bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Quasi-Modal Equivalence of Canonical Structures
Authors: Goldblatt Robert 
Published: May 2006

AbstractA first-order sentence isquasi-modalif its class of models is closed under the modal validity preserving constructions of disjoint unions, inner substructures and bounded epimorphic images.It is shown that all members of the proper class of canonical structures of a modal logicΛhave the same quasi-modal first-order theoryΨΛ. The models of this theory determine a modal logicΛewhich is the largest sublogic ofΛto be determined by an elementary class. The canonical structures ofΛealso haveΨΛas their quasi-modal theory.In addition there is a largest sublogicΛeofΛthat is determined by its canonical structures, and again the canonical structures ofΛehaveΨΛare their quasi-modal theory. Thus. Finally, we show that all finite structures validatingΛare models ofΨΛ, and that ifΛis determined by its finite structures, thenΨΛis equal to the quasi-modal theory of these structures.
Fusion of 2-elements in groups of finite Morley rank
Authors: Corredor Luis-Jaime 
Published: May 2006

The Alperin-Goldschmidt Fusion Theorem [1, 5], when combined with pushing up [7], was a useful tool in the classification of the finite simple groups. Similar theorems are needed in the study of simple groups of finite Morley rank, in the even type case (that is, when the Sylow 2-subgroups are of bounded exponent, as in algebraic groups over fields of characteristic 2). In that context a body of results relating to fusion of 2-elements and the structure of 2-local subgroups is needed: pushing up, and the classification of groups with strongly or weakly embedded subgroups, or have strongly closed abelian subgroups (c.f, [2]). Two theorems of Alperin-Goldschmidt type are proved here. Both are needed in applications.The following is an exact analog of the Alperin-Goldschmidt Fusion Theorem for groups of finite Morley rank, in the case of 2-elements:Theorem 1.1.Let G be a group of finite Morley rank, and P a Sylow2-subgroup of G.If A, B⊆P are conjugate in G, then there are subgroups Hi≤Pand elementsxi∈N(Hi)for1 ≤i≤n,and an elementy∈N(P),such that for all i:1.Hiis a tame intersection of two Sylow2-subgroups;2.CP(Hi) ≤Hi;3.N(Hi)/Hiis2-isolatedand(a)(b).
More on Cichoń's diagram and infinite games
Authors: Kada Masaru 
Published: May 2006

AbstractSome cardinal invariants from Cichoń's diagram can be characterized using the notion of cut-and-choose games on cardinals. In this paper we give another way to characterize those cardinals in terms of infinite games. We also show that some properties for forcing, such as the Sacks Property, the Laver Property and ωω-boundingness, are characterized by cut-and-choose games on complete Boolean algebras.
A boundedness lemma for iterations
Authors: Hjorth Greg 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to present a kind of boundedness lemma for direct limits of coarse structural mice, and to indicate some applications to descriptive set theory. For instance, this allows us to show that under large cardinal or determinacy assumptions there is no prewellorder ≤ of length such that for some formula ψ and parameter zif and only ifIt is a peculiar experience to write up a result in this area. Following the work of Martin, Steel, Woodin, and other inner model theory experts, there is an enormous overhang of theorems and ideas, and it only takes one wandering pebble to restart the avalanche. For this reason I have chosen to center the exposition around the one pebble at 1.7 which I believe to be new. The applications discussed in section 2 involve routine modifications of known methods.A detailed introduction to many of the techniques related to using the Martin-Steel inner model theory and Woodin's free extender algebra is given in the course of [1]. Certainly a familiarity with the Martin-Steel papers, [5] and [6], is a prerequisite, as is some knowledge of the free extender algebra. Probably anyone interested in this paper will already know the necessary descriptive set theory, most of which can be found in [4]. Discussion of earlier results in this direction can be found in [3] or [2].
On elementary embeddings from an inner model to the universe
Authors: Vickers J. , Welch P. D. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWe consider the following question of Kunen:Does Con(ZFC + ∃M a transitive inner model and a non-trivial elementary embedding j: M → V)imply Con(ZFC + ∃ a measurable cardinal)?We use core model theory to investigate consequences of the existence of such a j: M → V. We prove, amongst other things, the existence of such an embedding implies that the core model K is a model of “there exists a proper class of almost Ramsey cardinals”. Conversely, if On is Ramsey, then such a j. M are definable.We construe this as a negative answer to the question above. We consider further the consequences of strengthening the closure assumption on j to having various classes of fixed points.
Can partial indexings be totalized?
Authors: Spreen Dieter 
Published: May 2006

AbstractIn examples like the total recursive functions or the computable real numbers the canonical indexings are only partial maps. It is even impossible in these cases to find an equivalent total numbering. We consider effectively given topologicalT0-spaces and study the problem in which cases the canonical numberings of such spaces can be totalized,i.e., have an equivalent total indexing. Moreover, we show under very natural assumptions that such spaces can effectively and effectively homeomorphically be embedded into a totally indexed algebraic partial order that is closed under the operation of taking least upper bounds of enumerable directed subsets.
Forcing many positive polarized partition relations between a cardinal and its powerset
Authors: Shelah Saharon , Stanley Lee J. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractA fairly quotable special, but still representative, case of our main result is that for 2 ≤ n < ω, there is a natural number m(n) such that, the following holds. Assume GCH: If λ < μ are regular, there is a cofinality preserving forcing extension in which 2λ = μ and, for all σ < λ ≤ κ < η such that η(+m(n)−+) ≤ μ,This generalizes results of [3], Section 1. and the forcing is a “many cardinals” version of the forcing there.
British Policy and the Balance of Power
Authors: Howard Esme 
Published: May 2006

Among other curious legends about the Balance of Power which were assiduously circulated by German propagandist writers during the war and even before, and have since been repeated in that part of the Socialist press which takes its inspiration from Moscow, I have noticed a tendency which has spread even to reasonable Liberal papers—with a strong pacifist colour—to ascribe the origin and the birth of this doctrine to the machiavellian policy of British statesmen. Many times have I read denunciations of England on the ground that she invented this doctrine, to which are set down the innumerable wars from which Europe has suffered since the sixteenth century.Now the fact of course is that it is not an English doctrine at all, although it became for quite obvious reasons, which were inevitable, a corner-stone of English policy, unconsciously during the sixteenth, subconsciously during the seventeenth, and consciously during the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries, because for England it represented the only plan of preserving her own independence, political and economic. It matters little when the doctrine was actually first formulated—I had doubts about that and, therefore, I confess without shame, having no pretensions to learning, I betook myself to the Encyclopaedia Britannica and there found that it was first given definite shape as a doctrine by Grotius and afterwards became a current part of the equipment of every European statesman.
Sur la structuration du tableau des connectifs interpropositionnels binaires
Authors: Blanché Robert 
Published: May 2006

La théorie de la quaternalité, telle que Piaget et Gottschalk l'ont appliquée aux connectifs binaires du calcul bivalent, appelle quelques précisions et compléments.Les seize connectifs ne comportent que deux quaternes complets: celui des jonctions et celui des implications. Leurs similitudes formelles ne doivent pas dissimuler une différence dans leur mode de construction. Elle apparaît sur leurs diagrammes (inspirés du “carré logique” traditionnel) par la place de la cellule initiale et par celles des signes barrés du trait vertical de la négation:En effet, la dualité qui se combine avec celle de la négation contradictoire (DN, flèche diagonale) est, pour les jonctions, la dualité “morganienne” (DM, flèche verticale) et pour les implications, la dualité des réciproques (DR, flèche horizontale). Car dans les jonctions, liaisons symétriques, il n'y a point de vraies réciproques; inversement, les implications ne comportent pas (pourvu, bien sûr, qu'on ne les traduise pas en termes de jonctions) de dualité morganienne. Le quatrième terme, obtenu par la combinaison des deux relations génératrices, sera donc, pour les jonctions, une contreduale (DM× DN) et, pour les implications, une contreréciproque (DR× DN).
Decidability and essential undecidability
Authors: Putnam Hilary 
Published: May 2006

There are a number of open problems involving the concepts of decidability and essential undecidability. This paper will present solutions to some of these problems. Specifically:(1) Can a decidable theory have an essentially undecidable, axiomatizable extension (with the same constants)?(2) Are all the complete extensions of an undecidable theory ever decidable?We shall show that the answer to both questions is in the affirmative. In answering question (1), the decidable theory for which an essentially undecidable axiomatizable extension will be constructed is the theory of the successor function and a single one-place predicate. It will also be shown that the decidability of this theory is a “best possible” result in the following direction: the theory of either of the common diadic arithmetic functions and a one-place predicate; i.e., of addition and a one-place predicate, or of multiplication and a one-place predicate, is undecidable.Before establishing the main result, it is convenient to give a simple proof that a decidable theory can have an axiomatizable (simply) undecidable extension. This is, of course, an immediate consequence of the main result; but the proof is simple and illustrates the methods that we are going to use in this paper.
On closure under direct product
Authors: Chang C. C. , Morel Anne C. 
Published: May 2006

In 1951, Horn obtained a sufficient condition for an arithmetical class to be closed under direct product. A natural question which arose was whether Horn's condition is also necessary. We obtain a negative answer to that question.We shall discuss relational systems of the formwhere A and R are non-empty sets; each element of R is an ordered triple 〈a, b, c〉, with a, b, c ∈ A.1 If the triple 〈a, b, c〉 belongs to the relation R, we write R(a, b, c); if 〈a, b, c〉 ∉ R, we write (a, b, c). If x0, x1 and x2 are variables, then R(x0, x1, x2) and x0 = x1 are predicates. The expressions (x0, x1, x2) and x0 ≠ x1 will be referred to as negations of predicates.We speak of α1, …, αn as terms of the disjunction α1 ∨ … ∨ αn and as factors of the conjunction α1 ∧ … ∧ αn. A sentence (open, closed or neither) of the formwhere each Qi (if there be any) is either the universal or the existential quantifier and each αi, l is either a predicate or a negation of a predicate, is said to be in prenex disjunctive normal form.
On McKinsey's syntactical characterizations of systems of modal logic
Authors: Drake F. R. 
Published: May 2006

In [1] McKinsey gives a method of defining possibility in terms of “substitutions”, or transformations of one sentence into another. Roughly, the motivation is that a sentence be possible if a sentence of “like form”, i.e. a transformation of it, is true.The purpose of this paper is to show that the two systems given in [1], shown by McKinsey to be at least as strong as Lewis' systems S4 and S5, do exactly characterize S4 and S5, and that the system given by omitting rule A4 from the first system exactly characterizes von Wright's system M.1
The “East” Becomes the “South”? The “Autumn of the People” and the Future of Eastern Europe
Authors: Przeworski Adam 
Published: May 2006

The “Autumn of the People” of 1989 was a dismal failure of the predictive power of political science. Any retrospective explanation of the fall of communism must not only account for the historical developments but must also identify those theoretical assumptions that prevented us from anticipating these developments. If we are so wise now, why were we not equally sage before?As I learned recently, most terminal cancer patients die of pneumonia. Social science is not very good at sorting out underlying causes and precipitating conditions: witness the 50 years of controversies over the fall of Weimar. And the response to the question “why communism collapsed?” is not the same as to “why did it collapse in the autumn of 1989?” It is easier to explain why communism had to fall than why it did.The theory of “totalitarianism” could not answer either question: it could not diagnose the cancer and hence the vulnerability to pneumonia.
The Ups and Downs of Elections, or Look Before You Swing
Authors: Rose Richard 
Published: May 2006

Why not use swing as a measure of electoral change in the United States? ask David Butler and Stephen D. Van Beek in PS (1990). This article shows why one should look before one swings, for the conditions of meaningful use are so limiting that swing is unsuited for the great majority of countries, including many elections in the United States and Britain. Instead of swing, it is better to employ a more precise and more robust measure of the ups and downs of parties.DefinitionSwing is the average of the change in the share of the vote won by two parties contesting an election. If party A gains 5 percent of the vote between election x and election y, and party B loses 5 percent, then there is a swing of 5 percentage points from B to A. By definition, swing is a measure of movement between two, and only two parties. In an attempt to control for the effect of other parties, the two-party measure of swing treats the votes for parties A and B as equal to 100 percent of the total vote, whatever the share of the vote taken by one or more “third” parties.
Rotation in Office: Rapid but Restricted to the House
Authors: Struble Robert , Jahre Z. W. 
Published: May 2006

Are the movements transforming Europe about to cross the Atlantic and pass the baton of reform from the old world to the new? If so, then the transfer may be in the form of constitutional amending rather than revolutionary upheaval.After the two U.S. House elections of 1986 and 1988, with their 98% reelection rates for incumbent members, resentment has intensified against the skillfully crafted techniques whereby incumbents secure homesteads for themselves in Congress. Indeed a Gallup poll conducted in January 1990 found 70% of Americans supportive of restricting congressional tenure. And in Oklahoma, Colorado and California—the three states where a systematic constitutional application of term limits appeared on the ballot—rotation in the legislative branch won handily.Yet the election results in 1990 (96% reelection) showed the same electoral dominance by incumbent House representatives that has prevailed since World War II. For the last few elections at least, public support for rotation in office has run high, while hardly a blip has appeared in the trend toward incumbents at the ballot box.
Lyndon Johnson: Campaign Innovator?
Authors: Altschuler Bruce E. 
Published: May 2006

Because most of the discussion of the second volume of Robert Caro's (1990) biography of Lyndon Johnson has focused either on his charge that Johnson's victory over Coke Stevenson in the 1948 Texas Senate election was gained through fraud or on the accuracy of the extremely negative picture of Johnson as compared to the heroic portrait of Stevenson, other important issues have been overlooked. In his introduction, Caro writes that he has devoted so much attention to the 1948 campaign because it “was the new politics against the old. Johnson was the new politics: electronic politics, technological politics, media politics.” These new techniques included “scientific polling, techniques of organization and of media manipulation,” whose effectiveness was demonstrated “so convincingly that thereafter all politicians who could afford them adopted them” (xxxii–xxxiii).Even though the image of Lyndon Johnson as a pioneer in the development of campaign technology is at odds with what has previously been written about him, most reviewers largely accepted Caro's assertion at face value.
Advertising on Cable Television in the Presidential Primaries: Something to Look For in '92
Authors: Hoefler James M. 
Published: May 2006

The cost of running presidential primary campaigns has increased dramatically since the primary replaced the party convention as the preferred method of presidential candidate selection. Much of this well documented rise in campaign spending has been attributed to the increased use of televised political advertising. Today, political parties have been supplanted by the media as the most prominent link between the voter and the election process. It is not party identification or the “get out the vote” apparatus, but slick, high tech, 30-second spot advertisements that have helped to make or break presidential campaigns for party nominations in recent years.Today, candidates are apt to spend two-thirds or more of their primary campaign budgets on paid political advertising, and the 1992 presidential primary season promises more of the same. In addition, the '92 primaries may offer an interesting twist in campaign strategy. In the past, media battles for the nomination have been waged over the broadcast airwaves. In the future, primary watchers would be well advised to pay close attention to the role played by cable television.
The United States Supreme Court and the Enforcement of African-American Rights: Myth and Reality
Authors: Agyeman Opoku 
Published: May 2006

Judicial review has run the gauntlet of criticism ever since John Marshall declared in Marbury v. Madison that “It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is….”The critics have emphasized the incompatibility of judicial review with democratic values. In doing this, they have sometimes drawn, for effect, on the contrasting evolution of England and the U.S. on the issue. It is noted that the doctrine and practice of judicial review as they obtain in the contemporary U.S. were known “only in very attenuated form” in late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century England (Huntington 1968, 112), and were based on the need to guarantee that the King would no longer influence English judges “to support royal claims to the detriment of the liberties of the people” (Melone and Mace 1988, 207–08). Furthermore, by the eighteenth century the doctrine and the practice were extinct to the point where Blackstonecould flatly state that no court could declare invalid an act of Parliament however unreasonable it might be. To admit such a power, he said, “were to set the judicial power above that of the legislature, which would be subversive of all government.” (Huntington 1968, 112)Since at the time of the Philadelphia Convention there was no hereditary monarch in America “with a vested interest in maintaining power at the expense of liberty,” and since government officials were elected by the people and were “consequently controlled by them,” it was argued, to no avail, by the likes of Robert Yates, that there was no need to repose virtually uncontrolled power in the judiciary “unless the goal is autonomy, not from a despotic King, but from the democratic tendencies of a free people” (Melone and Mace 1988, 207–08).
Public Opinion and the Thomas Nomination
Authors: Frankovic Kathleen , Gelb Joyce 
Published: May 2006

Until recently, the nomination of a justice to the U.S. Supreme Court had little public opinion relevance. Questions might be raised about the nominee's qualifications, perhaps including his or her liberalism or conservatism, but the American people tended to acquiesce in Court appointments. That changed during the Reagan administration, when opponents of the president's choice of Robert Bork decided that public opinion did matter and effectively campaigned to turn the public against Bork.The Thomas nomination, however, raised even more questions about public opinion. Race and the role it should play in Court nominations was as important as Clarence Thomas's legal opinions. And, as soon as Anita Hill's charges of sexual harassment became public, other aspects of public opinion came into prominence.
Divisions in the Civil Rights Community
Authors: Pinderhughes Dianne M. 
Published: May 2006

Associate Justice Thurgood Marshall was the first African American to sit on the U.S. Supreme Court. He helped produce and was also a product of the 20th-century civil rights movement. President George Bush nominated Clarence Thomas to succeed him, a man who had made his professional career in a rapid succession of civil rights appointments in the same Republican administrations that were attempting to reconstruct the policies that Marshall and his successors in national civil rights organizations had created and interpreted.That Bush nominated Thomas, whose policy positions were so opposed to civil rights law as it had been legislated and implemented, did not prevent these organizations from being riven by disagreement over Thomas's fitness. When Anita Hill's allegations of sexual harassment became public, these organizations' opinions of the Thomas nomination became even more problematic.The nomination of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court offers an opportunity to observe the influence and effectiveness of the civil rights lobby on an important policy question.
Conditional Surrender: Charles de Gaulle and American Opinion
Authors: Lowi Theodore J. , Schain Martin A. 
Published: May 2006

It is an enduring myth that heads of state and other international leaders are often more admired abroad than at home. The prophet is not without honor, save in his own country. It has been argued, for example, that Richard Nixon's popularity in other countries continued to grow during the Watergate crisis almost in inverse proportion to its decline in the United States. In fact, there has been no systematic study of the popularity of political leaders outside of their own countries. The little evidence that exists suggests that, although important leaders are often admired by foreign political elites when they are unpopular at home, the reaction of mass publics is less clear. Thus, European political leaders were often sympathetic to the plight of Richard Nixon as the Watergate affair evolved between 1973 and 1975, but mass public opinion was far more negative.Charles de Gaulle did not fit the pattern, at least not in the United States. His 30 years of world prominence, 1940-70, may have produced a roller-coaster pattern of popularity in France, but the limited data we have indicate that in the United States, he became increasingly unpopular as he consolidated his power during the Fifth Republic, and, in the process, challenged the “hegemony” of the United States. Among American political elites, he seems to have been consistently unpopular, and revisions in that assessment were not to come before his second retreat to Colombey in 1969.On the centenary of de Gaulle's birth (and the 20th anniversary of his death), we undertook a reevaluation of the current public status of de Gaulle in America through a survey of a select group of opinion leaders whose preoccupations would enable them to form considered judgments about him as a political leader, and whose judgments would be transmitted to succeeding generations of university students.