bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Outlook for the World Economy: A Latin American Viewpoint
Authors: Espinosa Juan Guillermo 
Published: March 2007

The Term Which best sums up the current international economic situation is the word “crisis.” This crisis exists not only in the economies of the South, harassed over the past five years by external debt and the adjustment measures which it has spawned, but also in the economies of the North, often saddled with substantial deficits.Surrounding the state of crisis is a general sense of confusion as to the proper direction to take to deal with this crisis. The future appears opaque, which renders the choice of remedies even more difficult than would normally be the case under better circumstances.
Rhetoric and Reality:The Inter-American System's Second Century
Authors: Ronald Scheman L. 
Published: March 2007

In 1989 The Inter-American System will celebrate its centennial anniversary, tracing its lineage to the International Union of the American Republics formed at Secretary of State Blaine's Washington convocation in 1889. Over the years the mantle was passed, first, to the Pan American Union, and then to the system's present incumbent, the Organization of American States (OAS). It has been a century of unprecedented achievement and unremitting frustration, of great triumphs and repeated failures. Given the present state of the system, however, the major question is whether the system can endure, much less match the rhetoric and aspirations of its members, in its second century.International cooperation is a political decision in search of a framework. The Organization of American States is the attempt to express and enhance that cooperation among the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is, and can be, no better than the underlying relationships among the nations.
Germany and Latin America: A Complex Relationship
Authors: Grabendorff Wolf 
Published: March 2007

Aside from the United States, Germany is Latin America's .most important economic partner. Despite this fact, Germany has never appeared to have a very strong overall relationship with the region and, due to its postwar history, has never developed a true “Latin American policy.” For obvious reasons, Germany has given high priority to (1) relations with its Western neighbors and (2) its security relationship with the United States. As far as its policy towards the South goes, it has tended to concentrate on major actors, such as Egypt and India, and its relations with Brazil should be viewed in that context.The absence of a defined policy does not mean that Germany lacks a visible profile in the region. The role and image it projects reflects a relationship that is much broader, and far more complex, than its economic and diplomatic activities in the region would indicate.
Congress, International Narcotics Policy, and the Anti–Drug Abuse Act of 1988
Authors: Perl Raphael Francis 
Published: March 2007

The Congress of The United States exerts greater influence over foreign policy than do its counterparts in other nations. This influence extends to formulation of US policy regarding control of the international narcotics trade, a subject on which the Congress has chosen to assume a leading role. The formal policymaking role of the Congress in this area is embodied in legislation on international narcotics (including appropriation of funds) and in oversight. The Congress also exercises its influence in an informal way through consultation, unofficial advice, public education, and legislative prodding in the drafting and conduct of that policy.The congressional role in narcotics policymaking is notably affected by its committee structure, in which numerous committees may exercise some degree of jurisdiction over narcotics-related issues. As a result, not only has there been widespread involvement of the Congress in formulating narcotics policy, but there has also been considerable fragmentation of that policy as congressional initiatives have been compartmentalized within the jurisdictional domains of various committees.
Narcos and Politicos: The Politics of Drug Trafficking in Honduras
Authors: Rosenberg Mark B. 
Published: March 2007

Honduras Has Emerged as a cocaine transshipment point between Colombia and the United States. One informed source suggests that as much as fifty tons of cocaine have moved through the country during the last fifteen months. This paper examines the politics of drug trafficking in Honduras. Special attention is given to the relations between drug trafficking and the Honduran political environment, the emergence of a new “powder elite, ” and the manner in which US and Honduran authorities are addressing these problems.One of the hemisphere's poorest countries by almost all standards of development, Honduras has a population of about 4.5 million people and an area the size of Tennessee. Unlike neighboring Guatemala and El Salvador where a national oligarchy has enhanced its wealth through an extensive coffee industry, Honduras first emerged in the international economy through its foreign-owned banana enterprises which still are a leading source of foreign exchange.
Political Ascent of Bolivia's Peasant Coca Leaf Producers
Authors: Healy Kevin 
Published: March 2007

During the Past Decade, Bolivia's peasant coca-leaf growers have made impressive strides in political development. This development is demonstrated by their almost mercurial ascent within the national political system, a climb which parallels the upward economic mobility of many growers. Organized through a network of unions (sindicatos), and determined to resist state policies and programs which threaten their local economies, Bolivia's peasant coca-leaf producers have learned to improve their political skills, including the building of alliances with other key political actors.The thesis advanced here holds that not only has the peasant sindicato movement blocked attempts of the state to both reduce coca production and control coca-leaf marketing, but that those same state policies have actually strengthened the Left-of-Center labor unions and opposition political parties. Moreover, while the international war on drugs has thus far proved only minimally effective in curbing the flow of drugs from the Andean region, it has succeeded in antagonizing the sindicato organization of cocaleaf growers to the point that anti-US sentiment is widespread throughout the Bolivian countryside.
Post-Revolutionary Mexico: The Salinas Opening
Authors: Pastor Robert A. 
Published: March 2007

Americans have been so transfixed by the fall of the Berlin Wall — and subsequently riveted to the Persian Gulf crisis — that they have failed to notice the crumbling of the walls that have segmented Mexico and separated it from the United States. Yet Mexico's opening may be more significant for the United States because of its potential for infusing both economies and reshaping the two societies. Challenging a long tradition of state control and anti—Americanism, Carlos Salinas de Gortari is leading this change, transforming Mexico and US-Mexican relations more profoundly and positively than any president in this century.Not yet one-third into his term, he has already moved decisively to wrestle control from union bosses and drug traffickers; he has sold off state corporations, de-regulated large sectors of the economy, lowered trade and investment barriers, and began, grudgingly, to democratize. Yet his most daring gamble is his proposal for a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States, and he is ready to sell the idea in both countries.
Panama's First Post-Transition Election
Authors: Scranton Margaret E. 
Published: March 2007

The purpose of this article is to provide, for specialists as well as those who do not follow Panamanian politics, an account of the 1994 election and an assessment of its significance in terms of the consolidation of democracy in Panama. Panama held its first post-transition national election on 8 May 1994, in which not only presidential and legislative, but also local, offices were contested.This analysis addresses both the electoral process and its product, i.e., which parties and candidates won. These two aspects are assessed separately because they (1) reflect different political dynamics and (2) have different implications for democratic consolidation. As a process, Panama's 1994 election reflected the substantial progress made toward institutionalizing an independent, nonpartisan Electoral Tribunal and building the public's confidence that their votes cast will determine who wins.
The Issue of Drug Traffic in Colombian-US Relations: Cooperation as an Imperative
Authors: García-Peña Rodrigo Pardo 
Published: March 2007

The objective of this article is to offer a brief commentary, within a theoretical and conceptual framework, on the drug traffic (which could equally apply, for that matter, to any issue of worldwide import, such as the environment or human rights) that could serve as a point of reference in the relationship between the countries of Latin America (like Colombia) or the Third World and those of the industrialized North, such as the United States.This article will argue that, in dealing with global issues, like that of the narcotraffic, it is necessary to take into account two components with close links to one another. The first of these arises from the fact that global issues require global politics to deal with them.
Getting to Peace in El Salvador: The Roles of the United Nations Secretariat and ONUSAL
Authors: Montgomery Tornmie Sue 
Published: March 2007

During 1995, the 50th anniversary year of the United Nations (UN), news of the failure of its peacekeeping missions in Bosnia, Somalia, and Rwanda dominated the media and political rhetoric. In El Salvador, however, a UN mission with a legitimate claim to success was able to close its doors on 30 April 1995. How is this remarkable achievement to be explained? And, what are the lessons — positive and negative — that can be learned from the 45 months during which the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (Misión de Obseruadores de las Naciones Unidas en El Salvador or ONUSAL) oversaw a transition from war to peace and verified a lengthy set of peace accords?The success of ONUSAL was anything but assured when it began in July 1991, some six months before there was even a cease-fire.
The Clinton Administration and the Americas: The Postwar Rhythm and Blues
Authors: Pastor Robert A. 
Published: March 2007

For 40 years, the United States was so fearful of a thermonuclear bang that it barely noticed the whimper when the Cold War ended. There was not even any agreement on the date of the war’s end. Still, the people of the United States sensed its eagle had completed a great adventure and was returning to its nest, and that’s where they wanted it.President George Bush was more sensitive to the shift in the balance of power in the Persian Gulf than to the swing in US mood. His quick success in the Persian Gulf lifted his popularity to a zenith, making his reelection defeat the next year all the more painful and seemingly inexplicable.
Democratic Disequilibrium in Venezuela
Authors: McCoy Jennifer L. , Smith William C. 
Published: March 2007

Venezuela's contemporary politics poses a problematic different from those predominating in the literature on democratization. Scholarly research in the last decade focused first on the crisis of authoritarian rule and the ensuingtransitionto civilian governments, with the reestablishment of electoral procedures, and, more recently, on the problems of theconsolidationof a democratic regime, including alternation in power, universal acceptance of the rules of the game, and generation of a democratic political culture.The challenges confronting Venezuela are not those of transition or consolidation but, rather, the decomposition — ordeconsolidation— of an established democratic regime. In other Latin American countries in recent decades, longstanding models of statist development developed crises that led, in turn, to complex transformations in the economy and in society. One consequence of these changes was that authoritarian regimes began a transition to more democratic forms of governance.
Some Sources of Income Inequality in Latín America
Authors: Reynolds Lloyd G. 
Published: March 2007

AbstractThis paper considers the deep-seated roots of income inequality in the structure of Latin American economics. These include unequal distribution of land ownership, the “Kuznets effect” of rapid industrialization, regressive tax systems, and failure of governments to pursue aggressively income equalization policies. While examples are drawn from the experience of Brazil and Mexico, similar conclusions hold for other countries of the region.
Peru-Ecuador Border Conflict: Missed Opportunities, Misplaced Nationalism, and Multilateral Peacekeeping
Authors: Palmer David Scott 
Published: March 2007

The Peru-Ecuador boundary issue is the oldest continuing border dispute in the Western Hemisphere. Furthermore,[it] has caused more trouble than any other in America .... baffl[ing] repeated attempts at settlement by direct negotiation and repeated efforts at mediation on the part of other friendly nations.... (McBride, 1949: 1).In 1942, four such friendly nations brought Peru and Ecuador together, after a short but bitter war between them, to settle their differences once and for all by signing a treaty of “Peace, Friendship, and Boundaries,” known as the Rio Protocol. These four countries were Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the United States. Their representatives also signed that treaty, “as guarantors that the Protocol would be faithfully executed....” (McBride, 1949: 2-3).
Confronting Corruption in the Hemisphere: A Sociological Perspective
Authors: Maingot Anthony P. 
Published: March 2007

The free-lance writer Claire Sterling has done what academics have so far failed to do: document the fact that corruption and the violence which so often accompanies it, represent a real security threat to the nations of this world (see Sterling, 1984, 1990, 1994). In three data-packed books, Sterling has exposed the ugly, dark side of the waves of money which flow through many major financial systems and, quite literally, flood some of the small states. Even the most jaded student of the Caribbean, for instance, has to take seriously some of her most recent revelations, not the least of which is the following startling assertion:The world's first independent Mafia state emerged in 1993. The sovereign island of Aruba . . . proved to belong to the Mafia in fact if not in name. Small islands are not so hard to acquire (Sterling, 1994: 21).While Sterling errs in calling Aruba a sovereign state - its defense and foreign policy are still under control of The Netherlands - her account of how the Caracas-based Cuntrera brothers had managed to penetrate Aruba and buy everything “from hotels . . . to the prime minister . . . ” found partial corroboration in the massive investigation of the Sicilian Mafia launched in Italy in the early 1990s.
The Image of Christ in Spanish America As a Model for Suffering: An Exploratory Note
Authors: Richardson Miles , Pardo Marta Eugenia , Bode Barbara 
Published: March 2007

Holy Week in San Pedro, Colombia, a small town near the bustling city of Cali, begins with a procession that commemorates Jesus’ triumphal march into Jerusalem. The week climaxes on Holy Friday with processions and rites which act out Christ's crucifixion and death. The remaining days of Saturday and Sunday, days that ostensibly glorify Christ's victory over death, evoke little enthusiasm; only the priest and a few hard-core faithful trudge through the rites necessary to terminate the week.The events which lead to the agony of Christ (his march into Jerusalem and the Last Supper), most of all the agony itself (the struggle up Calvary), are the events that the townspeople celebrate.
On the Viability of Small Countries
Authors: Kirby John 
Published: March 2007

The argument advanced by Bordaberry … by the United States and Brazilian embassies, and by the cattle and meat interests, is that Uruguay does not have a viable independent economy. It is smaller, on most terms of reference, than the southernmost state of Brazil–Rio Grande do Sul–and would, they say, be far better off if its economy were “rationalized” and integrated with the more “modern” large-scale Brazilian economy.Latin America, Vol. VIII, No. 31, August 3 ,1973Leaving aside the obvious self-interest of the various proponents (although one is tempted to speculate whether President Bordaberry argues on behalf of his country or his own ranching interests), their conclusion follows logically on much of the analysis which has focused on the causes of Uruguay's stagnation. Since the mid-1950s, the growth of the economy has barely kept pace with the small population increase of 1.2 percent per annum.
Interpersonal Relationships andCaudillismoin Paraguay
Authors: Hicks Frederic 
Published: March 2007

Paraguay has a relatively open (for Latin America) class structure, a strong national consciousness, a two-party political system, and mass involvement in national politics, all of which are features that some writers believe should be associated with representative democracy of the North American type. In Paraguay, however, these features are associated with, and in fact reinforce, a political system which for most of the past century has consisted of a series of conservative and unstable dictatorships.It will be suggested in this paper that this association is made possible by the development of certain kinds of interpersonal relationships which have been called “dyadic contracts” since they bind two individuals in either patron-client relationships or colleague relationships. They take various institutionalized forms in many peasant societies that lack corporate descent groups, having been described for Italy, Spain, and the Philippines, as well as Latin America.
The Columbus to Castro Course in Latin American History
Authors: Edwards S. F. 
Published: March 2007

The introductory survey is the single most important course we offer in Latin American history. What we attempt to achieve, how we go about it, and the interest we generate among our students will determine our success or failure in opening to them what Lewis Hanke rightly calls “a significant segment of world history.” Course organization is an intensely personal matter, yet formal and informal discussions at recent conferences have convinced me that an airing of some thoughts on the matter is needed.A declaration of faith is necessary before proceeding. I do not agree with those who would abolish the introductory survey and substitute a “problems” course or an assortment of country histories. A problems course tends to distort the richness and diversity of the area's historical growth unless the student has some foundations such as those provided by an introductory survey. I do not dismiss a problems course for undergraduates.
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the Interamerican System
Authors: LeBlanc Lawrence J. 
Published: March 2007

The human rights proclaimed and affirmed in the various international declarations, conventions, and covenants adopted since World War II fall into two broad categories: civil and political; and economic, social, and cultural. The former includes the traditional rights of man, such as the rights to life and liberty; the latter includes such rights as the right to work, to social security, and to the preservation of one's health and well-being.International agreement in principle on most civil and political rights as human rights has been relatively easy to achieve; disagreement has occurred—and is likely to continue to occur-primarily over their precise meaning. Virtually everyone endorses, for example, a right to life; not everyone agrees, however, that capital punishment or abortion must therefore be prohibited by law.
Housing and the Urban Poor: The Case of Bogotá, Colombia
Authors: Gauhan Timothy O'Dea 
Published: March 2007

In a setting as complex as the modern city we can expect that a number of diverse factors wil combine to influence the urban environment and the quality of life and well being of those who reside in it. In the major cities of the developing world, where change is typically rapid, economic and social relationships are diverse, and the patterns of development are often different and in some ways more complex than those of the cities of industrialized nations, and the forces which shape the character of urban life are particularly numerous and often confusing.The present paper examines a single component of the total environment of the Latin American city of Bogotá, Colombia: the low-income housing market. We begin by looking at some of the more important environmental, socioeconomic, and political factors that have shaped the character of the low-income housing market of the city, with an emphasis on the impact of public policy.
Imperialism and Dependency in Latin America: A View of the New Reality of Multinational Investment
Authors: Moore Russell Martin 
Published: March 2007

The fundamental reality of Latin America during the 1970s will be the efforts of governments to reduce their countries' dependence on the developed world and thereby increase their autonomy within the international system. A salient aspect of this effort is and will be a redefinition of the role multinational corporations play in Latin American societies. Foreign investment will continue to play an important part in the economic life of the region, but the acceptable characteristics and behaviors of multinational corporations will differ substantially from those which were prevalent in the 1950s and 1960s.The rationale for a restructuring of the relationship of Latin American economies with the system of international trade and investment is found in the writings of “dependence theorists” such as Theotonio Dos Santos (1970) and Osvaldo Sunkel (1972). In a sense, their approach can be seen as a development of the Prebisch thesis of the 1950s, which held that Latin American economies were being systematically diverted from attaining their true potential through the workings of the international trade mechanism.
Investment Behavior and Elite Social Structures in Latin America
Authors: Aubey Robert , Kyle John , Strickon Arnold 
Published: March 2007

This paper is an attempt at an interdisciplinary analysis of some of the problems relating to financial activities, decisionmaking, and social structure among elite Latin American kin and business groups. It represents a cooperative effort by two economists and an anthropologist that results, we believe, in a view of these problems that is of significance to both disciplines.As Kaplan (1965) has pointed out, the great difficulty in developing true interdisciplinary research arises in translating the concepts and theories of one field into those of the other, or in developing a new common conceptual framework. What this paper does, very briefly, is to take the basic Tobin-Markowitz model, which is an attempt to describe the decision-making process of an investor putting together a portfolio in a risky world, and modify it to allow for the difficulty of obtaining accurate information about the economic environment in Latin America.