bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
National Border Effects: Location, Not Nationality, Matters
Authors: Evans Carolyn L. 
Published: April 2007

AbstractA recent literature documents the downward impact of national borders on trade. This paper probes the relative importance of two potential sources of border effects: (1) pure locational factors, such as transport costs and tariffs; and (2) an inherent disadvantage for a firm selling in a foreign market. I am able to make this decomposition by using data on the local sales of foreign affiliates of US multinational enterprises, on US bilateral exports, and on domestic sales by host‐country firms. The “border effect” arises almost entirely from locational factors. If a firm establishes and sells from a subsidiary located in the foreign country, its local sales are about on a par with those of domestic firms in that market.
International Trade, Hedging, and the Demand for Forward Contracts*
Authors: Eisenschmidt Jens , Wälde Klaus 
Published: April 2007

AbstractOne of the main results of the literature on the effects of uncertainty on trade states that uncertainty should not matter in the presence of well‐developed forward markets. Empirical studies, however, do not support this result. We derive the demand for forward cover in a small open economy with terms‐of‐trade uncertainty. Adopting a standard and more realistic decision structure than the one usually used in this literature, we find that risk‐averse agents will not buy forwards at an unbiased price. Agents treat forward contracts as an asset rather than as an insurance. This is the reason why, when calibrating the model, only 17% of imports are covered by forwards.
Peroxisome proliferator‐activated receptors (PPARs) in the control of bone metabolism
Authors: Giaginis Costas , Tsantili‐Kakoulidou Anna , Theocharis Stamatios 
Published: April 2007

AbstractPeroxisome proliferator‐activated receptors (PPARs) are ligand‐activated nuclear transcription factors that regulate the storage and catabolism of dietary fats. PPARs constitute molecular targets for the treatment of human metabolic disorders, and also play a crucial role in inflammatory‐related disease and cancer. Recent evidence has revealed the presence of three different PPAR isotypes (α, β/δ, and γ) in different cells of the bone tissue, as well as the possible role of PPAR ligands in bone turnover. In the present review, the latest knowledge of the expression of PPARs in bone tissue and the diverse effects of PPAR ligands on bone metabolism is summarized. PPARs, especially of the γ isotype, could be targets for the treatment of diverse bone diseases such as osteoporosis and osteopenia related to either diabetes or aging.
Reflections on Opposition in Western Democracies
Authors: Dahl Robert A. 
Published: April 2007

To one who believes in the essential worth of a democratic polity, how much opposition is desirable, and what kinds? What is the best balance between consensus and dissent ? Even among democrats there is not much agreement on the answers to these questions.It is easy to see why. These questions seem to demand nothing less than a complicated assessment of democracy itself. Or to put the matter more precisely, one can judge the desirability of different patterns of political opposition only by employing a number of different criteria that would be used if one were appraising the extent to which a political system as a whole achieves what are usually considered democratic goals or values.
The Origins of Extra‐Parliamentary Opposition in South Africa
Authors: Spence J. E. 
Published: April 2007

‘There is cause for grave concern that South Africa has thus far been unable to develop any significant party, aggressively committed to a liberal solution of the racial problems.’ These words, written in 1956, by a distinguished South African historian, imply an important truth about South African politics, namely the extent to which the crucial issues of race relations have become, over five decades, interlocked with disputes between the two white language groups and partly submerged in the process.These disputes have been ventilated in the context of a parliamentary system which since its inception in 1910 has remained the exclusive preserve of a white minority, determined to resist any challenge by the non-white majority for representation in the process of decision-making.
‘Putting the lid on Leninism’
Authors: Schapiro Leonard 
Published: April 2007

It will soon be forty years since Lenin decided, to ‘put the lid on opposition’, as he expressed it himself at the dramatic Tenth Congress of his party in March 1921. Much has happened since then, both in the Soviet Union and in the countries which have by imitation adopted the same pattern of one-party government. It is therefore worth reflecting on the reasons which led Lenin to adopt this drastic policy; and to pause to enquire into the results which have flowed from his action—whether he intended them or not.The bolsheviks took power in 1917 without having (as on so many other vital questions) formulated any precise theory about their future policy towards those who disagreed with them. There was a general acceptance of the need to deal sternly with ‘enemies’ – indeed no revolutionary government could hope to survive for long if it did not do something of the kind.
Castro and the Cuban Communist Party
Authors: Angell Alan 
Published: April 2007

When Castro addressed a mass rally in Havana on the thirteenth anniversary of his unsuccessful attempt to storm the Moncada barracks, he referred with some feeling to what he called the ‘traditional communist parties’ of Latin America, attacking them for opposing his strategy of armed struggle which he claimed was the only correct way to seize power. In doing this Castro underlined the uniqueness of the Cuban situation in Latin America, and the difkulties attendant upon any attempt at classifying the Cuban revolution within the customary framework of communism in that continent.Latin American communist movements have a poor record as insurrectionary forces. Inview of the fierce suppression of communism by governments seeking an easy target at home, and approbation in Washington, it is perhaps not surprising that the 1935 uprising in Brazil stands almost alone in the history of communist attempts at seizing power by revolution in Latin America. But the communists add themselves to the weakness of their position. Their record of dealings with dictators, including of course Batista in Cuba, however theoretically justified in the long run, discredits them in the eyes of the powerful, and growing, radical, nationalist movements.
The one‐party regimes in Africa: reconsiderations
Authors: Finer S. E. 
Published: April 2007

‘When the market is buying, sell, and when the market is selling, buy.’ This Stock Exchange maxim might be equally productive applied to academic fashions; and that it has been fashionable to extol the ‘single or single-dominant party system’ in Africa is undeniable.One way of questioning this fashion – and a fruitful one – is to examine the very concept of a ‘single or single-dominant party’. Its very clumsiness discloses the difficulties of conceptualization, when states in which only one party is legal are classed together with others where one party has succeeded in winning an overwhelming preponderance of seats, or where states whose governments have seized every chance to harass opposition elements are lumped together with others where little or no such pressure has been applied. Not only that. The word ‘party’ itself requires further definition. In what sense was the (now defunct) PDD of Dahomey a ‘party’? Or the FLN of Algeria? The party in Mali or in Guinea is quite clearly a very different animal from the party in Malawi. And so is the style of politics.
Tanzania: democracy and the one‐party state
Authors: Tordoff William 
Published: April 2007

In Tanzania, as in other legally established one-party states, it is not appropriate to think in conventional terms of a government and an opposition. For while such states allow free discussion, perhaps within fairly broad limits, they proscribe free association outside the single party system. Those who disagree fundamentally with the ruling party are not free to form a rival political association in order to promote their own views. They must either keep quiet and conform, or seek to advance their cause by resorting to unconstitutional action.It follows therefore that in order to test the ‘democracy’ of a oneparty state, different questions have to be asked than in the case of a country where two or more parties are allowed to operate. Taking political competition as a central issue in any one party system, the questions are: how much political competition is judged legitimate ? Where, and within what limits, is competition encouraged ? How far is it real or nominal ? It is also relevant to ask whether interest groups can find satisfaction within the single-party structure and how stable is the system as a whole.
Political Change in Czechoslovakia
Authors: Brown A. H. 
Published: April 2007

IN A RECENT ISSUE OF Government and Opposition AN ATTEMPT WAS made to answer at an abstract level the question, ‘Why Political Systems Change’. The aim of this article is more limited. It is a tentative preliminary attempt to explain why important changes took place in a particular political system – that of Czechoslovakia – in January 1968 and to examine the changes themselves and what remains of them in the wake of the Soviet intervention.It must be emphasized straight away that the January changes in Czechoslovakia were not so sudden as their treatment by the western mass media perhaps implied. For something close to five years before the January reforms pluralistic developments could be discerned in Czechoslovakia. Limited though they were, they expressed themselves in the form of a less severely censored press, greater scope for interest group activity, a slight relaxation of detailed central party control over the National Assembly and local government, and in more debate within the ranks of the Communist Party.
The Political Presence of the Spanish Bureaucracy
Authors: Medhurst Kenneth 
Published: April 2007

FOR THIRTY-TWO YEARS GENERAL FRANCO HAS REMAINED HEAD OF the Spanish State and has retained control over the political system which he fashioned during the Civil War. But once Franco is removed from the stage what will happen to the system?The system depends upon the support of a number of groups in Spanish society which coalesced during the Civil War in support of the nationalist cause. These groups were united by a desire for victory over the Republic, but had long term conflicts of interest. Franco's own authority has been due to his skill in arbitrating between these competing elements and in welding them into a durable form of coalition government. Each group has been granted a stake in the regime; for example, conventions have grown up regulating the distribution of government offices between them. But Franco has never permitted any one of them to obtain a monopolistic position. By remaining relatively independent of all factions he has always been free to manoeuvre between the competing interests and to retain the initiative. At the same time, his system has benefited from the reluctance of all groups in the society to press their differences to the point where violence might be renewed.
Dilemmas of Consensus and Division: Indonesia’s Search for a Political Format
Authors: Hindley Donald 
Published: April 2007

NEITHER A SINGLE NOR A DOMINANT POLITICAL PARIY EMERGED FROM the Indonesian nationalist struggle. Rather, before the declaration of independence in August 1945, during the physical revolution against the Dutch which terminated in December 1949, and in the subsequent years the nationalist movement has been fragmented into a diversity of political groupings. Even today, after many small parties have disappeared, there remain eight legally active parties; a ninth, the PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia), is striving to put together an underground apparatus from the ruins of 1965. As each party is the centre of a network of mass organizations, the peasants, youth, women, students and workers are also organizationally fragmented.The multiplicity of political parties is rooted in the division of Indonesian society into several distinct self-conscious, socio-cultural groupings, the alirans (lit: ‘streams’), whose distribution has changed little since 1945. They are cross-ethnic in nature and mostly encompass a broad range of socio-economic classes. The broad outlines of the aliran pattern become apparent through an examination of two fundamental cleavages that cut across society: one religious, the other between holders of traditionalist and modernist world views.
The Legitimizing Role of Political Parties: the Second Austrian Republic
Authors: Pulzer Peter 
Published: April 2007

CAN PARLIAMENTARY INSTITUTIONS THRIVE IN COUNTRIES WITH little or no tradition in the habits of self-government? Is multiparty competition viable in states where compromise is not accepted as a political virtue? The questions are familiar and are asked whenever the advisability of exporting the Westminster model (or the Capitol Hill or Palais Bourbon model) is raised.The proposition to be examined is that a parliamentary and party system was transplanted into an initially unfavourable environment and eventually acclimatized itself. The ecological difficulties are familiar; indeed, they form the substance of the debate about the export of systems. In the Third World, at the point of decolonization it involves the former colonial power bequeathing liberal-democratic institutions as a device for legitimizing the new native regime.
The Dynamics of a Divided Regime
Authors: Rose Richard 
Published: April 2007

‘L'Irlande est une petite contreé sur laquelle se débattent les plus grandes questions de la politique, de la morale, et de l'humanité.’Gustave de Beaumont, 1839IT IS MUCH EASIER TO EXPLAIN THE COURSE OF A FULLY LEGITIMATE, a fully repudiated or a fully coercive regime than to explain what goes on in a regime that is persistently divided. Northern Ireland is an excellent case study of a regime that lacks the stability or quasistability of these three familiar types of political authority. The regime there has always been divided, i.e., the constitution is supported by only a portion of the population, and a substantial fraction of its nominal subjects are inclined to disobey basic political 1aws. It is particularly striking that this should happen in a land where the institutions of government are explicitly modelled after the Parliament of the United Kingdom to which it is bound, and the culture permits the easy assimilation of its emigrants to life in Britain and America. To understand why industrialization and urbanization together have not produced a fully legitimate regime, one must look back into the history of Ireland, and examine the strategy of political leaders who commenced governing in less than ideal circumstances. Then one can begin to understand the multiple and extreme challenges to the regime today.
Initiatives, Referenda and Socialism in Switzerland
Authors: Libbey Kenneth R. 
Published: April 2007

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC STATES HAVE USUALLY COME into existence as the manifestation of a principle of political philosophy or as the result of a compromise among forces with different aspirations for the polity. Often both factors have been involved. Certainly the consequences for political behaviour of introducing any particular structure have been of concern to its architects, but many of these consequences are unforeseeable and the actual impact of an institutional change or the character of a formal role may in time become quite different from that intended.For a political actor, such as an individual, an interest group or a party, formal structures are given attributes of the political environment. Along with the more diffuse qualities of the political culture, they constitute the framework within which political actors must compete for influence over public policy. This framework, both formal and informal, is uneven in its effects on the fortunes of the various political forces. It favours some approaches and some groups more and in different ways than it favours others. The British Labour Party, with its concentrated voting strength, is disadvantaged by the single-member district/plurality electoral system, while its counterpart in Germany is able to maximize its strength in a system of proportional representation.
A Comparative Typology of Civil-Military Relations
Authors: Luckham A. R. 
Published: April 2007

WHEN ONE COMES TO LOOK AT THE LITERATURE ON CIVIL-MILITARY relations one is struck by the enormous proliferation ofad hocgeneralizations on the subject, particularly where the military in new nations is concerned. Many of these contradict each other. Often the theories are not adequate to the facts. And frequently they depend on so many other things being equal that by the time one has made all the necessary qualifications there is not much explanatory force left in the original hypothesis.The colonial legacy has on the one hand been said to create political armies in the image of those of the colonial power, which are less likely to interfere in politics.
The Political Implications of the Vedel Report
Authors: Robinson Mary T. W. 
Published: April 2007

THE VEDEL GROUP HAD THE DISTINCTION OF BEING THE FIRST such working party set up by the Commission of the European Communities involving the ten countries of the proposed enlarged Community. The membership of fourteen reflected the model for the new Commission, one from the smaller and two from the larger countries. The decision was taken by the Commission on 22 July 1971 to set up a working party of independent experts to advise it in its preparations for the summit the following year, in which one of the headings for discussion by the heads of governments of the ten countries would be the institutions of the Community. The Group first met in October 1971 with a mandate ‘to examine all the implications of extending the powers of the European Parliament’. It reported on 25 March 1972.As a member of the Group I shall attempt a personal assessment of the political implications of the report. I have not consulted with any of my thirteen colleagues; I do not purport to represent their views, nor are they to be taken as sharing or endorsing in any way my personal analysis in this article.
The West German Parties and the Ostpolitik
Authors: Roberts Geoffrey K. 
Published: April 2007

AFTER MORE THAN A DECADE IN WHICH DOMESTIC POLICY PROVIDED the major issues for party debate in West Germany, the determination of the Brandt government on taking office to engage itself in activities designed to ‘normalize’ relations with the Eastern Bloc has had notable effects on the West German parties. The political climate has altered; partisanship has been intensified; the Basic Law has been tested in novel circumstances; and the governing coalition and the apprentice opposition have both faced trials and tensions in terms of their party base.The new Ostpolitik has had its effects on the political climate in terms of the first use of the constructive vote of no confidence, the erosion of the coalition majority, the pressures for a premature general election; but the short-term and longer-term effects on the West German parties are likely to be of greater significance. This article seeks to assess the significance of the Ostpolitik for the government and opposition parties. For, whatever the benefits or disadvantages which the Ostpolitik may bring to the Federal Republic in intrinsic terms, it is already clear that it has modified considerably the pre-1969 pattern of party politics.
The Effect of the Enlargement of the EEC on the Institutional Evolution of the Community
Authors: Noel Emile 
Published: April 2007

SIX MONTHS AGO THE EFFECT OF THE ENLARGEMENT OF THE Community after one year seemed to be a purely academic subject. But soon afterwards, a chain of events and of setbacks led to the state of weariness and of profound uncertainty in which the Community finds itself today.To restrict oneself, in these circumstances, to a purely institutional balance-sheet would be an empty exercise. How convincing or even useful is it to say that, in general, the institutions functioned almost normally in 1973 when through lack of political will or spontaneity they neither obtained the wished-for results nor supplied the answers expected by European public opinion? When there is no agreement on a minimum of common orientations or on the background of a common strategy, the institutional content of the Community loses its meaning. Not seldom national constitutions, when deprived of popular support, have seemed to be at the mercy of the slightest upheaval. The same thing could happen to a European constitution.
The Israeli Coalition System
Authors: Paltiel K. Z. 
Published: April 2007

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.
What is Political Thought Thinking of Now? ‐ Reading Notes 1964–1980-
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa 
Published: April 2007

AS I LOOKED AT MY READING NOTES IN ORDER TO RETRACE the evolution of my thought on politics in general, and political thought in particular, over the last two decades or so, I found that my present concern with the reality of modern political thought could be progressively detected in those notes as from 1964. The rest and the bulk of the notes converge in three main themes: my first books on comparative communist politics, my interest in the development of the modern science of politics, and the incessant (pace Tocqueville) reflections on how to reconcile, in logic and in ethics, the variances between the quest for social justice and of that for political freedom in an advanced industrial society. But the post-1964 notes show now, more than I remembered, my early uneasiness about two, albeit different, orientations of modern political thought, or at least of its most popular schools. From one point of view, I felt that we were increasingly estranging ourselves from the existential reality of man. From another, I feared that our present methods of political analysis blur, rather than focus on, the distinctiveness of the politics of the modern industrial society.
These notes, even trimmed and edited, inevitably form an amalgam of impressions, jotted down in a kind of intellectual shorthand, and insufficiently expounded. But as our contributions to this special issue are in the nature of a backward glance, I submit them as they are.