bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Judicial Review, Federalism, and the Canadian Constitution
Authors: Clokie H. McD. 
Published: June 2006

Thus far in the twentieth century Canadian statesmen have been faced with two major constitutional problems, one relating to external autonomy, the other to internal economy. The first of these was the adaptation of existing governmental procedures in such fashion as to make Dominion nationhood a political reality by institutionalizing the processes appropriate to what is now called “Dominion Status.” The second has been the development of a more closely integrated national economy within the framework of a federal system. It is not necessary to consider the advisability or soundness of pursuing either of these purposes; it is enough for the student of constitutional machinery that they have been widely assumed as desirable ends, pursuit of which is considered to be progress. The very fact, however, that the attainment of these aims has had to be sought consciously in the past twenty-five years, more than half a century after the establishment of the Dominion, indicates that they were hardly in contemplation in 1867. And, as there can be no progress without change, it must be recognized that the progressive fulfilment of Dominion national aspirations, externally and internally, must carry with it very considerable if not almost revolutionary alteration in Canadian constitutionalism.The obvious purpose of the formulation of the principles of Dominion status was to place each of the Dominions on terms of constitutional equality with Great Britain. If each Dominion had inherited British institutions in their pure form, the result would have been the creation of half a dozen reproductions of the British constitutional system. But no Dominion was actually a simple replica of the British polity, and in consequence the declaration of the new status created almost as many problems as it solved. With regard to the external aspects, the Dominions differed among themselves as to the immediate desirability of the legal consequences of the new status, so the Statute of Westminster, 1931, was drawn in such a way as to apply automatically only to Canada, the Irish Free State, and South Africa; for the other Dominions, the Statute was to come into operation only when adopted by them. So, also, with regard to the internal aspects, special reservations were made in the Statute to protect the constitutional systems of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand from change.
Power Aspects of the St. Lawrence Waterway
Authors: Bonbright J. C. 
Published: June 2006

Sometime in the future, I hope that there will be published an exhaustive account of one of the most revealing episodes in the recent history of our two countries. I refer to the propaganda for and against the proposed development of a great navigation and power project on the International Rapids Section of the St. Lawrence River.Doubtless other political movements in our history have a public significance even greater than that of the St. Lawrence seaway. But the St. Lawrence project probably offers to historians, to political scientists, and to economists, a more illuminating study of the way in which our democracies act, or fail to act, under the drives of conflicting pressure groups and of conflicting social philosophies than does any other political controversy of recent years. This is true because the underlying motives of the people who have taken part in the fight for this project are more clear-cut and less camouflaged than those involved, say, in controversies about the protective tariff, or about the merits of American isolationism versus interventionism in international affairs. So broad is the significance of this case study in the realm of economic and social motives— so critical is its import for our democratic way of life—that I shall return to it later even at the expense of cutting short my comments on the merits of the St. Lawrence project itself.
Technical Advance and Economic Equilibria
Authors: Keirstead B. S. 
Published: June 2006

This article is an attempt to apply to certain problems of shifting equilibria some techniques which are familiar to readers of Professor Schumpeter. The problems to be examined are: the effect of a technical advance on the equilibrium position of a single firm which is in a position to adopt the new techniques; the effect of a technical advance on the optimum and typical size of firms in the industry; the social dispersal of benefits from a technical advance; the relation of a technical advance to the rate of investment and the rate of interest; and the implications of technical advance for social policy and the level of welfare.I wish first to consider the position of a firm in imperfect competition experiencing a technical advance over a period of time. Now, whatever the nature of this firm, there will be a point, at any moment, beyond which increases in output can be achieved only at an increased unit cost. The greater the proportion of fixed to variable costs the further to the right (graphically speaking) this point will be. In industries like railroading the point may be to the right of the relevant sector of the curves because the proportionate decline in fixed costs per unit of output is absolutely so great as to offset rising variable unit costs for any practicable output. However diminishing returns inevitably exist in the rigorous sense that the intensification of the use of fixed plant, at any moment of time, will eventually result in diminished increments of product per unit of variable factor employed, and this implies increasing marginal variable cost. Total unit costs will increase when, with each increase in output, the absolute increases in variable costs exceed the absolute decrees in fixed costs per unit; and we should remember that, though the decline in fixed costs is uniform as a proportionate decline (the fixed unit cost curve is always a rectangular hyperbola of the type xy=k), the absolute decline, as output is increased, becomes less and less. Thus, and this is a commonplace of economic theory, any change in the proportion of fixed to variable costs of the firm, will have a definite effect on the optimum cost point and on whether or not the firm is operating, within any practicable range of output, under increasing or decreasing costs.
The Seventh Census of Population in Canada, 1931
Authors: Woodbury Robert M. 
Published: June 2006

The results of the seventh census of population in Canada, taken as of June 1, 1931, are comprised in 14 octavo volumes, of which all except the final volume of maps and graphs and certain monographs to be included in the two volumes of census monographs, have been issued. The present review is confined to the population census proper, including, however, the topics of gainful occupations, earnings, and unemployment; on the other hand, agriculture, merchandising and services, and institutions are omitted. In other words, the present review is limited to volumes I-VII, together with those monographs included in volumes XII and XIII which treat the topics of these seven volumes, so far as the monographs themselves have been issued. The advantage of considering the monographs in connection with the corresponding topics of the census itself is obvious, since the detailed analytical treatment of the former helps to throw into clear light the census findings and adds materially to the value of the results.An outline of the contents of the several volumes may help to give perspective to the whole subject. Volume I contains, in addition to the administrative summary of the work of the census, a brief analysis and comment on each of the major subjects covered by the census, together with a selection of tables on all topics; the text covering 344 pages and the tables 1,177 pages. Volumes II-VII are devoted to tabular matter; volume II to population figures for local subdivisions, with details by sex, age, etc., for these areas; volume III to age classifications; volume IV to “cross classifications,” e.g. birthplace with racial origin, literacy, religion, etc.; volume V to wage-earners, earnings, families, and housing; volume VI to unemployment; and volume VII to occupation and industry.
Limitations of the Financial Factor in a War Economy
Authors: Douglas Monteath 
Published: June 2006

The argument put forward in this paper assumes a point of view which it would be well to make clear at the beginning. Put briefly, it is that war today involves such a radical transformation of the economy that customary economic concepts which have been derived from peace-time experience, and even from the experience of earlier wars, no longer fit the facts. This war not only devours materials on an unprecedented scale, but it urgently imposes new and highly specialized objectives upon the whole scheme of economic activity, and with them new criteria and new methods. A new “war economy” has to be brought into being to meet these specifications.I am concerned here simply with the role of financial policy in this war economy. As the questions which arise are to some extent questions of emphasis, it is desirable to avoid the misunderstanding which may easily occur if the emphasis is misplaced. It will not be disputed that fiscal policy and monetary policy are vital elements in the efficient conduct of the economy, in war as in peace, so far as their proper spheres of operation are concerned. But there is room for disagreement as to how far their proper spheres of operation actually do extend today. It is my thesis that as the organization of the war economy becomes more intensive, purely financial instruments of control necessarily yield diminishing returns, not merely in the literal and self-evident sense of the proportion of incomes which can be extracted from the pockets of the people, but in the sense of the objectives of organization which government policy may try by these means to achieve.
Municipal Government in Ontario
Authors: Curtis C. A. 
Published: June 2006

Under the broad title of this paper I propose to deal with some legislative and administrative aspects of municipal government rather than the more political phases, although, of course, these matters cannot be definitely segregated. It is my intention to note some points in connection with the present structure of municipal government in this province, to raise certain problems for discussion—problems which are vital even if obvious—and to make some suggestions.These matters have interested me for some time both because of an academic interest, and because of the experience of seven or eight years' active participation in municipal affairs. I have held municipal office—both by appointment and election—and I have learned much about what is and what is not possible in the political processes. But I hasten to add that I have also been defeated for municipal office and probably that has taught me the most. However, I will not labour these points here.The first elementary point that I should like to make is the constitutional one that in this country the municipality is the creature of the province. Our constitution establishes only the federal and provincial governments, and such power as municipalities have is delegated by the province. This means that changes in municipal structure depend on no complicated constitutional negotiations or charter but simply upon the willingness of the legislature to make changes which are believed to be generally acceptable.
Press Censorship
Authors: Eggleston Wilfrid 
Published: June 2006

Censorship in war-time seeks to withhold military information from the enemy, and to safeguard public morale from the corrosion of enemy propaganda. To achieve the first aim, press censorship is co-ordinated with censorship of radio, the mails, telephone, telegraph, and cable lines; and with appropriate safeguards against public access to prohibited areas.The principles of military censorship are simple. The essence of successful warfare is secrecy. “Let us learn what we can from the enemy; let us teach him only what we must,” was the rule laid down by Lord Balfour in the last war. Surprise is still the most valuable “secret weapon” of war; and the ideal state of affairs from the narrow viewpoint of military operations is a complete black-out on all information regarding such matters as the strength of military forces, the disposition of units, the nature of defences, the stocks of war supplies, the rate of growth of the armed forces, the rate of production of war weapons, and so on. In modern wars, these desirable military secrets must be extended to facts concerning the economic, financial, and psychological strength of the nation at war.The ideal state of affairs from the viewpoint of military operations is, unfortunately, at variance with other vital considerations. It is not practicable to screen all information from the enemy without hiding it quite as effectively from one's own people. Complete acceptance of the military philosophy of censorship would raise grave problems in a democracy, which relies so largely on an informed public, and on voluntary effort.
The Defence Programme and Labour Supply in the United States
Authors: Hinrichs A. F. 
Published: June 2006

The defence effort, including the aid-to-Britain programme, dominates the economic life of the United States today. Whereas expenditures for defence materials were running at a level of about $2 billion a year during the first half of 1940, they are now running at an annual rate of about $13 billion. This six-fold increase in the level of defence expenditures has already resulted in a net increase in employment of about 2½ million, not counting in this figure an increase in the armed forces of nearly 900,000.The formulation of any labour policy for the existing emergency must be built around the nature of the problem that is created by the emergency itself. Our problem is to transform the billions of dollars that have been authorized or appropriated into ships and planes, tanks and shells—into the thousands of items that are needed to meet the requirements of our own Army and Navy and Maritime Commission, as well as of the democracies of this and other continents. This means that we must mobilize the human and economic resources of the United States so that these munitions may be made available as efficiently and as quickly as is possible.The first step in approaching this problem is to determine what resources are going to be needed. I am concerned in this discussion exclusively with our labour resources and the problems that affect labour.
Report of the Royal Commission on the Textile Industry
Authors: Kemp H. R. 
Published: June 2006

While this inquiry arose out of the temporary closing of a mill at Sherbrooke, attributed by the management to the fear of Japanese competition, the Dominion Government called for “an investigation much more searching and extensive than is possible at the present time either by officials of any of the Government departments or by the Tariff Board.” The Honourable W. F. A. Turgeon, a judge of the Court of Appeal of Saskatchewan, was appointed a Royal Commissioner to make this investigation as speedily as possible. The completion of the report was delayed by the Government's decision to requisition the services of the same commissioner for a further study of the wheat problem, which occupied several months and necessitated investigations in England, but after two years' work and the collection of nineteen thousand pages of evidence, the report was laid before the Minister of Finance on January 20, 1938. It is an important document, which will undoubtedly be quoted, especially as a source of factual data, in discussions of the textile industry for years to come.Conforming with the terms of reference, the Commissioner sought information with respect to tariff protection, volume of production, investment, costs, profits, wages, salaries, and bonuses, and such other matters as might help the Government to arrive at conclusions “regarding the position of this and other branches of the textile industry in relation to British and foreign competition, and in particular, the extent to which the employer can reasonably and properly be expected to maintain employment over periods of temporary difficulty.”
Post-war Tax Policy
Authors: Higgins Benjamin 
Published: June 2006

Economic literature of the past decade suggests, and most economists would surely agree, that there are two fundamental economic problems: unemployment and monopoly. Together, enforced idleness of resources and maldistribution of resources due to monopolization of all kinds are responsible for whatever gap exists between actual and potential national real income. They account for a good deal of the inequity of income distribution as well. Economic policy has as its chief concern the elimination of monopoly without loss of efficiency, and the elimination of unemployment without inflation or misuse of resources.The post-war period will present these two basic problems in aggravated form. Exigencies of war have led to increased concentration of industry, which could easily crystallize into enhanced monopoly power. With half our national income now generated by war expenditures, the task of maintaining full employment while shifting production from things that win wars to things that promote welfare will be of unprecedented magnitude. At the same time, vast new holdings of cash and other liquid resources, combined with the backlog of demand for both consumers' and producers' goods that will have accumulated, will constitute a grave threat of inflation. The balance of the economy, which must be maintained by what Professor Lerner has aptly called “functional finance,” will be delicate indeed.This article suggests an approach to post-war tax policy designed to meet these problems. While the setting is Canadian, the analytical tools and even the policies proposed would be applicable to the British or American scenes with minor modifications.
Rate Control on Canadian Public Utilities
Authors: Currie A. W. 
Published: June 2006

In comparison with either Great Britain or the United States relatively little attention has been given to the problems of public utilities by Canadian economists, business men, and governments. In part, this is due to the outstanding success of some of the publicly owned utilities like Ontario Hydro, Toronto Transportation Commission, and Winnipeg Municipal Electric and, at the same time, to the doubtful value of such public enterprises as the Canadian National. Our experience with these concerns has tended to focus attention on individual cases rather than on public utilities as a group.Another explanation of the comparative neglect of this field of study is the constitutional framework. In the United States, it has been necessary to prove to conservatively minded courts, first, that the business in question comes within the vaguely defined category of public utilities, and then that the rates set by the regulatory commission have not infringed the Fourteenth Amendment that no person shall be deprived of property without due process of law. Under the British system of government, legislation bringing business under government control and the decisions of commissions regarding rates are, within broad limits, accepted by the courts as valid. Thus the virtually continuous litigation over public utility rates in the United States has been absent in Canada.Despite this relative neglect, Canadian governments have not by any means entirely disregarded the control of public utilities. The federal government has set up the Board of Transport Commissioners which, since 1904, has supervised the rates, fares, and charges of railways under Dominion jurisdiction. For the most part the Board has dealt with relation of rates inter se. Nevertheless, it has occasionally considered the general level and in the main has accepted the revenue needs of the Canadian Pacific as a basis for rates. In effect it uses the prudent investment of the low cost line for rate-making purposes, but it has not attempted to arrive at either an accurate valuation or a precise figure for a reasonable rate of return. It has almost completely avoided the theoretical and practical difficulties of original cost, cost of reproduction new, and other valuation problems.
Appointment of Extra Senators under Section 26 of the British North America Act
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

The present party standing in the Senate is sixty-five Liberals and twenty-six Progressive Conservatives, with five seats vacant. Since the Bennett government left office, thirty-seven Conservative Senators have died or resigned, eleven of them in the last three years alone. As the Progressive Conservatives are, for the most part, among the oldest Senators, it is by no means impossible that, if the Liberals retain office a few years longer, a succeeding Progressive Conservative government may find itself without a single supporter in the Senate. A C.C.F. government would, of course, inevitably be in the same position.Clearly, any government must have some supporters in the Upper House, if only to move and second its legislation. Would there be any way out of the difficulty short of an amendment to the British North America Act?The answer would seem to be yes. Normally the Senate is limited to ninety-six. But Section 26 of the British North America Act provides that “If, at any Time, on the Recommendation of the Governor-General, the King thinks fit to direct that four or eight Members be added to the Senate, the Governor-General may by Summons to four or eight qualified Persons (as the case may be), representing equally the four Divisions of Canada, add to the Senate accordingly.” Sections 27 and 28 add: “27. In case of such Addition being at any Time made the Governor-General … shall not summon any Person to the Senate, except on a further like Direction by the King on the like Recommendation, to represent one of the four Divisions until such Division is represented by Twenty-four Senators and no more. 28. The Number of Senators shall not at any Time exceed one hundred and four.” There can be little doubt that a government in the position just described would advise appointment of at least four extra Senators; and there can be equally little doubt that the advice would be accepted.