bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Spontaneous Phosphorus‐Halogen Bond Cleavage in N‐Heterocyclic Halogenophosphanes Revisited: The Case of P–Br and P–I Bonds
Authors: Burck Sebastian , Gudat Dietrich , Nieger Martin , Benkö Zoltan , Nyulászi Lászlo , Szieberth Denes 
Published: February 2009

AbstractP‐bromo‐ and P‐Iodo‐substituted N‐heterocyclic phosphanes (NHP) were synthesized by halogen exchange starting from the P‐chloro compound and characterized by spectroscopic data and X‐ray diffraction studies. Whereas the Br‐NHP still forms a molecular crystal, the solid‐state structure of the I‐derivative consists of ion‐pairs which assemble via secondary P···I interactions to form one‐dimensional coordination polymers. Computational studies indicate that the bond dissociation is due to a combination of intramolecular stabilisation (aromatisation of the phosphenium cation formed) and intermolecular Lewis‐acid/base interactions. Reaction of the I‐NHP with I2 proceeded under complete P–I bond cleavage to give an ionic phosphenium triiodide whose single‐crystal X‐ray diffraction study revealed a unique supramolecular structure.
LSn(OCH2CH2)2NR (L = lone pair, W(CO)5; R = Me, t‐Bu). The Molecular Structures of 5‐Aza‐2,8‐dioxa‐1‐stannabicyclo[3.3.0]1.5octanes and Their Tungstenpentacarbonyl Complexes
Authors: Berends Thorsten , Iovkova Ljuba , Bradtmöller Gerrit , Oppel Iris , Schürmann Markus , Jurkschat Klaus 
Published: February 2009

AbstractSingle crystal X‐ray diffraction analyses of LSn(OCH2CH2)2NR [1, R = Me, L = lone pair; 2, R = Me, L = W(CO)5; 3, R = t‐Bu, L = W(CO)5] reveal these compounds to be dimeric and cis‐configurated. The dimerization is realized by intramolecular O→Sn interactions to give four‐membered Sn2O2‐rings. In addition, there are intramolecular N→Sn interactions ranging in between 2.356(5) (2) and 2.549(4) Å (3).
Ferrifodinae and Similar Compounds
Authors: Craig J. D. 
Published: February 2009

ProfessorLinsay has called my attention to the need for an examination of these compounds, with a view to ascertaining whether they are ever used in the Singular by Latin writers, or always in the Plural.From a scholium, probably by Donatus, on Aen. X. 173:(Ilua) insula inexhaustis Chalybum generosa metallis, has come a gloss which appears in the Ansileubus Glossary (just published in Vol. I. of Glossaria Latina, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1926) in two forms:FR 205 Frofra (!): insula Tirreno mari in quo (qua) ferrifodina <e> exercentur, RU 77 Rufa: insula Tirreni maris in qua ferrifodina exercetur.
An Identification in Suidas
Authors: Norman A. F. 
Published: February 2009

This passage was attributed to Menander Protector by Bernhardy, who, influenced apparently by Men. Prot. fr. 43 (F.H.G. iv. 245), suggested that here the name disguised the of Menander. This explanation, besides interfering with the text without due cause, ignores altogether the name .In fact, the incident occurs a century earlier, in the period A.D. 467–70. Anagastes is then found in Roman service in Thrace during the reign of Leo (cf. Priscus, frs. 38–39, F.H.G. iv. 108–9). Moreover, the name of Anagastes is linked with an easily recognized variant of in Jo. Ant., fr. 205 (F.H.G. iv. 616):
Some Manuscripts of Plato's Apologia Socratis
Authors: Nicoll W. S. M. 
Published: February 2009

The Platonic MS. Vat. gr. 225 (Δ) (saec. XII–catalogue: non ante saec. XIII–Post: saec. XV–Schanz) contains tetr. I, VI. 3, 4, II–IV, while its companion volume in the same hand Vat. gr. 226 (Θ) contains V–VI. 2, VIII. 3, VII, Spp., VIII. 1, 2. Posts states that for tetr. I and VI. 3 A is close to Vind. suppl. gr. 7 (W) (A.D. 950–1050–Maas: saec. XI–Diels, Post, catalogue: saec. XII?–Alline, Robin, Diès) and thereafter derives from the Clarkianus (B) (A.D. 895). I am here concerned only with the testimony of Δ in. 2 (ApoL).This manuscript has been largely ignored by commentators and editors. Schanz does not quote it, nor does Bekker (at any rate for ApoL.). Alline is scornful about it. Neither Burnet nor Croiset quotes it—and indeed Burnet claims that it is merely an interpolated apograph of W. Stallbaum seems to be the only editor who quotes it for Apol. This appears to be an unwarranted neglect since A has, in fact, a good claim to be considered as a primary witness in this dialogue.
Two Editions of Manilivs
Authors: Garrod H. W. 
Published: February 2009

People are beginning to think of Manilius as the spoilt child of Latin Scholarship. In England alone there have appeared editions of, or works upon, Manilius, in the seventeenth century by Sherburne and Creech, in the eighteenth by Bentley and Burton, in the nineteenth by Ellis and Postgate, and in the current century by Housman. The contribution of France also has been considerable in quality, if not in quantity—Scaliger, Huetius, Pingré: though to-day there is no eminent French student of Manilius. Of the German editors we might say what Aristophanes says of the Athenian generals:only that Prof. Breiter, whose recent recension of the text of Manilius lies before me, has rendered services to the student of the Astronomica which entitle him to be mentioned only with respect. He is mentioned with something approaching respect even by Mr. Housman, who respects few scholars save Bentley and never fails to lay ‘significant stress upon the difference between himself and a jackass’—by which he usually means a German.
Drakon's
Authors: Harrison A. R. W. 
Published: February 2009

The long-standing enigma of I.G. i. 115 (= Tod, G.H.I. 87) has been brought into the lime-light once more by two recent articles, ‘The Law Codes of Athens’ by Sterling Dow in Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., vol. lxxi (1953–7, pub. 1959) and by E. Ruschenbusch in Historia, ix, Heft 2 (i960).This enigma has many facets, but I only wish to deal here with one. It concerns the precise nature and purpose of the inscription and, in particular, the significance of the words l. 10. The preamble to the decree is quite specific.
A Translation from the Egyptian By Eudoxus
Authors: Griffiths J. Gwyn 
Published: February 2009

THE book which Eudoxus of Cnidos was stated by some to have translated from the Egyptian is entitled in the manuscripts of Diog. Laert. 8. 89, a reading which R. D. Hicks retains in his Loeb edition (vol. ii, 1925, revised ed. 1931, repr. 1950, p. 402). It was retained also in the edition of C. Gabr. Cobet (Paris, 1878) and in the Tauchnitz edition (Leipzig, 1895); so also H. S. Long in O.C.T. (1964). Egyptian religion was richly theriolatrous. But does it proffer a suggestion of ‘Dialogues of Dogs’ ?The contrary belief is suggested by the proposal of various emendations.
The Name of the Euxine Pontus
Authors: Moorhouse A. C. 
Published: February 2009

It will be best to explain here, at the start, that I do not propose new etymologies for the words εὒξεινος (or ἂξενος) and πόντος. I regard, then, εὒξεινος πόντος as meaning ‘the hospitable way’. My purpose is to show how such a name came to be given to the Black Sea by the Greeks.First, the word πόντος. The familiar explanation (so Boisacq) connects it with a series of words, of which I give the most important: Gk. πάτος (*pnto-) ‘trodden path’; Skt. pάnthāḥ ‘way’, fem. pathyā ‘id.’; Zend paθ ‘id.’; Arm. hun ‘ford, road’; Lat. pons ‘bridge’. Further, as a verb the root appears in Gk. πατεν ‘tread down’ and is given in Walde-Pokorny as *pent- (Ar. -th-) ‘tread, go’: W.-P. points out that the derived nouns (given above) mean ‘way’, and particularly a way that goes over or through water, as can be seen from the Armenian and Latin.
The Composition of Thucydides' History
Authors: Hammond N. G. L. 
Published: February 2009

The problem of the composition of Thucydides' History, first raised by Ullrich in 1846, has evoked a mass of controversial literature. In this article I shall confine myself to the main arguments and conclusions.Thucydides' history is unfinished, not only because it breaks off at 411 b.c., but also because the style is uneven. The history of the Archidamian War to 424 b.c. and of the Sicilian War is fully polished and complete; the remainder is lacking in stylistic finish and particularly in the set speeches which characterize the completed books. This unevenness can be explained by the circumstances of Thucydides' life. For the period 431–424 b.c. he could obtain full information at Athens and, after his exile in 424 b.c., at Sparta and elsewhere; for the Sicilian War he could obtain full information in Sicily from the Siceliotes and from the Athenian prisoners. He was thus in a position to complete his history for these two periods. During his exile from 424 b.c. to 404 or 403 b.c. he lacked the information from the Athenian side, which was necessary for the completion of the remainder of his work. Further light is shed on the unevenness of finish by Thucydides' method of composition. He informs us (i. I) that he began his work at the beginning of the war, and (v. 26. 5) that he was watching and applying his judgement throughout the Twenty-seven Years War; and the statement (v. 26. I) that he wrote the history down to the capture of the Peiraeus implies his collection of material down to 404 b.c. The working up of this material must have been conditioned partly by the circumstances of the war; in particular, the conception of the Twenty-seven Years War (v. 26) cannot have been formed until after 415 or 412 b.c.
Artemis Bear-Leader
Authors: Walbank Michael B. 
Published: February 2009

Editors of Lysistrate have regarded this passage as a kind of cursus honorum of a well-brought-up young Athenian lady: the chorine first served at the age of seven as a bearer of the sacred casket (arrephoros); then at the age of ten as miller of corn for Athena Archegetis (aletris); then followed service as a ‘bear’ (arktos) of Artemis at the Brauronia; finally, she returned to Athens as a basket-bearer (kanephoros), holding a string of figs, when a fair young girl. After this, presumably, she married.There are several difficulties in this interpretation: notably, the intrusion into service apparently wholly devoted to Athena of a spell as one of Artemis' servants at Brauron; moreover, the evidence is that Artemis' ‘bears’ were pre-pubescent, not young girls on the verge of marriage, as the above interpretation seems to require them to be. Another weakness lies in the period of service as an arrephoros: this passage seems to be the only direct evidence that arrephoroi might be seven-year-old, rather than adolescent, girls.A more extreme interpretation is that of A. Brelich, who regarded this passage as proof that there existed in fifth-century Athens a system of universal female initiation, based on four successive grades, arrephoria, aletria, arkteia and kanephoria. I do not propose to comment in detail upon Brelich's hypothesis, but critics of it might begin by questioning the age and number of the arrephoroi, and the function and location of the kanephoroi.
L. Catilina Legatus: Sallust, Histories I. 46M
Authors: Keaveney A. , Strachan J. C. G. 
Published: February 2009

As Fragment 46 of the first book of Sallust's Histories Maurenbrecher prints: Magnis operibus perfectis obsidium cepit per L. Catilinam legatum. This he takes in effect to mean that Lucretius Ofella after the completion of great siege works received reinforcements brought by L. Catiline legate of Sulla. The interpretation depends largely upon his contention that the phrase obsidium cepit is to be taken as equivalent to subsidium cepit, for which he claims the authority, ultimately, of Verrius Flaccus as represented by Festus p. 193M s.v. obsidium. Though opinions may occasionally have differed as to the precise event documented by the fragment, this central assumption seems to have gone unchallenged by historians. Yet it rests upon remarkably insecure foundations. The reading cepit has scant authority and the interpretation of obsidium as subsidium (= auxilium) none at all. It is in fact the result of misunderstanding the passage of Festus in which the text is embedded.In Lindsay's edition (p. 210) the Festus entry which is here quoted in full runs as follows:Obsidium tamquam praesidium, subsidium recte dicitur, cuius etiam auctor C. Laelius pro se apud populum (i.e. Orat. 9): ‘Ut in nobis terra marique simul obsidium facerent.’ Et Sallustius historiarum I (46): ‘Magnis operibus perfectis obsidium coepit per L. Catilinam legatum.’Coepit is the reading of the manuscript F, which has been generally accepted, while cepit appears only in the Aldine edition where it may well be an emendation or even an error, there being no obvious independent source which might have provided it. For Maurenbrecher it was merely the ‘correction’ of Corte (1724) who produced the earliest roughly chronological arrangement of the fragments of Sallust's Histories.
Ammianus Marcellinus and the Lies of Metrodorus
Authors: Warmington B. H. 
Published: February 2009

The eleventh-century Byzantine compiler Cedrenus includes a unique story in the midst of his otherwise traditional and hagiographic material on the emperor Constantine. Mentioning the outbreak of war between the Roman and Persian empires, he describes the cause of the breakdown of peace somewhat as follows. A certain Metrodorus, who was of Persian origin, went to visit the Brahmins in India to study philosophy and won the reputation of being a holy man through his asceticism. He also built water mills and baths, unknown to the Indians till that time. Having acquired this reputation, he entered the temples and took away many precious stones and pearls. He also received gifts from the king of the Indians. On his return to Byzantium he gave them to the emperor Constantine as being gifts of his own. When Constantine expressed his astonishment, Metrodorus said he had sent other gifts by the land route but that they had been detained by the Persians. Constantine then wrote a strong protest to Sapor demanding the gifts but received no reply; thus the peace was broken.This remarkable conte, more appropriate to the Arabian Nights than to sober history, is generally supposed to be referred to in a passage in Ammianus. Towards the end of a long section commenting on the personality and achievements of Julian, Ammianus turns briefly to the question of the ultimate responsibility for the Persian War which ended so disastrously for Julian and the Roman Empire:et quoniam eum obtrectatoribus novos bellorum tumultus ad perniciem rei communis insimulant concitasse, sciant docente veritate perspicue, non Iulianum sed Constantinum (MS. Constantium) ardores Parthicos succendisse, cum Metrodori mendaciis avidius acquiescit, ut dudum rettulimus plane.
Virgil, Aen. 6. 304
Authors: Williams R. D. 
Published: February 2009

In his note on Hesiod, WD 705 M. L. West tentatively suggests adeo for deo, saying rightly that ‘Charon is not a god in the literary tradition generally or in Virgil's scheme’ (see now Austin ad loc.). Palaeographically nothing could be more attractive than this emendation. But for all Virgil's fondness for adeo (see my note on Aen. 3. 203, Fordyce on 7. 427) he (like other authors) does not use it in this intensifying sense with adjectives other than those indicating number (Aen. 3. 203, 7. 629, Geo. 3. 242), nor does he ever use it later than the second foot (3 times out of 31, the other 28 being in the first foot).The difficulty which West is combating is a very real one, but it is not solved by the removal of deo. Virgil's dilemma was that the old ferryman must be as timeless as all the other members of Pluto's establishment, and to achieve this object of portraying an unchanging picture of the machinery of the underworld he has elevated Charon to the rank of dues. In Olympus the gods are frozen at the point suitable for the anthropomorphic vision of them: Cupid is always a boy, Apollo young and handsome, Neptune older and more austere. Similarly Charon is frozen just as he has reached (iam senior) vigorous old age. He may not be, indeed is not, a real god, but he is a necessary part of the world of the gods and so must share their agelessness.
A Homeric Goat Island (OD. 9.116–41)
Authors: Bremmer Jan N. 
Published: February 2009

Recently, Jenny Strauss Clay has put forward the suggestion that the ‘goat island’ on which Odysseus lands before crossing over to the Cyclopes is ‘none other than Hyperia, the former home of the Phaeacians from which they emigrated to Scheria under the leadership of Nausithoos on account of the depredations of the Cyclopes.’ She arrives at this suggestion by combining the former proximity of the Phaeacians and Cyclopes (6.4–6) with the fact that the island ⋯νδρ⋯ν χηρεύει (9.124), ‘is bereft of men’ (i.e. in her opinion the Phaeacians).The argument seems debatable. First, the word χηρεύει is a hapax, which Homer may or may not have used in a metaphorical way; our words ‘desert’ and ‘deserted’ are also used of places which have not been inhabited before. Second, nothing in the description of the island suggests previous habitation. Third, the Phaeacians are said to have left Hyperia to escape the plundering of the Cyclopes (6.4–6), but the Cyclopes are also explicitly described as lacking ships and shipbuilders (9.125f.). Consequently, Hyperia will hardly have been an island, nor the ‘goat island’ Hyperia.Modern studies of Odysseus' visit to the Cyclopes often focus on the nature/culture aspects of the episode. The wild goats of ‘goat island’ in line 124 — βóσκει δέ τε μηκ⋯δας αἶγας — have regularly been included in these analyses. For example, C. Calame has well pointed out that ‘ce dernier trait distingue le complexe sémantique que définit l'Île Petite de celui que représente Polyphème et son monde: alors que Polyphème avait avec le monde des hommes le trait commun de l'élevage du petit bétail, la figure sémantique de l'Île Petite inverse exactement les traits caractérisant le monde des hommes.’
A Note on Euripides, Medea 12
Authors: Harrison S. J. 
Published: February 2009

Euripides, Medea 11–13 (Diggle's Oxford text):12 πολιτ⋯ν codd. et Σbv; πολίταις (Bgl) V3, sicut coni. Barnes 13 αὐτῷ Sakorrphos; αὐτή codd. et gE et Stob. 4.23.30In his recent discussion of this passage (CQ 34 [1984], 50–1), Diggle has convincingly argued for πολίταις and αὐτῷ, the latter of which he places in his new Oxford text, but recognises that ɸυγῇ remains highly problematic (51): ‘The truth, I think, is still to seek’. It is to this last difficulty that I should like to suggest a solution.The problems of ɸυγῇ are syntactical, as Diggle clearly demonstrates (51): ‘With which verb (⋯νδάνουσα or ⋯ɸίκετο) is ɸυγῇ to be constructed?’ Of these ⋯νδάνουσα is more likely for position, ⋯ɸίκετο for sense; but the former construction produces an obscurity, the latter an unacceptable hyperbaton. Another complicating element is the juxtaposition ɸυγῇ πολιτ⋯ν. it is clearly significant, and by its intervention appears to prevent taking ɸυγῇ as ⋯π⋯ κοινο⋯ with both verbs, the third possible construction.As a solution I should like to revive a forgotten conjecture of Pierson's, made in his Verisimilia (1752). His ɸυγ⋯ς πολίταις appears both to solve all the syntactical problems and to give appropriate point to the juxtaposition of ‘exile’ and ‘citizen’. ɸυγάς would then go with ⋯νδάνουσα and bear a concessive sense: ‘pleasing, though an exile, the citizens to whose land she came’, a nuance found already in Wecklein's paraphrase of his text ɸυγῇ πολιτ⋯ν. ‘Sie gefällt denen, in deren Land sie gekommen ist, obwohl sie die Bürgerschaft als eine fremde, landesflüchtige Person gegenübersteht’. This contrast between citizen and exile and the necessity for the latter to please the former are naturally important themes in the dramatic situation of the Medea — cf. Medea's words at 222 χρ⋯ δ⋯ ξένον μ⋯ν κάρτα προσχωρεῖν πόλει, with Page's note.
Virgil's ‘White Bird’
Authors: Harbinson M. J. 
Published: February 2009

‘Candida avis’ is usually assumed to be the white stork (Ciconia ciconia). T. E. Page, the Loeb editors and others give a footnote to this effect. T. F. Royds in The Beasts, Birds and Bees of Virgil (Oxford, 1914) says of ‘Candida avis’:‘This is by common consent ‘Ciconia alba’, the white stork. It is a migrant in Mediterranean countries…a most useful bird feeding chiefly on snakes and other reptiles’He then cites Pliny (N.H. 10.31) and Juvenal (14.74–5) ‘serpente ciconia pullos nutrit’ to confirm the snake-eating propensities of the stork.Virgil's ornithological mystery is not, however, quite so easily resolved. There is another contender for ‘Candida avis’, one more convincing both on a textual and an ornithological basis — Circaetus gallicus, the short-toed eagle.The short-toed eagle is the only European snake eagle, its diet being almost exclusively snakes. Lizards, and much less frequently small mammals or birds, may also be taken.
Tot Incassvm Fvsos Patiere Labores?
Authors: Winterbottom Michael 
Published: February 2009

Thus begins a letter of an anonymous Pelagian, printed in Patrologia Latino, Suppl. 1.1687–94 from the edition of C. P. Caspari in Briefe, Abhandlungen und Predigten (Oslo, 1890), 3–13. habitationibus is Caspari's emendation for the MSS' laboribus; it gives the right sense, but clashes with habitatione in the next sentence, and is palaeographically unconvincing. J. Baer, De operibus Fastidii, Britannorum episcopi (diss. Nürnberg, 1902), 31–2 for these reasons suggested litoribus. laboribus itself is not quite impossible, in the sense ‘fields’, ‘estates’ (see T.L.L. s.v. 2 labor 795, 49–59; E. Löfstedt, Late Latin (Oslo, 1959), 147–8, following on Eranos 44 (1946), 347–50). But this usage is late and unrespectable, unless we count the fifth-century Cyprianus Gallus, Gen. 1323 ‘patrios seruare labores'. And we should consider the possibility that our Pelagian wrote laribus.One parallel is Valerius Maximus 7.7.3 ‘in proprio lare’, where lare is Madvig's emendation for iure. More intriguing is a series of passages in Jordane's Getica.
Restorations and Emendations in Livy VI.–X
Authors: Walters C. F. , Conway R. S. 
Published: February 2009

VI. 6. 8. In the year 386 B.C. a combination of dangers, especially the rumour of a Latin revolt, led the other Military Tribunes, on the advice of the Senate, to place the direction of affairs wholly in the hands of the aged Camillus, who happened, according to the tradition, to be one of their number. Camillus accepts the responsibility with modest diffidence, but promises to do his best:ingens inde ait onus a populo Romano sibi, qui se dictatorem iam quartum creasset, magnum ab senatu talibus de se iudiciis eius ordinis, maximum tam honorato collegarum obsequio iniungi.