bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Life Before Polls: Ohio Politicians Predict the 1828 Presidential Vote
Authors: Kernell Samuel 
Published: May 2006

Candidates covet votes. They exert extraordinary effort and expend vast resources seeking to win as many votes as possible. Yet, the costly pursuit of votes occurs under great uncertainty concerning both the strategic correctness of their positions on issues and the efficiency of their campaigns. Of course, prudent candidates dedicate some resources to learning how voters are responding to their appeals, generally by commissioning polls of public opinion.Candidates' early adoption of scientific survey technology (Converse 1987) and the important role polls play in modern campaigns invite the question of how candidates ever got on without them. Before polls, did public opinion reside on a vast terra incognita on which candidates staked out issue positions oblivious to the whereabouts of the median voter? If so, campaigns must have been riddled with mistakes and inefficiency. John G. Greer (1991) made just this argument in claiming that the absence of accurate information about shifts in the electorate's preferences allowed political parties to be blindsided by what became realigning elections.The historical record offers few clues as to the extent to which nineteenth-century candidates labored under strategic ignorance. Yet, accounts of politicos and pundits alike tallying newspaper endorsements and carefully gauging attendance at campaign rallies do survive. However questionable these indicators' validity, even to contemporaries, they represented some of the few quantifiable barometers of voter sentiment available to that era's politicians. Some candidates kept “their ear to the ground” (a nineteenth-century dictum) by engaging in more active forms of voter research.
The Congressional Budget Process in an Era of Surpluses
Authors: Taylor Andrew J. 
Published: May 2006

How the federal government's fiscal health has improved! As recently as 1992, the United States experienced its largest ever current-dollar annual unified budget deficit of $290 billion. At the close of its last fiscal year, on September 30 1999, the nation's government recorded a budget surplus of $124 billion. More significantly, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has projected healthy on—budget surpluses—that is, no money will have to be taken out of the Social Security trust fund and revenues will still exceed expenditures—well into the second decade of the new century.The causes of this turnaround are well understood. The record-long economic expansion of the 1990s has boosted revenues dramatically, the end of the Cold War lowered the demand for defense spending, and the budget legislation of 1990, 1993, and 1997 generally cut spending and raised taxes (Parks 2000; Schick 2000).What Washington does with the extra money depends greatly on electoral outcomes over the coming years. Congressional Republicans—along with their party's presidential candidate, Texas Governor George W. Bush—have promised tax cuts, while Democrats have called for higher levels of domestic discretionary spending. But there are areas of agreement. Both parties wish to protect the Social Security trust fund in a so-called “lock box” and both have expressed their commitment to pay off the publicly-held debt. It is likely, therefore, that future incarnations of divided government might protect the surplus by producing a default fiscal policy based primarily on these two proposals.
Service Learning in Political Science: An Introduction
Authors: Battistoni Richard M. 
Published: May 2006

Over a decade has passed since the practice called “service learning” began its ascendance in higher education. While internships have long been used as an experiential teaching tool in the discipline, it is only recently that political scientists have grappled with using community-based service experiences as vehicles for teaching students about politics. In many ways, political scientists have led the way in advancing the theory and practice of service learning, publishing one of the first volumes in the AAHE series on service learning in the disciplines (Battistoni and Hudson 1997), and designing and reporting pioneering efforts to link service to the academic curriculum (e.g., Barber and Battistoni 1993; Beamer 1998; Koulish 1998; Ehrlich 1999). Tony Robinson's essay in this volume stands as yet another bold attempt to challenge political scientists to “do politics” through advocacy-based community service work.This symposium is offered to advance service learning yet further. The featured authors highlight recent research on the impact of service learning on students' political knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, and draw new connections between service learning and important perspectives in political science scholarship and teaching.The first essay, by Mary Hepburn, Richard Niemi, and Chris Chapman, thoroughly details current research on how service learning affects the civic outcomes traditionally advanced by college-level political scientists. They draw lessons from the research about what service learning does and does not do for political education, and also raise important questions for future political science research.
Service Learning in College Political Science: Queries and Commentary
Authors: Hepburn Mary A. , Niemi Richard G. , Chapman Chris 
Published: May 2006

Community service is widely advocated as a method for advancing civic awareness and citizen responsibility in both secondary schools and colleges. Use of service learning in higher education has been promoted nationwide by academic, political, professional, and business leaders through such organizations as Campus Compact, American Association for Higher Education, Commission on Civic Renewal, and Corporation for National and Community Service (Bringle, Games, and Malloy 1999). In some cases, service has been institutionalized in colleges. Tufts University, for example, has added a College of Citizenship and Public Service through which students from various departments can complete a certificate program that integrates active service and citizenship studies into their major course of study (Zernike 2000). A recent report estimates that nearly two million students participate in service learning at four-year public and private institutions of higher education, and almost half of all community colleges offer service learning courses (Shumer and Cook 1999). Service learning has been applied in college courses as diverse as freshman composition, education, sociology, anthropology, business, and public policy.But does service learning—and community service more generally—help students learn about politics and government? And, what research is needed to determine whether service, in fact, contributes to students' civic education? Having recently completed an analysis of national survey data on secondary school students' participation in community service and its relationship to civic education (see Niemi, Hepburn, and Chapman 2000), we now turn to examining the implications of service learning for college political science teaching and research.
What Should Be Learned through Service Learning?
Authors: Carpini Michael X. Delli , Keeter Scott 
Published: May 2006

Service learning is typically distinguished from both community service and traditional civic education by the integration of study with hands-on activity outside the classroom, typically through a collaborative effort to address a community problem (Ehrlich 1999, 246). As such, service learning provides opportunities and challenges for increasing the efficacy of both the teaching and practice of democratic politics. To better understand these opportunities and challenges, it is necessary to make explicit the goals of service learning and to consider how these goals intersect those of more traditional approaches to teaching about government and politics. We believe that one place these sometimes competing models could find common ground is in the learning of factual knowledge about politics.Underlying the pedagogy of service learning are the beliefs that a central mission of civic education is to produce active, engaged citizens and that this mission is more likely to be accomplished by allowing young Americans to directly experience “politics” as part of their education. As noted by Frantzich and Mann, this view is very compatible with the stated mission of the American Political Science Association:The founding of the [APSA] in 1903 marked the evolution of political science as a distinct academic discipline in colleges and universities. At the time, two educational objectives were claimed for the emerging discipline: citizenship and training for careers in public service…. For the student, direct experience was recommended to supplement formal instruction in government and politics. (1997, 193)
Political Science and Political Philosophy: An Uneasy Relation
Authors: Smith Steven B. 
Published: May 2006

From its very beginnings political science has been a complex discipline torn in conflicting directions. Consider Aristotle's Politics, the first book that looks like a contemporary political science monograph. In the book, Aristotle presented two opposing strands of argument that he managed with tolerable success to hold together. On the one hand, Aristotle treated the study of politics as a branch of practical knowledge, its aim being action (praxis), not theory. Political action is always contextual or circumstantial, the action of particular agents faced with a particular set of circumstances. Therefore, the student of politics needs to be concerned above all with learning the art of political judgment, with how to think and deliberate well under specific circumstances. Aristotle wrote the Politics for men situated in popular assemblies, courts of law, and councils of war. He presented politics as inseparable from rhetoric, the art of public persuasion. Aristotle believed that the perspective of the political theorist should not depart too far from that of the citizen or statesman.Yet, at the same time, Aristotle acknowledged that politics is a form of knowledge with its own distinctive subject matter and set of truth claims. Good student of Plato's that he was, Aristotle saw himself as turning the study of politics into a science (episteme) inasmuch as it constituted the search for a comprehensive or general explanation of some particular branch of knowledge.
History, Myth Making, and Statistics: A Short Story about the Reapportionment of Congress and the 1990 Census
Authors: Anderson Margo , Fienberg Stephen E. 
Published: May 2006

Progress, far from consisting in change, depends on retentiveness …. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to fulfil it.—George Santayana, 1905-06Those who are familiar with the “equal proportions” formula used to reapportion the U.S. House of Representatives each decade are aware how sensitive it is to small changes in states' population data. In 1990, this sensitivity took on new significance as statisticians and politicians debated the merits of adjusting the decennial census data to correct for the differential undercount. The “official” apportionment results from the 1990 Census were published in December 1990, and the reapportionment of Congressional seats among the states proceeded on the basis of those data. Adjusted census results were released in July 1991. These data would have changed the reapportionment of Congress and shifted two seats in the House: one each from the states of Wisconsin and Pennsylvania to the states of California and Arizona.Adding to the complexity of the debates about which set of data to use, and in the midst of the ensuing litigation between New York City and the U.S. Department of Commerce, the Census Bureau discovered a computer coding error in the adjusted data estimates and issued “revised adjusted data” in January 1992.
Rejoinder to Anderson and Fienberg
Authors: Brunell Thomas L. 
Published: May 2006

In “History, Myth Making, and Statistics,” Anderson and Fienberg purport to have debunked one of the “myths” opponents of statistically adjusting census counts repeatedly invoke. The authors strive to show that critics have misplaced blame on a computer coding error for artificially inflating the national undercount by more than one million people and producing adjusted state population totals that would have provided justifications for shifting one or two House seats inappropriately. Rather, Anderson and Fienberg argue, an ad hoc decision to collapse the number of post-strata from 1392 to 357 led analysts to produce inaccurate numbers.Far from discrediting the criticism, however, Anderson and Fienberg provide compelling evidence that both the computer error and the adjustment model itself produced numbers that would have led to a malapportionment of House seats. The authors report the 1990 apportionment based on official census numbers in their Table 1, the apportionment based on the incorrectly adjusted census numbers in their Table 5, and the apportionment based on the “corrected” (no computer error and with 1392 poststrata) adjusted counts in their Table 6. Note that the incorrectly adjusted apportionment differs from the actual apportionment by two seats and the correctly adjusted apportionment differs from the actual by two seats.
Partisan Politics at Work: Sampling and the 2000 Census
Authors: Anderson Margo , Fienberg Stephen E. 
Published: May 2006

In his preceding article, Brunell offers some background on Census 2000, the use of sampling and adjustment in a census context, the magnitude of the differential undercount from prior censuses, and the debate over the use of sample-based adjustments to the count. Much of his description of Census 2000 is correct, as far as it goes. It is what he leaves out that is problematic. His omissions lead him to draw the wrong conclusions about the undercount and the methodology for correcting it.The origins of the peculiar American institution of the decennial census can be traced to the Founding Fathers and the federal Constitution of 1787. When the leaders of the American Revolution met in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787 and decided to apportion seats in the new House of Representatives among the states “according to their respective numbers,” they invented a fundamental new instrument of republican government. The infant U.S. government of the Confederation Era had trouble raising taxes and making decisions, in part because representatives in the Continental Congress voted by states and the states were of very disparate sizes and populations. The framers recognized the need for another policy-making mechanism that took account of the fact that states deserved different numbers of representatives and, hence, votes in the House and Electoral College. The answer was the census, a periodic count of the population and consequent redistribution of House seats and economic resources to reflect the relative sizes of the populations of the states.
How Congress Does the Difficult
Authors: Waldman Sidney 
Published: May 2006

Legislators in democratic countries find it relatively easy to do certain things. For example, they typically have little problem reducing taxes or increasing benefits for a majority of citizens. However, should they attempt to raise taxes or cut benefits for the majority, they will probably encounter opposition, even if taking such measures is necessary for the public good. How members of democratically elected legislatures manage to accomplish unpopular and politically difficult tasks is worth examining. In this article, I illustrate how members of the U.S. Congress have “done the difficult”–i.e., passed laws or instituted programs, often in the public interest, that were unpopular with the voters or would have been were they known to the public–and consider why the legislators were able to take the actions they did.Determining how members of Congress make unpopular but necessary policy decisions is difficult because members themselves will not emphasize when they deviate from the public's will and how they are able to do so. After all, most of them are more interested in getting reelected than in being perceived as courageous and resourceful statesmen. Even the most civic-minded legislator may avoid calling attention to unpopular votes after realizing cynical and skeptical voters are unlikely to reward him for making difficult choices in the public's interest. Consequently, to reduce the likelihood that the action will be highlighted, unpopular legislation is often enacted in obscure and technical ways.
Nucleoside triphosphate diphosphohydrolase‐2 is the ecto‐ATPase of type I cells in taste buds
Authors: Bartel Dianna L. , Sullivan Susan L. , Lavoie Élise G. , Sévigny Jean , Finger Thomas E. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThe presence of one or more calcium‐dependent ecto‐ATPases (enzymes that hydrolyze extracellular 5′‐triphosphates) in mammalian taste buds was first shown histochemically. Recent studies have established that dominant ecto‐ATPases consist of enzymes now called nucleoside triphosphate diphosphohydrolases (NTPDases). Massively parallel signature sequencing (MPSS) from murine taste epithelium provided molecular evidence suggesting that NTPDase2 is the most likely member present in mouse taste papillae. Immunocytochemical and enzyme histochemical staining verified the presence of NTPDase2 associated with plasma membranes in a large number of cells within all mouse taste buds. To determine which of the three taste cell types expresses this enzyme, double‐label assays were performed with antisera directed against the glial glutamate/aspartate transporter (GLAST), the transduction pathway proteins phospholipase Cβ2 (PLCβ2) or the G‐protein subunit α‐gustducin, and serotonin (5HT) as markers of type I, II, and III taste cells, respectively. Analysis of the double‐labeled sections indicates that NTPDase2 immunoreactivity is found on cell processes that often envelop other taste cells, reminiscent of type I cells. In agreement with this observation, NTPDase2 was located to the same membrane as GLAST, indicating that this enzyme is present in type I cells. The presence of ecto‐ATPase in taste buds likely reflects the importance of ATP as an intercellular signaling molecule in this system. J. Comp. Neurol. 497:1–12, 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
Neonatal deafness results in degraded topographic specificity of auditory nerve projections to the cochlear nucleus in cats
Authors: Leake Patricia A. , Hradek Gary T. , Chair Leila , Snyder Russell L. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractWe previously examined the early postnatal maturation of the primary afferent auditory nerve projections from the cat cochlear spiral ganglion (SG) to the cochlear nucleus (CN). In normal kittens these projections exhibit clear cochleotopic organization before birth, but quantitative data showed that their topographic specificity is less precise in perinatal kittens than in adults. Normalized for CN size, projections to the anteroventral (AVCN), posteroventral (PVCN), and dorsal (DCN) subdivisions are all significantly broader in neonates than in adults. By 6–7 postnatal days, projections are proportionate to those of adults, suggesting that significant refinement occurs during the early postnatal period. The present study examined SG projections to the CN in adult cats deafened as neonates by ototoxic drug administration. The fundamental organization of the SG‐to‐CN projections into frequency band laminae is clearly evident despite severe auditory deprivation from birth. However, when normalized for the smaller CN size in deafened animals, projections are disproportionately broader than in controls; AVCN, PVCN, and DCN projections are 39, 26, and 48% broader, respectively, than predicted if they were precisely proportionate to projections in normal hearing animals. These findings suggest that normal auditory experience and neural activity are essential for the early postnatal development (or subsequent maintenance) of the topographic precision of SG‐to‐CN projections. After early deafness, the basic cochleotopic organization of the CN is established and maintained into adulthood, but the CN is severely reduced in size and the topographic specificity of primary afferent projections that underlies frequency resolution in the normal central auditory system is significantly degraded. J. Comp. Neurol. 497:13–31, 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
BAli-Phy: simultaneous Bayesian inference of alignment and phylogeny
Authors: Suchard Marc A. , Redelings Benjamin D. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract
Summary: BAli-Phy is a Bayesian posterior sampler that employs Markov chain Monte Carlo to explore the joint space of alignment and phylogeny given molecular sequence data. Simultaneous estimation eliminates bias toward inaccurate alignment guide-trees, employs more sophisticated substitution models during alignment and automatically utilizes information in shared insertion/deletions to help infer phylogenies.
Availability: Software is available for download at .
Contact: msuchard@ucla.edu
PROXIMO—a new docking algorithm to model protein complexes using data from radical probe mass spectrometry (RP-MS)
Authors: Gerega Sebastien K. , Downard Kevin M. 
Published: May 2006

Abstract
The design and implementation of a new algorithm, known as PROXIMO for protein oxidation interface modeller, is described to predict the structure of protein complexes using data generated in radical probe mass spectrometry (RP-MS) experiments. Photochemical radiolysis and discharge sources can be used to effect RP-MS in which hydroxyl radicals are formed directly from the bulk solvent on millisecond timescales and react with surface accessible residues in footprinting-like experiments. The algorithm utilizes a geometric surface fitting routine to predict likely structures for protein complexes. These structures are scored based on a correlation between the measured solvent accessibility of oxidizable residue side chains and oxidation shielding data obtained by RP-MS. The algorithm has been implemented to predict structures for the ribonuclease S-protein–peptide and calmodulin–melittin complexes using RP-MS data generated in this laboratory. The former is in close agreement with the high-resolution experimental structure available.
Contact: kdownard@usyd.edu.au