bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Concept of Opposition in Early Stuart England
Authors: Zaller Robert 
Published: November 2007

To Clarendon, the English Civil War was an exercise in folly, pride, and the tragic corruption of the species. Since then, many a thesis has been advanced to explain the Great Rebellion, only to fall before fresh generations of skeptics, each demolishing a predecessor's orthodoxy to set up their own. But old notions die hard. They linger in the words and concepts that once expressed them, which remain impregnated with the old meaning even when the nominal definitions have changed. Such a concept is that of the “Opposition” in early Stuart England. Its history is virtually coextensive with the historiography of the English Revolution, and it remains today at the center of the debate on the origins and meaning of the Revolution.The concept of an Opposition in prerevolutionary England can be traced back to the eighteenth century. David Hume, writing of the 1620s, saw party conflict as an inherent and fundamentally progressive element in the clash between privilege and prerogative. The “wise and moderate,” he asserted, “regarded the very rise of parties as a happy prognostic of the establishment of liberty.” Here already is the germ of the Whig interpretation, which emerges full-blown a century later in Macaulay:
[W]hen, in October of 1641, the Parliament reassembled after a short recess, two hostile parties, essentially the same with those which, under different names, have ever since contended, and are still contending, for the direction of public affairs, appeared confronting each other. During some years they were designated as Cavaliers and Roundheads. They were subsequently called Tories and Whigs; nor does it seem that these appellations are likely soon to become obsolete.
Thomas Arundel and the Baronial Party Under Henry IV
Authors: Dahmus John W. 
Published: November 2007

In July 1399, the exiled Henry of Lancaster returned to England with the exiled archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, and a few followers and successfully wrested the English throne from Richard II. Historians have long debated the events of the revolution of 1399 and Henry's subsequent reign. In the last century Stubbs argued that Henry “had risen by advocating constitutional principles” and had “made the validity of a parliamentary title indispensable to royalty.” Lapsley, on the other hand, claims that it was Henry's followers, not Henry, who promoted parliamentary power; they tried to force a parliamentary title on him, but to no avail. McFarlane agrees with Lapsley that Henry was not inspired by constitutional principles; rather Henry “duped” and “outwitted” his followers in his successful usurpation of the crown.McFarlane goes on to describe a baronial opposition to Henry which was led by Thomas Arundel. In his Cambridge Medieval History article on the Lancastrian kings, he writes: “At the beginning of the new reign he [Thomas Arundel] seemed to stand with the Percies and other noble supporters of the revolution for the preponderance of the baronage in the affairs of the realm.… In Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights this interpretation is somewhat qualified:
If we may judge from the speech with which he [Arundel] opened the first Parliament of the new reign he stood for what may be called the traditional baronial theory of government. The government he said, would not be “by the voluntary purpose or singular opinion” of the king alone but by “the advice, counsel and consent” of “the honourable wise and discreet persons of his realm.” This was as much a warning to Henry as a manifesto on his behalf.McFarlane adds that Arundel was “evidently not altogether happy at the way the new king was already behaving.” He and Henry “only gradually … came together.”
Empire Migration in Post-War Reconstruction: The Role of the Oversea Settlement Committee, 1919–1922
Authors: Kennedy Dane 
Published: November 2007

World War One and its aftermath restored the empire to a central place in the considerations of Whitehall. Not only did the war open new vistas for imperial ambitions and drive home the benefits to be drawn from the established dominions, notably in terms of manpower and materiel: it also brought into seats of power the likes of Lords Milner and Curzon, men whose careers had been devoted to the maintenance and expansion of Britain's imperial realm. Though their autocratic style ill-suited democratic politics, it did serve the needs of a modern state at war, where all sectors of society were subordinated to central command. It can be argued that these imperial bureaucrats had a more sophisticated appreciation for the power of the state than their domestic counterparts, who still labored under the lingering constraints of laissez-faire doctrine. They understood from colonial experience the state's potential for engineering social change. And they saw change as vital to Britain's future. Deeply imbued with a social Darwinist world-view, they regarded the war as evidence that national survival would require a more integrated, self-contained, harmonious imperial system, directed with greater deliberation and rigor from above. They were, in effect, social imperialists. Although this doctrine had taken shape in the Edwardian years, it was the war that eroded much of the resistance to its implementation. Yet how far could these gains be extended into the critical post-war period?As Keith Williams has argued in his valuable dissertation, an important feature of social imperialist doctrine concerned migration: here the bonds between Britain and the empire were those of culture and blood.
John Knox's Concept of Divine Providence and its Influence on His Thought
Authors: Kyle Richard 
Published: November 2007

An important aspect of John Knox's thought is his concept of divine providence. Closely related to and partially dependent on his notion of providence are the reformer's ideas on God, history, politics, and predestination. Knox did not, however, write a specific tract on divine providence. In fact, he denied being a speculative “theologian” and regarded himself as a preacher, being called “to blow my master's trumpet,” rather than “to compose books for the age to come….” Consequently, he did not approach the subject systematically. For example, Knox did not, as John Calvin had done, logically relate the subjects of creation and providence. In fact, the Scottish reformer seldom spoke of God's act of creation. Despite this nonsystematic approach, Knox did have a doctrine of divine providence, even if at times it was implicit rather than explicit. As a result, his concept of providence must be derived piecemeal from his historical, polemical, and pastoral writings.What then is the value of studying the concept of providence in the thought of a reformer who did not think systematically? First, such a study will demonstrate that a coherent conception of the nature of divine providence can be found in Knox's writings, though not expounded in a single treatise. Second, his thoughts on this subject have not been the object of an extensive scholarly investigation, either by historians or theologians. Third, Knox's concept of providence had a practical and motivational significance for both the reformer's thought and actions, thus revealing more about Knox the man, his mission, his motivation, and worldview. His great objective was the reformation of religion, particularly in his native Scotland.
The Social Calculus: Deference and Defiance in Later Georgian England
Authors: Phillips John A. 
Published: November 2007

The history of the long reign of George III has recently been shaken by a vigorous and determined revisionism. A temblor of this magnitude has not been felt since Sir Lewis Namier mounted his prosopographical revolution more than half a century ago. Indeed, it has been suggested that J. C. D. Clark'sEnglish Societyactually will surpass the influence of Namier'sStructure of Politics. If so, it is difficult to imagine the combined impact ofEnglish Society, Rebellion and Revolution, The Dynamics of Change, The Memoirs and Speeches of James, 2nd Earl Waldegrave, the host of articles already published, and the plethora of words certain to be typeset in the relatively near future.Perhaps Clark's relentless torrent of prose will relegate to the historiographical scrap heap virtually all existing scholarship about the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in favor of his corrected model of Hanoverian England. Already Clark claims that the standard account depicting eighteenth-century England as “an economically progressive society, increasingly secular and individualist in its ethos and distinctively demarcated from its European contemporaries” is, quite simply, “no longer tenable.” Clark's most recent pronouncement declares that “the revisionists’ [i.e. his] views of the period now command widespread acceptance.” The revisionist view cannot be fairly summarized in a single statement (though the phrases “ancien regime” and “confessional state” both manage nicely to encompass a great deal), but a passage Clark cites to illustrate England at the death of George III serves as a point of departure.
Anti-Catholicism, Anti-Irish Stereotyping, and Anti-Celtic Racism in Mid-Victorian Working-Class Periodicals
Authors: Paz D.G. 
Published: November 2007

The rapid increase in Irish immigration, it is often argued, was the chief cause for the growth of anti-Catholicism in mid-nineteenth century England. Patrick Joyce and Neville Kirk both believe that ethnic tension and violence in southeast Lancashire and northeast Cheshire increased during and after the late 1840s, that that increase “followed the pattern of the arrival and dispersal” of Irish immigrants, and that the controversy over the creation of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in 1850 intensified the conflict.L.P. Curtis, Jr., agrees that the mid-century is important, for it was then, he argues, that the stereotype, based on scientific racism, of the Irish as inferior, was “finally assembled and reproduced for a mass reading public which was by then ready to believe almost anything of a derogatory nature about the Irish people.” The English image of the Irish
was bound up with the idea of race or with that amalgam of ostensibly scientific doctrines, subjective data, and ethnocentric prejudices which was steadily gaining respectability among educated men in Western Europe during the first half of the century. In England the idea of race as the determinant of human history and human behavior held an unassailable position in the minds of most Anglo-Saxonists. …Curtis admits that the Victorians used the word “race” very loosely, and that working-class anti-Irish “prejudice” had class and religious, as well as racist, bases. But he fails to explore these non-racist elements; his argument rests on the evidence of Victorian anthropological writings; he clearly believes that racism bears explanatory primacy.
The Thomason Collection: Rebuttal to Michael Mendle
Authors: Greenberg Stephen J. 
Published: November 2007

I read with great interest Michael Mendle's critique of my work in dating pamphlets from the English Civil War. Obviously, this is an area where honest men may disagree, particularly since so many of our conclusions rest upon different interpretations of an ambiguous manuscript. Nevertheless, I find that I must begin by saying that Professor Mendle has entirely missed the main purpose of my research, and has therefore misconstrued my methodology.As I wrote in my original article, my chief concern was availability:
For example, how soon after an event could a pamphlet be available? How many pamphlets were actually being printed (and when) as opposed to what was being entered in the registers of the Stationers' Company of London? In other words, what could a concerned citizen find for sale at the bookstalls on a given morning?The demands of these questions imposed their own limitations, and pointed to their own solutions. Only two day-by-day lists of publications exist: the Thomason manuscript and the registers of the Stationers' Company. The latter is clearly insufficiently complete for the task at hand. Moreover, it is well-known that entry in the Stationers' Registers is not a guarantee of actual publication. We are left with the Thomason manuscript as a difficult but unique source for the answers that I sought.Exactly when the two existing manuscripts were compiled is an unanswerable question. They may have been compiled, as Professor Mendle suggests, when the collection was nearly complete. They may represent a fair copy of notes that Thomason had been keeping all along. It is inescapable, however, that the manuscripts preserve the order in which Thomason obtained the tracts, and do so with far greater accuracy than either the printed British Museum catalogue or the present bound volumes.
Thomas More and the New World
Authors: Cave Alfred A. 
Published: November 2007

Despite the extensive critical attention that has been lavished upon Sir Thomas More's Utopia, the influence of the early historical narratives of the discovery and conquest of America on the shaping of his fictional commonwealth remains problematic. Proctor Fenn Sherwin, writing in 1917, declared that “it should go without saying” that “the yet novel discoveries of unknown and unguessed of peoples in America and the tales of Spanish explorers” were a “considerable inspiration” to More. But Sherwin admitted that, apart from a few references to Amerigo Vespucci's Four Voyages, he could find no echo of their writings in the text of Utopia. Subsequent research on the rich literary allusions in More's published works and unpublished correspondence has provided some fascinating insights into his remarkable erudition and complex character. It has also prompted extensive debate about the relative importance of various classical and medieval sources in inspiring More's celebrated but enigmatic fictional account of an imaginary commonwealth. But no new evidence demonstrating that More was in fact steeped in the early literature on the New World has been produced. Claims that he read Columbus and Peter Martyr as well as Vespucci remain unsubstantiated.Some commentators have been untroubled by that lack of evidence. H. L. Donner assumed that More was familiar with Peter Martyr's Decades of the New World and from that source learned that the Indians of the West Indies “had an intuitive knowledge of the most essential moral and philosophical truths.” Donner concluded that More modelled Utopian “morality and religion” in large measure on Peter Martyr's description of the West Indians.
Rethinking Partisanship in the Conduct of the Chartist Trials, 1839–1848
Authors: Ariouat Jacqueline Fellague 
Published: November 2007

Between 1839 and 1848, the government and legal authorities in England and Wales were confronted with a popular movement of unprecedented size and energy. The numbers involved in active protest and in actual or potential disorder were much greater, and they were diffused over a wider geographical area and longer timespan, than any other protest movement up to recent times. Many departments of the political and legal system were engaged at some level in dealing with Chartist activity, from the Crown and Home Office to the local magistrates and special constables.In 1839 committals for protest crimes comprised 5 percent of all committals to the assizes and quarter sessions. The figures for 1842 and 1848 were 7.5 percent and 4.5 percent, respectively. In some areas the percentage was much higher. Committals for indictable riotous offenses in Lancashire in 1842 totaled 12 percent of all committals, and those in Staffordshire 19.5 percent. Nearly 2,000 Chartists were committed for trial at the assizes alone. About four times that number passed through the lower courts. Just under 90 percent of Chartists tried at the assizes were convicted.
Luxury and War: Reconsidering Luxury Consumption in Seventeenth-Century England
Authors: Peck Linda Levy 
Published: November 2007

Since the horrific bombings of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon and the declaration of war against terrorism, policy makers have repeatedly urged us to spend. The Federal Reserve cut interest rates to encourage home sales and purchase of “big-ticket” items. New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani suggests that we travel, go shopping, seek entertainment, attend plays, rather than, as in World War II, buy bonds, recycle tin, and ration consumer goods.Yet the current connection of luxury and war frames a historical paradox. Medieval and early modern prescriptive literatures link luxury not with times of war but with peace leading to decadence. The de-moralization of the idea of luxury, historians of consumption argue, only took place in the later seventeenth century when writers such as Nicholas Barbon and Bernard Mandeville recognized the importance of luxury to the economy. Eighteenth-century luxury consumption, fueled by new wants and new wares purchased by middle-class consumers, it is argued, marked a sharp departure from the court centered consumption of previous centuries.
Freelance Writers and the Changing Terrain of Intellectual Life in Britain, 1880–1980
Authors: Heyck Thomas William 
Published: November 2007

The terrain of British intellectual life in the twentieth century was dominated by two major features: freelance writers and university scholars. At the elite level, as Noel Annan showed, the two types—independent thinkers and academics—can be treated as one class, linked by personal connections and by common attitudes arising largely from the old school tie. However, when intellectuals beyond the elite stratum are surveyed, it becomes clear that the fortunes of these two features of the intellectual landscape differed sharply. The university teachers grew rapidly in number and made themselves into what Harold Perkin calls “the key profession.” But as John Gross has contended, freelance writers, despite a rich heritage from the nineteenth century, seemed, especially in their own eyes, to form an old and decaying mountain range. From 1880 to 1980 freelance writers experienced a pervasive and intensifying sense of crisis in their trade and in their cultural role. John Wain, a successful novelist and critic, stated the matter plainly in 1973: contemplation of the difficulties of “being an author,” he said, always threw him into “a black depression in which I could slash my wrists.”How can one explain the pessimism of freelance writers, their sense of being increasingly marginalized? Were their complaints simply habitual expressions of a writerly pose common since the romantic period? After all, many of the broad social and cultural trends in Britain between 1880 and 1980 should have been advantageous to independent writers.
A Candidate Type 2 Diabetes Polymorphism Near the HHEX Locus Affects Acute Glucose-Stimulated Insulin Release in European Populations
Authors: Staiger Harald , Stančáková Alena , Zilinskaite Jone , Vänttinen Markku , Hansen Torben , Marini Maria Adelaide , Hammarstedt Ann , Jansson Per-Anders , Sesti Giorgio , Smith Ulf , Pedersen Oluf , Laakso Markku , Stefan Norbert , Fritsche Andreas , Häring Hans-Ulrich 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—In recent genome-wide association studies, two single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) near the HHEX locus were shown to be more frequent in type 2 diabetic patients than in control subjects. Based on HHEX's function during embryonic development of the ventral pancreas in mice, we investigated whether these SNPs affect β-cell function in humans.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—A total of 854 nondiabetic subjects, collected from five European clinical centers, were genotyped for the HHEX SNPs rs1111875 and rs7923837 and thoroughly characterized by an oral glucose tolerance test (OGTT). To assess glucose-stimulated insulin release, a subgroup of 758 subjects underwent an intravenous glucose tolerance test (IVGTT).
RESULTS—SNPs rs1111875 and rs7923837 were not associated with anthropometric data (age, weight, height, BMI, body fat, and waist and hip circumference). After adjustment for center, family relationship, sex, age, and BMI, both SNPs were also not associated with glucose and insulin concentrations in the fasting state and during the OGTT or with measures of insulin sensitivity. Furthermore, HHEX SNP rs1111875 was not associated with insulin release during the IVGTT. By contrast, the minor A-allele of HHEX SNP rs7923837 was significantly associated with higher IVGTT-derived first-phase insulin release before and after appropriate adjustment (P = 0.013 and P = 0.014, respectively).
CONCLUSIONS—A common genetic variation in the 3′-flanking region of the HHEX locus, i.e., SNP rs7923837, is associated with altered glucose-stimulated insulin release. This SNP's major allele represents a risk allele for β-cell dysfunction and, thus, might confer increased susceptibility of β-cells toward adverse environmental factors.
Metabolic Syndrome and Incident End-Stage Peripheral Vascular Disease
Authors: Wang Jianjun , Ruotsalainen Sanna , Moilanen Leena , Lepistö Päivi , Laakso Markku , Kuusisto Johanna 
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—We investigated the relationship of the metabolic syndrome and its single components, defined by four different criteria, with peripheral vascular disease (PVD) in a prospective population-based study.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—The metabolic syndrome was defined according to the World Health Organization (WHO), the National Cholesterol Education Program (NCEP), the International Diabetes Federation (IDF), and the American Heart Association (updated NCEP) criteria. We investigated the relationship of the metabolic syndrome defined by the aforementioned four criteria with PVD (revacularization and amputation) by Cox regression analyses in a Finnish population of 1,212 subjects, aged 65–74 years, with and without diabetes during a 14-year follow-up.
RESULTS—The metabolic syndrome defined by the WHO, NCEP, and updated NCEP criteria was associated with a statistically significant risk for incident PVD (n = 57) with adjustment for all confounding variables except for prevalent diabetes (hazard ratios [HRs] from 1.91 to 2.62). After adjustment for prevalent diabetes or after the exclusion of subjects with prevalent diabetes, there was no association between the metabolic syndrome by any criteria and incident PVD. Of the single components of the metabolic syndrome, elevated fasting glucose by the WHO and NCEP criteria (HR 2.35) and microalbuminuria by the WHO definition (2.56) predicted PVD in multivariable models (prevalent diabetes included).
CONCLUSIONS—The metabolic syndrome defined by the WHO, NCEP, and updated NCEP criteria predicted incident end-stage PVD in elderly Finns but only when not adjusted for diabetes status. Two of the single components of the metabolic syndrome, elevated fasting plasma glucose and microalbuminuria, predicted PVD. We conclude that the metabolic syndrome predicts PVD but not above and beyond the risk associated with diabetes and microalbuminuria.
Les verbes de sentiment peuvent-ils être agentifs ?
Authors: Ruwet Nicolas 
Published: November 2007

N. Ruwet
Since the beginnings of Generative Grammar, most linguists have taken it for granted that Experiencer-Object verbs can be interpreted as agentive. Recently, Jan van Voorst has questioned that assumption : agentivity means control of the object by the subject ; such a control is lacking in the case of E₀- verbs. Taking into account the heterogeneity of the E₀-class, I will reformulate Voorst's findings in terms of intentionality. The object of E₀-verbs is an intentional subject (IS). Individual E₀-verbs differ in that some of them (amuse) allow their subject to be interpreted as an IS, while others (preoccupy) do not allow it. Moreover, some verbs (terrorize, humiliate) come close to being interpreted as agentive verbs.