bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Compatibility, Consensus, and an Emerging Political Science of Adaptation
Authors: Rosenau James N. 
Published: May 2006

When the laws of social dynamics are codified, surely the First will be that people see what they want to see. Given its universality, the First Law is no less applicable to scholars than anyone else. As political scientists, seeing what we want to see in a colleague's work, we find it “insightful,” “constructive,” and “important”; alternatively, not seeing in it what we want to see or, even worse, seeing what we don't want to see, we find it “turgid,” “misleading,” and “trivial.”So it is with Hanrieder's formulation. Since it is only a bare outline and contains no data, no one is likely to regard his article as a definitive statement, but reactions to it are likely to be quite varied and conflicting. Some readers, especially those who worry about the prevalence of a malady they call “methodologism” in political science, will see in Hanrieder's effort to develop the concepts of compatibility and consensus yet another case of the quibbling over words that is the prime symptom of this affliction. After all, such critics will point out, compatibility and consensus are, respectively, only thirteen- and nine-letter words and to claim great explanatory power for them without elaboration is to substitute the form of language for the substance of thought. In a similar manner those long committed to a particular framework for examining foreign policy phenomena will preserve their commitment and wonder why Hanrieder makes so much fuss about the need for a new formulation when the available conceptual equipment seems capable of handling the convergence of national and international politics. After all, these analysts will conclude, Hanrieder himself says that researchers should be less inclined to create new schemes and more ready to build on existing ones; why, then, does he not follow his own advice?On the other hand, analysts who are themselves perplexed by the convergence of national and international politics are likely to be more sympathetic to Hanrieder's effort, if not to its result. They may have doubts as to whether Hanrieder's unqualified claims for the concepts of compatibility and consensus are justified, but they will see his article as a serious attempt to confront a genuine and difficult problem.
Political Recruitment: The Case of Japanese Prefectural Assemblymen
Authors: Kim Young C. 
Published: May 2006

This paper is an attempt to specify and assess the significance of a variety of factors that condition the recruitment of Japanese prefectural assemblymen. The term recruitment is used here to refer to the entire process involved in a person's induction into a position. Since the aspirants must formally undertake candidacy for the prefectural assembly elections, this paper is in essence concerned with those factors which significantly shape the processes of their candidacy and elections.Data used here were gathered in Japan during the period of June, 1965 to February, 1966 and are mostly of three kinds: 1) official documents such as election returns, 2) semiofficial surveys and polls concerning electoral behavior, and 3) data obtained through interviews which the author conducted with a sample of prefectural assemblymen and other local government officials in Chiba and Kanagawa prefectures. Whenever pertinent and available, comparable data regarding other prefectures and Japan as a whole will be given. They serve as norms whereby the data on Chiba and Kanagawa can be appropriately evaluated.
Comment: On Issues and Nonissues in the Study of Power
Authors: Frey Frederick W. 
Published: May 2006

This essay attempts to be at once a comment on some of the many significant points raised in Professor Wolfinger's article and a statement of a perspective on the issue of the “nonissue” in community power analysis. It is not, however, intended as another salvo in the “elitist-pluralist controversy.”The dispute between “elitists,” “pluralists,” “neo-elitists,” “neopluralists?” et al. has been much with us. A number of valuable ideas regarding approaches and methods for power analysis have, of course, emerged from the debate, especially in its earlier stages. With them, however, seems to have come a conspicuous friction which, I believe, increasingly impedes research. The main problem, as it strikes this noncombatant, is that each side has been reluctant to grant much to the other, while the language has been painfully polemical at times. To one who has learned from both camps and wants to advance the assault on persistent problems rather than on each other, the quarrel has become unfortunate. Debating points often obfuscate truly important issues for power analysis.
Political Aspects of Mobility in China's Urban Development
Authors: Lewis John W. 
Published: May 2006

Traditionally, Chinese urbanism was as much “a way of life”as in present-day America or Europe though its style, scope and effect on general social change differed markedly from its Western counterparts. The pre-modern Chinese city, predominantly an administrative-military center, extended and enforced imperial authority and proved to be a hostile environment to entrepreneurship. Typically, the mark of officialdom was stamped on the Chinese city, and urban life and elite status were often equated. Moreover, the appeal of urban living remained sufficiently strong through the years to attract large numbers of non-official local elites or “gentry” as well as officials, particularly during periods of relative social instability and peasant unrest. Since the perquisites of status surrounded the lives of city dwellers in many areas of China, the young peasant aspirant to the elite also considered movement to the city and upward social mobility to be roughly equivalent. This view of mobility and the city in the Chinese scheme of things provides a basis from which we can examine trends in recruitment and their consequences for social change for selected periods since the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). Particular emphasis will be placed on the interrelationships of urban social mobility and industrialization and on the implications of these interrelationships for political legitimacy in the Chinese People's Republic.Following the time-honored Chinese system of evaluating occupations, the official was accorded unmatched prestige. The general citizenry, well beneath all officials, was classified into scholars, peasants, artisans, and merchants—in descending order of rank—with a tiny group of declassed individuals placed far below them.
The Governor and His Legislative Party
Authors: McCally Sarah P. 
Published: May 2006

When the dust settles following the reapportionment upheavals, the traditional problems of legislative policy-making will remain. This process is divided between the governor and (with due respect to Nebraska) the two legislative houses, with the governor generally taking the lead. A governor represents the totality of interests within his party. No single legislator or faction represents as wide a variety of interests as the governor. The governor proposes and vetoes and normally plays an even greater legislative role in state government than the President in the national government because of the infrequent sessions, low seniority, lack of state-wide influence or prestige and inadequate staff of the legislators. The governor's legislation is geared to please his state-wide constituency and, depending largely upon his degree of control over his party, is passed, modified or rejected.What affects the ability of the governor to control his legislative party is a question seldom asked and rarely investigated except by the harassed occupant of the executive mansion. This is surprising, since the definition of party responsibility is closely related to executive control. By common agreement, a definition of party responsibility would include the ability of the party to control nominations, to present a united front in the election and thereafter to discipline the legislators to uphold the program of the executive in order to make a good record for the next election.Those who investigate the behavior of legislative parties in the interest of party responsibility equate the latter phenomenon with party voting loyalty.
A Note on Censorship
Authors: Tullock Gordon 
Published: May 2006

In Toward a Mathematics of Politics I presented a model of reciprocal interaction between information media and the opinions held by members of the community. It is the purpose of this note to apply a somewhat simplified version of this model to the specific problem of censorship. Testable hypotheses will be deduced and implications which may be of importance for policy will be suggested.Suppose the population of the country are arrayed on some issue dimension. It makes little difference for our present purposes what the dimension itself represents. It might, for example, indicate the degree of nudity of pictures of women in men's magazines or the strength with which the views of Castro are supported. Let us suppose that the distribution along this issue dimension declines at one, end, as shown in Figure 1. Note that the remainder of the distribution can be any shape; in fact, I have drawn in three dashed lines for three possible distributions. If we assume, not unreasonably, that most people who are in the business of producing public information seek to maximize readership, then we would anticipate that in a competitive market the information media would be spread over the possible positions in this line in much the same pattern as the population. Put more bluntly, the managers of such organizations as Time, Newsweek, and CBS go where the customers are.
A Possible Explanation of Rousseau's General Will
Authors: Riley Patrick 
Published: May 2006

A “general will” is a philosophical and psychological contradiction in terms; will is a conception understandable, if at all, only in terms of individual actions. The problem cannot be glossed over by attempting to reduce the general will—as did T. H. Green—to a “common ego,” or to an analogical forerunner of Kant's pure practical reason. Why, then, did Rousseau make so unviable an idea the center of his political theory, and why has that idea continued to receive serious attention?The general will has continued to be taken seriously because it is an attempted (though not explicit) amalgam of two extremely important traditions of political thought, which may be called, roughly, ancient “cohesiveness” and modern “voluntarism.” Political thought since the 17th century has been characterized, among other things, by voluntarism, by an emphasis on the assent of individuals as the standard of political legitimacy. One certainly finds this in many of the most important thinkers between Hobbes and Kant; and even Hegel, while scarcely an “atomistic individualist” or a contractarian, explicitly argued that while “in the states of antiquity the subjective end simply coincided with the state's will,” in modern times “we make claims for private judgment, private willing, and private conscience.” When a political decision is to be made, Hegel continued, “an ‘I will’ must be pronounced by man himself.” This “I will,” he thought, must have an “appropriate objective existence” in the person of a monarch; “in a well-organized monarchy, the objective aspect belongs to law alone, and the monarch's part is merely to set to the law the subjective ‘I will’.” If even Hegel allows this voluntarist turn in his own non-contractarian theory, it goes without saying that all of social contract theory can be seen as the supreme example of voluntaristic ideas.
Direct Legislation: Some Implications of Open Housing Referenda
Authors: Hamilton Howard D. 
Published: May 2006

Any middle-aged member of the political science guild in a retrospective mood might ponder a question: “What ever happened to direct democracy?” In our halcyon student days the textbooks discussed the direct democracy trinity—initiative, referendum, and recall—described their mechanics and variations, explained their origin in the Progressive Era, told us that the United States, Australia, and Switzerland were leading practitioners of direct democracy, cited a few eccentric referenda, gave the standard pro and con arguments, and essayed some judgments of the relative merits of direct and representative democracy. Latter day collegians may pass through the portals innocent of the existence of the institutions of direct government. Half of the American government texts never mention the subject; the others allocate a paragraph or a page for a casual mention or a barebones explanation of the mechanics.A similar trend has occurred in the literature. Before 1921, every volume of this Review had items on the referendum, five in one volume. Subsequently there have been only seven articles, all but two prior to World War II. “The Initiative and Referendum in Graustark” has ceased to be a fashionable dissertation topic, only four in the last thirty years. All but two of the published monographs antedate World War II.
Freedom and Authority: Beyond the Precepts of Liberalism
Authors: Preston Larry M. 
Published: May 2006

Both liberal theorists and their critics have been unable to reconcile successfully respect for individual freedom and autonomy with a system of legitimate political authority. Liberal theory fails because its system of rights and representative institutions is particularistic, favoring the interests of restricted individuals and groups. Nonliberal theory threatens individuals' freedom by having political authority exercised in the name of a dubious, real will. Present liberal and nonliberal theory continues to reflect these problems.This article is an effort to present a view of political authority that respects individual freedom and is legitimate, supporting the interests of all citizens. The failure of liberal and nonliberal theory to achieve this reconciliation is believed to result from their excessively ambiguous, incomplete views of central issues—freedom, authority, and normative reasoning—and a related tendency to examine these problems in isolation. The analysis presented here proposes a more complete view of their meaning and integrates this understanding into a conception of legitimate political authority. The conclusion seriously challenges the view of political legitimacy presented by liberal theory and suggests that a different set of problems must be addressed if political authority is to be legitimate and support individuals' freedom.
Helvétius and the Roots of the “Closed” Society
Authors: Campbell Blair 
Published: May 2006

The argument of this essay is that Talmon and Popper are mistaken in their suggestion that speculation about human affairs is governed by an inexorable logic of political consequences: that there exist certain broad perspectives or ‘paradigms” that impel men willy-nilly to pathological extremes in their political views, apart from intention or historical circumstance.I seek to demonstrate that the general perspective which informed the thought of Helvétius—unquestionably one of the most manipulative of thinkers in his conception of politics—was simply the framework of early-modern science, as it was understood in France. It was the same philosophy which served his unequivocally libertarian contemporaries, such as Voltaire and Diderot, as well as their predecessors. Helvétius' political conclusions resulted, not from pathological attitudes or doctrines, but rather from his attempt to resolve a problem engendered within the new science, a fundamental dilemma in French thinking concerning the relationship of the individual to society and the state.
Do Cooperators Exit More Readily than Defectors?
Authors: Orbell John M. , Schwartz-Shea Peregrine , Simmons Randy T. 
Published: May 2006

Standard prisoners' dilemma games offer players the binary choice between cooperating and defecting, but in a related game there is the third possibility of leaving the game altogether. We conceptualize exiting as taking the individual beyond the reach of externalities generated in the original group, and on that basis—together with the assumption of self-interested (dollar-maximizing) behavior on the part of all players—we derive the prediction that the exit option will drain the community or group more of cooperators than of defectors.But experimental data do not support this prediction; cooperators do not leave more frequently than defectors and, in fact, there is evidence that defectors are more prone to leave than cooperators. We consider and reject the possibility that this failure of prediction results from the (admitted) greater optimism of cooperators about the incidence of cooperation “here,” and present data supporting the hypothesis that cooperators often stay when their personal interest is with exiting because of the same ethical or group-regarding impulse that (presumably) led them to cooperate in the first place. Cooperation can be produced for a group or community either by inducing people to cooperate or by inducing those who are going to cooperate to stay in the game, and ethical considerations seem to underlie the decision to stay as well as the decision to cooperate while staying.
Political Science and Prevision
Authors: de Jouvenel Bertrand 
Published: May 2006

The political scientist is a teacher of public men in the making, and an adviser of public men in activity; “public men,” that is, men who are taught, invited or assumed to feel some responsibility for the exercise of political power; “political power,” that is, concentrated means of affecting the future.Obviously we can not affect the past, or that present moment which is now passing away, but only what is not yet: the future alone is sensitive to our actions, voluntary if aimed at a pictured outcome, rational if apt to cause it, prudently conceived if we take into account circumstances outside our control (known to decision theorists as “states of nature”), and the conflicting moves of others (known in game theory as opponents' play). A result placed in the future, conditions intervening in the future, need we say more to stress that decisions are taken “with an eye to the future,” in other terms, with foresight?
On the reduction of the decision problem. First paper. Ackermann prefix, a single binary predicate
Authors: Kalmár László 
Published: May 2006

1. Although the decision problem of the first order predicate calculus has been proved by Church to be unsolvable by any (general) recursive process, perhaps it is not superfluous to investigate the possible reductions of the general problem to simple special cases of it. Indeed, the situation after Church's discovery seems to be analogous to that in algebra after the Ruffini-Abel theorem; and investigations on the reduction of the decision problem might prepare the way for a theory in logic, analogous to that of Galois.It has been proved by Ackermann that any first order formula is equivalent to another having a prefix of the form(1) (Ex1)(x2)(Ex3)(x4)…(xm).On the other hand, I have proved that any first order formula is equivalent to some first order formula containing a single, binary, predicate variable. In the present paper, I shall show that both results can be combined; more explicitly, I shall prove theTheorem. To any given first order formula it is possible to construct an equivalent one with a prefix of the form (1) and a matrix containing no other predicate variable than a single binary one.2. Of course, this theorem cannot be proved by a mere application of the Ackermann reduction method and mine, one after the other. Indeed, Ackermann's method requires the introduction of three auxiliary predicate variables, two of them being ternary variables; on the other hand, my reduction process leads to a more complicated prefix, viz.,(2) (Ex1)…(Exm)(xm+1)(xm+2)(Exm+3)(Exm+4).
On Cantor's theorem
Authors: Quine W. V. 
Published: May 2006

Among various unnatural and technically burdensome effects of the theory of types, one is the unstable character of meaningfulness: a mere permutation of variables is capable of reducing a significant context to meaninglessness. Another effect, and perhaps the most conspicuous, is the systematic reduplication to which the logical constants are subjected; the calculi of classes and relations and even arithmetic lose their unity and generality, and are reproduced anew within each type. The elaborate compensatory manoeuvres which are thus made necessary are familiar to all readers of Principle, mathematica.In a recent publication, to be cited henceforth as New foundations, I proposed an alternative course which avoids these consequences, but which would seem to offer less assurance of consistency. My efforts to derive a contradiction have delivered none, but they have lent a strange aspect to Cantor's proof that every class has more subclasses than members. This result is the topic of the present paper.Preparatory to sketching the new system, which I shall call S′, I shall sketch a very similar but contradictory system S. By way of primitives S involves just membership, universal quantification, and alternative denial (Sheffer's stroke function), together with general variables “x”, “y”, …; the adequacy of this equipment as a basis for mathematical logic is made evident by Wiener's and Kuratowski's discovery of methods of constructing relation theory in terms of classes. Thus the formulae or statements and statement forms of S are describable recursively as follows: if a variable is put in each blank of “(ϵ)”, the result is a formula; if a variable enclosed in parentheses is prefixed to a formula, the result is a formula; and if a formula is put in each blank of “(∣)”, the result is a formula. The theorems of S are determined by a postulate and five rules, called P1 and R1-5 in New foundations. P1 and R1-3 specify various formulae as initial theorems, and R4-5 specify inferential connections for deriving further theorems. R1–2 and R4–5 are so fashioned as to provide the “theory of deduction”: they provide as theorems all those formulae which are valid by virtue merely of their structure in terms of alternative denial and quantification.
Definability and decision problems in arithmetic
Authors: Robinson Julia 
Published: May 2006

In this paper, we are concerned with the arithmetical definability of certain notions of integers and rationals in terms of other notions. The results derived will be applied to obtain a negative solution of corresponding decision problems.In Section 1, we show that addition of positive integers can be defined arithmetically in terms of multiplication and the unary operation of successorS(whereSa=a+ 1). Also, it is shown that both addition and multiplication can be defined arithmetically in terms of successor and the relation of divisibility | (wherex|ymeansxdividesy).