bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Frontière linguistique et destin de la Belgique
Authors: Goriely Georges 
Published: November 2007

Belgium's Liriguistic and her Destiny, by Georges Goriely
Belgium has an identity crisis of very long standing which is reflected in its récent constitutional laws. Its dominant francophone bourgeoisie was a conflict with the Flemish population who sought to counteract their relative social and cultural poverty by establishing a unilingual Flanders. Theirs demands were met by the laws of 1932 and 1963 which split the country on a linguistic basis andfixed the linguistic boundaries. From the Flemish standpoint the major failure is that, in Brussels, which they still regard as their natural capital, use of the French language continues to increase. Linguistic demands are a cover for various kinds of social discontent. Flanders was culturally and socially backward for a long time, but it is now in the stronger position demographically and economically. Since 1970, constitutional reforms and new laws hâve tried to institutionalise so-called « communities » and « régions », but the new System is an unsatisfactory compromise. It is not clear whether this loosely knit population will find new ways to préserve its national unity, which is the désire of the great majority, or whether the ségrégative process will continue to its logical conclusion.
Les fondements de la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis
Authors: Kissinger Henry 
Published: November 2007

The foundations of American foreign policy, by Henry Kissinger
In this account of East-West relations, US relations with Western Europe and the problems of the developing word, the author descri- bes the international situation as it appears from an American pers pective and sets out the main lines of American foreign policy. One must never forget the dual strains of foreign policy and the powerful impact of historial convictions : whatever the importance of geopolitics and equilibrium, however salient they may become in American foreign policy deliberations, the moral dimension of the national tradition will never disappear : the task of American statesmanship is to combine these two strands into a consistent, coherent and effective foreign policy.
La défense occidentale dans les années 1980 : les conditions du consensus
Authors: Howard Michael 
Published: November 2007

Western defence in the 1980s : conditions for consensus, by Michael Howard
In 1949, ai ihe création of NATO, the American military presence is wanted in Western Europe, not just in the négative role of a deterrent to Soviet agression, but in the positive role of a « reassurance » to the West Europeans. Nowadays, at the time of nuclear parity, there is a serious disjunction between deterrence and « reassurance ». The Europeans now require « reassurance » against the prospect of nuclear war in itself, rather than that of Soviet attack. In order to reconcile deterrence and « reassurance », it is necessary to reduce dependence on US deterrence, and to emphasize a European conventional defence.
Le contrat européen. L'Europe des Communautés entre fausses crises et mutations réelles
Authors: Moreau Defarges Philippe 
Published: November 2007

The European Community : évolution and false alarms, by Philippe Moreau Defarges
The European Community has evolved via a séries of crises. This mode of development reflects both the conflicts within Europe and the need for Member states to stick together and compromise. Entry into Europe was a fundamentally irreversible act, and the main risk is not disintegration but paralysis, stagnation and negotiation without movement. The future of Europe certainly lies in a better under-standing of the « European Contract », of which the community System is only the visible part. It is time to deal with the growing complexity of relations between the European institutions by clearer definition of the « executive » and « legislative » roles.
Mythes et réalités de la défense de l'Europe
Authors: Klein Jean 
Published: November 2007

Myths and realities of European defence, by Jean Klein
Western Europe relied largely on the protection of the United States during the period of its undisputed stratégie superiority, but now that the balance of world military force has changed and some progres s has been made towards European integration, the question of Europe's defence poses new problems. However, there is little prospect of Europe developing an autonomous defence System. In spite of attempts to build a « second pillar », no crédible alternative has emerged for Europe outside the Atlantic Alliance. Though the French Government still follows a policy of military independence, it nevertheless respects its obligations towards its Allies. In fact it recently augmented its contribution to the common defence and took measures to offset the divergence between French and NATO strategy in the event of an East West conflict in Europe.
Syrie : l'heure de la revanche
Authors: Kodmani Bassma 
Published: November 2007

Syria's hour of revenge, by Bassma Kodmani
President Hafez-el-Assad's Syria seeks to demonstrate through its action in Lebanon that no settlement can be reached in the Middle East without its approval. Syria has reemerged once again as a force on the political and military scene, thanks to support from the Soviet Union. Its negative attitude has brought advantages, i.e. help from Moscow, Arab support, and doser attention from Washington, lt is therefore likely that Syria will persist along this path until her de-mands are met.
La France dans "l'après-Pershing"
Authors: Lellouche Pierre 
Published: November 2007

France in the « post-Pershing » period, by Pierre Lellouche
Even though the Soviets lost the test of wills, the Euromissile issue is by no me ans over now that the first deployment has taken place. Not having made any real concessions in time, the Kremlin's bluff failed. Although the North Atlantic alliance certainly gained an important psychological success, the European democracies must endure another four years internal conflict over this issue. The two big questions which will arise over future Geneva negotiations are : which of the superpowers will give way first ? and : how will political feeling evolve in Western Europe if nothing happens in Geneva before 1985 ? France may be force during this « post-Pershing » period to make fundamental redefinition of its defence and national security policies. This could engender rupture of the « consensus » of opinion in France which has up till now been apparent in matters of defence. The problem of European security in the coming years can only lead once more to the idea of cooperative inter-European defence system. Only France could take far-reaching initiative in this respect and all depends on whether the French who have legitimate worries about the consequences of German feelings of insecurity have the energy to overcome their own inertia as well as that of their fellow Europeans.
Pour un espace européen scientifique, industriel et social
Authors: Fabius Laurent 
Published: November 2007

A scientific industrial and commercial Europe, by Laurent Fabius
Whatever its successes may have been in the past, Europe will neither survive nor progress unless it can face up to the major challenge of our time ― the third technological revolution. Our greatest handicap in this respect is the excessive fragmentation of our industries. A coordination of efforts in industry and research would strengthen European identity. But such initiatives have to come from the firms themselves. The EEC's industrial strategy should concentrate on stimulating cooperation between European firms. A common commercial policy would necessarily be linked to European industrial strategy, to which the inevitable complement is common social policy.
Les Etats-Unis et les relations Est-Ouest
Authors: Bialer Seweryn 
Published: November 2007

The United States and East-West relations, by Seweryn Bialer
The Reagan Administration's change of tone in its approach to the Soviet Union during the presidential élection year seems to be sincère, y et Reagan's policies towards the Soviet Union are not clearly defined, no serious negociations are yet in sight. The dominant attitude continues to be one of gloating « we have them on the run ». The alternative to the présent Soviet-American stalemate and slide towards a Cold War is in the shorter run a normalization that involves such steps on the American side as : a moratiorium on mutual récriminations ; declaratory statements on the goals of American policy towards the Soviet Union ; declaratory reaffirmation of strategie parity and the legitimacy of the Soviet Union as a global power ; moratorium on further deploy-ment of INF... This normalization should lead to a « competitive coexistence » or « managed rivalry » between the United States and the Soviet Union.
La reaganomie au service de l'économie mondiale
Authors: Nau Henry 
Published: November 2007

International Reaganomics Works, by Henry R. Nau
According to the author, the domesticist perspective, compared with the globalist perspective, offers the better prospects for international economy during the 1980s. The Reagan Administration has rightfully reasserted, during the last four years, US power to lead the world back to the domesticist triad of world economie rearmament : low inflation, market incentives and freer trade. Strong and domesticist oriented national economies will do more for world economy than any globalist attempt of coordination.
La France et le Tiers Monde ou comment gagner le Sud sans perdre le Nord
Authors: Smouts Marie-Claude 
Published: November 2007

France and the Third World or How to Win the South Without Losing the North, by Marie-Claude Smouts
France's ambitious policy intentions towards the Third World are based on high moral principe. In Mexico, François Mitterrand clearly stated the aims. These include a refusai to accept that whenever conflicts arise in the « South », thèse should automatically play a role in East West competition ; support for peoples struggling for liberty and social justice ; a conviction that the désunies of « North » and « South » are linked and that no international equilibrium can be achieved without the development of Third World countries. However, France has limited means at Us disposai for the implementation of these policies. In particular, no realistic alternative can be offered to those countries who wish to free themselves from the tutelage of either one of the superpowers, be they in Southern Africa, Indochina or Central America. France's actions are limited to pronouncing what is right and providing an intellectual framework within which solutions to these regional conflicts may be sought. On the other hand in traditional sphere of influence especially in Africa, continuity has prevailed over change. The spirit of cooperation has flourished, but the necessary means have not been provided and France has not actually equipped itself with the appropriate tools. The ambitious Ministry of Development envisaged at the beginning of the Presidential term has not materialised.
La France et le terrorisme : la tentation du sanctuaire
Authors: Plenel Edwy 
Published: November 2007

Terrorism in France : The Temptation of Sanctuary, by Edwy Plenel
Terrorism is likely to be a durable phenomenon in France because home-grown terrorists have improved their military proficiency and increased the radicalism of their ideology. Furthermore, certain foreign states, notably Syria, are using terrorist pressure as an alternative to diplomacy for the furtherance of their foreign policy objectives. During 1980-1982, the French government underestimated the potential for violence of « Action Directe » and had a contradictory policy towards the Near and Middle East, which led to an upturn in terrorist activity. Actions by domestic terrorist groups have had less impact on policy than « demands » of international terrorism. While dealing firmly with the former, the government has made concessions to the latter. Cohabitation with terrorism has required a critical review of France's vital interests and the expediency of certain diplomatie links.
Tchernobyl et le problème des obligations internationales relatives aux accidents nucléaires
Authors: Strohl Pierre 
Published: November 2007

Chernobyl and the Problem of International Responsibility for Nudear Accidents, by Pierre Strohl
Even before the nudear industries started to operate, rigorous protective and safety regulations were legislated, at least in Western countries. International coopration produced a high quality and relatively homogeneous judicial System which covered a fairly wide geographical area. This headstart, for which legitimate satisfaction was felt, may have induced complacency, at least at an international level, and led to subsequent inattention to the need to adapt the original regulations to changing conditions in the growing industry. During the 25 years since the érection of the first civilian reactors, international interdependence has increased and attitudes have changed largely thanks to progress in communications technology. It should be stressed that considérable progress has been made in international nudear law since Chernobyl and it will no doubt undergo significant further improvement in the future. Fundamental principles will probably remain unchanged but international ties and obligations between adjacent countries will be strengthened.
La crise d'identité culturelle du monde arabe
Authors: Ajami Fouad 
Published: November 2007

The Silence in Arab Culture, by Fouad Ajami
Three attempts have been made to reconstitute Arab political life in the aftermath of the defeat to Israël in 1967. The first was undertaken between 1967 and 1973 by the Palestinian movement. Its objective was the emancipation of Arab society in its totality. This first illusion ended by the tragic crushing of Palestinians in Jordan and Lebanon. The second, that of 1973, should have been embodied by conservative petro-States. But surprised by oil revenues, they were unable to reconcile tradition and modernism (americanization). The third attempt is Iranian and Islamic. It is characterized by the will to counter Western influence and to retort Arab nationalism and Sunnite supremacy. What can be said today? The Iranian revolution did not succeed to mobilize those « excluded from Arab politics ». She cannot be identified with progress; rather, she expresses a regression movement.
Politique spatiale militaire française et coopération européenne
Authors: Paolini Jérôme 
Published: November 2007

French Spatial Military Policy and European Coopération, by Jérôme Paolini
When political, industrial and economie requirements seem to promote military uses of outer space as a promising field for European security cooperation, France is today undertaking, unilaterally, major programs in this field that has become essential for the continuity of French defense policy. Recent but unfruitfull endeavours in joint European military space programs reveal in fact profound divergences between potential partners. In particular, emerging complementarities between stratégie forces and military space Systems are building up for France a symetry between nuclear independence and autonomous information gathering means from space that other nations in the European context ignore. A realistic evolution of European cooperation in the military exploitation of outer space should take into account this French specificity.
Est-Ouest : qui change quoi ?
Authors: Pidec N. 
Published: November 2007

East or West, Who is Changing What ?, by N. Pidec
Is Mikhail Gorbachev's foreign policy as revolutionary as it is made out to be, or US strategy as unchanging as Washington repeatedly insists ? The INF agreement is bound to affect the form that the US military commitment will take in Europe if not the principle itself. It is important that the coming changes which are in themselves of limited character should not be allowed to become part of a wave of sweeping new disarmament measures concentrated on Europe.
La France et les FNI
Authors: Racine Bruno 
Published: November 2007

France and the INF, by Bruno Racine
Though France declared its « unconcern » with NATO's 1979 « double décision », it is one of the Western countries in which the whole Euromissile issue has had the most important and far-reaching repercussions. The degree of change in the French position has been considerable. This article analyses the steps by which France, in spite of its firm initial choice in favour of a national policy of dissuasion, has become participant in the debate which it sought to eschew. It also examines how the goals of its national defence policy have been broadened without upsetting the internal consensus which, in spite of certain weaknesses, remains exceptional the Western world.
L'Allemagne fédérale et l'accord sur les FNI
Authors: Rühl Lothar 
Published: November 2007

The INF Treaty and Germany, by Lothar Rûhl
The USSR finally accepted the West's propositions, abandoning its own, which had become inadequate and even risky. In fact, the Treaty cannot be judged solely on its contents, but also on its European political, psychological and military context ; with what means can the NATO strategy be implemented ? Will the allies be able to modernize their régional nuclear forces in Europe ? It is certainly not politically advantageous to stress the negociations on short-range weapon Systems or to seek a third zero option. On the other hand, negociations on the USSR's conventional armament's supremacy seem indispensable ; this would avoid highlighting Germany's singular position in the allied defence System.
Les Arabes entre compromis politiques et refus ontologiques
Authors: Salamé Ghassan 
Published: November 2007

The Arabs, Between Political Compromises and Ontological Refusais, by Ghassan Salame
The real legitimacy of Israel is the one the Israeli draw from the holocaust. But the Arabs do not feel concerned by what happened in Europe, during World War II. They perceived the war as a régional European conflict, which the United States and Japan have joined in a rather inexplicable manner. The analogy that continues to prevail is the Crusade one. Israel is a « fait accompli » imposed by external forces which carries with it the seeds of its ultimate defeat.
La diaspora africaine et la politique américaine en Afrique australe
Authors: Walters Ronald 
Published: November 2007

The Impact of the African Diaspora on US Foreign Policy toward Southern Africa, by Ronald Walters
The endurance of the philosophy and practice of Pan Africanism is clearly évident in the fact that peoples of African descent living in various nations are increasingly contributing to the leadership which influences the develop- ment of foreign policy toward Southern Africa, as a case in point. As illustrated by the success of the Free South Africa Movement in the United States, African Americans have evolved a model which suggests that policy influence rests on the maturation of « triad » of factors such as the growth of Black members of Congress like the Congressional Black Caucus, the political influence of Rev. Jesse Jackson at the national and international level, and policy mobilization at the grassroots level by TransAfrica. This model is exportable to other countries with significant African-origin populations such as Britain and France, but its effectiveness is dependent upon the maturation of the « triad » in those countries and upon more fertile relations with the leadership of the African Continent.
La diplomatie cubaine : moins fougueuse, mais nullement rassise
Authors: Clerc Jean-Pierre 
Published: November 2007

Cuban Diplomacy : Dampened, But Unabated, by Jean-Pierre Clerc
After the clamorous sixties and the thunderous African military campaigns of the seventies, the international activities of the Cuban révolution had entered into a much quieter phase in the eighties. Ronald Reagan's détermination to « mark » Fidel Castro closely was not unrelated to this. With the approach of the thirtieih anniversary of his victory of 1 January 1959, the « Lider » of Havana has given a new impetus to his diplomacy. The récent signature of the New York agreements on the withdrawal of his troops from Angola is thus a new development, which owes much to the Gorbachev « line ». But Castro is by no means aligned on his Soviet friends' perestroïka.
Cambodge 1979-1989 : rechercher la vérité et la paix
Authors: Schier Peter 
Published: November 2007

De la difficulté de rechercher la vérité et la paix au Cambodge, par Peter Schier
Les véritables rapports au Cambodge ne peuvent être appréhendés que très difficilement, en raison des informations extrêmement contradictoires dont on dispose. En dépit des progrès (amélioration sensible des conditions de vie, augmentation respectable de la production de riz, capacité croissante d'investissement du secteur privé), sans une cessation du conflit, le niveau d'avant-guerre ne pourra être retrouvé. Tant que les factions de Hun Sen et de Heng Samrin s'accrocheront au système de parti unique, exigeant ainsi la capitulation de la résistance, le pays restera entre guerre et paix. En outre, une participation des Khmers rouges au pouvoir ne semble envisageable ni politiquement, ni moralement. Pour parvenir à un compromis, le Vietnam et Phnom Penh, mais aussi la Chine, devront donc se départir de leurs positions maximalistes. Pour cela, la proposition australienne semble porteuse d'espoirs.
Est / Ouest / (Proche) Orient
Authors: Salamé Ghassan 
Published: November 2007

The Changing Pattern of East/West Influence in the Middle East, by Ghassan Salamé
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not take place in a vacuum. It is strongly affected by international developments, particularly now that the Cold War is ending ; by régional events such as the cessation of the Gulf War ; and by the general trend towards political centrism. The large influx of Soviet Jews causes deep anxiety, the American peace process seems to have stalled, and events in Eastern Europe have not yet had the favourable effect that was expected on the Middle East. Given the contiguity of its borders with the Middle Eastern région, the Soviet Union hesitates to make costly concessions, and this is a time of deteriorating relations with its erstwhile clients. A relative retreat on the part of the two Superpowers and failure of the Palestinian uprising would once more regionalise this Arab-Israeli conflict, which began before the Cold War started and will continue now it is over.
L'Amérique et le conflit israélo-arabe
Authors: Quandt William 
Published: November 2007

The United States and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, by William B. Quandt
In dealing with the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Bush Administration has been guided by two watchwords : caution and realism. The end of the Cold War has removed some of the old rationale for an assertive American policy in the region, and has weakened Israel's daim on American support. The President and his Secretary of State, James Baker, have not hesitated to criticize Israeli policy on occasions, but they are not prepared to make fullscale commitment to reviving the peace process. American interest would still be well served by a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace, but few in Washington are optimistic about an early breakthrough and seem resigned to living with the ongoing stalemate. This cautious posture is politically understandable, but is unlikely to protect American interests over the longer therm .