bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A generalization of the concept ofω-completeness
Authors: Henkin Leon 
Published: May 2006

The concepts ofω-consistencyandω-completenessare closely related. The former concept has been generalized to notions of Γ-consistencyandstrongΓ-consistency, which are applicable not only to formal systems of number theory, but toallfunctional calculi containing individual constants; and in this general setting the semantical significance of these concepts has been studied. In the present work we carry out an analogous generalization for the concept ofω-completeness.Suppose, then, thatFis an applied functional calculus, and that Γ is a non-empty set of individual constants ofF. We say thatFis Γ-completeif, wheneverB(x)is a formula (containing the single free individual variablex) such that ⊦B(α) for every α in Γ, then also ⊦(x)B(x). In the paper “Γ-con” a sequence of increasingly strong concepts, Γ-consistency,n= 1,2, 3,…, was introduced; and it is possible in a formal way to define corresponding concepts of Γn-completeness, as follows. We say thatFis Γn-completeif, wheneverB(x1,…,xn) is a formula (containing exactlyndistinct free variables, namelyx1…,xn) such that ⊦B(α1,…,αn) for allα1,…,αnin Γ, then also ⊦ (X1)…(xn)B(x1,…,xn). However, unlike the situation encountered in the paper “Γ-con”, these definitions are not of interest – for the simple reason thatFis Γn-complete if and only if it is Γ-complete, as one easily sees.
Eulerian syllogistic
Authors: Thomas Ivo 
Published: May 2006

Faris [1] presents a system for non-void classes employing four primitive functors with another defined, and based on ten asserted and eleven rejected axioms, with a special rule of rejection analogous to Słupecki's for the syllogistic. Primitive functors are here reduced to three, axioms are simplified, and it is shown that the system is decidable by the easier syllogistic means, e.g. the tabular method of Thomas [3].From the theses (original numbering to the right with axioms starred)we can deduce
Three theorems on recursive enumeration. I. Decomposition. II. Maximal set. III. Enumeration without duplication
Authors: Friedberg Richard M. 
Published: May 2006

In this paper we shall prove three theorems about recursively enumerable sets. The first two answer questions posed by Myhill [1].The three proofs are independent and can be presented in any order. Certain notations will be common to all three. We shall denote by “Re” the set enumerated by the procedure of which e is the Gödel number. In describing the construction for each proof, we shall suppose that a clerk is carrying out the simultaneous enumeration of R0, R1, R2, …, in such a way that at each step only a finite number of sets have begun to be enumerated and only a finite number of the members of any set have been listed. (One plan the clerk can follow is to turn his attention at Step a to the enumeration of Re where e+1 is the number of prime factors of a. Then each Re receives his attention infinitely often.) We shall denote by “Rea” the set of numbers which, at or before Step a, the clerk has listed as members of Re. Obviously, all the Rea are finite sets, recursive uniformly in e and a. For any a we can determine effectively the highest e for which Rea is not empty, and for any a, e we can effectively find the highest member of Rea, just by scanning what the clerk has done by Step a. Additional notations will be introduced in the proofs to which they pertain.
Elementary completeness properties of intuitionistic logic with a note on negations of prenex formulae
Authors: Kreisel G. 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of the present article is to formulate in an intuitionistically meaningful manner the completeness problems for the intuitionistic predicate calculus, and to establish the completeness of certain fragments of it. In these proofs certain translations of classical logic into intuitionistic logic are used, in particular those discovered by Kolmogorov [11] and Gödel [3], and a new one in which negations of prenex formulae are central. Since the last one is of interest also independently of the completeness problems, the details are presented separately at the end of this paper.All arguments are intended to be intuitionistically valid unless the opposite is stated; in particular, ‘proof’ means intuitionistic proof, and ‘formal proof’ means proof in the relevant system of Heyting [4], [5].Open problems are mentioned in Remarks 3.1 and 8.1.German capitals denote formulae of predicate logic, Latin (italic) capitals denote predicate symbols or propositional letters.
Gödel numberings of partial recursive functions
Authors: Rogers Hartley 
Published: May 2006

In § 1 we present conceptual material concerning the notion of a Gödel numbering of the partial recursive functions. § 2 presents a theorem about these concepts. § 3 gives several applications. The material in § 1 and § 2 grew out of attempts by the author to find routine solutions to some of the problems discussed in § 3. The author wishes to acknowledge his debt in § 2 to the fruitful methods of Myhill in [M] and to thank the referee for an abbreviated and improved version of the proof for Lemma 3 in § 2.In the literature of mathematical logic, “Gödel numbering” usually means an effective correspondence between integers and the well-formed formulas of some logical calculus. In recursive function theory, certain such associations between the non-negative integers and instructions for computing partial recursive functions have been fundamental. In the present paper we shall be concerned only with numberings of the latter, more special, sort. By numbers and integers we shall mean non-negative integers. Our notation is, in general, that of [K]. If ϕ and ψ are two partial functions, ϕ = ψ shall mean that (∀x)[ϕ(x)≃(ψx)], i.e., that ϕ and ψ are defined for the same arguments and are equal on those arguments. We consider partial recursive functions of one variable; applications of the paper to the case of several variables, or to the case of all partial recursive functions in any number of variables, can be made in the usual way using the coordinate functions (a)i of [K, p. 230]. It will furthermore be observed that we consider only concepts that are invariant with respect to general recursive functions; more limited notions of Gödel numbering, taking into account, say, primitive recursive structure, are beyond the scope of the present paper.
Constructive definition of certain analytic sets of numbers
Authors: Lorenzen P. , Myhill J. 
Published: May 2006

According to Kleene [8] and Post [13] the definition of recursive relations (or sets) can be given most simply via the definition of recursively enumerable (r.e.) relations. The latter can be defined by finite systems of finite rules for deriving strings of symbols, each rule being of the form
each formula or being obtained by juxtaposition from atomic symbols and variables ranging over strings of atomic symbols.
“Aiming at a Moving Target”: Social Science and the Recent Rebellions in Eastern Europe
Authors: Tarrow Sidney 
Published: May 2006

One week before the mass demonstrations that led to the collapse of the Czechoslovak Communist regime in November, 1989, a Charter 77 activist, Jan Urban, proposed that the group contest the national elections to be held in June of 1991. Urban's friends laughed at his proposals for being hopelessly Utopian. But a week later, thousands of students filled Wenceslas Square, a general strike was called, and the regime collapsed. The leaders of the future Civic Forum, who had been carefully watching events in Hungary, Poland and the GDR, had little idea that their own country was ripe for revolution.Charter 77 would not have fared much better had it consulted Western social scientists, because our models for understanding the emergence of new social movements and their spread and outcomes are woefully inadequate. While prediction in social science is always hazardous, our lack of preparation for the recent wave of mobilization in Eastern Europe is particularly glaring, given the vast body of research and theorizing that has developed since the 1960s both in Western Europe and the United States.
Doing “Tuesday Lunch” at Lyndon Johnson's White House: New Archival Evidence on Vietnam Decisionmaking
Authors: Barrett David M. 
Published: May 2006

Over the past decade, a number of political scientists have employed presidential papers and other archival materials in order to test various hypotheses regarding American politics. This has been particularly true concerning the Vietnam War and the American presidency (Kahin 1986; Burke and Greenstein 1989; Berman 1982, 1989; Kolko 1985; Hatcher 1990), as scholars have explored the interconnections between ideology, political style, presidential character, and other variables which may explain America's participation in that war. Thus, while some in the profession may have disdained the use of traditional historical research and methodology, there clearly has been a modest resurgence of archival research for the purposes of theory building.While I am among those who see real possibilities for illuminating political processes by drawing on archival sources, their usefulness should not be overstated: even rich archival collections-may not “solve” debates over causation of political phenomena.
The Effects of the Thomas Appointment to the Supreme Court
Authors: O'Connor Karen 
Published: May 2006

In announcing his nomination of Clarence Thomas to the United States Supreme Court on July 2, 1991, George Bush described him as “a fiercely independent thinker with an excellent legal mind,” and proclaimed his belief that Thomas would “be a great Justice.” While many legal and political commentators had predicted that Clarence Thomas stood an excellent chance of being Bush's nominee to replace the retiring Thurgood Marshall, few were quick to echo Bush's assessment that Thomas was:… the best qualified at this time …. Clarence Thomas … fits my description of the best man at the right time. … I kept my word to the American people and to the Senate by picking the best man for the job on the merits. (New York Times, 2 July 1991)Even as Bush offered Thomas's name in nomination, the skeptics were muttering about the hyperbole that surrounded the announcement. Thomas's total lack of courtroom experience and his generally undistinguished record as a jurist led many to question his qualifications to serve on the High Court. Concern with his general absence of legal credentials prompted the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary to rate Thomas merely as “Qualified”—making him the only nominee with such a low rating to serve on the Supreme Court.The authority and prestige of the United States Supreme Court have always rested on its support from the other branches of government and, perhaps even more importantly, on the support of the American public.
Elections 1992 and the Thomas Appointment
Authors: Palley Marian Lief 
Published: May 2006

It is tempting to look at the results of the 1992 election season and to observe women candidates' successes and say, yes, it was the “year of the woman.” It might also be inviting to attribute women's electoral gains to the attention that the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings received and the anger many women felt towards the all-white male Senate Judiciary Committee with its cavalier treatment of Anita Hill and its insensitivity to sexual harassment. Yet, women's electoral gains must be viewed within the wider lens focus of changing patterns of American politics.The Thomas-Hill interaction was seen by some as a reflection of institutionalized gender inequality and insensitivity (Palley and Palley 1992). It underscored the need to press forward with the liberal cultural agenda, which incorporates feminist concerns with gender equity and electoral opportunity. Though the Thomas confirmation hearings made many people aware and angry, other conditions also helped to make 1992 an opportunity year for women and minorities. In particular, there was redistricting, a large number of retirements from Congress, and anti-incumbency feelings running high among American voters. Furthermore, though women were serving in political office, albeit in state and local positions and thus were in “the pipeline” and ready for the opportunity to contest state-wide and congressional positions, they were often seen as the ultimate outsiders. To be perceived as an outsider in an anti-incumbency era enhanced the candidacies of many women. Also, due to redistricting, many seats which women candidates contested were open seats for which their opponents lacked high degrees of political organization and the ability to “call in favors.”
An Inverted Logroll: The Charlottetown Accord and the Referendum
Authors: Johnston Richard 
Published: May 2006

In the constitutional referendum held on October 26, 1992, Canadian voters said “No” to a constitutional package, the “Charlottetown Accord,” contrived explicitly to win pan-regional support. Instead, it evoked pan-regional opposition.The package Canadians rejected was formidably complex. It became so by a decade's accretion of elements, each calculated to appeal to, or to offset concessions to, groups excluded at an earlier stage—Quebec, the western provinces, and aboriginal peoples. Negotiators hoped that by 1992 they had finally found an equilibrium, a logroll sufficiently inclusive to survive referral to the people. Instead they seem to have gotten the logic of the logroll upside down: they may have overestimated both how much each group wanted what it got and how intensely some groups opposed key concessions to others.Quebec. At the heart of the package were proposals contrived to induce the political class of Quebec to acquiesce in the political settlement embodied in the Constitution Act, 1982. Although the government and legislature of Quebec had rejected the 1982 settlement, no one contested that it applied to the province. But many agreed, on grounds of either justice or expediency, that the pill had to be made less bitter. The first attempt to bring Quebec on side was the Meech Lake Accord, struck in 1987 and buried in 1990. The failure of this attempt was the immediate background to the 1992 events.
The Feminization of Leadership in State Legislatures
Authors: Jewell Malcolm , Whicker Marcia Lynn 
Published: May 2006

Throughout the past two decades, the number of women in elected politics has been increasing slowly, but incrementally. Women remain most underrepresented at the national level, with little prospects of parity in the near future (Whicker et al. 1993). By 1992, women held only 30 or 5.6% of the 535 seats in the 102nd Congress, 28 in the House and two in the Senate (CAWP 1992). Much media focus on increased activism and advances caused the 1992 elections to be labeled in the press as “The Year of the Woman.” Indeed, the number of female members of Congress did jump to 54 or 10.1%, not quite doubling (47 in the House and seven in the Senate) (Krauss 1992), but substantial percentage gains in the number of seats held by women obscured the fact that women remained underrepresented relative to their proportions in the population by over 40%.At the state level, the number of women is larger, but still proportionately less than their share of approximately 50% of the population. In 1991, women were still only 18.3% of all state legislators, but nationwide, their numbers had increased from 344 in 1971 to 908 in 1981, to 1365 in 1991. The numbers of women in state legislatures, then, have been increasing incrementally, if slowly (Dodson and Carroll 1991). Incremental growth in women attaining state legislative office continued in the 1992 elections. For the 1993 session, the total number of women members was 1517 (20.4%), of which 338 were state senators (17%), and 1179 were state representatives (21.7%) (CAWP).
Measuring Electoral Change in Three-Party Systems: An Alternative to Swing
Authors: Dorling D. F. L. , Pattie C. J. , Johnston R. J. 
Published: May 2006

In a recent paper in this journal, Butler and Van Peek (1990) advocated analyzing patterns of electoral change in the USA with the swing statistic—the average change in the share of the vote won by two parties contesting successive elections. The generality of their case was countered by Rose (1991), who showed that most liberal democracies do not have two-party systems; thus the swing statistic, which involves comparing the performance of two parties only, conceals more than it reveals of the pattern of electoral change in most situations. His preference was for the separate study of the “ups and downs” of each party.In a riposte to Rose, Gibson (1992) argued for the superiority of swing over the single party measures. His case was built on a curious argument, however. On the basis of goodness-of-fit statistics, he showed that a combination of independent variables relating to the characteristics of constituencies in Greater London predicted variations in swing better than they predicted variations in the performance of individual parties. Such analyses in no way indicate the superiority of swing as a measure of electoral change, however; they merely demonstrate that swing is more closely correlated to some independent variables than is another measure of change. Gibson's argument is a case of a spurious correlation.
Japanese Democracy and Political Culture: A Comparative Perspective
Authors: Pempel T. J. 
Published: May 2006

Japan is an excellent case for the comparative study of the connections between democracy and culture.—It is a country with a well established system of constitutional democracy with roots in the nineteenth century. Politically, the country has been constitutionally and electorally democratic for the entire period since the end of World War II.—Democracy in Japan also has strong social and cultural underpinnings. Despite a hierarchical Confucian tradition, the country is largely egalitarian in its educational, economic, and informational systems. The Japanese citizen enjoys a democratic day-to-day existence.—Because Japan's democracy, like that of all countries, is far from perfect, it is a good case study for examining ideal conceptions of democracy in contrast to practical democratic realities.
The Policy Process and Social Policy in Japan
Authors: Anderson Stephen J. 
Published: May 2006

Is Japan enigmatic because it is unique? Problems of social and economic policy in contemporary Japan challenge myths about uniqueness. By focusing on comparable problems, this essay notes the limits of world views about Japanese uniqueness and the exceptionalism of countries.An aim is to unbundle areas that illustrate the policy process and reflect on models of policymaking. In the diversity within Japan, policy-making in specific areas reflects on the approaches of corporatism, pluralism, and state-centered theorists.Across policy areas, instructors will discover problems of Japan's industrial society that are nonetheless comparable to elsewhere. Throughout East Asia, scholars note the distinct social, ideological, and historical contexts that challenge past social theory. A leading Asian country can offer rich additions to a course on comparative politics and public policy. In Japan, one also can emphasize familiar features of industrial society, economy, and polity that test various approaches and models of policymaking. Using areas of labor, welfare, agriculture, and education as examples, instructors may pursue these and additional topics found from the bibliographies and readings.
The Future of the Soviet Political System
Authors: Odom William E. 
Published: May 2006

Beginning with the leadership succession after Brezhnev, first Andropov's spurt of new policy initiatives, then an interregnum of drift under Chernenko, and finally the emergence of the vigorous and relatively youthful leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, the future of the Soviet political system has been thrust once again into wide public attention. It promises to remain there for some time, maybe several years, as the new General Secretary tries to push through major reforms and to engage the West to support him in his undertaking.To keep our bearings in the flood of Gorbachev's novel rhetoric and its amplification through the Western media, it would be useful to put the issue into a context more historically grounded than the turmoil of current events and fashions. To do that, we need to ask at least two questions. First, what features of the Soviet historical legacy constrain and direct change in the USSR? Second, against this legacy, can we recognize the practical dilemmas any would-be reformer must face? In light of the answers, it is possible to reduce our surprise about the way the present reform efforts eventually turn out.The Historical LegacyIt is commonplace to speak of continuities in Russian history, to observe that authoritarianism has deep roots in Russia and that much of the present Soviet system is a historical legacy. It is also commonplace to observe that autocratic systems in other parts of the world have evolved into liberal systems and that one should not rule out liberalization in the Soviet Union a priori simply because of its long tradition of authoritarianism.
Microcomputer Simulations and Simulation Writing Tools
Authors: Grafton Carl , Permaloff Anne 
Published: May 2006

A simulation is a working model of a system. Simulations are useful when interaction with real systems is not possible (e.g., giving students a chance to be president) or when mathematical models cannot be solved but only approximated.One of the many ways that simulations may be described or categorized is in terms of how they may be utilized (such as teaching or research). Another important distinction, completely independent of the first, is whether a simulation is interactive or noninteractive. An interactive simulation involves a set of transactions or turns between or among participants and a computer. The operation of a noninteractive simulation generally involves the setting of values for variables after which the simulation is begun and operates on its own with no user intervention. Simulations may also be distinguished by whether they are based on theory and include little data (e.g., prisoner's dilemma) or whether they are based primarily on empirical data supported more or less rigorously by a theory. They may also be characterized in terms of technical concerns such as whether they model continuous or discrete change.
Candidates, the Need to Know and the Press
Authors: Elving Ronald D. 
Published: May 2006

In conversation with a German Daron in 1807, Thomas Jefferson remarked that, “when a man assumes a public trust, he should consider himself a public property.”Recalling Jefferson as the intellectual father of American democracy, we may read this comment as an approving aphorism—a tenet of political philosophy. But Jefferson was, at the time, also an embattled president. He had suffered personal attacks as scurrilous as any in his day or ours.So the remark may have been less an affirmation of democratic ideal than a recognition of political reality. Its tone implies resignation. Whether or not a public figure had a right to privacy and individuality, Jefferson seemed to regard at least some loss of both as inevitable.In a free society with a free press, the demands of public life inevitably exceed the functional obligations of office. It is not enough for elected officials to make a straightforward accounting of the public business—the inarguably proper province of the public's right to know. The politics of a democracy also demand contact on a personal level. The public has a right to know what sort of people are running its affairs.