bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Changing Pattern of Indonesia's Representative Government
Authors: van der Kroef Justus M. 
Published: June 2006

In the new states of Southeast Asia the idea of parliamentary government has usually been closely linked with the struggle for national independence, yet with the latter a reality in most of the area, there has come a curious disillusionment with the actual values of the former. Thus, during the 1920's and 1930's in what was then called the Netherlands East Indies, nationalists agitated on behalf of “Indonesia berparlemèn” (a parliament for Indonesia), but today we find leading Indonesian public figures, such as President Sukarno, declaring that Western-style parliamentary government has failed in Indonesia, and that what the country needs is a governmental system “in harmony with the Indonesian soul,” that is, a “democracy with leadership,” or a “guided democracy.” The following pages will seek to suggest some of the causes of this disenchantment with the principle of representative government in Indonesia, by focusing on its historic origins and functions during these, Indonesia's first, years of national independence.When on August 17, 1945, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, acting on behalf of “the people of Indonesia,” formally proclaimed the independence of their nation, they confronted a condition of widespread popular inexperience in the art of representative government. It was not until 1918 that a rudimentary parliamentary body for all of Indonesia (the so-called Volksraad, or People's Council) had been established, in line with the plans, in great variety and often confusingly contradictory, of the Dutch colonial policy-makers to give their East Indian possessions a greater degree of autonomy.
Natural Law and Manifest Destiny in the Era of the American Revolution
Authors: Dion Leon 
Published: June 2006

Wee hope to plant a nation, where none before hath stood.—Alexander Whitaker, Good Newes from Virginia, 1613.Anthropological studies have shown that the myth of destiny, along with the myth of origin, has exerted a tremendous influence in shaping tribal mentality and sustaining tribal solidarity. In the history of many modern nations the influence of the myth of destiny can also be perceived. Thus, the belief in a peculiar destiny which had already been formulated among the separate colonies throughout the early period of American history was of special import in the growth of a consciousness of national identity among American colonists during the years of their struggle for independence.This study aims at scrutinizing the changes in the formulation and meaning, during the revolutionary era, of the myth of a peculiar destiny and the impact of the doctrine of natural law in bringing about these changes. The main theses are, first, that the American colonists met the need felt during the revolutionary era for new evidence of and support for an American “destiny” by appealing to the seemingly secure tenets of the doctrine of natural law; and, second, that, as a consequence of this intermingling of “destiny” and “natural law,” the assertion of an American destiny was transformed from a “faith” to a “certainty,” or, more accurately, from a dream to an appointment “manifest.”
Non-Resident Ownership of Canadian Industry
Authors: Blyth C. D. , Carty E. B. 
Published: June 2006

In any study of Canadian industry today, words such as growth and development quickly come into their own. The very scope and rapidity of the changes have introduced a new pace which in many ways is unique. Some of the reasons are not hard to trace. Once growth reaches a certain stage it seems to accumulate momentum. The proximity of Canada to the United States and her access to the industrial technology of that country have also contributed greatly.A large measure of the expansion of Canadian industry has been the result of extensions of United States corporate activity into Canada through the establishment or development of branches and subsidiaries. In this manner, United States industrial technology, supported by abundant sources of financing in that country, has speeded and extended the process of Canadian development. And important parts of the growth which provide sources of supply for United States industry are in turn closely linking Canadian growth to growth in the United States economy. Participation by British and European enterprise and industry to a greater degree than formerly should also be noted, although it is much smaller in scale than the parts sponsored by United States industry. The pace of development would have been much slower had there not been this borrowing of non-resident resources both technological and financial. In the past half-dozen years or so, over half the increase in investment in Canadian industry has been owned by non-residents. That suggests the degree of financial assistance. It would be very difficult to evaluate the borrowing of technology but in some industries it has been very great and has provided the indispensable “know-how” without which ventures would carry much greater risks. Most of this increased investment has taken the form of equity ownership and control which carries with it potential claims to participate in subsequent growth in the rapidly developing, commodity-producing industries—manufacturing and mineral production.
The International Allocation of Resources: New Concepts and Problems of Administration
Authors: Pollock Sidney 
Published: June 2006

When I was invited to present a paper on “Problems of Public Administration in International Organizations” I readily accepted as I am a firm believer in the efficacy of public discussion of important issues. Ordinarily, the selection of a topic in this broad field would offer unlimited choice, but taking into account recent changes in the international political scene, there was no doubt in my mind about the subject on which I should speak.Anyone associated with the activities of international organizations over the past ten years has inevitably been impressed by the intense desire of the poorer countries for improved standards of living through accelerated economic development. Equally impressive has been the substantial response of the more advanced countries.Reflecting their mutual interest in achieving social progress and economic development, and acting in fulfilment of article 55 of the United Nations Charter, governments of most advanced countries (outside the Soviet sphere) increased the flow of bilateral aid in the early post-war period and at the same time joined in establishing a number of new international agencies and programmes for economic development. In the time at my disposal today I will not attempt to describe in detail the different concepts underlying each of these programmes. But it will give some indication of their objectives and scope if I mention the large amounts of bilateral aid now being provided by the United States through the International Cooperation Administration and by Canada and other Commonwealth countries under the Colombo Plan. At the same time international organizations have increased their programmes substantially. Loans extended by the International Bank since the war now exceed $2½ billion.
Government Conciliation in Labour Disputes: Some Recent Experience in Ontario
Authors: Phillips William G. 
Published: June 2006

Increasingly in the last few years, and more particularly in recent months, the effectiveness of compulsory government-sponsored conciliation in labour disputes has been called into question. Unions and employers alike have begun to ask not only whether the delays required by Canadian law make a worth-while positive contribution to the settlement of disputes, but whether in some cases they do not actually impede the reaching of a settlement.In the midst of this debate it is of interest to recall that the principle of compulsory delay and conciliation has had a prominent and generally respected place in Canadian labour law for fifty years. The original Industrial Disputes Investigation Act of 1907 introduced the then revolutionary idea that an enforced waiting-period, accompanied by investigation, would so modify the perspective of the parties in a labour dispute that many stoppages of work would be avoided; and this principle has stood virtually unaltered in Canadian law ever since. The significant changes which have taken place since 1907 have been in the application of the principle rather than in the principle itself. As Professor Woods pointed out to this Association last spring, the use of compulsory conciliation and delay, originally meant to encompass all types of dispute, has come to be limited to one of the four main types, namely, negotiation disputes. At the same time, the range of industry in which the principle is being applied has been greatly extended. In the original I.D.I. Act, it was applied compulsorily only to industries held to possess the character of a public utility; it was applied to other industries only when desired by both parties.
Canadian Business Cycles since 1919: A Progress Report
Authors: Chambers Edward J. 
Published: June 2006

Since the appearance of annual estimates of gross national expenditure and its components, their use has dominated the analysis of Canadian business fluctuations. They provide the most comprehensive picture of the value and volume of those goods and services, currently produced and consumed, which have passed through the market place. The national accounts have been adapted to analyses of the relationship between the Canadian economy and the economies of the United Kingdom and the United States, particularly of the latter. Interest in these relationships existed for many years before national income accounting became available, but its development certainly gave the problem new focus.The use of national accounts for cyclical analysis has given rise to two problems. The first is that attention in Canada has focused on the period since 1926. There has been great emphasis accordingly on the Great Depression, its transmission to and impact on the economy. This cyclical experience has dominated the recent thinking of Canadian economists quite apart from the crises and misery which it brought. After all it is the one cyclical movement which stands out clearly in the national accounts. Furthermore, the experience of 1929-32 presented an unusual combination of circumstances. Nothing like it in duration or extent had occurred since the 1870’s. To base much of the analysis of Canadian business cycles on this one downturn, however major it might have been, and to draw implications for policy therefrom, could easily put public and private decision-making on an inadequate and misleading foundation.
Some Sociological Dimensions of Consumer Spending
Authors: Roseborough Howard 
Published: June 2006

In the study of consumer spending a wide variety of factors, ranging from age, sex, and family size, through occupation, religion, and class background, to future expectations, advertising and personal influence, and compulsiveness, have been shown to have some influence on consumer taste and demand. Yet the precise influence these factors have, and the value which they should be assigned are still largely unknown. This paper offers a theoretical framework as one possible way of treating factors involved in consumer spending in a systematic manner. The approach is still in the process of formulation so that only the general structure of the theory can be presented.Two assumptions are made about factors which influence consumer spending. First, it is assumed that factors may be treated as aspects of social systems or sub-systems. They may be viewed as contributing to one or other of the problems which all social systems must solve, to what have been called the adaptive, the goal attainment, the integrative, and the pattern-maintenance-tension-management problems. Thus factors are related to one another, in the first instance, by means of their functioning for the solution of system problems. Secondly, it is assumed that all factors do not have the same order of influence on consumer spending. Rather, factors are related to one another in a hierarchical way so that some can be treated as more general in their influence than others, and as unifying the more specific factors in some way. This view is derived from the more general assumption that social systems are composed of a number of distinct levels of structural organization.
The Modern Commonwealth
Authors: Brady Alexander 
Published: June 2006

Since the outbreak of the Second World War the Commonwealth has passed through profound and rapid changes and does not cease to change. Its nature may seem more difficult than ever to define and classify with precision, its conscious purpose as a group of states more elusive, and its role in the world more mysterious and imponderable. To some unfriendly observers its positive influence in matters that count now appears nebulous, almost to the point of non-existence. To those keenly interested and deeply devoted, it presents difficulties. It has no formal constitution, few political organs of its own except of an ad hoc and inchoate kind, and little on paper that explains aims and prescribes procedures. Polished generalities from the Balfour Report, which before 1939 passed muster in describing its ethos, may not be irrelevant, but need careful scrutiny to determine whether under contemporary circumstances they retain much meaning.When all this is said, the fact remains that the Commonwealth continues to live as an active, global, free association. Its members at any rate recognize its existence and the Queen as its head; they are confident of being attached, not to a phantom or mirage, but to an association unique in character, which to an indefinable degree influences their formulations of policy. For them Commonwealth relations are a part of foreign or external relations, but a special part, governed by attitudes and procedures peculiar to itself. In political ideas and traditions, moreover, the Commonwealth has substance. This fact is really fundamental to everything else, for in history and logic it is prior to everything else, and determines everything else. With it this paper must begin.
An Attempt at a Rigorous Restatement of Ricardo's Long-Run Equilibrium
Authors: Brems Hans 
Published: June 2006

Ricardo's Principles are the most difficult book on economics ever written. It is difficult enough even to understand it, more difficult to interpret it and most difficult to estimate it properly.–Joseph A. SchumpeterJudging the accomplishments of the past by the standards of the present, perhaps each generation must make its own attempt at understanding the great masters. It has been said that “Ricardo was the first to present a complete model—one which, for all its faults, was self-consistent and displayed the whole economy as a single interdependent system.” The present paper is an attempt to isolate that self-consistent model and to set it out rigorously. Anyone trying to isolate it must be painfully aware of the possibility that what he is removing may be more valuable than what he is preserving. However, the criterion of consistency leaves him little choice. Having isolated the self-consistent model, he must relate it to our own thinking. The latter emphasizes aggregation, occupies itself increasingly with the underdeveloped two-thirds of the world, and sees no “law” of diminishing returns outside agriculture. In these three senses it is becoming more Ricardian.Consider three sectors, each producing a homogeneous product or service, that is, a consumers' goods industry, a producers' goods industry, and a labour household sector. The subscripts used to designate the three sectors are c, p, and l, respectively. The consumers' goods industry is facing a production function having one output and three inputs in it. The output consists of consumers' goods, the inputs consist of labour services, services rendered by durable man-made producers' goods, and services rendered by indestructible nature-given land.
Some Aspects of the Financial Difficulties of the Province of Canada
Authors: Faucher Albert 
Published: June 2006

Our subject concerns the dialogue held between English financiers and Canadian politicians and the response of Lombard Street to the calls of the Province of Canada over the last ten or fifteen years of its existence. Its scope is limited because of the limited array of materials surveyed. The intention is to review some of the correspondence between the financial agents in London and the Canadian ministers or other officials entrusted with English money through the agents. The materials comprise some two hundred letters, a few duplicates of which can be found in the Baring collection at the Public Archives in Ottawa, which the author was fortunate enough to peruse at Glyn, Mills & Co., Lombard Street, London.These fragmentary materials have been marshalled back into the conventional framework of Canadian economic history, where in the author's estimation they belong, in order that they might shed some more light on matters already known. The role of the agents in money matters exerted a remarkable influence on Canada's political affairs, to the extent that the presence of the English investor implied some kind of participation in the decision-making process of the Province of Canada. The English press may have exerted a similar influence, since it reflected the attitude of those financially interested in Canada, whether directly or indirectly.Not all of the difficulties that the Province had been through in the last decade of its existence can be traced back, however, to its financial connection with the English money market. Indeed, several problems arose from its commercial structure, its precarious trade pattern upon which the neighbouring states exerted a continuous pull, the deflated expectations of Canadian traders as regards the western trade, and the over-all modification of trade channels which accompanied the cotton revolution. Yet we have chosen here to single out one factor—the opinion of Lombard Street—by way of suggesting the importance of market forces in the shaping of Canadian economic policies.
Political Tendencies and Parties in Germany
Authors: Heberle Rudolf 
Published: June 2006

To the observer who has experienced the transformation of Germany from imperial to republican regimes and the struggles for and against the establishment of democracy after the First World War, the most striking feature of the political scene in present-day West Germany–the Bundesrepublik–is the nearly complete absence of social or political mass movements. Whereas German society from 1918 to 1933 was virtually seething with political and social schemes, creeds, sects, and parties, post-Nazi Germany seems quiet and sober. The labour unions have become even less concerned with fundamental changes in the social order than they were in the days of the Weimar Republic. The youth movement seems dead. There is no mass movement of former Nazis or of neo-Fascists. Even the Communists are no longer a strong force.Voting in all kinds of elections is very heavy, but organized membership in political parties is low. There seems to be a widespread reluctance among the older people to join any kind of organized political group or to commit themselves to any kind of “cause.” Most Germans, having burnt their fingers once or twice, seem to refrain from active participation in public life as much as possible. This does not mean that the channels through which a common will, a political consensus, is formed have ceased to function. Political parties, though fewer in number than in the Weimar era, do exist; trade unions and organizations of farmers, artisans, business men, and industrialists exert their influence along with numerous and varied “lobby” organizations (refugees and expellees, victims of nazism, veterans' organizations, war invalids' associations, and so on); and last though not least the Roman Catholic Church and the Evangelical (Protestant) churches raise their voices and take a stand on all important issues of public life. But none of these influential groups seems to aim at radical changes in the political or economic order. Nor is any large and powerful group opposed to the democratic system of government which was formed under the authority of the American, British, and French occupation regimes.
Under-Developed Countries in the World Economy
Authors: Britnell G. E. 
Published: June 2006

It is with some misgiving that I put forward the suggestion that a Canadian may be in a better position than either an Englishman or an American—despite the experience of the former, the energy of the latter, and the assurance of both—to appreciate the complex problems of under-developed countries. Nevertheless, emboldened by the modest, freely admitted and unhesitating recognition (by Canadians) of Canada's success in the historic role of interpreting the United States to Great Britain and Great Britain to the United States, and undeterred by the somewhat less striking evidence of our capacity to interpret ourselves to one another within the framework of a federal state, I am ambitious to extend the operations of such an honest broker of goodwill to include a more racially variegated, linguistically diversified, and culturally challenging clientele.The credentials which a Canadian may offer in asking to be considered as a possible interpreter of at least some of the problems of under-developed countries cannot be brushed aside as completely fraudulent. As an expert on under-developed countries has pointed out, “one might almost say that a country is ‘underdeveloped,’ if its government considers development a problem, in a way which calls for positive policy. In this sense, Canada would have been an underdeveloped country throughout the nineteenth century, and might even be considered so to-day, despite its high per capita income and its current rate of economic growth.” Certainly if one of the more important criteria of an under-developed country is a heavy reliance on foreign capital for economic development, Canada may still be looked upon as an underdeveloped country subject to many of the stubborn political and social, no less than economic, problems and frictions which such a position involves.
The Index-Number Theorem: A Geometrical Note
Authors: Johnson Harry G. 
Published: June 2006

The index-number theorem is the theorem that, if two sets of price and quantity data on consumption are compared, the Laspeyres (base-weighted) index-number of the price or quantity of one collection as compared with the other will be greater than the Paasche index-number for the same comparison: the Laspeyres index will show a larger increase or a smaller decrease than the Paasche index, as the case may be. In symbols, the theorem is thatwhere p and q refer respectively to price and quantity, and the subscripts 0 and 1 to the base and the other collection of price and quantity data.As developed by J. R. Hicks, the index-number theorem is presented as a deduction from, and an empirical test of, the “preference hypothesis” (that consumers choose according to a scale of preferences). But R. L. Marris has shown that the theorem is not necessarily contradicted by a change in tastes, so that it cannot be regarded as a test of the hypothesis of given preferences; rather, it is an inference from, and test of, the hypothesis that consumers' preferences are consistent. As such, it depends on an assumption, which must either be argued in general or proved in the particular case, about what consumption would have been had relative prices been the same in the two situations. The purpose of this paper is to explain the index-number theorem, and the assumptions on which it depends, by means of an application of the geometry of the familiar two-goods case.