bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
United States Recessions and Selected Imports
Authors: Degen R. A. 
Published: June 2006

The sheer size of the United States economy makes it vitally important to much of the rest of the world. Indeed cyclical and structural changes within it may have more profound effects on foreigners than on Americans. Foreigners are understandably concerned about their vulnerability, and it is clear that this problem has for some time been recognized by economists and policy-makers everywhere.In particular, since the experiences of the 1930's, United States recessions have assumed the ominous role of an economic plague capable of rapidly and seriously debilitating productive activity in many countries. The principal cause of this debilitation is the curtailment of United States imports. Only if economic activity is maintained at reasonably high levels in the United States does this problem appear to be manageable. An optimistic view of the possibility of avoiding deep depression is widespread, and it is supported by the record of the past twelve years; but less severe or “normal” cyclical activity is something we must live with, and recessions of the magnitudes of those of 1948-9, 1953-4, and 1957-8 may be capable of sufficiently strong “side effects” on imports to cause serious difficulty in other countries. That this danger has been a principal theme of international economics in the post-war period is reflected in recent commentaries on its failure to materialize in 1957-8. The discovery that recession in the United States need not seriously depress imports is perhaps the most surprising feature of the 1957-8 downswing.
Demographic Trends in Canada, 1941–56, and Some of Their Implications
Authors: LeNeveu A. H. , Kasahara Y. 
Published: June 2006

While more than half of the world's population is still confronted by the “Malthusian menace” of poverty, hunger, and disease, Canadians have been able to enjoy a steadily rising level of well-being. The phenomenal expansion of the Canadian economy has not only facilitated improvements in the general standard of living, but has also given impetus to significant demographic changes in this country.Contrary to the “predictions” made by some demographers, the pre-war downward trend in fertility was reversed in the early years of the Second World War, and a “baby boom” set in, in Canada as elsewhere. Even after the boom had subsided in most other countries and their birth rates had shown a sign of swinging back to the pre-war level, Canada's growth in population continued to gather momentum. Sustained high fertility, steadily declining mortality, and resumption of immigration on a substantial scale following the war have resulted in an impressive enlargement of Canada's human resources. Shifts in vital trends and in immigration in recent years have also modified the structure of the Canadian population. Furthermore, advances in industrial technology and consequent alterations in the utilization of manpower have stimulated a large-scale geographical and occupational redistribution of the population. The trend toward a decrease in population in the farm areas, a heavy influx of migrants into metropolitan centres, and the suburban development of some of the oldest cities of the country are but manifestations of demographic response to social and economic changes occurring in present-day Canada.
Marshall and Slutsky on the Theory of Demand
Authors: Liebhafsky H. H. 
Published: June 2006

This paper provides a reconciliation of the Marshallian and Slutsky theories of demand. Incidentally, it also demonstrates that vertically parallel indifference curves involve unitary price elasticity and clarifies Marshall's analysis of consumer's surplus.In Figure 1 the consumer is assumed to be initially in equilibrium at A, where he purchases OA′ of X (a composite commodity) at a price of P, as indicated by price line FA, and devotes OM of his given money income to all uses, Y, other than expenditures on X. Thus Y represents dollars spent on all uses other than X. The price of X is then allowed to decrease to (P − ΔP) as indicated by price line FB and the quantity of X increases to (X + ΔX), or to OB′, while the price of Y remains constant at unity, and the quantity of Y decreases to ON. Since the consumer's money income remains constant, any change in the total amount spent on X must produce an equal and an opposite change in the total amount spent on all other goods. The change in the total amount spent on all other goods is defined as the difference between the amount spent on X in the initial position at A and that spent on X in the new position at B, or as:.
Some Liberal Marxists and Left-Wing Catholics in Contemporary Poland
Authors: Hiscocks Richard 
Published: June 2006

The Polish left-wing Catholics, who are to be dealt with in this paper, are not the confessed fellow-travellers, who were at the height of their influence during the Stalinist period. They are rather the members of the “Znak” parliamentary group and others associated with the Catholic weekly, Tygodnik Powszechny, which comes close to being the mouthpiece of the Polish Primate, Cardinal Wyszyński. The left-wing Catholics to be considered, therefore, have been dependent for their activities on the comparatively tolerant attitude of Polish Communist leadership. So it will be logical and convenient to deal with the liberal Marxists first.Rosa Luxemburg, the greatest intellectual leader that the Polish Marxist movement has so far produced, was murdered in 1919. Yet she was so typical of Polish Communism, and she exerted so great an influence on the character that it has assumed, that a brief reference to her will be made by way of introduction. She was an outstanding revolutionary and a great woman, combining such varied qualities as physical and mental courage, great energy and powers of endurance, and unusual oratorical gifts, with more characteristically feminine attributes, such as a deep sensitivity and love of beauty in all its forms. She could stand up to Lenin when she differed from him, but she commanded his respect. However, what concerns us most here is that her deep Marxist convictions were tempered by liberal elements characteristic of what would now be called Western democracy.
A Perspective on Middle-Class Delinquency
Authors: Scott Joseph W. , Vaz Edmund W. 
Published: June 2006

Most literature on juvenile delinquency describes it as essentially a product of the lower socio-economic classes. While there has been some speculation over the incidence and quality of middle-class delinquency, what evidence exists is largely impressionistic. Nevertheless, the prevailing view is that delinquency among middle-class youth has increased in recent years. The present paper seeks a sociological and theoretical perspective to help account for the dominant forms of juvenile delinquency among middle-class youth. It attempts also to explain the emergence and the particular qualities of middle-class delinquency as a consequence of structural changes taking place in the larger society.Accounting for middle-class delinquency in North America requires an understanding of the dominant culture of middle-class youth. Structural changes in society over the last half-century have produced opportunities for extensive adolescent peer-group participation and the emergence of a mass youth culture. During the growth of this youth culture, in which the majority of middle-class teenagers participate, there have emerged, jointly, both delinquent and non-delinquent patterns of behaviour. It is the thesis of this paper that the bulk of middle-class delinquency occurs in the course of customary, non-delinquent activities and falls within the limits of adolescent group norms. Moreover the knowledge of both delinquent and non-delinquent patterns in the youth culture is widely shared among middle-class teenagers. Thus, in order to account for middle-class delinquency one need not look for a separate “delinquent subculture.”
The Public Control of Broadcasting: The Canadian and Australian Experiences
Authors: Hull W. H. N. 
Published: June 2006

Both Canadian and Australian governments were quick to appreciate the benefits to be gained from wireless broadcasting. In 1905 in Australia and in 1913 in Canada, ministers of the Crown were given the power to oversee the development of wireless telegraphy. Shortly after the First World War, technical advances made possible the broadcasting of music and the human voice; in 1919 the Marconi Company, through its station XWA, Montreal, initiated radio broadcasting in Canada; in the same year, Amalgamated Wireless of Australasia Pty. Limited, through a small station in Sydney, broadcast Australia's first radio programmes. By the late 1920s, Canada boasted seventy-nine broadcasting stations and 297,000 licensed receivers, while Australia had twenty broadcasting stations and approximately 225,000 receivers. With few exceptions, these stations were privately owned, subject to little government regulation and, in Canada at least, supported entirely by commercial revenues.In the first thirteen years of Australian broadcasting, from 1920 to 1932, at least three different attempts were made to find a satisfactory economic basis for broadcasting. Each reform, however, failed to silence the complaints about poor reception, tardy news reporting, indifferent programming, and the concentration of broadcasting in the urban areas of the country. Limitations of space prevent a discussion of all the schemes attempted, but brief mention will be made of one of them which, if not unique in the annals of broadcasting, is of interest as an historical oddity and an example of man's ingenuity.
The Denominational Basis of Representation in the Newfoundland Assembly, 1919–1962
Authors: Rothney Gordon O. 
Published: June 2006

Newfoundland before 1934 had a Governor, a responsible Executive Council, and an appointed Legislative Council. The Governor “with the advice and consent” of the Executive Council, summoned and called together the General Assembly, and “the persons thereupon duly elected to be members of the said Assembly,” before their sitting, took the Oath of Allegiance. The Governor from time to time prorogued the Legislative Council and the House of Assembly, and also from time to time dissolved the House of Assembly. Laws were made by the Governor “with the advice and consent of the said Legislative Council and Assembly.”From February 16, 1934, to March 31, 1949, Newfoundland was ruled by a Commission of Government. Upon the union with Canada in 1949, the constitution of the legislature as it existed immediately prior to February 16, 1934, continued as the constitution of the legislature of the province of Newfoundland, except in so far as it related to the Legislative Council. Laws are now “enacted by the Lieutenant-Governor and the House of Assembly” only.Prior to 1928 the Assembly contained thirty-six members. In that year (by an act passed in 1925) the number was raised to forty, but in 1932 it was reduced to twenty-seven. In 1949 it rose to twenty-eight, and in 1956 (by an act passed in 1955) it once again reached thirty-six. Now, by an amendment adopted in 1962, the House of Assembly consists, from the dissolution of the General Assembly in October, of forty-two members.
Residential Capital Formation in Canada, 1871–1921
Authors: Pickett James 
Published: June 2006

Partly because there is at present so much concern with problems of economic growth and partly because much has already been done to account for the years before the First World War, interest is now quickening in the process and magnitude of capital formation in Canada between Confederation and the end of the nineteenth century. An important part of Canadian capital formation has been in housing, and a historical series on housing investment, covering the years 1926–1941, was presented in an official publication prepared by Firestone and Urquhart in 1945. This series was superseded by revised estimates (which still form the basis for the historical figures in the National Accounts) made by Firestone in 1951; Buckley, partly on the basis of Firestone's later estimates, produced a series going back to 1896; and Firestone has recently returned to the problem. A consistent series from Confederation to the turn of the century is, however, still lacking.The main purpose of this paper is to derive and present annual estimates of residential capital formation for the years 1871–1921. It is in three parts: the first presents annual estimates of the number of dwellings completed; the second considers the problem of securing annual average values and presents the final estimates of residential capital formation; and the third compares the new estimates with those published earlier, discusses the estimates and their limitations, and makes suggestions for their improvement. An effort has been made to present the material in such a way that the reader could go a long way towards reproducing the results. Inadequate data invite endless ingenuity: but unbridled wit can sometimes be dangerous and an effort has been made to keep the paper within the bounds of the plausible.
Social Studies
Authors: Ashley C. A. 
Published: June 2006

What I have to say will, I fear, be either obvious or presumptuous. However, what is obvious is worth looking at occasionally, and presumption is not a new phenomenon in university circles. I hope it may be agreed that the purpose of social studies is to acquire a better understanding of society in its widest sense, with a view to the formulation of policy, individual or collective. Dr. W. A. Mackintosh, in his presidential address to this Association, said that “any social science must ultimately be justified by the basis which it affords for policy,” and Father G.-H. Lévesque, “Les sciences sociales ont pour objet la connaissance de ce que sont et doivent être les sociétés.” What I suggest is obvious is that the intelligent formulation of policy almost invariably involves more than one and often several of the social studies.All too frequently we find experts in particular studies, or in particular aspects of them, who might profit by a knowledge and understanding of what others are doing, becoming so absorbed in what they themselves are doing as to neglect, or dismiss as irrelevant, everything else. This Association is an excellent example of what can be achieved by co-operation, and attracts political scientists, economic theorists, economic historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and statisticians. In some countries, there are six separate associations, and I am sure something important is lost as a result. My own department at Toronto includes all of these except anthropologists, and adds commerce and finance as a branch of economics.
Social Theory and the Mass Media
Authors: McCormack Thelma 
Published: June 2006

This paper is an attempt to offer a functional theory of the mass media, and to suggest criteria for evaluating the media which emerge from it—criteria which are not taken from other disciplines or from the technology of the media. First, the present stage of communications research is considered; second, the contributions of Marx and Freud; and third, an alternative hypothesis is suggested.Urban sociologists ought to be parties to any discussion of the mass media, for it is difficult to imagine anything more symbolically urban than the mass circulation daily newspaper, the car radio, or the TV antenna. Yet judging from books on urban sociology interest in this aspect of urban life has, in recent years, dwindled to almost nothing. Neglect here is matched by the peculiar evasion in communications research of the urban context. Comparisons are routinely made between rural and urban populations with respect to readership, audiences and programme preferences, but these tabulations are not weighted any differently from comparisons along such dimensions as marital status, sex, education, and others in our standard repertoire. The two bodies of knowledge, then, have developed independently of each other despite the common-sense observation that they are inextricably related.
Technology and Aggregate Demand in J. S. Mill's Economic System
Authors: Hollander Samuel 
Published: June 2006

The literature on the relationship between Keynesian and classical economics lays almost exclusive emphasis on monetary phenomena; relatively little attention is paid to technological relationships, although an understanding of the precise nature of the production function assumed in each system is clearly of relevance. In particular, the assumption of variable proportions between inputs is crucial to Keynes' approach, and it is usually taken to be an assumption of classical writers too. At times, it is recognized that the classics denied the possibility of obtaining additional output by increasing the quantity of labour used with other (given) inputs, but rarely is this seen as important. The customary interpretation possibly derives, in part, from the fact that the classics made use of the wages fund theory whereby full employment of labour is assured; attention is diverted, by this theory, from technological capital to wage-goods capital, and it becomes easy to jump to the conclusion that output in the classical system can be regarded as a simple function of the quantity of labour employed.In this paper I shall argue that in fact considerable attention was given to the assumption of fixed coefficients of production in classical economic literature (Section I). It will be necessary to show how this assumption could reasonably be maintained by writers who, at the same time, advocated the wages fund theory (Section II). In concluding the paper, I shall suggest a possible implication of the classical authors' approach to technology for their macro-economic policy, in particular for their tendency to minimize the significance of aggregate demand as a determinant of aggregate output (Section III).
Simple Majority Voting, Game Theory, and Resource Use
Authors: Buchanan James M. 
Published: June 2006

I propose in this paper to examine majority voting with the tools of elementary game theory. This, in itself, represents nothing new. The “majority game” has been analysed by numerous game theorists. I propose, however, to derive certain implications from the analysis for the utilization of resources in the public or collective sector of the economy.The models of collective decision-making that must be employed are necessarily abstract; so much so that the analyses may seem to appear to some observers as caricatures of actual political processes. Analysis must start somewhere, however, and even the most abstract of models, by isolating specific features of real-world institutions, may prove helpful to our over-all understanding. I shall introduce a model of pure democracy. That is to say, I shall assume that all collective decisions are to be made by a simple majority voting process in which all citizens participate. All problems of representation, leadership, parties, and coalitions shall be left out of account. Furthermore, I shall assume that the individual citizens in the model are motivated by utility-maximizing considerations; that is, each individual is assumed to vote in such a manner as to maximize his own utility. This assumption allows numerical values to be placed in the expected pay-offs that individuals receive through political processes. If the expected pay-offs can be numerically correlated with observable economic quantities or magnitudes, some provisional and tentative implications may be drawn concerning the tendency of majority voting rules to “over-extend” or to “starve” the public sector of the economy relative to the private sector.
The Presidential Politics of the Franco-Americans
Authors: Walker David B. 
Published: June 2006

The way the Franco-American views the issues, candidates and the parties largely determines the vote in at least thirty cities and towns in New England. Though constituting about 12 per cent of the region's inhabitants and considered by some as the most unassimilable of all the ethnic groups in the area, the Franco-Americans have not enjoyed the same degree of attention from students of politics that larger, more widely distributed ethnic minorities have received. But a brief survey of their political past and of their vote in the 1960 presidential election will demonstrate that the French provide an excellent case study in ethnic politics.Migration and other processes swelled the Franco-American population of New England from an estimated 150,000 in 1850, to 400,000 in 1880, to 800000 by 1908. Though some influx occurred in subsequent decades, especially in Maine, the great migration from French Canada ended by the turn of the century. Overpopulation, a dwindling supply of good agricultural land, and the absence of a good transportation system to the Canadian northwest were the reasons for this exodus southward. Most of the emigrés settled in New England's smaller cities and larger towns, and became textile, leather, or paper-mill workers.
The Rate of Change of Money Stock as a Leading Canadian Indicator
Authors: Macesich George 
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to examine the behaviour of the rate of increase in the money stock as a leading indicator of the Canadian economy over the period 1924–58. The study was suggested by work done by Milton Friedman for the United States showing that changes in the rate of increase in the stock of money lead changes in economic activity. Section I presents the theoretical framework underlying the concept of “leading monetary indicator.” Section II presents the specific cycles of the seasonally adjusted rate of change in the Canadian stock of money and the relation of this series to Canadian reference cycles. Section III presents the conclusions. An appendix discusses the sources of the Canadian stock of money and its components.The quantity theory of money is the theoretical framework underlying the “leading monetary indicator” approach. This theory argues that the stock of money is an important determinant of economic activity. On this view individual non-bank holders of money cannot change its nominal quantity, but they can in the aggregate change the real value of their cash balances. Thus, holders of money may decide that they are holding excessive cash balances which they may individually attempt to reduce by an increase in their rate of spending. In the aggregate, however, they cannot do so for the money disposed of by one holder will be acquired by another so that the nominal stock of money will remain unchanged. The attempts by holders of money to reduce their nominal cash balances will raise the flow of expenditures and so money income and prices.
The Ontario “Gestapo” Affair, 1943–1945
Authors: Caplan Gerald L. 
Published: June 2006

The Ontario election of June 4, 1945, will likely be remembered by historians as the “Gestapo election.” For it was in that election that Edward B. Jolliffe, leader of the official CCF opposition in the legislature, made the remarkable accusation that Premier George Drew was “maintaining in Ontario … a secret political police, a paid government spy organization, a Gestapo to try and keep himself in power.” A provincial Royal Commission was named to investigate Jolliffe's charges. Unfortunately, however, it has been impossible to locate a complete transcript of the Commission's proceedings. It is the purpose of this paper to assess, using the material that is available, the validity of the CCF leader's spectacular accusations.Most observers agreed that Drew's minority Conservative administration would be re-elected in 1945. Yet the CCF was still considered a serious contender. The CCF's opponents certainly did not discount its challenge. Anti-socialist politicians and professional propagandists alike played heavily on the theme that a CCF government would impose a dictatorship on the citizens of Ontario. The CCF's campaign, in contrast, was relatively undramatic initially. Its propaganda centred primarily upon its uncomplicated “Five Star Programme For Ontario,” the five stars representing security on the job, for the farm, the home, health, and nation.