bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Some Aspects of Canada's International Financial Relations
Authors: Blyth C. D. 
Published: June 2006

One of the effects of the war upon Canadians has been to make us more conscious of our international financial relations. The rapid changes during the war, bringing with them problems which demanded immediate solutions, have radically altered Canadian economic relations with the rest of the world, and have made for a new awareness of the implications of these changes and the new responsibilities accompanying them. The war showed how adaptable nations can be under the pressure of circumstances, but the ability of human beings under pressure to adapt themselves to their environment often outruns their ability to understand thoroughly what is happening, and to make the more fundamental adjustments which new situations require. The full significance of war-time changes on our balance of payments and international position will probably not be entirely clarified for some time to come, but new potentialities have been revealed of previously unplumbed depths of capacity.Along with the revelations of productive capacity came new experience with the financial aspects of Canada's international economic relations and the currency problems which are inherent in the structure of the Canadian balance of payments. Being closely allied to internal finance and the larger questions of the economic mobilization of total war, these international financial factors may have been overshadowed at times. But the full significance of the war-time international relations of the Canadian economy should not be overlooked, for they clearly show the extent to which full use of Canadian productive facilities is dependent upon external and special demand, and provide further evidence of how closely geared general activity in Canada is to exports. Studies of national income and expenditure show the place which the net export of goods and services has in the maintenance of national economic activity. So long as the Canadian economy maintains its present structure, it will be highly dependent upon the stimulus of external demand, since income generators like internal investment and consumption do not appear to have the potentialities under present circumstances which would permit them in themselves to maintain Canadian production at a high level.
Trade Union Policy Under Full Employment
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

I do not propose to discuss here the problems of the transition from war to peace, or how unions can help to get full employment in the first place. I am concerned with the more fundamental problem of the place of unions in a society which has achieved full employment in peace-time, without sacrificing any of the essential freedoms, and which wants to keep both full employment and freedom. I am assuming that full employment involves planning. I am assuming also that unions are not just nuisances but, in one form or another, permanent and desirable social institutions. Can we plan production without planning wages, hours, and conditions of work? If full employment involves planning these also, where do the unions come in ? Must they sacrifice their traditional freedom to bargain collectively on behalf of their members, and suffer a sea-change into something, if not rich and strange, at least very different from what they have ever been before? Or can the community do this part of its planning through collective bargaining? Can we continue to have purely sectional bargaining, plant by plant, industry by industry, or must the various unions act as a unit according to a general wage policy laid down by some central organization? Must trade unionism change its functions, or its structure, or both?These questions have been widely discussed in Britain, and to some extent also in the United States; in Canada, as far as I know, hardly at all. If we mean business when we talk of full employment, especially full employment in a free society, it is high time they were. For they are not by any means minor questions. Mrs. Wootton goes so far as to say that “Of all the possible points of conflict between conscious planning of priorities and traditional freedoms, the regulation of wages is likely to prove the most stormy”; and of course in this context “wages” include hours and conditions of work—not only what is paid, but what it is paid for. In Canada, freedom to bargain collectively can scarcely be called one of the “traditional” freedoms; for most Canadian workers it is still a recent, hard won, and imperfect conquest. But it is none the less prized for that, and it will not be easily surrendered, even as the price of full employment. For of all the freedoms, this is perhaps the one that comes closest home to the ordinary worker.
Some Management Responsibilities for Good Industrial Relations
Authors: Little Elliott M. 
Published: June 2006

The subject of industrial relations was never of more vital importance than A at the present time, not alone to those directly involved but possibly to our whole economic and social life. It requires but a glance at the daily newspapers to indicate to thinking people that something is wrong, very wrong, with the human relationships in too many phases of North American industry. I am not suggesting that the blame should fall on any one group in industry. Good industrial relations are a joint responsibility, a two-way affair, just as any friendship. Happy industrial relations are just like happy marriages. Success in either of these two important fields of endeavour depends on how sincerely we want success, and how hard we are prepared to strive to attain that objective. Good industrial relations, like happy marriages, are no accident.Industrial relations have been in a state of flux and evolution in recent years. Interest in that field was greatly stimulated during the war. In the war period we largely submerged our differences in our concentration on the job in hand, the forced fellowship of a nation in peril. Now, in the critical period of adjustment, the accumulated strains of the war years are coming to the surface. Our collective failure to anticipate, and adequately solve them is not only threatening to blot out our vision of a better post-war world, but is preventing our recovery and delaying our return to the higher standards of living which we all seek.
The Future of Immigration into Canada
Authors: Angus H. F. 
Published: June 2006

It may seem strange that I should write on immigration at a time when Canadians economically displaced during the course of the war have not yet been absorbed into gainful occupations. Comprising men and women released from the services, workers no longer required in war-time industries, and persons of Japanese race removed from the defence zone in British Columbia, these Canadians may themselves be considered as economically equivalent to waves of immigration. These waves are beyond our control but, in making our plans, it is important to know whether or not they will be followed by other waves. The answer to this question depends on Canadian policy, which can not only decide if there are to be other waves, but can determine both their size and their composition. If we postpone consideration of our immigration policy until our reconstruction policy has taken shape there is a serious danger of overlooking the importance of laying a sound foundation for the future development of Canada.If plans are to be made for the long run we must know if Canadian immigration policy is to be positive, negative, or neutral.It is possible for an immigration policy to take the form of exclusion and control the form of prohibition, but there are several reasons for thinking such an extreme policy unlikely except as a temporary expedient in an emergency. The first of these reasons is national prestige. Through the exertions of her people and through the fantastic fortunes of the recent war, Canada has won a position of great importance in the world. Without a very substantial increase in her own population it will be impossible for Canada to retain her relative importance when other nations of equal or greater population rebuild their shattered lives.
Administration and Politics: The Case of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
Authors: Hodgetts J. E. 
Published: June 2006

The economist J. B. Say once wrote that “our duty with regard to errors is not to revive them, but simply to forget them.” Complete acceptance of this doctrine would expose the political scientist to ruin, for the study of government is largely the study of errors and man's clumsy efforts to correct them. The history of errors, so far as government control of radio broadcasting in Canada is concerned, centres on the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission which struggled for survival between 1932 and 1936. Our concern, however, is not with this history of errors but rather with the attempt, through the creation of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, to correct these errors. In particular, our interest is focussed on the pressing problems of integrating administration and politics in the public interest, through the device of an independent government corporation.In 1900, Professor Frank Goodnow first differentiated between politics and administration by suggesting that all activities involved in expressing the will of the state should be classified as “politics,” while all operations necessary to the execution of the will of the state should be termed “administration.” The harmonization of these two activities, according to Goodnow, depends on the subordination of one to the other. In a parliamentary system, harmonization in the public interest is presumably obtained by having the agents responsible for the execution of the will of the state dominated by the agents responsible for its expression. This simple bifurcation has been complicated by the fact that the cabinet, the supreme instrument of party government, has become responsible in large measure for both the expression and execution of the will of the state. In certain sectors of governmental activity the party (partisan) character of cabinet supervision has led to the demand for a withdrawal from its hands of the direct responsibility for “politics” and “administration.”
General Equilibrium Analysis and Public Policy
Authors: Timlin Mabel 
Published: June 2006

It is the intention in this paper to conduct an inquiry into the relations between general equilibrium analysis and public policy by the indirect method of examining the place of such analysis in the solution of a definite economic problem. The problem selected is the possibility of raising wages without raising prices. Traditional partial equilibrium theory made the solution of this problem a fairly simple one, but modern general equilibrium considerations, dynamic qualifications on these, and institutional changes in the organization of business and labour have opened up such areas of indeterminateness in the formation of prices that we may no longer trust the answers given by the simpler generalizations.In the development of ideas during this paper, the term “degree of monopoly” will be employed rather frequently. The term will be used in Professor Lerner's sense of the ratio between the excess of price over marginal cost and price itself. In terms of Figure 1, this is the ratio RP/MP. This definition has limitations but it is retained as the simplest to which analysis may be referred and sufficient for the particular purposes for which it is required here.The idea that the rise of wages in relation to prices may have consequences for the levels of employment and national income is, of course, based upon the Keynesian hypothesis that larger wage incomes in relation to national income as a whole tend to mean a lower level of savings, and the corollary that a lower level of net new investment will be needed to maintain a given level of employment and income where the wage share is higher. There is also some opinion that changes in the degree of monopoly during the business cycle are such as to aggravate the operation of the disequilibrating forces. For example, Dr. M. Kalecki in an article published in Econometrica in April, 1938, suggests that the Keynesian analysis respecting the relation between wages and prices requires emendation and expansion because it appears from his statistical and theoretical analysis that the degree of monopoly increases with recessions of the business cycle and decreases with its upward phase. If this be so, Dr. Kalecki points out that the cyclical redistribution of income carries with it the necessity of attaching a larger quantity of new investment to any given level of national income as the level of national income recedes, though this reasoning is qualified for effects of falling wages on the foreign balance.
Malthus's Total Population Theory: A Restatement and Reappraisal
Authors: Spengler Joseph J. 
Published: June 2006

Commentators on Malthus's population theory have generally based their remarks upon the Essay, particularly upon his observation that “population invariably increases where the means of subsistence increase, unless prevented by some very powerful and obvious checks” which are resolvable into “moral restraint, vice, and misery.” They have overlooked important passages in the Essay, having to do with the circumstances on which depend the increase and the availability of subsistence, and, therefore, the growth of population. They have overlooked his extended consideration of the question of population in the Principles where his primary concern was the increase of the supplies on which population growth depends. They have, therefore, missed his total population theory, and the manner in which it developed.It is our purpose, in this essay, to discover the whole of Malthus's population theory, and to indicate, in some measure, the views of earlier and contemporary writers regarding elements of which this theory is composed. In section I we discuss Malthus's theory of economic progress and the “effectual demand” for labour, as it relates to the population question. While this discussion is based upon the Principles much more than upon the Essay and other writings, it is evident, as we state in the conclusion, that Malthus's theory of demand probably evolved out of his consideration of the population question. In section II, we examine Malthus's treatment of industrialization, in which he apparently found a workable solution to both the problem of economic progress and the question of population.
The Life Cycle of French-Canadian Urban Families
Authors: Lamontagne Maurice , Falardeau J.-C. 
Published: June 2006

The literature of scientific studies, either demographic, economic, or sociological, on Canadian families, is rather thin. Except for some valuable local monographs and theses interred in university libraries, one must rely almost exclusively on excellent but very few general studies of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Among such are the 1931 Census monograph on the Canadian family, the 1937-8 national survey on the Canadian family income and expenditure pattern and, more recently, the remarkable series of studies by Dr. Enid Charles on the trends and differences in Canadian family size as revealed by the last Census of 1941.The French-speaking part of Canada geographically concentrated in the Province of Quebec represents, within the Canadian context, a culturally and politically conscious social structure. At present, this society, owing to rapid industrialization and concomitant adjustments, includes areas and communities of all the possible transitional shades from the solid, old-settled, rural type, to the more complex, dynamic, and urbanized variety. Studies of French-Canadian families in any of these differentiated areas are also scarce. The traditional type of French-Canadian rural family has been ably studied by the Canadian sociologist follower of the Le Play School of Social Science, Léon Gérin, especially in his monograph entitled the Habitant de Saint-Justin. More recently, Horace Miner scientifically analysed for the first time, the relationships between land and the family in rural Quebec. Both of these studies stress the following basic features of the traditional rural French-Canadian family: a high degree of familism and of internal solidarity, a fundamental functional relationship with the tenure system of large family-ownership of the farm as well as with a peculiar pattern of land inheritance which consists in the passing of the whole farm, undivided, to only one inheriting son in each family.
The Combines Investigation Commission and Post-War Reconstruction
Authors: Bladen V. W. 
Published: June 2006

In this paper only two aspects of the problem are explored: first, the case for anti-trust; and second, the adequacy of the existing legislation. Other aspects of great importance are neglected. Three which call for serious discussion in the near future are: the criteria for judging the behaviour of monopolists, as a basis for regulation in cases where monopoly is deemed desirable or inevitable; the problems presented by the widespread development of international cartel agreements especially in relation to government negotiations for freeing international trade; the difficult problems of eliminating the abuse of patent rights as an instrument of monopoly while retaining the advantages of the patent system. These last two aspects have received much attention in the United States, and Canadians would be well advised to study the findings of the Bone Committee on Patents1 and the Kilgore Committee on Scientific and Technical Mobilization.One other limitation should be stated: this paper, like most discussions of post-war problems, is based on the assumption that there will be a return to something like the pre-war system of capitalist free enterprise. Though the degree of government interference with the system proposed by even the most conservative groups would constitute a considerable advance from the pre-war status, this assumption appears not unreasonable for Canada in the calculable future (no long period, in my view). The importance of the matters discussed depends on the correctness of this assumption; but the making of the assumption implies no preference, one way or the other, as between possible economic systems.
The Scope and Method of Economics
Authors: Daly F. St. L. 
Published: June 2006

This being the first meeting of the Club devoted to methodology, we are following a rather consistent tradition among economists of being mainly interested in economic problems, not in the problem of what economics is. Fifty years ago John Neville Keynes wrote the Scope and Method of Political Economy and since that time only one full book in English, that I know of, has been published on this topic—Lionel Robbins's The Nature and Significance of Economic Science.If I seem to adopt a tone of finality upon matters concerning which we all speak with equal authority, excuse it as the necessary brevity to avoid a tedious repetition of “it seems to me” and “in my opinion.” The ideas presented are all simple, one-cylinder ideas, meant as an introduction to discussion and presented, not by an authority but by someone who, like you, is an economist and needs occasionally to pinch himself and say, “What manner of man am I?”The first thing that should be stressed about economic method is that it should be economic method, not methods. It would be bad to think of method as deductive or inductive, for the interrelation is too close. For an economist, the division is fatal. Put them in different stalls and there is no offspring.Deductive is the often criticized a priori reasoning. If demand is constant and elastic, what happens to total revenue when price is cut? Answer: total revenue increases.
Unifying the British Civil Service: Some Trends and Problems
Authors: Hodgetts J. E. 
Published: June 2006

When Sir Charles Trevelyan and Sir Stafford Northcote referred in their famous report of 1853 to the British Civil Service, they were undoubtedly indulging in wishful thinking. Applied to the administrative branch, the term suggested a degree of uniformity in conditions of service and a centralization of controls which was completely lacking. Horace Mann, first secretary to the Civil Service Commission, described the Service to the London Statistical Society in 1868 as “a chaotic mass of unorganized elements … an aggregation of separate departments governed, in many points, by no principle.” Nevertheless, three generations later, in 1931, the Royal (Tomlin) Commission on the Civil Service could point with justifiable satisfaction to the gradual process by which “a measure of common regulation and common staffing” had been achieved.While this unification has been the work of reformers who succeeded Trevelyan and Northcote after the middle of the last century, it is clear that the foundations of a centralized bureaucracy were laid much earlier. Under the banner of “economical reform,” Burke, Pitt, Lord Liverpool, and others introduced measures which not only reduced administrative expenditures but also cleared away the feudal barnacles, which had clung so long to the ship of state. Economical or administrative reform was the conservative counterpart of parliamentary reform, the two alternating in popularity during the century following 1780. The removal of pensioners and sinecurists (1780-1850), the abolition of the sale of public offices (1809), and the extinction of the casual system of paying civil servants out of fees and perquisites were typical constructive changes fostered by the economical reformers. These preliminary measures were necessary before the modern bureaucracy could be erected on stable foundations.
Canada's Balance of International Payments, 1940–5
Authors: Knox F. A. 
Published: June 2006

The long delay in making peace and in economic reconstruction threatens to bring upon the world an acute scarcity of United States dollars. Countries overseas, particularly on the continent of Europe, have not made the progress in production and exports which would make possible the balancing of their transactions with dollar countries, except at levels so low as to be ruinous to world trade and a most serious threat to the prosperity of North America. In this situation Canada's role is a dual one. We share with the United States a productive power enhanced by war; other nations need our products in replacing war's destruction; to countries overseas Canadian dollars are as scarce as American dollars. Yet when the United States looks abroad at the ranks of the countries to whose need for American dollars it must seriously attend, Canada is to be found in the line-up.The familiar features of Canada's economic structure, together with American commercial policy, have conspired to bring it about that our trade with the United States, while naturally greater than with any other country, is an unbalanced one; we buy there more than we are permitted to sell. We must sell others more than we buy from them and use the proceeds to settle our debts in the United States. We are dependent therefore upon the free convertibility and a high value of sterling in New York. When sterling has fallen there, so has the Canadian dollar; when the convertibility of sterling into American dollars has been restricted, rigid control of the use of American dollars has been forced upon us. Thus important policy decisions may well await us in the not too distant future. It is appropriate therefore that we should look again at our past for possible guidance.