bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Nagorno Karabakh: An historical perspective
Authors: Avdoyan L. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThe author addresses the historicity of the claim made in various governmental and academic circles that the Armenians are relative newcomers to the land now known as Nagorno Karabakh. After briefly describing the ancient and mediaeval Armenian primary source materials, he describes attempts to deny their authenticity, placing the question in the context of achieving a lasting piece between the Armenians and Azeris and between the antagonists of similar controversies. Arguing that perceptions are as important as actualities, he asserts that the historical claims of all sides can and must be accurately examined to achieve a viable solution.
Over De Receptie Van Filips Van Leiden in De Zeventiende Eeuw
Authors: Chorus Jeroen M.J. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractPhilip of Leyden's treatise De Cura reipublicae et sorte principantis (on the care of the state and the role of the ruler), completed 1355 - 1378 approximately, was first printed in 1516 and, again, in 1701 (the latter edition was re-issued, with a new title, in 1705). The treatise is usually thought not to have attracted much interest in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though it was not unknown in that period (see R. Feenstra's Introduction to the 1971 reprint of the 1516 editio princeps). Its reception between 1516 and 1701 may be deduced from four modern sources: R. Fruin's seminal study (1864, first publ. 1865), R. Feenstra's 1967 David Murray lecture (first publ. 1970), P. Leupen's book on Philip of Leyden (1981) and the latter's contribution to Ad fontes ... [essays for] C. van de Kieft (1984). Indicated are there, as writings from that period which mention Philip of Leyden and De Cura, one publication from 1517 and some eight from the seventeenth century. Some of these writings provide exact quotations from De Cura: so do the 1517 book and three others. They quote, in all, twelve different passages from De Cura. They are all historical works, but for one exception: Hugo Grotius' Introduction to the Jurisprudence of Holland. But this one legal work does not accompany the reference to Philip of Leyden with an exact quotation. In this contribution, dedicated to R. Feenstra, it is argued that Philip's De Cura was more widely received among seventeenth century lawyers than is usually thought. The reader is directed to the Decisiones curiae Belgicae, written by Paulus Christinaeus and first published in Antwerp, 1626. This copious work, in six volumes, was well distributed: six later editions are known. Now it is shown that twenty-six decisiones, collected in Christinaeus' volume V, contain references to Philip of Leyden. The harvest consists of sixty-three references, pointing to thirty-five different passages from De Cura.
Cornelis Van Vollenhoven Over Onze Nationale Staatsrechtsstudie
Authors: Veen Theo 
Published: April 2008

AbstractCornelis van Vollenhoven (1874-1933), Professor des Rechts der (damaligen) niederländischen Kolonien an der Leidener Universität (1901-1933), hat in einer Mitteilung an die Königliche Niederländische Akademie der Wissenschaften über 'Nationales Staatsrechtsstudium' (1930) historische Untersuchungen angestellt nach der Pflege der Staatsrechtswissenschaft in den Niederlanden. Offensichtlich verfolgte Van Vollenhoven das rechtstheoretische Ziel festzustellen, was 'eigentlich' Staatsrechtswissenschaft ist, d.h. was Staatsrechtswissenschaft sein soll. Die Aanteekening op de Grondwet ('Kommentar zum Grundgesetz', 1. Aufl. 1839, 2e Aufl. 1841-1843) des berühmten Leidener Professors und späteren Staatsmannes Johan Rudolf Thorbecke (1798-1872) war in Van Vollenhovens Augen offenbar zwar nicht das Alpha und Omega in dieser Materie, sondern schon ein Modell der Staatsrechtswissenschaft. Für Van Vollenhoven ist Staatsrechtswissenschaft Studium des positiven Rechts, und ist Staatslehre keine Staatsrechtswissenschaft. Van Vollenhoven war kein Verehrer 'aristotelischer Allgemeinplätzen' in der Staatsrechtswissenschaft und er wehrte sich gegen das sogenannte 'antirevolutionaire Staatsrecht' des Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876 ; Groen war in seiner Staatslehre beeinflußt von C.L. von Haller, und später von F.J. Stahl) und seinen Nachfolgern (beispielsweise: A.F. de Savornin Lohman (1837-1924)). Diese 'kirchliche', d.h. 'unwissenschaftliche' Richtung in der Staatsrechtswissenschaft seiner Zeit betrachtete er als ein typisch niederländisches Phänomen. Van Vollenhovens anachronistischer Denkansatz hat m.E. zu einer völlig falschen Betrachtungsweise der Geschichte der niederländischen Staatsrechtswissenschaft geführt. Außerdem ging Van Vollenhoven außerordentlich schlampig um mit den historischen Quellen. Er war der Meinung, daß der Franeker Professor Ulrik Huber (1636-1694) der erste Jurist in den Niederlanden, und vielleicht mit Ph.R. Vitriarius (1647-1720) in ganz Europa, gewesen sei, der sich mit Staatsrechtswissenschaft beschäftigt hat (er hatte offenbar nie einen Blick in die Schriften von Männern wie Dominicus Arumeus (1579-1637) und Johannes Limnaeus (1593-1663) geworfen). Huber hat sich aber - anders als Van Vollenhoven behauptete - nie mit dem positiven Staatsrecht als eigenständiger juristischer Disziplin auseinandergesetzt. Van Vollenhovens Ausführungen sind deshalb völlig unhaltbar: der berühmte Leidener Gelehrte war Opfer seiner Nachlässigkeit und einer bornierten liberalen Wissenschaftsauffassung.
De Nieuwe Nederlandse Vertaling Van Hugo De Groot's De Iure Belli Ac Pacis Door J.F. Lindemans
Authors: Feenstra R. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractEn octobre 1993 J.F. Lindemans publia une traduction néerlandaise des Prolégomènes et du Livre 1 du De iure belli ac pacis de Grotius, pourvue d'une introduction et de notes explicatives. Cette publication mérite un compte rendu assez détaillé que nous publions sous forme d'un article. Il s'agit d'une traduction intégrale: elle ne se borne pas au texte mais inclut l'annotation de Grotius. Elle suit l'editio maior de 1939, fondée sur un collationnement des cinq éditions préparées par Grotius lui-même. Malheureusement le traducteur n'a pas encore pu tenir compte de la réimpression anastatique de cette édition avec des notes additionelles, parue en septembre 1993 (cf. le compte rendu de P. Haggenmacher dans cette revue, t. 62 (1994), p. 402-406). Dans sa propre annotation Lindemans s'est fait inspirer dans une large mesure - mais pas toujours d'une façon heureuse - de celle de Jean Barbeyrac dans sa traduction française, publiée pour la première fois en 1724 (une réimpression anastatique parut en 1984). Il a ajouté cependant un certain nombre de nouvelles références, entre autres au traité De legibus (1613) de François Suarez, à qui Grotius doit peut-être plus qu'il ne l'a avoué. En utilisant les tables d'auteurs et de sources de l'édition de Lindemans on peut constater quelques graves déficiences dans l'identification des références grotiennes. Il a confondu notamment les Constitutiones Clementis (ou Constitutiones Apostolicae), qu'on a attribuées à St. Clément (le pape Clément I, décédé circa 100 après J. Chr.), avec les Clementinae du pape Clément V (1313-1314); dans l'une de ses notes L. mentionne encore comme auteur de ce texte le pape Clément III († 1191)! L'analyse de ces erreurs nous a amené à formuler quelques précisions sur un texte qui fait partie des Constitutiones Clementis, à savoir les Canones Apostolorum (version avec 84 ou 85 canones, à distinguer de celle avec 50 canones qui figure dans la collectio Dionysiana). Grotius en possédait une édition à part avant son emprisonnement mais pour le De iure belli ac pacis il s'est probablement servi d'une autre édition. La traduction même laisse à désirer dans nombre de passages, notamment quand il s'agit de rendre des nuances juridiques. Nous donnons des exemples pour les §§ 8, 53, 54 et 55 des Prolégomènes et pour I, 1, 4-6, I, 3, 4-5, I, 3, 12, 3 et I, 3, 24. Aux endroits où le traducteur se sert de termes latins on doute souvent de ses connaissances de cette langue (dans des cas comme 'societas civile' ou 'summum potestas' il ne peut pas s'agir d'erreurs typographiques). Lindemans fait également preuve d'un manque assez grave de connaissances en ce qui concerne la bibliographie grotienne. Son ignorance dans le domaine de l'histoire du droit, notamment pour la période du ius commune, est alarmante. Si la traduction sera continuée pour les livres II et III du De iure belli ac pacis on doit espérer que de pareilles déficiences seront évitées.
De Raad Van Vlaanderen En De Hervorming Van Het Strafrecht (1756-1787)
Authors: Monballyu J. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractAu 18e siècle, le mouvement ayant mené à la réforme du droit pénal eut un égal succès dans les Pays-Bas méridionaux. Sous l'impulsion du gouvernement central de Bruxelles le débat fut très vif et tout particulièrement dans le cadre des conseils de justice provinciaux quant à la rénovation du droit pénal. Le Conseil de Flandres, cour suprême du comté de Flandres, participa activement à la discussion. Le Conseil répondit, quoique tardivement parfois, aux différentes circulaires
Aantekeningen Bij Het Middeleeuwse Gewoonterecht
Authors: Van Caenegem R.C. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractCustomary law is both important and difficult to comprehend. In medieval society it was paramount. It lived in people's memory and manifested itself in ritual gestures and words, and through adjudication. One competitor was legislation which, to the modem lawyer, stands in clear contrast to custom. However, medieval terms such as leges consuetudinariae show that there was at the time no absolute opposition between them. Another competitor was the learned ius commune, whose impact on the daily lives of medieval people should not be exaggerated. When trying to define customary and statute law the legal historian meets the four following problems. The first is the exact nature of the 'homologated' customs, which pretend to be old norms, but are in reality laws promulgated by the government. The second is the fact that so-called customary law often appears to have resulted from deliberate action instead of unconscious spontaneous evolution. The third problem concerns the character and application of the Volks
Gersonides's Theory of Natural Motion1
Authors: Glasner Ruth 
Published: April 2008

AbstractGersonides rejects the basic tenets of the Aristotelian theory of natural motion, and offers an alternative original account. He does not introduce his theory systematically nor argues openly with Aristotle, but conveyes his ideas through a subtle and sophisticated work of exegesis. Developing ideas of Aristotle, Averroes and Themistius, he eventually ends up with a different theory. Gersonides presupposes neither that there are absolute natural places, which are the final causes of natural motion, nor that there is inclination in the element, which is the efficient cause, nor that motion in a straight line is natural to the elements. He explains the motion of a body only in terms of its relations to adjacent bodies in contact with it. The body rises when the medium surrounding it is heavier and sinks when it is lighter. The distance from the innermost celestial sphere, rather than "natural places," determines the heaviness or lightness of the medium and the structure of the sublunar region.
"Because the Authority of My Superiors Commands": Censorship, Physics and the German Jesuits 1
Authors: Hellyer Marcus 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThe Society of Jesus established an extensive range of measures designed to ensure uniformity in natural philosophical questions. These culminated in the Ordinatio pro Studiis Superioribus of 1651. Such measures did have significant effects on the teaching and publishing of physics among the Jesuits in Germany; it was impossible for Jesuits to openly adhere to atomism, the Cartesian view of body or heliocentrism, for example. But many Jesuits did not agree with all the provisions governing censorship and attempted to mediate their implementation in several ways which this study identifies. The most important of these was the use of terms such as true, probable or false. Provided that Jesuit authors identified the orthodox opinions as true or most probable, they could discuss alternative views in great depth. The essay culminates in two case studies from Germany, one from the mid-seventeenth century, the other from the first half of the eighteenth century, which illustrate the interaction of censorship and physics in actual practice.
Atomism, Lynceus, and the Fate of Seventeenth-Century Microscopy
Authors: Lüthy C.H. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractRecent scholarship, focusing on the rapid decline of microscopy after the late 1680's, has shown that the limitations of microscopy and the ambivalent meaning of its findings led to a wide-spread sense of frustration with the new instrument. The present article tries to connect this fall from favor with the microscope's equally surprising but hitherto little noticed late rise to prominence. The crucial point is that when the microscope, more than a decade after the telescope, finally managed to arouse the interest of natural philosophers, it did so as a corpuscularian tool, and as such it came to share the difficult fate of seventeenth-century corpuscularianism. The essay ends with the claim that the fall of microscopy was not only due to the failure of microscopy to corroborate corpuscularianism, but also to the changing definition of natural philosophy in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and to the separation of the domains of living matter (to which the microscope found itself confined) from a physica whose recent mathematical framework excluded the organic world.
On the Fringes of the Corpus Aristotelicum: the Pseudo-Avicenna Liber Celi Et Mundi
Authors: Gutman Oliver 
Published: April 2008

AbstractIn this article, I examine a Latin paraphrase of Aristotle's De caelo known as the Liber celi et mundi. The text was translated from Arabic in the third quarter of the twelfth century, and thus pre-dates all four Latin translations of De caelo in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It was probably written by the ninth century Arab, Hunayn ibn Ishaq. I show the weakness of a previous theory that the Liber celi et mundi derives indirectly from Themistius's paraphrase of De caelo. The text was translated into Latin by Dominicus Gundissalinus and his Jewish colleague, Johannes Hispanus. From c.1250, it was mis-attributed to Avicenna, and there is evidence that it had earlier been attributed to Aristotle by certain English writers. I consider the function of the Liber cell el mundi within the corpus of early Aristotelian translations, and the date of its expulsion from the corpus.
"Falsissima Est Ergo Haec De Triplici Substantia Aristotelis Doctrina." a Sixteenth-Century Critic of Aristotle" Francesco Patrizi Da Cherso On Privation, Form, and Matter1
Authors: Deitz Luc 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to give an account of Franceso Patrizi da Cherso's (1529-1597) criticism and eventual refutation of the Aristotelian principles of form, privation, and matter, as it can be found in his voluminous anti-Aristotelian treatise, the Discussziones Peripateticae (1581). His refutation of these three concepts is informed by two convictions: (i) that Aristotle's theory is inconsistent, and can therefore not be taken seriously as a relevant contribution to philosophical discussion; (ii) that Aristotle's theory, whether consistent or not, is either unoriginal or unintelligible, and must therefore be rejected by philosophers worthy of this name anyway. Patrizi's argumentation is conducted with great philological care and philosophical acumen. He tries to prove that there is no need for principles to be finite; that they cannot be everlasting; that they cannot be generated from one another; and that there is no need for them to be contraries. He further tries to show that neither privation nor form can be principles, the rejection of form including the notions of form as universal, as particular, as individual, and as generic, as well as those of form as nature and of form as cause. Patrizi concludes that forms must be accidents. Although prime matter is retained as a principle, it is severely qualified; this is here interpreted with reference to Patrizi's own theory of principles in the Nova de universis philosophia. The article concludes with a brief outlook on the influence (or rather, lack of influence) of Patrizi's discussion and suggests one possible explanation for it.
The Cartesian Destiny of Form and Matter
Authors: Grene Marjorie , Ariew Roger 
Published: April 2008

AbstractIt would seem that there are enormous differences between strict hylomorphism and Cartesianism on form and matter: (i) for a strict hylomorphist, matter and form cannot be separated, but for a Cartesian, matter and form are really distinct ; (ii) for a strict hylomorphist, form is the principle of being and matter the principle of individuation, but for a Cartesian, the mind-a form-is the principle of individuation for persons, if anything is. However, these breaks are not as severe as might have been thought, if seventeenth century scholastics are taken into account. For a variety of reasons, the late Aristotelians broke with Aristotle and accepted the reality of matter without form, form without matter, and form as the principle of individuation. In addition, the intellectual landscape of seventeenth century philosophy was not limited to the properly scholastic ; there were anti-Aristotelian options (some corpuscularian, others not) available before Descartes. Given that the gulf between the schoolmen and novatores like Descartes was not so great, the way was open for certain compromises. These were sought in a variety of scholastic restatements of Cartesianism from more or less Cartesian positions. Thus, it can be said that some varieties of Aristotelianism in the seventeenth century prepared the ground for the acceptance of Cartesianism and the eventual attempts at their reunification.
A Medieval Scientific Encyclopedia "Renewed By Goodly Printing": Wynkyn De Worde's English De Proprietatibus Rerum
Authors: Holbrook Sue Ellen 
Published: April 2008

AbstractWynkyn de Worde published c. 1495 the first printed edition of John Trevisa's English translation of an influential work of science composed by Bartholomew the Englishman in Latin in the thirteenth century, De Proprietatibus Rerum (DPR). The design of de Worde's book, the use of Latin in the rubrics, and the visual vocabulary of the illustrations bring readers of English into the circle of learning. First, the plan of organization of Bartholomew's encyclopedic work is analyzed and both that structure and the expository style of the work are related to memorial reading and use as a textbook. Next, the widespread use of DPR in Latin and vernacular languages is reviewed, the suggestion that certain of its books seem to have been used more than others is made, and the reliance of English readers, such as Roger Thorney, who commissoned de Worde's edition, on de Worde for learned books printed in their provincial tongue is pointed out. Finally, through comparison with certain manuscript and other printed editions, the methods de Worde used to make the book readable are explained, the layout is shown to support the idea of system, and the function of the pictures as visual texts carrying scientific ideas is demonstrated.
Special Providence and Sixteenth-Century Astronomical Observation: Some Preliminary Reflections
Authors: Methuen Charlotte 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThis paper considers the role of the doctrine of providence, and particularly the distinction between general and special providence, in the interpretation of astronomical observations in the sixteenth century, with particular reference to the discussion of the 1572 nova by Lutheran astronomers. It suggests that the essential difference between the events of special providence and those of general providence could be used to legitimate observations which contradicted accepted Aristotelian physics. The decision that the underlying explanatory system must be revised thus required a theological shift as well as contradiction by observation.
The English Vernacular Afterlife of Benvenutus Grassus, Ophthalmologist1
Authors: Eldredge Laurence M. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThis paper traces the history in print of a treatise on ophthalmology by Benvenutus Grassus, De probatissima arte oculorum, originally written in Latin in the late thirteenth century and translated into English in the fifteenth century. It presents evidence of the appearance in print of the English translation as a section of Philip Barrough's The Method of Phisicke in 1583, a book that went through ten subsequent reprintings, the last appearing in 1652. Other evidence is presented on the influence of Benvenutus' treatise in ophthalmological works published in the earlier half of the seventeenth century, and both greater and lesser traces are shown to exist. The last appearance of the treatise is in an auctioneer's catalogue of 1713, where apparently the book failed to find a buyer.
The reality of myth
Authors: Manley Marcelle 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThis article was inspired by the Shangaan sculptor and prophet Jackson Hlungwani who has gained considerable renown all over southern Africa and further afield for his art. Jackson's sculpture is mythical. His communication is mythical. And contact with him makes one realise that faith without a mythical basis becomes - to use Cantwell Smith's distinction - mere religion .... What follows is a clarification of this statement.
Justice and peace - a survey of issues
Authors: Nürnberger Klaus 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThis article offers a condensed survey of justice and peace issues in Christian ethics. It was originally written for an evangelical encyclopedia but was not accepted by the editors, possibly because of its historical critical and social critical stance. It begins with the historical origins of the concepts of law in the Old Testament, namely covenant law and cosmic order, their profound transformations in biblical history and their final form in the New Testament. Then we mention a few important developments in the history of the church from the Constantinian reversal, over the Reformation and the Enlightenment to the modern revolutionary spirit. Then we highlight a few aspects of the modern discussion, such as the accelerating development of science and technology, the emergence of a global, highly imbalanced economy, the rise and fall of Marxist socialism, a renewed upsurge of ethnic sentiments, and so on. Finally we offer a few directives for the contemporary debate, focusing on the relation between justice and peace.
The Other: Nagarjuna and the theologians
Authors: le Roux C. du P. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractThis article tracks briefly the in-between, neither-nor path of the Buddhist thinker Nagarjuna as it is reflected in his major text, the MŪlamadhyamaka Kārikā . At a later stage the bipolar thinking of theology will be taken through the 'heat' of the 'otherwise' thinking of Nāgārjuna as the Other.
Jesus the Jew: some reflections on current investigations
Authors: Botha P.J.J. 
Published: April 2008

AbstractIn this article attention is drawn to the emphasis on Jesus' Jewishness in current historical Jesus studies. Some of the findings of this research are briefly presented. Three reasons for this development are identified: the resurgence in historical Jesus studies, the re-evaluation of early Judaism by scholarship, and contemporary doubts about Christology. The Jewishness of Jesus confronts us with many challenges and new problems and some are identified and discussed. The improved understanding of early Judaism challenges us to revise our views of early Christian tradition, and our interpretive stances, assessments and beliefs about Jesus of Nazareth.