bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Manohar Malgonkar on His Novel The Princes: An Interview
Authors: Dayananda James Y. 
Published: March 2007

Manohar Malgonkar visited Lock Haven State College, Lock Haven, Pa., during the Fall semester of 1972. During 28-30 September he gave two public lectures, conducted four college classes, taped one half-hour television interview, and another longer two-hour interview for a literary journal, and met with numerous students, faculty, and townspeople at an informal reception held in his honour. His novel The Devil's Wind had just been published. Perhaps what is most striking about Malgonkar's conversation is his command of the English language: his spoken sentences are as precise and rounded as those he writes. He talks quickly, confidently, eagerly yet unaffectedly - obviously enjoying it. His voice and manner are warm and gentle. No transcript taken from the tape could catch the subtleties of voice which gave life and point to many of his rewarks. Malgonkar is a trim and sprightly man who retains some of the brisk alertness of his military career. Born in Bombay on 12 July 1913, he served for a time in the infantry, in counter-intelligence, and on the Army's General Staff during World War II, rising to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. After graduatingfrom Bombay University with honours in English and Sanskrit, he became a professional big-game hunter, and used to arrange tiger shoots for the Indian Maharajahs. Soon he gave up killing wild animals for a living, to turn ardently anti-killing, and joined government service. He has since become a fierce wild-life conservationist. He stayed on in the Army for a while after the war and then turned to business and farming. He owned and operated manganese mines near his home town Jagalbet, India. He was also active in politics as a member of the Swatantra Party, and twice contested Indian parliamentary elections unsuccessfully. Malgonkar is the author of five English novels: Distant Drum (1960), Combat of Shadows (1962), The Princes (1963), A Bend in the Ganges (1964), and The Devil's Wind (1972). He is also a historian, having written three books of Indian history: Kanhoji Angrey (1959), Puars of Dewas Senior (1962), and Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur (1971). He has written several scripts for Indian movies. Mr Malgonkar has also written fifty short stories and over a hundred articles. He has visited the U.S.A. four times, in 1963, 1964, 1970, and 1972, when he lectured at many colleges and universities. At present he lives with bis family in Jagalbet, Belgaum district of India, and grows coconuts, oranges, and mangoes. The following is a partial transcript of an interview with Malgonkar during his visit to Lock Haven in 1972.
Fracture Properties of Glass Filled Polyphenylene Oxide Composites
Authors: Wambach A. , Trachte K. , Dibenedetto A. 
Published: March 2007

The phenomological fracture properties of glass bead filled polyphenylene oxide composites were investigated. Yield strength and Young's modulus were obtained as a function of volume fraction of filler using standard microtensile testing techniques. Fracture toughness was measured using double edge notched tensile bars. The effects of adhesion were studied by using untreated and A-1100 silane-treated glass beads. The nature of the fracture surfaces was observed by use of an optical microscope, a scanning electron microscope and a transmission electron microscope. It was found that the fracture toughness of these materials de creased by increasing the filler content and by improving the adhesion. In general, an increase in strength and stiffness was accompanied by a decrease in toughness. The fractographic studies gave a detailed mapping of the frac ture front as it propagated through the material. Fracture occurred in two stages. The initial stage was a region of stable crack growth accompanied by, crazing, heat generation and viscous flow in the resin matrix. At a well defined condition, the cracks became un stable and catastrophic failure ensued. The fracture mechanism in the unstable region was distinctly different than in the stable region. The exact mechanism was strongly dependent on the degree of adhesion between the phases. It is felt that a reasonably clear picture has been presented of how filled polyphenylene oxide polymers fail and how some of the variables affect the resistance to castastrophic failure.
An Analogy for Certain Anisotropic Plates
Authors: Ashton J.E. 
Published: March 2007

Although the basic differential equations and appropriate boundary conditions for anisotropic plates have been available for many years, exact solutions are unavailable except for the case of infinitely long rectangular plates [1]. This note describes an analogy between the differential equations of skew (parallelogram) isotropic plates and rectangular anisotropic plates. Although the analogy is restrictive in applicability, it provides several exact solutions for finite length rectangular anisotropic plates. These solutions are useful by themselves and should prove especially valuable in assessing the accuracy of approximate analyses of anisotropic plates.
South Australian Workers Compensation Disputes: from Conciliation to Adjudication and Back Again
Authors: Meredith Frances 
Published: March 2007

Reforms to workers compensation schemes throughout Australia in the 1980s brought many changes to the substantive entitlements of injured workers, admin istration and funding arrangements. Those reforms also introduced new ways of resolving disputes about entitlements. Tbis paper identifies some of the major factors that influence the design and operation of dispute resolution systems and demonstrates that there is a tendency for such systems to develop in a manner that can be contrary to the original objectives as a result of particular pressures and unanticipated developments. A case study of dispute resolution in South Australian workers compensation in the period 1986 to 1999 provides the empirical detail. Dispute resolution systems are dynamic rather than static. Tbey frequently reflect some of the pressures and conflicts within the workers compensation schemes. The nature of the administration and management of dispute resolution processes at a time of changing statutory requirements, and in the face of challenges to it by the various interest groups, are contributing factors to the direction of the changes. The South Australian case study and the subsequent analysis are prefaced by a brief discussion of some features of alternative dispute resolution and conciliation in particular :
Women and Enterprise Bargaining: The New Zealand Experience of Labour Market Deregulation
Authors: Hammond Suzanne , Harbridge Raymond 
Published: March 2007

In many countries there has been a drive to determine wages and conditions at the level of the enterprise rather than at the industry or national level. In both Australia and New Zealand, governments have pursued policies that have at tempted to decentralize their collective bargaining system to the enterprise level. Although in each case the approach to the process of decentralization has been different, both countries have sought to lower the level at which bargaining takes place. The decentralization of bargaining has implications for actors in the industrial relations system. This paper examines the impact of decentralization on women workers by updating information that has been collected on an ongoing basis at the Industrial Relations Centre at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. The paper presents the New Zealand data in the context of their implications for equity. The analysis concludes that decentralization has disadvantaged women workers in New Zealand and that these findings have significant implications for policy makers in Australia. It notes that while the Employment Contracts Act in New Zealand holds little commitment to equity, in Australia the rhetoric of equity and fairness is still evident in policy pronouncements. The paper concludes that even with a greater commitment to issues of equity indicated by the Australian government, decentralization of bargaining is likely to exacerbate gender in equalities at work.
Equal Pay: Is the Pendulum Swinging Back?
Authors: Preston A.C. , Crockett G.V. 
Published: March 2007

The literature on female pay suggests that a key determinant of female relative pay is the overall system of wage determination. The more deregulated the system the greater the gender inequality, reflecting the fact that women occupy a greater share of low wage occupations and, relative to men, are in a weaker bargaining position. Using the unique character of the Australian industrial institutional arrange ments, this paper conducts a within-country test of the hypothesis that labour market deregulation adversely affects female relative pay. Since the early 1990s institutional arrangements for pay determination and labour market regulation in Australia have undergone considerable change, although the reforms introduced vary. At one end of the spectrum there are regulatory systems based on individualism (e.g. Victoria's). At the other there are collective systems, such as in New South Wales. The research in this paper shows that women in highly deregulated systems have experienced the greatest deterioration in their relative earnings when compared to more collectivist systems. The paper thus cautions against further labour market deregulation, noting also that the results shown here may just be the tip of the iceberg with respect to gender earnings inequality.
Nation State Escalation and International Integration
Authors: Smoker Paul 
Published: March 2007

A model of world affairs is defined which identifies two interacting systems. The first system is called a nation state system, in which nations are the only actors. The second system is called an international system, in which there are many actors, from individuals to nations to international organizations and corporations. The world system is defined as the amalgam of these two. Within nations, the four functional requirements of Parsons are used to identify the economy as representative of the adaptation subsystem, the culture as representative of the integrative subsystem, individuals and families as representative of the pattern maintenance subsystem, and government as representative of the goal attainment sub system. An internation system is then specifically defined as interaction between the goal attainment subsystems of nations. A similar procedure is adopted for the inter national system. The three world arms races are then interpreted in the light of the model using the idea that the international component has been greater in each arms race than in the previous one. In this way it is possible to interpret the differences in behavior in each of the arms races in terms of the model. It is also found that the linkage between trade and defense has increased in each successive arms race. It is suggested that future analysis of world affairs should take into account other actors, such as international organizations and international corporations, as well as nations. Further, the importance of the integrative system is stressed and some sugges tions for strengthening it are put forward.
Ghetto Riots and Others: the Faces of Civil Disorder in 1967
Authors: Goldberg Louis C. 
Published: March 2007

Civil disorders in American cities in 1967 popularly referred to as 'Negro riots' varied in many critical respects. Some can more appropriately be described as social upheavals characterized by a two-phase flow of lawless activities. Others had the character of political confrontations, disorder being used as a political tool by emerging Negro groups to encourage civil authorities to bargain and negotiate with them. Few disorders can be viewed simply as expressive rampages : riots by the anarchic and criminal elements in the community whose binge of anti-social desctruction can only be stopped by 'get tough' police practices. 'Get Tough' police policies were also the cause of some notable disturbances where the fulfillment of anticipations of Negro initiated disorder rather than its reality. Across the nation, ghetto upheavals would trigger 'satellite' disorders in which authority over-reaction occurred. The spread of news about disorders was an important factor in the propagation of violence, considerably more so than actions of Negro radical leaders to foment such events. The initial conditions out of which a disorder emerged affected its course. Pre- existing grievances have a role, but the kind of grievance rather than the number of grievances seems more important. Negro youths have grievances against the police, and a ghetto uprising may take on the character of a competitive game in which youth attempt to humiliate the police. The contradictions between American liberalism and American racism make the future seem troublesome. Short-run strategies of conflict amelioration might profitably be concerned not with eliminating violence but with limiting it such that it promotes rather than hinders the movement toward racial democracy.
Religion, War and the Institutional Dilemma: a Sociological Interpretation
Authors: Fusé Toyomasa 
Published: March 2007

Religion, especially in its institutionalized church form, has always prescribed universal love and brotherhood and proscribed against killing and violence. Yet the institu tionalized church has always rationalized and come around to the support of the war and institutionally organized killing by its national community. This disparity between religious norms and practice has historically disturbed idealists and intrigued students of religion. This paper is concerned with how a universalistic religion confronts and resolves the dilemma of war vis-a-vis a particularistic socio-political system. It discusses (1) the theoretical bases for the non-pacifist attitudes and behavior of the institutional churches within the framework of the sociological 'Church-Sect' concept, and (2) the available data to lend support to the major hypothesis, that the church as a social institution ( as opposed to the sect) is both reflective and supportive of society's values and practices and that the church, therefore, functions primarily as an agent of conservation rather than as an agent of social change. These postulates are strongly supported by four sets of data and empirical evidence. The first fully supports the implication that outright opposition to war - conscientious objection - would be more evident in the sects than the churches. The second study supports the thesis that the church, through the chaplaincy system, resolves the value conflict in favor of society in a manner to support the values and objectives of the socio- political system in war. The third study supports the postulate that the church is ac commodative in that its stand on social issues depends largely upon the mood and senti ment of its parishioners rather than standing upon its own religious values. The last set of evidence sheds light on the thesis that the church remains essentially a conservative force by compartmentalizing its radicalism within the campus ministry - i.e., the church is a conservative rather than change-inducing agent vis-a-vis society.
A Structural Theory of integration
Authors: Galtung Johan 
Published: March 2007

In this article a definition of integration is given, defining integration as a process whereby two or more actors form one new actor. There are many ways in which this may be brought about, and the process may have very different consequences, but conditions and consequences should not be confused with the definition. Three types of integration are then distinguished: territorial, organizational, and associational. These three types can be combined in many ways, and nations can be analyzed in terms of how these processes of integration are combined inside the nation. Corresponding reasoning may be used for the analysis of world integration. The three types of integration are then analyzed in terms of how they satisfy basic human and social needs. It is pointed out that whereas organizational and associational integration are complementary and always will satisfy some human needs, territorial integration depends very much on communication and will tend to disappear with in creasing communication. But organizational integration will lead to crises that can only be alleviated by means of associational integration, and vice versa. Hence, a general world trend of decreasing territorial integration and a pattern of dialectical change from organizational to associational and back again are predicted. The basic problem of a substitute for the decreasingly important territorial integration is then left unanswered.
A Study of the Problems of Peace
Authors: Barsegov Yuri , Khairov Rustem 
Published: March 2007

In the West, studies in the vital field of war and peace are being pursued as an independent field- the science of peace. This article classifies the various explanations of the causes of international conflicts into four major groups: those that see as a main cause and source (1) human nature itself; (2) shortcomings of the social order; (3) divine will; and (4) functional causes (geopolitical, demographical, and political concepts). These are then given a general assessment from the point of view of the Marxist-Leninist approach to the problem of war and peace. Finally, the Soviet programme for analysing the causes of war and ensuring ways to peace, as e.g. formulated at the 24th CPSU Congress, is briefly presented.
Threatened Leadership and Intergroup Conflicts
Authors: Bekkers Frits 
Published: March 2007

Three simulation-experiments and one field-study among 29 Dutch labor Unions are reported in which is investigated the relation between the threat to a leadership position and the initiation of conflicts with an outgroup. It is found in all the studies that leaders who are threatened in the maintenance of their positions are more likely to start a conflict with another group in order to have better chances for re-election, whereas non-threatened leaders tend to opt for intergroup cooperation. This behaviour seems to be very instrumental (subjects take into consideration the chance of winning the conflict), even though most subjects deny that they are preoccupied with holding on to their leadership positions. The practical conclusion is (with the assumption that it is preferable in the interest of a safe world to have less conflicts between groups): to appoint the most influential leaders in our society for a certain limited period of time (e. g. 5 years) during which they would be very certain of the maintenance of their position, but who would be without a chance of re-election.
Educating Israeli Officers in the Processes of Peacemaking in the Middle East Conflict
Authors: Gilboa Eytan 
Published: March 2007

This article suggests that the military in modern democratic societies which are involved in international conflicts must be educated not only in the use of force, but also in peacemaking and conflict resolution. The article presents an effort to educate Israeli military officers in the process of peacemaking in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This effort was based on the use of a new simulation and civilian resources. The basic characteristics of this simulation are presented as well as an evaluation of its actual and potential effects. The article suggests that the simulation technique could be a highly useful and powerful tool for education of the military, in the processes of conflict resolution, especially in periods of rapid changes and extensive negotiations. The use of this technique in the Israeli Army showed that it contributed to increase understanding of the policies and the motives of the other side, that it demonstrated the complex processes of negotiations and decisionmaking in the conflict, that it sensitized officers to new linkages between power and diplomacy, and that it even changed the attitudes of several officers.
Red Militarism
Authors: Albrecht Ulrich 
Published: March 2007

Red Militarism, a term coined in the early years of Soviet Russia during the debate about the future organization of armed force in a socialist society, became a renewed charge after the USSR invasion into Afghanistan at the end of 1979. This article aims to give an overview of the debate about Red Militarism from the beginnings up to most recent writings. In the USSR, the debate terminated when Trotsky left the country, and was briefly revived in the thirties when Stalin used the issue to denounce and purge the Red Army. The theoretical underpinnings of this debate are evaluated and used to consider more recent manifestations of Red Militarism. The ideological split between the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union and China has led, inter alia, to mutual accusations of militarism. The Soviet charges of 'Social Militarism' in China are scrutinized in order to understand how Soviet analysts of today conceptualize and measure Red Militarism. The conclusion is that definitions of this kind are also appli cable to the Soviet Union itself. Leftist Juntas in a number of Third World countries are also examined by a variety of authors with respect to the question whether their proclaimed socialism fits into any attitude which ought to be labelled militarism. The conclusions suggested by more elaborated studies are that the militarism phenomenon is also in its socialist variation a more coherent develop ment than usually imagined. In the more advanced systems of 'real socialism', notably the USSR, the explanation for the rise of the phenomenon is heavily linked with the assessment of these states being ruled by bureaucratic elites. According to the specifics of this interpretation, the question about the expansionist and imperialist nature of Red Militarism is answered in a negative way.
Peace, Power, and Security: Contending Concepts in the Study of International Relations
Authors: Buzan Barry 
Published: March 2007

This article compares the merits of three concepts — peace, power and security — as approaches to the study of International Relations. It argues that peace and power offer only partial, and significantly flawed, views, and yet that thinking within the field has become locked into an excessively polarised framework which is dominated by the opposition between them. The necessity for a new framework arises from the intellectual exhaustion and restrictiveness of this prevailing orthodoxy. Security is put forward as an alternative frame work which is capable of encompassing most of what is useful from the other two, plus much of the middle ground that is obscured by them. The argument proceeds by comparing the quality of insight which each of the three concepts offers into two of the most fundamental elements in international relations: 'the anarchy' and 'the arms race'. The case is made that each of these elements consitutes a highly durable feature of international relations, but not that is either immutable within its form, or necessarily malign in its effect. Power and peace are seen to give only narrow and incomplete views of the anarchy and the arms race. Both result in excessively rigid and negative interpretations, with power leading to an over-emphasis on the inflexibility of both elements, and peace leading to over-optimism about their removability. Security is seen to offer a more balanced perspective. It takes into account the durability of the anarchy and the arms race, but does not lead to necessarily negative views of them. It opens up the considerable scope for positive change which exists within the two elements, and so provides the basis for a synthesis of realist-idealism.