trade unions in Poland, 'Solidarity' included, concerns under which conditions the unions should participate in economic decision-making. Consideration of the place of the new unions in the socio-economic system leads to the conclusion that their domain is distribution rather than production. From this conclusion several specific policy recommendations follow. This discussion is preceded by: i) an analysis of the economic poliçies which resulted in mass strikes in summer 1980. ii) an analysis of the official economic policy in the later period, pointing out the necessity of a moratorium on foreign debts as a precondition of successful restoration of the economy iii) an outline of the economic conversion iv) an analysis of the unions' policy regarding pricing of food products. The policy recommendations cover the general direction of economic reforms, preferably relations between the unions and the existing economic institutions, and the role of self-government in economy.
European Thoughts, Actions, and Plans for More Effective Modelling and Simulation Simulation in Europe: A Forum for Basic Research in Modelling and Simulation
Authors: Vansteenkiste Ghislain C. , Vangheluwe Hans L. 
Published: March 2007

The ESPRIT Basic Research Working Group 8467 on "simulation for the future: new concepts, tools and applications" with the acronym SiE-WG (Simulation in Europe - Working Group) began its work on December 1, 1993. It was an initiative of the SiE-SIG (Special Interest Group) which consists of some 120 industrial and academic members, who act as a platform and validating forum for SiE-WG results. The first phase, now concluded, of the SiE-WG activities was one of meta-research and focusing. From the vast arena of modelling and simulation, specific topics were selected which are deemed crucial for the future. Research into these topics now receives sponsorship of the SiE-WG. Action clusters of particular relevance to European industry and the end-user were defined. Within these clusters con certed research is now done. The history of SiE is presented here as well as the methods used to come to concrete Basic Research actions. The conclusions of the focusing phase of SiE's activities are discussed in detail.
Protestantisme et développement au Nord-Est du Brésil
Authors: Costa Esdras Borges 
Published: March 2007

Although 'divided into various denominations, the Protestantism of the Natal area is, in fact, one single movement having the following charac teristics : 1) a great emphasis on conversion; 2) a model of moral behaviours and a set of typical attitudes; 3) a strong group-cohesion based on local communities which are organized in denominations. A preoccupation with doctrinal orthodoxy and an insistence on the study of the Bible play an important role in the life and the organization of the communities. Their theoretical and practical problems stimulate ideological formulations and re-formulations. This is found together with 'visions' and experiences in which the rational activity is subordinate to the supernatural authority of 'revelation' and 'inspiration'. The Protestant groups follow certain ideological tendencies and orientate themselves according to strategies which are generally dominated by an abstentionist and even conservative attitude when faced with the muta tions and problems of the regional and national society. The dominant trend encourages a set of basic values which, rather than challenging the traditional structures of power, sustain them. Yet it is important to note that the answers of the Protestants of the region to these problems are gradually becoming diversified and even contradictory.
The early days of French sociology of religion
Authors: Isambert F.A. 
Published: March 2007

Ecartant l'idée selon laquelle la sociologie religieuse ne commence en France qu'avec les enquêtes de pratique religieuse dans les années trente, l'auteur entreprend d'illustrer la filiation des courants actuels de recherche explorés par les sociologues français. Pour qu'une sociologie religieuse fût possible, il a fallu que les sciences humaines se voient reconnues, que la sociologie se pose comme science et qu'on admette de voir la religion examinée par une science profane. L'auteur montre ce que ces acquisitions doivent au 'siècle des Lumières' avec Montesquieu, Rousseau et les Encyclopédistes et en particulier avec des hommes comme le Président des Brosses ou B. Constant. L'apport du 19eme siècle aussi est fondamental dans la constitution d'une science des sociétés. Saint Simon, avec le Nouveau Christianisme, ouvre la voie à Buchez et surtout Auguste Comte. Parallèlement, avec des chercheurs comme Le Play s'ouvre la voie des monographies de familles ou de villages, pour l'étude du facteur reli gieux. Avec Malte-Brun, Fournier de Flaix, le Comte d'Angeville la recherche s'oriente vers la statistique de l'appartenance religieuse et des cultes. Mais la sociologie 'classique' trouve sa référence principale en France dans les oeuvres de Durkheim et son école ainsi que dans les recherches de Lévy-Bruhl. Les travaux de Durkheim comme Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse ou Le suicide fournissent un apport capital à l'étude des contenus religieux et marquent profondément l'école française de sociologie religieuse dans son goût pour la positivité, l'objectivité et la méthode qualitative. Les pistes ouvertes par Lévy-Bruhl et après lui par R. Hubert et M. Mauss en ethnologie continuent d'être explorées dans l'étude de la religion vécue.