bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Manipulation of Popular Impulse: Graham Wallas Revisited
Authors: Qualter T. H. 
Published: June 2006

When Graham Wallas published his Human Nature in Politics, just over fifty years ago, it was already becoming apparent that the machinery of representative democracy was not working as smoothly as its liberal creators had intended. The successful operation of its institutions, which implied the existence of a society of rational well-intentioned individuals, was being frustrated by oligarchic party structures, self-interested pressure groups, the apathy and ignorance of the mass of the population, and the power of irrational persuasion. As the gulf between the theory and the practice of democracy became more obvious, there resulted a disillusionment which led many to a complete rejection of the democratic thesis. It was this setting that led Ostrogorski, Michels, and others to prophesy the collapse of democratic political machinery.But to prove that the institutions set up by men to achieve a certain ideal are inadequate for that purpose is not the same as to prove the worthlessness of the ideal. Such was the essence of Graham Wallas' thesis. The founders of democratic theory believed they had discovered the means for a fuller expression of human dignity and a more complete development of the individual's potential. An unfortunate over-emphasis on the role of reason in political activity, however, made impossible the realization of their ideal through the machinery they had established, especially the machinery for the election of representatives. Democracy, nevertheless, remained an ideal that might still be attainable if some adjustments were made to account for previously neglected facts about human nature.
Higher Public Servants and the Bureaucratic Elite in Canada
Authors: Porter John 
Published: June 2006

There is now an extensive literature on bureaucratic organization in general, and on governmental bureaucracies in particular. Recently there has been a tendency to view social power as being distributed through a set of counter-bureaucracies, each of which is a development within a particular institutional order. Modern corporations, the trade unions, the departments of state, the armed services, the church, and so forth are all bureaucratically organized. In other words they have an intensive division of labour, a hierarchical system of command and co-ordination, and an emphasis in recruitment on expert qualifications. Consequently, as bureaucratic organization pervades the entire social structure, we enter the age of the “managerial society,” the “organization man,” and “government by expert.” Hence bureaucracy takes on its true meaning of rule by officials.While much of contemporary sociology in the fields of industrial relations and business and public administration is given over to improving the techniques of bureaucratic control, less attention is paid to the relationship of the various bureaucracies to one another within the total system of power. In this paper I have brought together data on the careers and social backgrounds of the top men—the élite—of the Canadian federal public service. The ordering of these data has been guided by models of governmental bureaucracy in relation to other institutional structures. Limitation of space precludes a full exposition here of these models, but a brief outline is necessary to give some meaning to the empirical materials that follow. The significant variables in these models are rationalization, rivalry, and openness.
Administrative Decision and the Law: The Views of a Lawyer
Authors: Willis John 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to consider the implications for Canadians of the recent report of the Franks Committee on administrative justice in England. This is the second English report of its kind to be made in twenty-five years, the first being the famous Report of the Committee on Ministers' Powers in 1932. Both committees made exhaustive inquiries into the actual day-to-day working of English administrative justice and in the light of that knowledge made recommendations for its improvement. In the United States, the Report of the Attorney General's Committee on Administrative Procedure reviewed in 1941 the federal administrative process as it actually operated; in the light of that report, Congress passed in 1946 the Administrative Procedure Act laying down in fairly general terms the minimum standards of procedure to be observed in the administrative exercise of delegated powers of adjudication; and in 1955 a Task Force on Legal Services and Procedure made a year-long study of the entire field of federal administrative law and submitted its conclusions in a 442-page report to the Hoover Commission. In Canada there has never been any offiicial inquiry into such questions.For this reason—and we should do well to admit it before we begin trying to learn lessons from the Franks Report—we Canadians do not know much about our own situation. We do know that in our country, as in England and in the United States, there is at the federal level and at the provincial level a heterogeneous collection of bodies other than courts—independent commissions, civil service departments, and other statutory authorities—deciding disputes between that mighty engine, the state, and the individual citizen or business corporation; but of what most of them in fact do, how they do it, and to what extent they are supervised, checked, or controlled, we have only hazy and rather general knowledge.
Administrative Decision and the Law: The Views of an Administrator
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

Modern legislation, in Canada as elsewhere, has entrusted important functions to boards or commissions and has conferred very wide powers upon them. The basic purpose of such legislation is to supplement legislatures, courts of law, and ministers of the Crown by providing these venerable institutions with subordinate agencies which, within a strictly limited sphere, can act more effectively.The legislative functions of a board consist in making regulations with the force of law. These regulations often require the approval of the supreme executive authority. They provide a necessary type of legislation which our legislatures, let us say it quite brutally, are not competent to consider in detail.A second function of boards is to decide disputes. Not only do they supplement the action of the legislatures in cases in which it is likely to be cumbersome or ineffective, but they also replace judicial action in cases in which it is disliked or distrusted. Although control by courts of law may remain formally unimpaired, boards acting within the scope of the law which creates them are able to interfere, ostensibly in the public interest as they themselves define it, with many established or traditional rights.A third function of boards is administrative. They are in principle able to act with complete immunity from the political pressures to which a minister of the Crown may quite properly be exposed. Their administrative work is facilitated by their legislative and judicial powers and part of their usefulness derives from their ability to combine three functions which cannot be conveniently—and perhaps cannot be safely—combined at higher levels.
Changing Structural Factors in Canada's Cyclical Sensitivity, 1903–54
Authors: Rosenbluth G. 
Published: June 2006

An earlier paper examined changes in Canadian sensitivity to United States business fluctuations. The evidence suggested that this sensitivity may have declined from the ten years preceding the First World War to the twenties, and that it undoubtedly declined between the twenties, on the one hand, and the thirties and post-war period on the other. Changes in sensitivity were measured by changes in the average percentage amplitude of fluctuations in Canadian output indicators associated with given percentage fluctuations of the corresponding United States indicators. The changes in sensitivity observed in this way were very small, but the decline from the twenties to the thirties and the post-war period was statistically significant.The present paper attempts an explanation of these findings by examining changes in structural factors that can be assumed to have influenced Canada's cyclical sensitivity. Most of these factors have been frequently discussed by Canadian economists.Since exports are a major channel for the transmission of cyclical fluctuations (indeed, in the thinking of many economists they appear to be the only channel), and since United States business conditions influence, directly and indirectly, Canadian exports to all countries, the sensitivity of total Canadian exports to United States business fluctuations must be examined. Since the United Kingdom has been a major market for exports, the influence of its business fluctuations on the relation between United States and Canadian fluctuations is also relevant.
The Impact of the Post-War Industrial Expansion on Ontario's Agriculture
Authors: Drummond W. M. 
Published: June 2006

For most of the past century an expansion of secondary industry has been taking place in Ontario. During most of this period, however, the process of industrialization has been quite gradual, somewhat intermittent, and often fairly closely related to agriculture. Such was only to be expected so long as the general economic expansion of the country was centred in agriculture and particularly in the development of the agricultural resources of the Prairie Provinces. In recent years, however, the general expansion has been concentrated in the non-agricultural sectors of the economy. Moreover a very large part of the total activity has been occurring in the province of Ontario and at an extremely rapid rate. It is because there has been so much industrial development in so short a time that the impact on agriculture has been so pronounced.In considering the specific ways in which agriculture has been affected it may first be noted that the industrial expansion has meant a pronounced and continuous increase in non-farm employment at steadily rising wage-rates. The ability to obtain these new well-paid jobs has made it possible for many people to improve their economic lot by shifting from farming to other occupations. It has also forced farmers to choose between paying much higher wages (and also providing greatly improved working and living conditions for hired workers) and finding some less expensive method of getting work done. It has also led to the abandonment of farms in numerous cases where, because of factors such as inferior soil, insufficient area, or poor location, continuance in farming had depended on the ability to obtain cheap labour.
Central African Enquiry
Authors: Conway John S. 
Published: June 2006

The Report of the Advisory Commission on the Review of the Constitution of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the Monckton Commission, will undoubtedly be a document of historic significance. Not only will its findings be certain to affect the destinies of the seven and a half million inhabitants of Rhodesia and Nyasaland; not only does it form yet another in the long series of stepping stones of liberal imperialism leading to the creative abdication of imperial responsibilities; but the assumptions it starts from and the appeal it makes for a partnership between the races will also be important for the future relations between black and white in all Africa.The Monckton Commission was established in 1959 at the instigation of the British government, to advise that government, the federal government of the Central African Federation and the three territorial governments of Southern and Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland on future constitutional developments. Led by Lord Monckton, a distinguished former British cabinet minister, the Commission was composed of members appointed by these governments. The importance of the constitutional review was emphasized by the selection of a Canadian and an Australian to sit on the Commission. Professor D. G. Creighton of the University of Toronto was invited by the British government to serve as the member from Canada.
Size of Firm, Oligopoly, and Research: The Evidence
Authors: Hamberg D. 
Published: June 2006

For many years the defence of the giant corporation and oligopoly has been rooted in the argument that both were the product of a technology that requires large-scale enterprises for efficient production. In brief, the economies of mass production are supposed to give rise to optimum-scale firms that are too large, relative to the size of markets, to permit the large numbers of sellers needed to minimize monopoly powers over prices and production.Although still possessing many adherents, this defence of the giant corporation and oligopoly has recently fallen from favour, perhaps mainly for lack of empirical support, but probably also for other reasons that need not be examined here. In its place has come a new defence. The large oligopolistic corporations, we are now told, have become the principal sources of research and development, and thus of the technological progress which is the backbone of economic growth.
Politics and Broadcasting: Case Studies of Political Interference in National Broadcasting Systems
Authors: Qualter T. H. 
Published: June 2006

Broadcasting is the most pervasive, and therefore one of the most powerful, of agents for influencing men's thoughts and actions, for giving them a picture, true or false, of their fellows and of the world in which they live, for appealing to their intellect, their emotions and their appetites, for filling their minds with beauty or ugliness, ideas or idleness, laughter or terror, love or hate.The truth of this statement from the Beveridge Committee on British broadcasting is not now questioned. Indeed the danger today is that governments, instead of ignoring the power of radio to influence opinion, will exaggerate it and take needless precautions against the “contamination” of the public mind. Such an attitude has long been recognized as characteristic of totalitarianism, but in this paper I am concerned to show that the “fundamental freedoms” of speech and of the press do not always extend to the broadcasting services, even in states with otherwise strongly established democratic traditions. In the two countries examined, Great Britain and New Zealand, broadcasting is a government monopoly, operated in Britain through the British Broadcasting Corporation, a semi-independent public corporation, and in New Zealand through the New Zealand Broadcasting Service, a government department under the control of a minister. According to a recent announcement from New Zealand, however, the Government intends “to end direct state control of radio and television in New Zealand and create an independent three man corporation to assume control from 1st April 1962.” The governments of both countries have demonstrated that they regard broadcasting rights as a privilege not to be extended to all who might claim access to them.
Recent Contributions to the Theory of Economic Growth
Authors: Green H. A. John 
Published: June 2006

The theory of economic growth is concerned with the behaviour over time of the major economic aggregates—among them consumption and investment, wages and profits. At the present time growth theory is the field of a methodological dispute between the so-called “neo-classical” and “neo-Keynesian” schools of thought. In this paper, in the course of a brief consideration of recent major works in this area, an attempt is made to discover the nature of the disagreement.Let us begin with Meade's Neo-classical Theory of Economic Growth. In a lucid introductory chapter, the assumptions common to the two sides in the dispute are set forth. We are to consider a closed economy, with no government expenditure or taxation. There are two types of goods: machines and a homogeneous consumption good, each produced by means of machines and labour (and perhaps land). The assumption of competitive conditions throughout the economy is interpreted somewhat differently by different authors. To Mrs. Robinson in her Essays (p. 8), it means that in long-run equilibrium a uniform rate of profit rules in all sectors of the economy. To Meade it means, in addition, that each factor of production receives as payment the value of its marginal product.
Western Europe's Demand for Canadian Industrial Materials
Authors: Reuber G. L. 
Published: June 2006

One of the most important developments in the world economy since 1945 has been the emergence of strong and rapidly growing economies in Western Europe. This expansion has been accompanied by the formation of two free-trade blocs, with growing prospects for an association between them. Canadian reactions to these changes have ranged from apprehension and pessimism, on the one hand, to considerable optimism on the other and in the course of the discussion a number of suggestions have been advanced for modifying Canada's commercial policy. It has been suggested, for example, that because of these and other developments we should increase protection to domestic industry; another suggestion that has been advanced in several forms is that we should ourselves consider promoting some regional free-trade association.These reactions and policy suggestions necessarily involve assumptions about the future of Canadian trade, particularly with Western Europe. In most discussions these assumptions remain implicit and unclear. The purpose of this paper is to identify and to assess some of these assumptions, recognizing fully all the hazards, difficulties and qualifications that inevitably attend forecasting exercises in economics. Specifically, I try to shed some light on the following two questions: (1) Given likely increases in Western Europe's national income over the next ten years, by how much is Europe's demand likely to increase for industrial materials that are important Canadian exports? (2) How great a barrier to Canadian exports, and how costly for Canada, are likely to be the tariff arrangements that EEC and EFTA propose to establish over the next decade?
Increasing Misery of the Proletariat: An Analysis of Marx's Wage and Employment Theory
Authors: Gottheil Fred M. 
Published: June 2006

The intent of this paper is to demonstrate (1) that Marx's analysis of the workers' fate under capitalism is not quite as scientific as he had professed, and (2) that, on the other hand, his analysis of wage and employment determination in a capitalist economy is not quite as misleading as many critics contend.If Marx's theoretical contributions in this area have been unjustly discounted by “bourgeois economists,” much of the fault may be traced directly to Marx himself. For it was he who suggested that the veracity of his economic analysis could be measured by the accuracy of his economic predictions. Non-Marxists and neo-Marxists alike have faithfully followed his suggestion. Thus, since overwhelming evidence of rising standards of living in Western capitalist countries clearly discredits Marx's prediction concerning the increasing misery of the proletariat, we generally discard not only the prediction but also the theoretical apparatus whence it was allegedly derived.To reject Marx in this matter on his own grounds, however, is to acknowledge logical consistency in his derivation of prediction from model. It is the consistency that is questioned here. And if Marx's prediction of misery is found not to derive from his wage and employment theory, then the Marxian theory of wages and employment may prove to be a more valid view of capitalism than is generally suspected.
Canada: Two Nations or One?
Authors: Forsey Eugene A. 
Published: June 2006

You will perhaps think that, with that introduction, I have already answered the question in the title. Don't jump to conclusions! Attendez un peu!When I was elected president of this Association last year, I could scarcely have been more astonished. Obviously, there were dozens of people far better qualified. I asked myself why I had been chosen, and there was only one possible reason that seemed to me to make any sense. The Association was to become bilingual, and I was one of the few senior English-speaking members who could make a respectable noise in French. I hasten to agree that this is a most inadequate reason for my election, but it is still the only one I can think of.Be that as it may, the twin facts that the Association is now to be officially bilingual, and that I can make a respectable noise in French, seem to me to impose upon me a double duty: first, to say something about our bicultural state (you observe how carefully I avoid, so far, the controversial word “nation”), and second, to say at least part of it in French.
The Politics of Combines Policy: Liberals and the Stevens Commission
Authors: Forster D. F. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is not designed primarily as a contribution to the theory of political decision-making. Nor is it an economic analysis of the problems studied by the Royal Commission on Price Spreads and Mass Buying. Rather, it is an attempt to show how the opposition Liberal party developed a strategy to deal with the important issues of economic policy raised by the investigation and how it developed an alternative policy position.On February 2, 1934, the Prime Minister, R. B. Bennett, moved that a Select Committee of the House of Commons be established to inquire into the causes of price spreads and a variety of related problems in the areas of distribution, inter-firm relations, and labour conditions. From the beginning, H. H. Stevens, the chairman and Minister of Trade and Commerce in the Bennett administration, dominated the Committee's hearings—selecting witnesses, scheduling proceedings, and stretching the Committee's already elastic terms of reference in search of new abuses and new sensations. He denounced unfair trade practices and what he felt were flagrant abuses of economic power by department stores, meat packers, and other mass buyers, economic power which he charged was used to squeeze the small retailer, supplier, and producer and destroy decent working conditions. The public interest in the hearings was high and the press coverage was extensive and full, particularly when the Chairman had angry exchanges with the presidents of Canada Packers and the Imperial Tobacco Company.
Democracy as Perceived by Public Opinion Analysts
Authors: Dion Leon 
Published: June 2006

The political ideas of public opinion analysts–pollsters as well as theoreticians–have often been submitted to rather harsh criticisms from political philosophers and scientists. On occasion, however, the analysts have reciprocated by accusing the latter of being poorly acquainted not only with the techniques and purpose of polling but also with the basic political assumptions that underlie their work. Public opinion analysts in the United States present themselves as champions of democracy; as a consequence, it is only natural that they should above all resent criticisms asserting that they hold naïve, false, or even subversive notions concerning democracy.In the present article, I intend to explore the ideological conceptions of American public opinion analysts concerning the position and function of polling in a democracy. Reference to their critics will be made only when one or another public opinion analyst is known to have explicitly answered a specific point. Since many contemporary analysts acknowledge their debt to Bryce's The American Commonwealth, I shall start by presenting the pertinent views of the British author concerning public opinion; second, I shall summarize the views which present polling as a new technique of democratic government; third, I shall consider what public opinion analysts have to say about the impact of polling on the democratic process as such. Finally, I shall conclude by indicating how public opinion analysts view their research in relation to political theory in general.