bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The British Political Scene Since the General Election
Authors: Soltau Roger H. 
Published: May 2006

A general election has been aptly compared to an instantaneous photograph of a galloping horse. It is a static representation of a public opinion that is by its very essence perpetually changing, and a newly elected House of Commons has not yet met before it is in a sense out of date and no longer fully representative. Even if a general election photograph had permanent significance, it would be open to the criticism of inaccuracy at the time of taking. Readers of this Review are aware of the misleading character of the British electoral machine—of the fact that whenever more than two candidates contest a constituency, the one elected may very well represent but a fraction over a third of the electorate; so that election statistics show a serious discrepancy between the distribution of votes and the allocation of seats.On the eve of dissolution, the House of Commons comprised 400 Conservative, 162 Socialist, and 46 Liberal members, with seven Independents. The new House comprises 289 Socialists, 260 Conservatives, 59 Liberals, and seven Independents. This distribution of seats, we have said, does not accurately correspond to that of votes cast, since the Socialists polled 8,370,005 votes, the Conservatives 8,641,170, and the Liberals 5,295,308. The usual explanation of the discrepancy is that the Labor party had all the luck of the three-cornered contests in which a minority candidate was returned. This, however, happens to be false; that luck went to the Conservatives: of 313 successful “minority” candidates, 153 are Conservatives, 122 Socialists, and 38 Liberals; while of 291 seats held by a clear majority, Socialists have 166, Conservatives 105, and Liberals 20.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Authors: Harper Samuel N. 
Published: May 2006

A salient feature of the Soviet order set up in Russia by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 is the provision for a single, mobilized political center, striving to organize all social processes to conform with its particular ideology and program. The Communist party is this political center of the Soviet Union, enjoying a monopoly of legality in respect of organization. Only an outline of the methods by which this political machine exercises its leadership is possible within the limits of the present note. The emphasis will be on the structure which the Communists have given to their party, in order more effectively to carry the responsibility of leadership assumed by them. The word “party” is used, but one has here an organization which differs sharply from political parties of parliamentary systems. Also in its relations to the formal governmental bodies the Communist party presents several features which differentiate it from the party systems of other countries.The special methods of organization adopted and the peculiar position enjoyed by the Communist party in the Soviet Union permit of several theoretical interpretations. One of these is that the Revolution contemplated by the Communists has three distinct stages, of which only the second has as yet been reached. There was the successful seizure of power, finally consolidated after some three years of civil war. Then came the present period of transition, the length of which will depend upon the success of the party in the exercise of its leadership. Only the successful achievement of the present party leadership will bring the final triumph of the Revolution as the third and last period.
Methods of Apportionment in Congress
Authors: Huntington Edward V. 
Published: May 2006

Introduction. The apportionment for this decade has now been made by Congress, and a bill has been passed which will automatically provide for reapportionment in all subsequent decades. Under this law, the size of the House will remain 435, and the method of computation will remain the method of major fractions as used in 1911 unless Congress takes the initiative in making a change. It may, however, be a matter of interest to put on record a brief description of the principal “methods” which were under discussion in the recent congressional debates. No knowledge of mathematics is required in order to understand the purpose and result of each of these methods.The constitutional requirement. The constitutional requirement reads as follows: “Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed; …. but each state shall have at least one representative.” Hence, in a theoretically perfect apportionment, the ratio of representation in any state would be exactly equal to the ratio of representation in every other state. In practice, however, perfect equality cannot be secured, on account of fractions. Hence, in the practical problem of apportioning any given number of representatives among the several states, the only way in which the constitutional requirement can be met is by making the unavoidable inequalities between the states as small as possible.
The Executive Budget Decision, in New York
Authors: Crawford Finla G. 
Published: May 2006

Twenty years of discussion of budget procedure came to a conclusion with the decision of the Court of Appeals on November 19, 1929, in People of the State of New York v. Tremaine. This decision upheld the contention of Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt as to the powers of the executive in budget procedure, as provided for by Article 3a of the state constitution.The first chapter in the movement to improve financial procedure in the state was the passage in 1910 of a law which initiated a system requiring all requests for appropriations to be filed and tabulated for the use of the legislature and the governor in advance of the legislative session. Prior to this time, no attempt had been made to collect or compile the requests before the opening of the legislative session. This law of 1910 provided that on or before November 15 of each year each spending agency should file with the comptroller a detailed statement of all requests for appropriations to be made at the next session of the legislature. The requests were to be tabulated by the comptroller and then transmitted to the governor by December 15, and to the legislature on the opening day of the session.The next change in budget procedure occurred in 1913, when Governor Sulzer appointed a committee of inquiry to investigate the management of state departments and institutions with a view to securing greater economy and efficiency in public service.
The Prussian Theory of Monarchy
Authors: Willoughby W. W. 
Published: May 2006

During the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when absolute monarchy was the prevailing governmental type in Europe, the principle was very generally held by the rulers, and not infrequently acted upon, that the people of a state, together with their lands and other goods and chattels, were, in a very real sense, the property of their king and constituted his patrimonium. That this view should have prevailed, is historically explainable. The entire feudal system, out of which the modern monarchy had evolved, was founded upon the idea that the ownership of land carried with it, as one of its incidents, the right of political rulership. When, then, by a process of development, the king had obtained a supremacy over his feudal lords, when his “peace” had become higher than theirs, and had extended over the whole country, and when these lords and those who in turn held of them were forced to concede that they held their lands by a conditional grant from the king, their liege lord, the idea that the monarch was the owner of the entire realm was complete. In him lay the final legal title to all land. All other persons had “tenures” rather than rights of ownership. And, as for the people themselves, the idea that one person might be another person's “man” or “woman” was universal. The influence of these ideas on recent political conceptions may be indicated by recalling that serfdom did not disappear from Germany until well into the nineteenth century.This patrimonial conception of monarchy explains the accepted idea that the throne might be inherited, or willed away by testament, like a piece of property, and that it might be bought and sold, and acquired by marriage. It explains also the recognized right of the king to requisition, upon occasion, the goods of his subjects, and even to sell those subjects themselves to foreign powers, as, for example, was done when the Hessian soldiers were sold by their ruler to England for use against the Americans in the Revolutionary War.
National and International Control of Foreign Investments
Authors: Laves Walter H. C. 
Published: May 2006

In the course of the last eight years, economists and political scientists in the United States have become increasingly aware of problems created by government influence on private foreign investments. For an understanding of these problems, they have turned to an analysis of the experiences of England, France, and Germany before the World War and of the United States since. But little attention has been given to the implications of control of foreign investments for international organization. It is the purpose of this paper (1) to summarize the nature of the control in each country; (2) to outline the theory underlying government control; (3) to point to the international effects of this control; and (4) to propose certain changes which are necessary to bring this aspect of state policy into line with recent developments of international organization.In a sense, it is inaccurate to speak of government control in England, because the influence exerted by the government there was not in the nature of regulation. The relationship between government and bankers was one as different from legal control as is the theory of the common law from that of the civil law. That is to say, there was no statute on the basis of which the government influenced the outward flow of capital. Such relationship as there was, such similarity of policy as existed between finance and government, depended upon the existence of an accord which was the result of a common heritage and a common purpose.
National Parties and Local Politics
Authors: Ellis Ellen Deborah 
Published: May 2006

It is curious that the question with which, of all others, every participant in local politics finds himself most persistently confronted—and it is a truism that by far the greatest part of our political lives are concerned with local affairs—should be given so little. attention in treatises on American government. I refer to the problem of the relation between national political parties and state and local politics.The problem presents itself under two aspects, in one sense separate, though in reality closely interwoven with each other. There is first the anomaly that local issues seem so far removed from the platforms of the organizations, the national parties, through which the often perplexed and embarrassed voter must express himself in the performance of his ordinary electoral duties in the state or the locality; and there is, secondly, the question faced by every would-be reformer of local government, as to whether the desired reforms can best be brought about through the national party organizations or through separate locally organized groups.
The Rôle of the Senate in Treaty-Making: A Survey of Four Decades
Authors: Fleming Denna Frank 
Published: May 2006

The action of the United States Senate upon the large majority of treaties laid before it has been comparatively perfunctory and without important result. Four-fifths of all the treaties submitted to the Senate have been approved by it without any change whatever. Twenty-one per cent have been altered in the Senate, for the most part by changes of words or clauses that later passed the scrutiny of both the President and the foreign powers concerned. Of the 152 treaties amended by the Senate, only one-fifth have been changed so seriously as to compromise or destroy the international agreement proposed. Likewise, the failure of 62 treaties to be approved by the Senate in any form has had serious consequences in not more than a fifth of the situations resulting.Moreover, while all kinds of treaties have incurred the Senate's displeasure, it has consistently emasculated only one type, i.e., those for the pacific settlement of disputes. It is upon the Senate's action on this class of treaties that opinion as to the usefulness of its rôle in treaty-making must divide. To those who believe that a policy of national isolation can and should be maintained, the record of the Senate is not disturbing; it is highly praiseworthy.
Direct Primary Legislation in 1934–35
Authors: Overacker Louise 
Published: May 2006

Although few important changes have been made in the laws regulating primary elections during the last two years, some of those which have been made are novel and may foreshadow interesting future developments.The year immediately preceding a presidential campaign usually brings some changes in the presidential primaries, and 1935 was no exception. North Dakota has repealed its presidential primary provisions, and in Oregon repeal was voted by the legislature but defeated at a referendum vote. Hereafter, delegates to the national nominating conventions in North Dakota are to be chosen by a state convention meeting at a time and place fixed by the party state central committee. The Oregon law, which was defeated, provided for the choice of delegates at large by the state central committee and of district delegates by district nominating committeemen.
The Ratification of the Twenty-first Amendment
Authors: Brown Everett S. 
Published: May 2006

All proposals of amendments to the Constitution of the United States under Article V have been made only by Congress and, with the exception of the Twentyfirst Amendment, the mode of ratification has been “by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states.” The Twenty-first Amendment alone was ratified by conventions in three-fourths of the states.The enrolled joint resolution proposing the Twenty-first Amendment was delivered on February 20, 1933, to Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson. On February 21, he sent identic letters to the governors of the forty-eight states, enclosing with each letter a certified copy of the joint resolution, and requesting that the resolution be submitted to a state convention and that a certified copy of the action taken be communicated to the secretary of state.
Jeffersonian Democracy: a Dual Tradition
Authors: Wiltse Charles M. 
Published: May 2006

From the great mass of Jefferson's writings, letters, and public utterances, it is possible to select isolated fragments in justification of almost any course one chooses to pursue; and the history of his forty years in the service of his country offers almost as various a pattern. Taking his career and his writings as a whole, however, and piecing together from both the broad outlines of a political philosophy, one is struck by what appears to be a dual emphasis: two diverging streams of thought, which seem at first glance to be incompatible, and which have rendered the great democrat vulnerable to the charge of inconsistency so often repeated in his own day as in ours. One of these emphases, and that most apt to be quoted by campaign orators, is on individualism; but the direction and purpose of the other is socialistic.Both in the abstract system of the philosopher and in the concrete events of the world of action, time has a way of reconciling apparent contradictions. Historical perspective will do much to reveal unsuspected unities, and the point of view from which the inquiry is approached will do the rest.
Reflections on the “World Revolution” of 1940
Authors: Brooks Robert C. 
Published: May 2006

So controversial is the subject of thai address–“Reflections on the ‘World Revolution’ of 1940”–that a few words of justification in in order. You may be assured that it was not chosen without considerable thought and trepidation. To begin with, I made a study of the addresses of my thirty-four predecessors, as presented in the pages of the American Political Science Review. Without exception, these papers impressed me as wise, scholarly, finely stated, and cogently argued. Occasionally they were lightened by the lambent play of humor. On the other hand, several of them wen decidedly dry–a quality lees refreshing in discourses than in wines. Many of my predecessors dealt penetratingly and profoundly with topics taken from the fields of specialisation wherein they were masters, often the greatest of American masters. Others discussed broadly and philosophically the nature of political science, its relations to the social sciences in general, or the problems encountered in teaching this science.Of course so brief a summary cannot do justice to the almost infinite variety of materials presented by past presidents of our Association. There was, however, one type of subject which as a rule they avoided—that of contemporary, controversial political affairs. Even during the years of the First World War and immediately thereafter, this proved to be the case with only one or two exceptions. No doubt the motive which prompted most of my predecessors to avoid issues of the day was a sound one.
Political Liberty Today: is it Being Restricted or Enlarged by Economic Regulation?
Authors: Smith T. V. 
Published: May 2006

The liberty of any given citizen is inhibited by four great enemies. The first enemy is outer—the inhibition of the liberty of one by the liberty of others. The other three are inner enemies—illness, poverty, ignorance. The outer enemy is commonplace to political scientists. And so it is this inner triumvirate against freedom which I wish first and mainly to discuss. Worst of the three is ignorance.Pure liberty would consist simply in doing what one wants to do. Illness is enemy to this ideal not merely because illness weakens wants, but also because it aborts the very formation of virile wants. Poverty is enemy not only because it stunts the growth of healthy wants, but because it circumvents efficacy of efforts to fulfill any and all wants. Ignorance, however, is worst of the three, not only because it fortifies the other enemies, inner and outer, but because it also converts such regulation of elemental wants as is made inevitable by civilization into the psychological poison of aggression and thereby estops fructifying sublimation of the crasser forms of freedom.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between June 1 and July 15, 1938
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. 
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.Air Commerce Bureau, Department of Commerce. Duties transferred to Civil Aëronautics Authority by Civil Aëronautics Act of 1938 (Public Act No. 706, 75th Congress), approved June 23, 1938.Air Mail Bureau, Interstate Commerce Commission. Duties transferred to Civil Aëronautics Authority by Civil Aëronautics Act of 1938 (Public Act No. 706, 75th Congress), approved June 23, 1938.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between December 1, 1937, and May 31, 1938
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. 
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.Advisory Committee for Federal Crop Insurance Corporation. Authorized by the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, Public Act No. 430, 75th Congress, approved February 16, 1938.
Trends in English Local Government, 1944
Authors: Weidner Edward W. 
Published: May 2006

Many accusations are being made in England at the present time that an over-centralized bureaucracy is stifling local government. The Government's plans for local government in the postwar period tend, it is said, to abolish local self-government.If any such trends are discernible, an examination of local-government developments in 1944 ought to reveal them, since that year was one of profound change for English local government. Nearly every service administered by local government was in some way affected. Some services were enlarged, others reduced. New services were added, old ones dropped. Central-local relations in the performance of these functions were in nearly every case altered. Even the relations between different units of local government were modified.In the pages that follow, an attempt is made to summarize some of the most important changes made in 1944 in the services performed by local units and to indicate some of the trends which are manifest when the changes are viewed as a whole.
The Restoration of Civil and Political Rights by Presidential Pardon
Authors: Brown Everett S. 
Published: May 2006

Although much has been written on the general subject of the President's pardoning power, there is still considerable confusion concerning the use of that power for the restoration of civil and political rights to persons who have been deprived of them as a punishment for crime. Particular questions frequently raised are: What rights are lost? How are they lost? How may they be restored? That the issue is a live one is supported by the fact that in the year 1938 no fewer than 203 pardons were granted by the President to restore civil rights.The confusion on the subject is due in large measure to the complexities of our federal form of government. This was clearly noted by Attorney-General Caleb Cushing in his opinion of July 9, 1856, in the case of Oliver Robbins of Sackett's Harbor, New York. Robbins was convicted in 1851, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of New York, of an offense against federal law, and was sentenced to imprisonment in the penitentiary of New York. In 1852, he received from President Fillmore a general pardon.
The War Department in World War II
Authors: Millett John D. 
Published: May 2006

Organization is customarily considered a means to an end. The purposes to be realized are of first importance, while administrative structure is a lesser consideration. Thus organization is supposed to describe the division of work already decided upon and the assignment of authority in performing a given task. Only technicians and a few students who find some queer fascination in detail need give particular attention to organizational matters.However widely held, any such attitude about organization ignores several fundamentals. For one thing, conception of purpose and organization are too closely interrelated to say that one precedes the other. Indeed, in any large enterprise the objectives to be accomplished usually represent the composite views of different component parts. Sometimes conflicting purposes have been fairly well resolved at the center of an agency, and oftentimes they are permitted to flourish without much check, let alone guidance. Frequently you must know the individual elements in order to understand the whole. Finally, organization vitally affects the ambitions, reputations, and fortunes of many individual persons. It is often the battleground which reflects much more far-reaching beliefs than strictly technical concerns about the most efficient method for performing a job.