bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Euphronios and his Colleagues
Authors: Radford Evelyn 
Published: May 2006

The Euphronios problem is more than twenty years old: in 1893; Hartwig, in his Meisterschalen, first attributed to the painter <Ones>imos the Troïlos kylix in Perugia bearing the single signature Ἐυφρόνιος ἐποίησεν. Since then the question has been considerably extended and modified, and the moment has perhaps come for some sort of summary of results.The attempted answer to the particular question does not profess to be a solution of the whole problem of ἔγραψεν and ἐποίησεν. Dispassionate analysis of style tends more and more to separate potter from painter in most well-known workshops. Makron was in all probability directly or indirectly responsible for the painting of all Hieron's vases, Brygos a potter solely. It is, however, impossible to generalise on the subject. In the black-figure period there is the notable exception of Exekias: there is no difference of style between the vases signed Ἐξήκιας ἐποίησεν and Ἐξήκιας ἔγραψε κἀποίησε με. Again in the strong red-figured period we have the instance of the Gotha kylix (F.R.H. iii. Abb. 7), with its inscriptions ασιαδες (retrograde) and a dubious inscription ending εσεν (left to right)—i.e. a potter's signature, The painter's name is clearly that of Pasiades, the style of the exterior unmistakeably that of his other vases; but these are signed with ἐποίησεν. Here, then, is a contemporary of Euphronios whose ἐποίησεν includes ἔγραψεν.
Anthropometry of Greek Statues
Authors: Foat F. W. G. 
Published: May 2006

Note.—The illustrations which I have given are not to be regarded as finished drawings, but rather as the best results that could be obtained from the records of my working note-books, and of measurings made in the midst of the statues. The whole purpose is to submit a practicable method.It is strange that it should be believed by many artists and critics of art that no doctrine of human proportions was known in the schools of the great masters. For the contrary would seem to be the true case, if we are to judge by the practice and the comments of the artists and their friends. Egyptian and early Greek, and indeed all symbolic art is obviously based on measured proportions. The remark of Diodorus (I. 98) about the twentyone parts by which the body was measured in Egyptian sculpture may not be enough for a theory of an Egyptian canon, but it agrees well enough with the plainly systematic treatment of the sitting and the standing figures. It is more difficult to believe that the Egyptian sculptor had not a set of ratios which he used in his work.
The Site of Isaura Nova
Authors: Calder W. M. 
Published: May 2006

An article in J.R.S. xii. 1922, p. 44, stated, on the authority of J.H.S. xxv. 1905, p. 163 ff., that Isaura Nova has been located with certainty at Dorla. My friend Professor Ormerod, the writer of the article, assures me (confirming my own recollection) that I had no responsibility either for the emphasis of this assertion or for its form. Another friend, who speaks with high authority, but who adduces no evidence, has maintained the contrary opinion, not only in J.H.S. xlviii. 1928, p. 49, but even—flectere si nequeo superos Acheronta mouebo—in Klio, Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, xxii. 1928, p. 382. I am content to leave the question of responsibility open; if I had any part in the assertion that Isaura Nova was at Dorla, the more pressing becomes my duty to correct it.The village of Dorla consists of fifty houses, which lie on either side of a small stream flowing northwards from the Isaurian hills (the general direction of the valley at Dorla is 5° E.). About thirty of the houses lie on and around a hillock on the western side of the stream, about twenty lie on the rising ground near the eastern bank. The ancient site, covered in part by the eastern half of the modern village, extends from the stream for some 500 or 600 yards towards the east and north-east; it probably also extends to the western side of the stream, on the south of the hillock.
A Greek Taurobolic Inscription from Rome
Authors: Rose H. J. 
Published: May 2006

The following interesting inscription, recently found at Rome not far from the Piazza di S. Pietro, and probably belonging to the Phrygianum which is known to have existed in that region (the XIVth), was published by Comparetti and Marucchi in Not. d. Scav. xix. (1922), p. 81 sqq. It occupied one side (broken, unfortunately) of an altar, on two other sides of which are Metroac symbols (see Marucchi, l.c.). As, after careful examination of a plaster-cast of the inscription which Dr. Ashby very kindly procured for me from the original (now in the Museo Profano Lateranese), I disagree with some of Comparetti's readings, and differ widely from him as to the meaning, I re-edit it, at Mr. M. N. Tod's suggestion.It is in elegiac verse, of which six complete lines and a few letters of a seventh survive. The lettering is fairly regular, the characters of v. 4 being perhaps a shade larger than in the other lines. The date is about the third century A.D. I give it in ordinary type with the usual epigraphical signs. The supplements are Comparetti's, unless otherwise stated in the critical notes.
Pulvis Et Umbra
Authors: Lorimer H. L. 
Published: May 2006

That cremation is unknown in the Mycenaean world, even in its latest phases, and inhumation equally foreign to the Homeric poems is a curious, if familiar, fact, and at once raises the question of the length of the interval which separates the fall of Mycenae from the appearance of cremation in the Aegean area. To fix an absolute date for either event is impossible; but the increasing number of carefully excavated sub-Mycenaean and proto-Geometric tombs makes it possible to note certain features in the rise, spread and, in certain regions, the dominance of the practice, and slightly to narrow the chronological limits.At Mycenae cremation does not appear at all, not even among those depositions in chamber tombs which were accompanied by pottery of the ‘Granary’ class and therefore belong to the latest period of the city or may even be slightly later than its fall. Similarly, two of its ordinary concomitants are lacking, the arched fibula and iron as a useful metal.
Two ‘Naucratite’ Chalices from Marium
Authors: Dikaios P. 
Published: May 2006

These two remarkable chalices come from surreptitious diggings in the eastern necropolis of Marium and were acquired by the Cyprus Museum, the first in 1944 and the second in 1947. The first of the two has been summarily described and illustrated in my Guide to the Cyprus Museum (Nicosia, 1947) 54, pl. XIV, 1, but I avail myself of this opportunity to describe both of them in greater detail in honour of the author of A History of Cyprus, to whom the Island owes a great debt of gratitude.As already stated, the two chalices come from the eastern necropolis of Marium. We know that this town possesses two necropolises, the eastern and the western, both of which have been repeatedly the scene of intensive excavation: by Ohnefalsch-Richter (1885–6), the Cyprus Exploration Fund (1889–90) under the direction of Messrs. Munro and Tubbs, the Cyprus Museum under the direction of the late Curator M. Markides (1916) and, finally, by the Swedish Cyprus Expedition (1929). Since then no scientific work has been undertaken in this area, although, as already hinted, surreptitious diggings, mostly in the eastern necropolis, have taken place periodically.
A Tour in Cyprus, 1934
Authors: Buckler W. H. 
Published: May 2006

A journey is only worth describing if the traveller's work has some exceptional significance. This condition was fulfilled when Sir George Hill and Sir Charles Peers toured Cyprus in 1934. On 18th March Hill first saw that island, the ‘Princesse lointaine’ of his studies thirty years before, and unlike Rostand's story the coming of Sir George as Rudel and Sir Charles as Bertrand had an outcome both happy and useful. The origin and purpose of the tour can be briefly stated.Desiring advice as to the best means of improving the island's law of antiquities and of assisting the Nicosia Museum, H.M. Secretary of State for the Colonies arranged that Sir George, then Director of the British Museum, should visit Cyprus. Shortly before this, Sir Charles, Late Chief Inspector of Ancient Monuments in H.M. Office of Works, had accepted an invitation from the ‘Cyprus Committee,’ an unofficial Association formed in 1933 by Viscount Mersey, to investigate the methods of caring for the ancient monuments of Cyprus and to suggest such changes as might seem desirable. By fusion of these missions into one, duplication of work was avoided.
The Aeschylean Universe
Authors: Knight W. F. J. 
Published: May 2006

The best start in the attempt to understand Aeschylus is Professor F. M. Cornford's clearsighted explanation of his method. On the stage of Aeschylus, great forces are broadly symbolised, working, according to the Pythagorean scheme, through antagonism to a new harmony. It is also important to see the life-work of any great poet as a single process; Aeschylus solves problems in early plays, and afterwards surpasses them in more complex problems, which find their solutions in their turn. His material is a great range of political, moral, intellectual, and religious conflicts, all active in his own world. By symbolising them on the stage, he found a way from small things such as party quarrels to a sublime comprehension of the work of God and man, interacting together, within the framework of time. This is not so strange as it appears. The grandest and truest achievements of humanity often look like by-products.I suggest that a poet may, and perhaps always does, first assimilate his world in time, and next create from that world a universe not limited to time and known actuality. A great poet's world is like ours, full of everyday things, but he likes them more, fascinated alike by the good and the evil. What he makes is not an everyday affair, but something more eternal. The transition from the poet's world to the poet's universe is like a transition from politics to religion and mysticism.
A Jewish Gold Medallion
Authors: Barnett R. D. 
Published: May 2006

The object in Fig. 1 is a circular medallion of sheet gold embossed with Jewish symbols recently presented to the Jewish Museum, Woburn House, Upper Woburn Place. In the centre is the seven-branched candlestick familiar on Jewish monuments of antiquity. With it are associated, as usual, the Shofár or Trumpet of horn, and the luláb or ritual sheaf of palm leaves, etc., used on the Festival of Tabernacles. The representation of the luláb here is somewhat angular, so that it is not easy to recognise. For such medallions cf. Reifenberg, Denkmäler der Jüdischen Antike pl. 56 and for the symbols, Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum.Above the symbols is inscribed in Greek letters of late date: |ΠΙΝΝωΝΑ. ‘ Ex voto of Jacob the Leader (?) the setter of pearls.’ The word ἀρχηγὁς may perhaps be used in the sense of , the president of the community, but such a use is unfamiliar; indeed the word does not seem to occur in Byzantine Greek. Mr. Tod has kindly suggested that it might be the dedicant's alternative name, like Dorcas—Tabitha, since such a name as “ΑρΧων is possible, πιννωνᾶ will be the genitive of a word πιννωνᾶς, also an unexampled word, but one which appears correctly formed. The strange genitive in -ᾶ follows correctly a usage in Byzantine Greek in names of trades ending in -ᾶς.
Dates in Early Greek History
Authors: Burn A. R. 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is somewhat ambitious. It is proposed to adduce evidence in support of the thesis, which the writer has already briefly maintained elsewhere, that the majority of the dates, earlier than the period of the Persian Wars, which pass current in our Greek history text-books, are wrong, and should be ‘scaled down’ by a certain proportion of their distance from 500 B.C. The virtue of 500 B.C. as a base-line lies simply in the fact that it falls in the middle of the generation that saw the beginnings of Greek historical prose writing in the hands of Hekataios of Miletos and others.The genius of Herodotos, the considerable amount of contemporary information gleaned by later Greek scholars from the early elegiac, lyric and iambic poets, the vivid personalities of these poets themselves, and the systematising labours of generations of logographers and historians, ultimately reduced to order by Eratosthenes and transmitted to us by Eusebios—all these conspire to obscure from us the fact that the whole Archaic period in Greece is not an historic but a proto-historic age; an age known to us, not from contemporary historical writings, but through a synthesis of archaeology, references to historic events in a literature still exclusively poetic, references to our area in historical documents from a more mature adjacent region (such as Assyria), and genealogies and oral traditions that survived long enough to be written down later.
Homeric Ἔδνα and Penelope's Κύριος
Authors: Lacey W. K. 
Published: May 2006

One of the features of the Homeric poems which has often excited comment is the marriage system, both in its apparent difference from that prevailing in classical Athens and for its own inconsistencies as they appear on the surface. Dr M. I. Finley in a paper to which my debt will be evident throughout this discussion, despite my disagreement with some of his arguments, has shown that the old theories of ‘Bride-Purchase’ will not really hold water, and that at a Homeric marriage the bride was part of an exchange of gifts or services between the prospective bride-groom and the bride's father, and that these gifts were called ἕδνα.What this paper attempts to do is to suggest that (1) there were in fact two different patterns of marriage in Homeric, as in classical times; (2) that ἕδνα belonged essentially to only one of these patterns; (3) that ἕδνα were not δῶρα, although they had many of the facets of gifts, most particularly in that they expressed the giver's quality, and this in turn carried the assumption that to be outdone in ἕδνα, as in gifts, would incur a slur on a man's rank and quality as an ἀγαθός, and this would lead to criticism and ἐλεγχείη; and (4) (in a second part) that, if the analysis of ἕδνα attempted in the first part of this paper is acceptable, the apparent confusions and contradictions in the arrangements proposed for Penelope's second marriage disappear.
Thucydides and Oracles
Authors: Marinatos Nanno 
Published: May 2006

‘Thucydides does not himself speak the language of religion.’ Thus K. J. Dover summarizes thecommunisopinioabout Thucydides' attitude towards religion. He is supposed to have been sceptical of oracles and to have rejected them as a form of superstition. This view is not, in my opinion, warranted by the evidence. The object of this paper will be to show that Thucydides accepted oracles, like his pious contemporaries Herodotus and Sophocles, and indeed that he exhibited a consistent interest in oracular puzzles and their correct interpretation.Of the references to oracles in theHistorysome do not merit extensive discussion since they are neutral in tone, and it is evident that Thucydides reports these oracles without any intention of making a special point: no criticism is involved in any of these omitted passages.The oracles on which I will base my argument are united by having ambiguity as a common characteristic. Oracular ambiguity was ‘an article of Delphic belief’, and was accepted as a fact by the ancients.
Gorgias et le pouvoir de la poésie
Authors: de Romilly Jacqueline 
Published: May 2006

Gorgias, le sophiste, le raisonneur, ľincrédule Gorgias, lorsqu'il veut montrer la puissance irrésistible de la parole, se réfère à deux formes de paroles, qui sont les moins rationnelles de toutes. La première pourrait, à cet égard, laisser un doute, puisqu'il s'agit de la poésie; mais la seconde n'en laisse aucun, car le texte désigne bien clairement la parole magique et les sortilèges: «Les incantations sacrées qui se font par la parole apportent le plaisir, emportent le chagrin; en effet, le pouvoir de ľincantation, se mêlant à ľopinion de ľâme, ľensorcelle et la fait changer ďavis de façon magique. Car on a trouvé deux arts de magie et de sorcellerie, qui sont les fautes de ľâme et les erreurs de ľopinion trompée» (Hélène, 9). Ľaccumulation de mots comme ἐπῳδαί, θέλγείν, γοητεία, μαγεία, montre assez qu'il s'agit de magie au sens propre du terme; elle confirme aussi que la parole poétique, mentionnée en même temps, ľest, elle aussi, pour son effet puissant et mystérieux. La rencontre ďun tel thème dans un tel contexte et chez un tel auteur pourrait avoir de quoi surprendre et offre un sujet ďétude qui semble assez approprié pour un hommage adressé à ľillustre auteur de The Greeks and the Irrational. Il le paraît plus encore si, au lieu de considérer le texte lui-même, on regarde en arrière, du côté des poètes qui ont vécu avant Gorgias: un bref examen suffit alors à montrer que la tentative du sophiste pour utiliser rationnellement ces pouvoirs irrationnels de la parole est, en fait, ľaboutissement ďune longue évolution, qui a permis et facilité cette prise de position spectaculaire.En effet, pour que le pouvoir miraculeux de la poésie et de la magie pût se trouver annexé à parole humaine en général, il fallait que celui-ci eût profondément changé de sens. Ľexemple de la magie peut servir à illustrer cette différence de valeur: c'est pourquoi il mérite ďêtre évoqué ici, dans la mesure où il éclaire ce qui concerne la poésie.
The meaning of Arrian, Anabasis 7.9.5
Authors: Hammond N.G.L. 
Published: May 2006

This passage forms the climax of the first part of Alexander's speech at Opis in which he described the achievements of Philip. In the next sentence Alexander began to compare ‘these achievements of my father’ with his own services.The first part is carefully structured. It begins with Philip's achievements in Upper Macedonia, which over many years had suffered from raids by its neighbours. It then proceeds to Thrace, Thessaly, Phocis, Athens-and- Thebes, and the Peloponnese. This sequence is not temporal, but geographical. Then comes the climax, the command against Persia which was entrusted to Philip.
Kleisthenes and Athenian nomenclature
Authors: Winters T.F. 
Published: May 2006

In the course of discussing Kleisthenes' reforms, the author of theAthenaion Politeiamakes the following statement:And he made those who were currently living in each of the demes demesmen of one another, so that they would not examine the new citizens by calling out their patronymic, rather they would announce them by demes; and from this practice, the Athenians call themselves after their demes.
Frequency of and risk factors associated with lingual lesions in dogs: 1,196 cases (1995–2004)
Authors: Dennis Michelle M. , Ehrhart Nicole , Duncan Colleen G. , Barnes Ashley B. , Ehrhart E. J. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract
Objective—To categorize histologic lesions affecting the tongue, determine the frequency with which they develop, and identify risk factors associated with their development in dogs.
Design—Retrospective case series.
Animals—1,196 dogs.
Procedures—Diagnostic reports of lingual biopsy specimens from dogs evaluated from January 1995 to October 2004 were reviewed.
Results—Neoplasia comprised 54% of lingual lesions. Malignant tumors accounted for 64% of lingual neoplasms and included melanoma, squamous cell carcinoma, hemangiosarcoma, and fibrosarcoma. Largebreed dogs, especially Chow Chows and Chinese Shar-Peis, were at increased risk for melanoma. Females of all breeds and Poodles, Labrador Retrievers, and Samoyeds were more likely to have squamous cell carcinomas. Hemangiosarcomas and fibrosarcomas were commonly diagnosed in Border Collies and Golden Retrievers, respectively. Benign neoplasms included squamous papilloma, plasma cell tumor, and granular cell tumor. Small-breed dogs, especially Cocker Spaniels, were at increased risk for plasma cell tumors. Glossitis accounted for 33% of diagnoses; in most cases, the inciting cause was not apparent. Whereas large-breed dogs were more likely to have lingual neoplasia, small-breed dogs were more likely to have glossitis. Calcinosis circumscripta accounted for 4% of lingual lesions and predominately affected young large-breed dogs. The remaining submissions consisted mostly of various degenerative or wound-associated lesions.
Conclusions and Clinical Relevance—The frequency of lingual lesions was not evenly distributed across breeds, sexes, or size classes of dogs. Veterinarians should be aware of the commonly reported lingual lesions in dogs so that prompt diagnosis and appropriate management can be initiated.
Relations Between Some Cardinals in the Absence of the Axiom of Choice
Authors: Halbeisen Lorenz , Shelah Saharon 
Published: May 2006

AbstractIf we assume the axiom of choice, then every two cardinal numbers are comparable. In the absence of the axiom of choice, this is no longer so. For a few cardinalities related to an arbitrary infinite set, we will give all the possible relationships between them, where possible means that the relationship is consistent with the axioms of set theory. Further we investigate the relationships between some other cardinal numbers in specific permutation models and give some results provable without using the axiom of choice.
Four notes on Tacitus
Authors: Haverfield F. 
Published: May 2006

This passage is usually taken to be a description, in however informal terms, of the constitutional position which Augustus (Octavian) held in the years immediately after the end of the Triumvirate. I propose to argue that in reality it has a different meaning.The facts are fairly simple. The second period of the Triumvirate ended with the end of 33 B.C. After that date, it seems that Octavian did not use the title Triumvir, though he probably considered his extraordinary triumviral powers as still running till he formally laid them down in 28–27 B.C. The consulship began in 33 when Octavian was consul for a few hours on 1st January. He was consul again for the whole of 31 and for all the following years continuously till midsummer, 23 ; then he finally resigned the office. The question of the tribunicia potestas is more difficult. According to Appian, Octavian received the tribunicia potestas in 36 B.C. According to Dio, a vote was then passed “that neither in act or word should any violence be offered him, and that in the contrary case (that is, if he were assaulted) the assailant should be liable as in the case of assaulting a tribune.” The Monumentum Ancyranum adds what may be a third statement to the same effect. In a mutilated passage in chapter x it records, without giving a date, that Augustus was made sacrosanct, and that he received the tribunicia potestas for life. A further statement appears in Dio (li, 19, 6) to the effect that in 30 B.C., just after Actium, Octavian received the tribunician power for life, and that this power extended even a little way beyond the pomerium. Otherwise there is no mention of the tribunician power as used by Octavian (Augustus), till he began to reckon the dates of his reign by it in 23 B.C. (Dio, liii, 17 and 32).
The Ara Pacis Augustae
Authors: Van Buren Albert W. 
Published: May 2006

It is my purpose in this article to discuss the interpretation of the relief from the Ara Pacis, now in the Uffizi Gallery, which is traditionally known as the “Tellus relief” (plate IV).The most recent detailed discussion of the, Ara Pacis is the monograph of F. Studniczka, which marks a considerable advance on previous work. Studniczka shows that the west door was flanked by two reliefs having to do with legendary figures of Italic or Roman history; to the south, Aeneas sacrificing, and to the north, Mars gazing on the wolf and twins; while the east door was flanked to the south by the so-called “Tellus,” facing right, and to the north by a relief representing Roma and secondary figures, facing left. That the west end was the front of the structure is made clear by the fact that the figures of the north and south sides are facing in that direction.