bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Chinese Communist Party and International Affairs: A Field Report on New Historical Sources and Old Research Problems
Authors: Hunt Michael H. , Westad Odd Arne 
Published: February 2009

Conditions for research on the foreign relations of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have changed dramatically over the past decade in ways that deserve underscoring as well as applauding. Those changes now make possible a more wide-ranging research strategy one that includes inner-Party documents, memoirs from abroad range of prominent Party personalities, and articles and books based on privileged access to archives and interviews with individual leaders. These kinds of materials can today be set alongside those long-time staples of research, the contemporary Party press and the selected works of Party leaders.Thus armed with greater evidence than ever before, the students of the CCP can now advance towards a broader and deeper understanding of the Party's foreign relations. Certainly, there is nothing equivalent in fullness or ease of access to the U.S. Department of State's documentary series, and the likelihood of being able to walk into the Central Party Archives in Beijing to ask for documents 30 years old or even older as one can do at the Public Records Office in London is still but a hopeful glimmer in the scholar's eye. But compared to the extremely limited opportunities of the past, a new era is here. This survey is intended to draw attention to new sources and old problems in the study of the CCP's international relations, and to serve as a guide for those interested in moving into that field of research.This report is based on impressions and materials collected in China during the spring and summer of 1989.
Invisible Inequalities: The Status of Subei People in Contemporary Shanghai
Authors: Honig Emily 
Published: February 2009

The way in which to analyse and subsequently eliminate the vast inequalities that structured Chinese society was a major concern of Communist Party officials when they took power in 1949. During the 1950s and 1960s a number of political campaigns were launched which sought to reduce class differences as well as to eradicate the discriminatory practices of the Han Chinese towards peoples identified as national minorities, such as Tibetans and Uighurs. The successes and failures of these campaigns have been the subject of numerous studies by western scholars, who have described and attempted to analyse the persistence of social inequality in the decades since 1949. Yet the analyses of Chinese officials and western scholars alike, focusing on class and ethnicity, have overlooked a form of inequality that is perhaps most basic to China's largest urban centre, Shanghai, namely that based on native-place identification.Throughout the 20th century, social inequality, discriminatory practices and popular prejudice in Shanghai have been largely based on or correlate to a distinction between people of different local origins. Sometimes local origins have coincided with class, as people from one district tended to dominate the elite while natives of another area constituted the majority of the poor. But often native-place identity has itself been the basis of prejudice and inequality. This pattern has persisted in the decades since 1949, not because government campaigns attacked the problem and failed, but rather because the problem has largely been ignored, neither fitting the officially recognized categories of class nor of ethnicity.
China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted
Authors: Yufan Hao , Zhihai Zhai 
Published: February 2009

Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
Warlordism Versus Federalism: The Revival of a Debate?
Authors: Waldron Arthur 
Published: February 2009

For anyone who studies modern Chinese political thought, the revival of interest in federalism is one of the most striking features of the current scene. It has been particularly visible abroad in the wake of the Tiananmen massacre, and its most conspicuous spokesman has been the former director of the Institute of Political Science of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Yan Jiaqi. In remarks delivered to the First Congress of Chinese Students and Scholars in the United States, held in Chicago in July 1989, Yan proposed a Chinese “federation”(lianbang guojia)having a democratic system as the best hope both for reforming China's internal politics and ultimately for resolving the problems of Hong Hong, Taiwan and Tibet. He made similar remarks in other speeches in America and at the founding meeting of the Federation for Chinese Democracy, of which he was elected president, held in Paris in September 1989. Some other mainland Chinese intellectuals, among them Ge Yang, former editor-in-chief ofXin guancha, have supported such views, as have members of the China Spring movement. A recent official denunciation of such views is testimony to their growing influence.These are surprising developments. Federalist programmes for China have long been seen as little more than relics of an era which ended in the 1920s. As theCihaientry forliansheng zizhi(one of the phrases for the idea in Chinese) puts it, while certain warlord politicians of the 1920s believed that federalism was the appropriate political system for China, “after the Guangdong revolutionary government launched the Northern Expedition in 1926, no one advocated federalism again.”
Plant and Technology Contracts and the Changing Pattern of Economic Interdependence Between China and Japan
Authors: Yokoi Yoichi 
Published: February 2009

IntroductionThis article is concerned with the evolving framework of Sino-Japanese economic interdependence as seen in the development of plant and technology contracts between the two countries. I believe that this is the most fruitful approach to adopt in order to provide an understanding of the nature of the relationship, and because I have been involved in these transactions for two decades, this article is both an analysis of the available materials and a reflection of my own experiences. In the conclusion, I suggest ways in which the Sino-Japanese relationship can be further improved.
The Re-emergence of Family Law in Post-Mao China: Marriage, Divorce and Reproduction
Authors: Palmer Michael 
Published: February 2009

This article examines developments in the family law of post-Mao China. The expansion of the legal regime governing Chinese family life during the past 15 years has been extremely rapid and represents an important legal advance, although to some extent the developments are old wine in new bottles - a reconstruction in legislative form of pre-existing administrative norms already governing family life. In addition, the article necessarily considers a number of significant tensions or contradictions that have become apparent in PRC family law over the past decade or so.At one level the post-Mao growth in the corpus of family law has a fairly clear meaning. The 1950 Marriage Law and the system of family law which it attempted to put into place were important elements in the generation of political support for the new regime. However, in the post-Mao era the rapid codification of family law has been in large part prompted by the leadership's concern to ensure stability, order and continuity in social life. In addition, the family has once more been installed as the basic unit of social life, a position enhanced by the declining social significance of the danwei or unit. The law has therefore been used to reshape the family in order to make it more consistent with the new economic and social orders being created in the era of reform. There is also a concern to strengthen the rights and interests of the socially vulnerable, and this too has influenced certain areas of family law.
China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry
Authors: Malik J. Mohan 
Published: February 2009

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.
The Role of the Foreign Community in the Chinese Public Sphere
Authors: Wagner Rudolf G. 
Published: February 2009

The last years have seen lively international sinological and domestic Chinese debates oDn the structure and development of the Chinese public sphere. The international discussion has been largely analytical in orientation, prompted by developments in late Qing social history research and the new availability in English and French of Habermas's seminal study. The Chinese discussion has been more strategic, suggesting or legitimizing paths for China's further development: PRC government-directed research in the context of the Seventh Five-Year Plan focused on those aspects in the development experiences of cities like Shanghai which might be of use for the city's further development, especially regarding its relationship with the developed world. Independent critics writing outside the PRC felt prompted to join the discussion about the Chinese public sphere by the growing conflict between a society in the process of rapid diversification and development on the one hand and a political leadership rigidly maintaining the ideal of the people's uniformity in thought and attitude on the other. These differences notwithstanding, the international and domestic branches of the discussion share, for different reasons, an endogenous perspective explaining modern developments from the internal dynamics of Chinese society rather than from the impact from or the response to the West.The international sinological discussion has searched for elements of a self-assertive Chinese public sphere in traditional areas such as guilds, associations orlandsmannschaften, in the new private social welfare institutions set up by reconstruction activists after the Taiping rebellion, in the late Qingqingyidiscussions within the bureaucracy, or in more modern areas such as labour unions or chambers of commerce.
Shanghai's “Dogs and Chinese Not Admitted” Sign: Legend, History and Contemporary Symbol
Authors: Bickers Robert A. , Wasserstrom Jeffrey N. 
Published: February 2009

This article examines the potency and persistence of myth and language in the context of the dispute, now over 80 years old, about the officially-sanctioned wording of regulations in the municipal parks of foreign-administered Shanghai. Specifically, it examines the potent symbol of the sign placed in Shanghai's Huangpu Park that allegedly read: “Chinese and Dogs Not Admitted.” This symbol has secured a totemic position in the historiography of the Western presence in China before 1949 and is deeply embedded in contemporary Chinese and Western perceptions and representations of that era, and of the whole question of Western imperialism in China. It is the subject both of popular discourse and official fiat in China today. Drawing on a series of revisionist writings and new archival research this article shows that the true facts of the case are both beyond dispute and irrelevant, but that the legend survives undiminished.For over 60 years before June 1928 most Chinese certainly were barred from the parks administered by the foreign-controlled Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) of the International Settlement in Shanghai. As shown below, the enforcement of the ban varied over time but for the first three decades of the 20th century it was rigidly administered. Dogs, ball games, cycling and picking of the flowers were also forbidden, but the alleged juxtaposition of the bans on dogs and Chinese became notorious. The potency of “dog” as an insulting and dehumanizing epithet in China undoubtedly exacerbated the insult, and also made the story of the sign's outrageous wording seem all the more plausible.
The Re-emergence of China Studies in Vietnam
Authors: Sidel Mark 
Published: February 2009

After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.
China and the Geneva Conference of 1954
Authors: Qiang Zhai 
Published: February 2009

The Geneva Conference of 1954 represented an important event in the development of China's foreign policy. For the first time, Beijing's diplomacy became the focus of attention in an international meeting. Despite American opposition and delaying tactics, the conference was a diplomatic triumph for China. It greatly enhanced Beijing's international status. China's leaders clearly perceived their role in global rather than in regional terms. Their pride and confidence were best expressed by the Renmin ribao (People's Daily) editorial of 22 July 1954:For the first time as one of the Big Powers, the People's Republic of China joined the other major powers in negotiations on vital international problems and made a contribution of its own that won the acclaim of wide sections of world opinion. The international status of the People's Republic of China as one of the big world powers has gained universal recognition. Its international prestige has been greatly enhanced. The Chinese people take the greatest joy and pride in the efforts and achievements of their delegation at Geneva.Alone among the great powers, Beijing identified itself as a member of the Afro-Asian camp of newly independent nations. The Chinese leadership perceived China as the champion of the Afro-Asian cause against the oppression and exploitation of the west. It was within this context that China had played the major part in fashioning a new set of principles for world politics-the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.” This emphasis on Afro-Asian solidarity would culminate in the Bandung Conference of 1955.Zhou Enlai played an important role in the Geneva Conference. He excelled in playing British and French realism off against the rigidity and inflexibility of American Cold War policies. His diplomacy epitomized the “United Front” strategy which has been a distinct feature of the PRC's foreign policy: to unite with all possible forces to isolate China's most dangerous enemy. Zhou's performance at Geneva suggests that he was a shrewd practitioner of diplomacy of the possible.
A comparative study of the 1918–1920 influenza pandemic in Japan, USA and UK: mortality impact and implications for pandemic planning
Authors: RICHARD S. A. , SUGAYA N. , SIMONSEN L. , MILLER M. A. , VIBOUD C. 
Published: February 2009

SUMMARYHistorical studies of influenza pandemics can provide insight into transmission and mortality patterns, and may aid in planning for a future pandemic. Here, we analyse historical vital statistics and quantify the age-specific mortality patterns associated with the 1918–1920 influenza pandemic in Japan, USA, and UK. All three countries showed highly elevated mortality risk in young adults relative to surrounding non-pandemic years. By contrast, the risk of death was low in the very young and very old. In Japan, the overall mortality impact was not limited to winter 1918–1919, and continued during winter 1919–1920. Mortality impact varied as much as threefold across the 47 Japanese prefectures, and differences in baseline mortality, population demographics, and density explained a small fraction of these variations. Our study highlights important geographical variations in timing and mortality impact of historical pandemics, in particular between the Eastern and Western hemispheres. In a future pandemic, vaccination in one region could save lives even months after the emergence of a pandemic virus in another region.
Mentoring Graduate Clinicians as They Become Counselors
Authors: Parris Diane , Gottwald Sheryl R. 
Published: February 2009

Abstract
Counseling is a skill that speech-language pathologists use as they help people to change. Graduate clinicians come to the clinical process with limited knowledge about and experience in counseling. The clinical supervisor plays a primary role in helping graduate clinicians develop comfort in using counseling skills. In this article, a developmental model for acquiring counseling skills is discussed and illustrated. Techniques and tools for assessing the supervisee’s level of development in counseling and for helping supervisees acquire counseling skills are presented. Focus is placed on relationship-centered counseling in supervision to facilitate student growth.
Complete Restriction of Fluoroquinolone Use to Control an Outbreak ofClostridium difficileInfection at a Community Hospital
Authors: Kallen Alexander J. , Thompson Angela , Ristaino Polly , Chapman Leigh , Nicholson Ainsley , Sim Bich-Thuy , Lessa Fernanda , Sharapov Umid , Fadden Elaine , Boehler Richard , Gould Carolyn , Limbago Brandi , Blythe David , McDonald L. Clifford 
Published: February 2009

Objective.To review the effect of interventions, including a complete restriction in the use of fluoroquinolones (FQs), used to control an outbreak of hospital-onsetClostridium difficileinfection (HO-CDI) caused primarily by the epidemic North American pulsed-field gel electrophoresis type 1 strain.Design.Retrospective cohort and case-control study of all episodes of HO-CDI both before and after 2 interventions.Setting.Community hospital; January 1, 2005, through March 31, 2007.Interventions.Complete, 5-month, facility-wide restriction of fluoroquinolone use, during which a change in the environmental-services contractor occurred.Results.During a 27-month period, 319 episodes of HO-CDI occurred. The hospital-wide mean defined daily doses of antimicrobials decreased 22% after restricting FQ use, primarily because of a 66% decrease in the use of FQs. The interventions were also associated with a significant change in the HO-CDI incidence trends and with an absolute decrease of 22% in HO-CDI cases caused by the epidemic strain (from 66% before the intervention period to 44% during and after the intervention period;P= .02). Univariate analysis revealed that case patients with HO-CDI due to the epidemic strain were more likely than control patients, who did not have diarrhea, to receive a FQ, whereas case patients with HO-CDI due to a nonepidemic strain were not. However, FQ use was not significantly associated with HO-CDI in multivariable analysis.Conclusions.An outbreak of epidemic-strain HO-CDI was controlled at a community hospital after an overall decrease in antimicrobial use, primarily because of a restriction of FQ use and a change in environmental-services contractors. The restriction of FQ use may be useful as an adjunct control measure in a healthcare facilities during outbreaks of epidemic-strain HO-CDI.
STEM: species tree estimation using maximum likelihood for gene trees under coalescence
Authors: Kubatko Laura S. , Carstens Bryan C. , Knowles L. Lacey 
Published: February 2009

Abstract
Summary: STEM is a software package written in the C language to obtain maximum likelihood (ML) estimates for phylogenetic species trees given a sample of gene trees under the coalescent model. It includes options to compute the ML species tree, search the space of all species trees for the k trees of highest likelihood and compute ML branch lengths for a user-input species tree.
Availability: The STEM package, including source code, is freely available at http://www.stat.osu.edu/~lkubatko/software/STEM/.
Contact: lkubatko@stat.osu.edu
Supplementary information: Supplementary data are available at Bioinformatics online.