bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Ethnicity and the Slave Trade: “Lucumi” and “Nago” as Ethnonyms in West Africa
Authors: Law Robin 
Published: May 2006

Ethnicity was evidently critical for the operation of the Atlantic slave trade, on both the African and the European sides of the trade. For Africans, given the general convention against enslaving fellow citizens, ethnic identities served to define a category of “others” who were legitimately enslavable. For African Muslims this function was performed by religion, though here too, it is noteworthy that the classic discussion of this issue, by the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba in 1615, approaches it mainly in terms of ethnicity, through classification of West African peoples as Muslim or pagan. Europeans, for their part, regularly distinguished different ethnicities among the slaves they purchased, and American markets developed preferences for slaves of particular ethnic origins. This raises interesting (but as yet little researched) questions about the ways in which African and European definitions of African ethnicity may have interacted. Both Africans and Europeans, for example, commonly employed, as a means of distinguishing among African ethnicities, the facial and bodily scarifications (“tribal marks”) characteristic of different communities—a topic on which there is detailed information in European sources back at least into the seventeenth century, which might well form the basis for a historical study of ethnic identities.In this context as in others, of course, ethnicity should be seen, not as a constant, but as fluid and subject to constant redefinition. The lately fashionable debate on “the invention of tribes” in Africa concentrated on the impact of European colonialism in the twentieth century, rather than on that of the Atlantic slave trade earlier—no doubt because it was addressed primarily to Southern, Central and Eastern rather than Western Africa.
Z. K. Sentongo and the Indian Question in East Africa
Authors: Twaddle Michael 
Published: May 2006

East Africa is really what one may call a ‘test case’ for Great Britain. If Indians cannot be treated as equals in a vacant or almost vacant part of the world where they were the first in occupation—a part of the world which is on the equator—it seems that the so-called freedom of the British Empire is a sham and a delusion.The Indian question in East Africa during the early 1920s can hardly be said to have been neglected by subsequent scholars. There is an abundant literature on it and the purpose here is not simply to run over the ground yet again, resurrecting past passions on the British, white settler and Indian sides. Instead, more will be said about the African side, especially the expatriate educated African side, during the controversy in Kenya immediately after World War I, when residential segregation, legislative rights, access to agricultural land, and future immigration by Indians were hotly debated in parliament, press, private letters, and at public meetings. For not only were educated and expatriate Africans in postwar Kenya by no means wholly “dumb,” as one eminent historian of the British Empire has since suggested, but their comments in newspaper articles at the time can be seen in retrospect to have had a seminal importance in articulating both contemporary fears and subsequent “imagined communities,” to employ Benedict Anderson's felicitous phrase—those nationalisms which were to have such controversial significance during the struggle for independence from British colonialism in Uganda as well as Kenya during the middle years of this century.
Archival Sources on the Yemeni Arabs in Urban Ethiopia: The Dessie Municipality
Authors: Ahmed Hussein 
Published: May 2006

During the summer of 1998 I undertook a preliminary survey of archival materials relating to the Yemeni Arab residents of Dessie kept in the town's municipality. Until 1969, when the Arab immigrants in the entire country were subjected to a state-orchestrated public call for their expulsion—a call which manifested itself in a wave of anti-Arab demonstrations triggered by a bomb explosion on an aircraft belonging to the national carrier at Frankfurt Airport in which the Syrian Front for the Liberation of Eritrea was implicated—Dessie was the home of a large, relatively prosperous, and conspicuous Yemeni community, whose members were concentrated in several distinct quarters, one of which is still popularly known as Arab Ganda. The other areas are Sharf Tara, Taqa Tara, and Mugad, near the main daily market of Arada.The archive of the Municipality (or Town Council) of Dessie, capital of South Wallo administrative zone in northern Ethiopia, is perhaps unique among other town archives in the country, including that of the capital, Addis Ababa, in terms of the care and sense of duty that the office has shown towards preserving materials pertaining to expatriate residents. Until recently, the vast majority of these had been of Yemeni and Hadrami origin, although there were also some Hijazis and Libyans, and a significant number of non-Arabs: Italians, Greeks, Americans, Englishmen, Indians, and Czechs/Slovaks.I consulted all but two of the existing registers entitled Yawuch Agar Zegoch Mazgab (Register of Foreign Nationals), which seem more likely to have been misplaced than lost altogether, perhaps during the move of the Municipality to its present premises.
The Chronology of Sudanese Arabic Genealogical Tradition
Authors: Spaulding Jay 
Published: May 2006

Modern nationalisms first arose during the later eighteenth century around the wide periphery of the ancient heartland of western culture and gnawed their way inward during the course of the nineteenth century to the core, culminating in World War I, Each new nationalism generated an original “imagined community” of human beings, part of whose ideological cohesion derived from a sense of shared historical experience. Since the actual historical record would not necessarily satisfy this hunger, it was often found expedient to amend the past through acts of imagination aptly termed the “invention of tradition.”One of the many new “imagined communities” of the long nineteenth century took shape in the northern Nile-valley Sudan between the final disintegration of the old kingdom of Sinnar (irredeemable after the death of the strongman Muhammad Abu Likaylik in 1775) and the publication of Harold MacMichael'sA History of the Arabs in the Sudanin 1922. The new national community born of the collapse of Sinnar, strongly committed to Arabic speech and Islamic faith, was tested by fire through foreign conquest and revolution, by profound socio-economic transformation, and by the challenges attendant on participation in an extended sub-imperialism that earned it hegemony—first cultural, and ultimately political—over all the diverse peoples of the modern Sudan.One important response of the nascent community to the trials of this difficult age was the invention of a new national historical tradition, according to which its members were descendedviacomparatively recent immigrants to the Sudan from eminent Arabs of Islamic antiquity.
On Being a Historian of Tuvalu: Further Thoughts on Methodology and Mindset
Authors: Munro Doug 
Published: May 2006

Over twenty years ago, I started writing a doctoral dissertation on the history of the Pacific Island nation of Tuvalu, an exercise that has had enduring professional and personal repercussions. Tuvalu is an atoll archipelago near the junction of the equator and the international date line, and is identified on older maps as the southern portion of a British dependency, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony—now the independent nations of Kiribati and Tuvalu respectively. The nine Tuvalu islands are tiny even by atoll standards, an aggregate 26km2spread over 360 nautical miles. During the nineteenth century Tuvalu was incorporated into the world economy by a succession of European influences. The early explorers gave way in 1821 to whalers, who, in turn, were superseded by copra traders during the 1850s. From mid-century the pace of events quickened, with the traders being joined by the very occasional labor recruiter and, more to the point, by a concerted missionary drive.Accomplished largely through the instrumentality of resident Samoan pastors, missionization was comprehensive in scope and repressive in character. From the 1870s the occasional naval vessel visited the group and a British protectorate was declared in 1892, interspersed by the occasional scientific expedition and a brief and disastrous interlude in 1863 when some of the atolls were caught in the final stages of the Peruvian slave trade. The dominant European influences were the familiar triad of commerce, the cross, and the flag, with the primacy of trade giving way to missionary supremacy which, in turn, was displaced in local importance by a British colonial administration.
Majimaji and the Millennium: Abrahamic Sources and the Creation of a Tanzanian Resistance Tradition
Authors: Sunseri Thaddeus 
Published: May 2006

Writing thirty years ago the historian of the Majimaji rebellion, Gilbert Gwassa, emphasized the purely Tanzanian nature of the uprising, as seen in the ideology which he believed was the inspiration for the widespread war against German colonialism. To Gwassa, southern Tanzanians created an innovative, secular ideology after the turn of the twentieth century which enabled Africans to resist German colonialism supra-ethnically rather than locally. Gwassa was adamant that the Majimaji ideology owed nothing to outside influences.Gwassa's contention has been largely unchallenged despite obvious paradoxes. Majimaji emerged in a region widely permeated with Islamic influences by 1905, the time of the rebellion. Moreover, the Christian colonial power structure had been present in the outbreak region for some twenty years by 1905, while Christian missionaries had been active in Tanzania for almost forty years. By the time the Majimaji historical tradition was being written in Tanzania in the 1960s, the nation included many Muslims and Christians, including many of Gwassa's research informants, who helped shape his interpretation of Majimaji. Aside from these circumstantial suggestions of the possibility of an externally-influenced Majimaji tradition, a close reading of archival sources from the German period, including several documents which have not been considered in the historiographical tradition, suggest that Christian and Islamic influences helped to shape the writing of Majimaji, if not the resistance movement itself. This paper will examine some of these “Abrahamic” sources of the Majimaji tradition, and consider how they might have been used to formulate a Majimaji epic which has become a standard icon of early African colonial history.
“Why is that white man pointing that thing at me?” Representing the Maasai
Authors: Youngs Tim 
Published: May 2006

The feminist anthropologist Henrietta Moore has noted that “the interpretation of ‘other cultures’ has often been likened in the anthropological literature to a process of translation.” If one accepts that interpretation and translation are closely linked (though there may be some subtle distinctions to be drawn between them), then the comparison described by Moore may be illustrated with statements from two of the most prominent of anthropological critics in recent years, Clifford Geertz and James Clifford. In his bookThe Interpretation of Cultures, first published in 1973, Geertz claimed that:anthropological writings are themselves interpretations, and second and third ones to boot. (By definition, only a “native” makes first order ones: it'shisculture.) They are, thus, fictions, in the sense that they are “something made,” “something fashioned…”A few years later, in a now similarly influential commentary on figures of and challenges to authority in ethnography, James Clifford declared that “[e]thnography is the interpretation of cultures. Both statements reflect the growing conviction that anthropology is not the objective or even the authoritative science that it once claimed to be. In the essay that follows I want to sketch some of the problems of cultural interpretation and translation in anthropology and to discuss one fascinating attempt to find a responsible solution to the imbalance of power inherent in anthropological representation.Before I turn to this example, Melissa Llewelyn-Davies' film on the Maasai,Memories and Dreams, I need to outline the main arguments that have been made about the status of anthropology. These have focused on the discipline's complicity with colonialism, its male bias, and the ethnocentrism that underlies the claim of scientific objectivity. I shall take each of these points in turn and, though it is important to outline the arguments about, and proposals for, methods and forms of representation, I will consider them only in brief since they have been often discussed in detail elsewhere. Cumulatively, they have contributed to the recognition that “[c]ulture, and our views of ‘it,’ are produced historically, and are actively contested.”
If I had Known that 35 Years Ago: Contextualizing the Copper Mines of Central Africa
Authors: Fetter Bruce 
Published: May 2006

The process of normal scholarship leads young historians to focus on their fields of research with an intensity that is unparalleled during their academic careers. It is no wonder that after a certain interval many change directions, if only to escape the tyranny of the overly familiar. Occasionally, however, we encounter a new approach to our old questions, which forcibly brings us back to our original topic, not with the initial ardor but with the nostalgia of suddenly coming across the photograph of a teenager's crush.Such was my response to discovering Christopher Schmitz's, “The Changing Structure of the World Copper Market, 1870-1939,” in a recent number of the Journal of European Economic History. I wondered just how I would have approached my study of the Central African mines if, between 1963 and 1983, I had had access to this account of the copper industry in its global setting. Mind you, my thirty-one years' experience with undergraduates and master's candidates suggests that it might have made no difference to me at all. So intense is the concentration of our apprentice-historians on their primary materials that it is often difficult to get them to consider contexts beyond those inherent in the sources they use.What was new about Schmitz's synthesis? That is difficult to isolate. He has, indeed, written a series of studies of the copper industry. The article under discussion offers generalizations about the industry as a whole between 1870 and 1939 and the role of various producers and consumers in it for the same period. For the sake of Africanist readers, let me summarize them.
An Innocent Woman, Unjustly Accused? Charwe, Medium of the Nehanda Mhondoro Spirit, and the 1896–97 Central Shona Rising in Zimbabwe
Authors: Beach D. N. 
Published: May 2006

The rising of the Ndebele and southwestern and central Shona people against colonial rule in the 1890s has become one of the classic cases of such resistance. Yet, since the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980, very little fresh research has been carried out on the subject. This paper re-examines the role of Shona religious authorities in the rising, especially that of the medium of the Nehanda spirit of the Mazowe valley in the central Shona area. In just over a century, the figure of “Mbuya Nehanda” has become the best-known popular symbol of resistance to colonial rule in modern Zimbabwe. She has been commemorated since 1980 in statues, street names, a hospital, posters, songs, novels, and poems, and is soon to be the subject of a full-length feature film. This paper examines the historical basis behind the legend.This legend runs as follows: the historical “Nehanda” was supposed to have been the daughter of the founding ancestor of the Mutapa dynasty, who lived in the fifteenth century. Her ritual incest with her brother Matope gave supernatural sanction to the power of the Mutapa state. After her death, she became a mhondoro spirit, and this spirit possessed a number of mediums (masvikiro, singular svikiro). During periods of possession by the spirit, the svikiro was regarded as speaking with the voice and personality of the original Nehanda and not with her own. In the last part of the nineteenth century one medium, Charwe, was responsible for the organization of resistance to the government of the British South Africa Company and the settlers in the Mazowe valley, and in particular for the killing of H.H. Pollard, Kunyaira, the extremely oppressive Native Commissioner of the area. This resistance began in June 1896, and from then until her capture in late 1897 the Nehanda medium was a major factor in the war. Tried and sentenced to death in March 1898, she refused to convert to Christianity and struggled right up to the moment when she was hanged.
Seen, Said, or Deduced? Travel Accounts, Historical Criticism, and Discourse Theory: Towards an “Archeology” of Dialogue in Seventeenth-Century Guinea
Authors: Chouin Gérard 
Published: May 2006

Puisqu'il n'existe pas de mots qui ne soient à personne(Bakhtin 1979 in Todorov 1981: 83)Le discours, c'est-à-dire le langage dans sa totalité concrète et vivante.(Bakhtin 1963 in Todorov 1981: 44)European travel accounts are widely used as sources to write the history of societies that did not themselves produce a large amount of textual documentation. On the Coast of Guinea, and more particularly on the area formerly known as Gold Coast (approximately the littoral of modern Ghana), many of the written documents providing historians with information on coastal societies prior to nineteenth century were produced by Europeans travelers. Most of these individuals were merchants, craftsmen, pastors or soldiers who had settled several years in the numerous forts and trading posts erected along the seashore to protect and enhance the trade of chartered companies. Others were seamen and merchants who only spent a few weeks at a stretch plying the African Coast aboard men-of-war or trading ships, exchanging manufactured goods for gold, slaves, and ivory. Professional writers, who had not traveled to Africa, but had obtained data from various written sources or from travelers, also composed some of the accounts. Therefore, these documents show an extraordinary diversity in form and content, which historians and archeologists need to investigate before using them as primary sources for reconstructing the past.In the first part of the present paper, which focuses on a specific genre, the seventeenth-century travel accounts, I recall the historiography of the recent critique of these sources. I also point out that despite decisive methodological breakthroughs, some heuristic dimensions or attributes of these texts are yet to be recognized and assessed. I then re-examine these sources from the dual perspective of historic and linguistic anthropological methods and introduce an exploratory approach centered on the Bakhtinian approach to discourse.
The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako
Authors: Stilwell Sean , Hamza Ibrahim , Lovejoy Paul E. 
Published: May 2006

A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).
Evaluation of genetic and metabolic predispositions and nutritional risk factors for pasture-associated laminitis in ponies
Authors: Treiber Kibby H. , Kronfeld David S. , Hess Tanja M. , Byrd Bridgett M. , Splan Rebecca K. , Staniar W. Burton 
Published: May 2006

Abstract
Objective—To evaluate genetic and metabolic predis-positions and nutritional risk factors for development of pasture-associated laminitis in ponies.
Design—Observational cohort study.
Animals—160 ponies.
Procedures—A previous diagnosis of laminitis was used to differentiate 54 ponies (PL group) from 106 nonlaminitic ponies (NL group). Pedigree analysis was used to determine a mode of inheritance for ponies with a previous diagnosis of laminitis. In early March, ponies were weighed and scored for body condition and basal venous blood samples were obtained. Plasma was analyzed for glucose, insulin, triglycerides, nonesterified fatty acids, and cortisol concentrations. Basal proxies for insulin sensitivity (reciprocal of the square root of insulin [RISQI]) and insulin secretory response (modified insulin-to-glucose ratio [MIRG]) were calculated. Observations were repeated in May, when some ponies had signs of clinical laminitis.
Results—A previous diagnosis of laminitis was consistent with the expected inheritance of a dominant major gene or genes with reduced penetrance. A prelaminitic metabolic profile was defined on the basis of body condition, plasma triglyceride concentration, RISQI, and MIRG. Meeting ≥ 3 of these criteria differentiated PL-from NL-group ponies with a total predictive power of 78%. Determination of prelaminitic metabolic syndrome in March predicted 11 of 13 cases of clinical laminitis observed in May when pasture starch concentration was high.
Conclusions and Clinical Relevance—Prelaminitic metabolic syndrome in apparently healthy ponies is comparable to metabolic syndromes in humans and is the first such set of risk factors to be supported by data in equids. Prelaminitic metabolic syndrome identifies ponies requiring special management, such as avoiding high starch intake that exacerbates insulin resistance.
Messages in Molecules: Ligand/Cation Coding and Self‐Recognition in a Constitutionally Dynamic System of Heterometallic Double Helicates
Authors: Marquis Annie , Smith Virginia , Harrowfield Jack , Lehn Jean‐Marie , Herschbach Haiko , Sanvito Rossella , Leize‐Wagner Emmanuelle , Van Dorsselaer Alain 
Published: May 2006

AbstractDouble helicates are known to exhibit self‐recognition characteristics determined by the coordination geometry of the metal involved as well as by the topicity of the ligands. Combining tridentate (terpyridine, T) or bidentate (bipyridine, B) subunits in a tritopic strand affords a set of ligands able to assemble by pairs to form double helicates, homo‐ or heterostranded, homo‐ or heterotopic, depending on the coordination properties of the metals involved. The four ligand strands, BBB, TTT, BBT, and TBT form constitutionally dynamic sets of double helicates with the metal ions CuI, CuII, and ZnII; these helicates correspond to the correct coding of the BB, BT, and TT pairs for tetra‐, penta‐, and hexacoordinate CuI, CuII, and ZnII cations, respectively.