bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Ida Rubinstein: A Twentieth-Century Cleopatra
Authors: Mayer Charles S. 
Published: May 2006

… to see Mme. R. stand on the stage before the curtain goes up and be wrapped in yards of mummy bandage for her role in Cléopâtre is an incomparable sight… a respectful, silent circle of stage hands and extras form around her, diminishing as she disappears beneath her veils. One night I had the honor of helping Mme. Rubinstein on stage for her bandaging — she is unable to walk alone because of the height of her clogs — and as I felt the tremulous pressure of her palm on my shoulders, I thought of the Cleopatra of Flaubert.Ida Rubinstein made her first Western European appearance in the title role of Cléopâtre at the Théâtre du Châtelet on June 2, 1909. It was the second evening of Diaghilev's dance programs of that memorable first Paris season, and Ida Rubinstein would have to compete not only with Vaslav Nijinsky and Tamara Karsavina, both of whom had created a furor on the opening program, but also with Anna Pavlova, whose reputation as a dancer had preceded her to Paris.
Dance is the Cure: The Arts as Metaphor for Healing in Kelantanese Malay Spirit Exorcisms
Authors: Wright Barbara S. 
Published: May 2006

Spirit exorcism among Kelantanese Malays speaks as much to the mundane world of village society as to the world of the spirits. Within these exorcisms, called Main Peteri, dance serves both as a strategy for healing and a sign of health. Main Peteri dance is taken from other types of Kelantanese theatre, which together form a recognized complex of arts. Within the Main Peteri this complex represents Kelantanese society as a whole, and the patient's trance-dance, through which he participates in this complex, symbolizes his re-entry into society and reaffirms his status as a Kelantanese.The psychological aspects of magical dance in Southeast Asia have been described in some detail, especially in regard to the dances of Bali (see Bateson and Mead 1942). Specifically pertaining to the Main Peteri, Raybeck (1974), Rosemary Firth (1966), Raymond Firth (1967), and Kessler (1976), have offered more sociological interpretations of the Main Peteri and its role in Kelantanese society. These anthropological analysts of Kelantanese life recognized the ability of the Main Peteri to deal with mental disorders particularly when caused by stressful situations.
The Influence of Francis W. Parker on Doris Humphrey's Teaching Methodology
Authors: Hausler Barbara 
Published: May 2006

Modern dance pioneer Doris Humphrey (1895–1958) is remembered today primarily for her dances and her theory of choreography, but her contributions to the dance extend far beyond the development of repertory and composition. She was a beautiful and accomplished performer, velvety and strong. She was a gifted educator, who influenced recreational students as well as professional dancers and teachers. She was also a brilliant technical innovator who, using the natural movements of the human body as the basis of her technique, developed a unique language of movement with which to communicate her experiences as an artist living in twentieth-century America.Based on principles of movement, Humphrey's technique is less idiosyncratic than the technique of other modern dancers. Systematic in its practice, if not in its curriculum, the technique was never codified into a syllabus of repeatable exercises. The way in which it was taught by Humphrey and others is distinctive, and is as important an aspect of the technique as the movement principles upon which it was founded. Humphrey's teaching methodology grew from a progressive philosophical perspective towards education to which she had been exposed during her years as a student at the Francis W. Parker School. This paper will examine the Parker approach and trace its influence on Humphrey's emerging technique and teaching methodology.
Doris Humphrey and the 92nd Street Y: A Dance Center for the People
Authors: Finkelstein Joan 
Published: May 2006

In this article, I will speak about a subject I hold very dear—the 92nd Street Y. Besides the coincidence of its being my current place of employment, the Y has long been part of my life. I knew it both as a member of Don Redlich's company when we rehearsed there as the Y's resident dance company, and as an audience member thrilling to the likes of Pearl Lang in Kaufmann Concert Hall. It is my hope to enlighten you about the nature of this extraordinary institution, its importance in the development of modern dance, and Doris Humphrey's deep involvement in its history.Why the Y? Or, to use the Passover phrase of inquiry, “Why is this Y different from all other Y's?” What were the convergences that would bring together a Jewish Community Center and the foremost practitioners of the developing modern dance? What benefit could the institution and the artists mutually realize? To unravel this complex fabric of relationships, it is useful to have as background a brief overview of the origins of the Y and the philosophy expressed by its founders.On March 22, 1874, a group of German-Jewish businessmen and professionals signed a charter creating a new organization in New York City. The wording of that document is as follows: “We the undersigned, desiring to promote harmony and good fellowship among Hebrew young men and to unite them in an organization tending to improve their social, moral and mental condition, do form an association under the name and style of the ‘Young Men's Hebrew Association’” (1). Thus was born the first YMHA, with the express aim of serving the Jewish community, in particular the cultural and intellectual advancement of Jewish young men.
Symonds and De Sanctis: a Study in the Historiography of the Renaissance
Authors: Orsini G. N. G. 
Published: May 2006

Je. Spingarn was the first to observe the considerable influence exercised by Francesco De Sanctis (1818-1883), the Italian critic and literary historian, upon the work of John Addington Symonds. Reviewing in 1908 the new edition of De Sanctis’ study of Petrarch published by Benedetto Croce in 1907, Spingarn said:The name of Francesco de Sanctis is virtually unknown to English readers. A few casual phrases in Symonds's ‘Renaissance in Italy,’ and a friendly but wholly inadequate notice in Saintsbury's ‘History of Criticism,’ are almost the sole references to his work in our language. But with his ideas English-speaking people are more familiar than they suspect; for from his pages much that is illuminating in Symonds's treatment of Italian literature (including many of the most personal ‘impressions’) seems to have been directly transferred.
‘The Bloody and Cruell Turke’: the Background of a Renaissance Commonplace
Authors: Patrides C. A. 
Published: May 2006

'there is no publique calamitie inflicted on man, or other creatures, of which wee may not say as the Prophet of the Assyrian tyrant, that it is the rod of Gods anger.'James Rowlandson (1623)The purpose of God, it has been said, ‘is the meaning of history. History is the arena wherein that Divine purpose is being fulfilled and the Divine judgments are made manifest.’ This statement by William Temple is an adequate summary of the Jewish view of history, subsequently adopted by Christianity and developed further by St. Paul, Eusebius of Caesarea, St. Augustine, Paulus Orosius, and numerous others throughout the millennium until the Renaissance. The first significant links in the chain of tradition were the Hebrew prophets, whose ideas, destined to become commonplaces, were forged by their strict and often militant monotheism.
Petrarch and the Black Death: From Fear to Monuments
Authors: Watkins Renee Neu 
Published: May 2006

It was Petrarch's lot to live through the massive onslaught of bubonic plague in 1348 known as the Black Death. In poetry and prose, he recorded his subjective response. We know him indeed more intimately than any other man of the late medieval West. This paper concerns the way he looked at the event—the way he responded to private losses and to public calamity. My plan is essentially narrative, to tell a psychological story. The story helps to illuminate both Petrarch's creative processes and the way the Black Death touched and modified cultural history.Petrarch scholars have recognized, of course, the centrality of the theme of death in his work. Of Bosco's Francesco Petrarca, it has been said, ‘Seeking a single key, [Bosco] views the sense of life's transitoriness as the radiant core of the Petrarch phenomenon … ‘.
Sir Thomas More's Life of Pico della Mirandola
Authors: Lehmberg Stanford E. 
Published: May 2006

Although the importance of Sir Thomas More's Life of John Picus, Earl of Mirandula in the development of the English biography has been noted, historians concerned with More's life and thought have singularly neglected the work. A study of it, however, reveals much of interest concerning More's psychological crisis of 1504, about his attitude towards the papacy, and about his desire to avoid public office.More's Life of Pico, written in 1504, is not an original work. It is, rather, a translation of a biography written by Pico's nephew, Gianfrancesco Pico, as an introduction to Pico's collected works. More's translation is generally quite literal; he makes, however, a number of omissions and additions, and from these we can gain insight into certain of his own ideas.
Erasmus, Colet, and the Schoolboy Jesus
Authors: Rieger James Henry 
Published: May 2006

And it came to pass, that after three days they found him in the temple, sitting in the midst of the doctors, both hearing them, and asking them questions.And all that heard him were astonished at his understanding and answers…And he said unto them, How is it that ye sought me? wist ye not that I must be about my Father's business;(Luke ii. 46-47, 49)In September 1511 Robert de Keyzere published five poems written by Erasmus in honor of the new school ‘quern nuper instituit Coletus’ and of its ‘president’, the Boy Jesus. These poems, which are usually grouped together under the title Carmina scholaria, were evidently intended to be sung as hymns by the boys of St. Paul's; they are still so classified in the 1896 edition of Preces hymni et catechismus Graece et Latine in usum antiquae et Celebris Scholae S. Pauli, etc.
Denis Lambin: Humanist, Courtier, Philologist, and Lecteur Royal
Authors: Stevens Linton C. 
Published: May 2006

The reputation of Denis Lambin as a scholarly commentator on the texts of Lucretius, Horace, and Cicero is well known to students of the French Renaissance, but his social activities, his relation to contemporary literary groups, and especially his critical opinions as expressed in his numerous orationes have not been adequately explored. As a Hellenist, Lambin was not the equal of Budè, Turnèbe, or Henri Estienne, but as a Latinist, his erudition was recognized by Joseph Scaliger and confirmed by the modern editor of Lucretius, Munro.Like Postel, Lambin was of rather humble origin. His father, Nicolas Lambin, was a locksmith. After prehminary studies at Montreuil-surmer where he received the tonsure, he left for Paris at the age of fifteen. As he tells us himself, he began Greek at this time.
A Florentine Prison: Le Carceri delle Stinche
Authors: Wolfgang Marvin E. 
Published: May 2006

Not Far from the majestic Santa Croce in Florence, there is a small street known as Isola delle Stinche. Students of the late middle ages and the early Renaissance have long neglected the meaning and significance of this street, and many well-informed residents of the city, including historians, have only vague notions about the name Stinche.The present analysis is part of a larger study of crime and punishment in the early Renaissance. The original study focuses on Le Stinche, a Florentine prison that reflected changing currents of legal and penal thought from the beginning of the fourteenth century to the fall of the republic in 1530. I shall not here attempt to trace the development of criminal law and penal treatment that was manifested in the administration of the prison or in records of commitments of prisoners to the institution.
The Archives of the Jesuit Province of Toulouse Relating to Madagascar
Authors: Berg Gerald M. 
Published: May 2006

In the Jesuit scheme of things the missionary fields of Madagascar and Maduré (that is, Madura in south India) fell to the Order's Toulouse province. What follows is a brief description of some of the materials relating to Madagascar in the archives of the Toulouse Jesuits, based on a recent short visit there.I might mention first the most important Jesuit missionary journal of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries relating to Madagascar. Like most missionary periodical publications, this particular journal underwent several changes of title. Beginning publication in 1838 as Lettres des Scolastiques de Vals, the title was later changed to Lettres du scolasticat de Vals, and then to Lettres de Vals. From 1882 to 1897 it was known as Lettres d'Uclès, then until 1901, again as Lettres de Vals; finally, from 1903 until 1914 it was called Lettres de Gemert. The Toulouse archives has a complete set of these, none of which was originally issued for public consumption and hence are difficult to locate. As each of the titles suggests, this journal consisted of letters written from missionaries in the field to their Apostolic Vicars. Such letters were then excerpted and summarized and sent on to Vals, a Jesuit training seminary, for circulation among the missionaries in training there. Originally the excerpts were handcopied and arranged by region: Madagascar, India, Oceania, etc., but later they were lithographed or printed.
The Problem of the Lwo
Authors: Wrigley C.C. 
Published: May 2006

The Lwo language, a cluster of dialects belonging to the Western branch of the Nilotic family, was spoken as a mother tongue at the end of the colonial period by some two and a half million people scattered over a vast area of the Upper Nile basin from the Shilluk country in the Sudan to central Uganda and from northeast Zaire to western Kenya. The several components of this stock vary greatly in size, from the five thousand people who comprise the Bor groups of the western Bahr el Ghazal to the Kenya Luo group with well over a million members. Despite their extraordinary numbers, however, the Luo--like the Bor, the Shilluk, the Anywak, and other groups in the Sudan--form an enclave among peoples of quite different speech; the main continuous block of Lwo-speakers is in northern Uganda, consisting of the Alur, Acholi, and Langi peoples, together with the Jo-pa-Lwo (or Chope) group, who live in the corner of the Bunyoro district that is formed by the Victoria Nile as it flows north and then west from Lake Kyoga to the Albert confluence.This peculiar configuration, very different from the normal pattern of linguistic fragmentation in sub-Saharan Africa, offers historians a problem and an opportunity, for it must be the residuum of an unusual event or series of events. Languages cannot travel unless people carry them; and so it is reasonable to assume that the Lwo-speakers of a few centuries ago lived as a compact community, which developed an exceptional capacity both for the incorporation of aliens and the propagation of its own genes.
The East African Campaign in the Rhodesian Herald
Authors: Ofcansky Thomas P. 
Published: May 2006

Although the East African campaign (1914-1918) was, in comparative terms, one of the Great War's minor episodes, it is a vital aspect of Africa's military history. Despite this importance, however, much remains unknown about this conflict, which claimed the lives of untold thousands of European and African soldiers. Understanding the operational and historical evolution of the campaign requires more than just a survey of books, articles, and official documentation. Newspapers such as the Leader of British East Africa and the East African Standard are invaluable sources for information about day-to-day fighting and living conditions. Unfortunately, very little work has been done with newspapers published outside the operational theater, which oftentimes contain materials unavailable elsewhere.One of the most important newspapers in this category was the Rhodesia Herald. Apart from the Reuter's News Agency field dispatches, the newspaper included scores of articles and letters to the editor written by Rhodesians from the front or by family members who remained at home. These items covered a wide range of topics, including recruitment difficulties, experiences of individual soldiers, and, perhaps most importantly, the exploits of the 2nd Rhodesia Regiment, which fought in the East African bush for twenty-three months.
How is Historical Knowledge Recognized?
Authors: Wamba-dia-Wamba Ernest 
Published: May 2006

Historical knowledge exists in all human societies. It is the cognitive appropriation of socially-determined material transformations necessary for life process. We must begin with this fact. It is a form of social consciousness, a socially-determined interpretation of the movement of those transformations. But where do we find it and how do we recognize it? Where is the place of historical knowledge? Where and how does it exist? On the printed page, in books, of course, and prior to printing and writing, in oral traditions (all those forms of a human community's collective memory--some names of people or places; songs, stories, poems, legends, tales, cosmogonic myths; drawings, carvings, cave inscriptions, tablets, bone/bamboo inscriptions; languages; old roads; etc.). Historical knowledge exists nowadays as well on tapes, cassettes, computer memory, films, pictures, etc.Historical knowledge exists in different degrees of elaboration, of truth character, of accuracy, as well as of scope. All human societies have undergone, and continue to undergo, social transformations. Some have experienced or experience more slow processes of movement than rapid ones and thus their social awareness of those processes of transformations has been or is less sharp. That is why the conscious control and social mastering of the social process of transformation has been or is less developed. Other societies at a certain level of world social process experienced or experience more rapid processes of transformations leading to sharper forms of social consciousness of those processes and specific needs of developing ways and tools for handling those processes.
Albert Luthuli and the African National Congress: A Bio-Bibliography
Authors: Woodson Dorothy C. 
Published: May 2006

Seek ye the political kingdom and all shall be yours.No minority tyranny in history ever survived the opposition of the majority. Nor will it survive in South Africa. The end of white tyranny is near.In their Portraits of Nobel Laureates in Peace, Wintterle and Cramer wrote that “the odds against the baby born at the Seventh-Day Adventist Mission near Bulawayo in Rhodesia in 1898 becoming a Nobel Prize winner were so astronomical as to defy calculation. He was the son of a proud people, the descendant of Zulu chieftains and warriors. But pride of birth is no substitute for status rendered inferior by force of circumstance, and in Luthuli's early years, the native African was definitely considered inferior by the white man. If his skin was black, that could be considered conclusive proof that he would never achieve anything; white men would see to that. However, in Luthuli's case they made a profound mistake--they allowed him to have an education.”If there is an extra-royal gentry in Zulu society, then it was into this class that Albert John Luthuli was born. Among the Zulus, chieftainship is hereditary only for the Paramount Chief; all regional chiefs are elected. The Luthuli family though, at least through the 1950s, monopolized the chieftainship of the Abasemakholweni (literally “converts”) tribe for nearly a century. Luthuli's grandfather Ntaba, was the first in the family to head the tribe and around 1900, his uncle Martin Luthuli took over.
Agaja and the Slave Trade: Another Look at the Evidence
Authors: Henige David , Johnson Marion 
Published: May 2006

The Atlantic slave trade in its various manifestations has never lacked scholarly attention, be it disinterested or selfish. The major focus has often been on the motivations and roles of those who participated in the trade other than as victims. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, interest tended to be confined either to the apologists for the trade or to its critics; but in recent years, the matter has not failed to engage the attention of more serious enquiry.As a major center of the trade throughout the period, Dahomey has been studied extensively from the very beginning. Much of the work has regarded Dahomey as the slave trading state par excellence. Recently, however, I.A. Akinjogbin has advanced the stimulating and appealing argument that the Dahomey state was created partially, but explicitly, in defensive reaction to early signs of European interest in slaves on the Guinea coast. Akinjogbin further argues that–although Dahomey did in fact eventually develop into an important slave trading polity–it did so reluctantly and only because the Europeans trading along the coast demanded slaves–and only slaves–for their own goods.Needless to say, attractive arguments rather have a way of being more readily (and less discriminatingly) accepted, and Akinjogbin's interpretation of early Dahomey history has already re-appeared in several important recent works on the history of west Africa. With this in mind, the present paper has two purposes. First, it proposes to examine the validity of Akinjogbin's thesis by examining one particular aspect of his argument: the motives of the Dahomey ruler Agaja (ca. 1708 to 1740) in conquering the coastal states of Allada and Whydah between 1724 and 1727. In discussing Akinjogbin's elucidation of Agaja's motives, we propose to concentrate not so much on the logic of his argumentation, but on his use of the sources on which any assessment of Agaja's motives must be based. With a single exception the material examined here is the same used by Akinjogbin, and in this sense the first part of the paper should be seen as a study in the use of evidence and inference.The second part of this paper will be an examination of European and Dahomean commercial activities in the first few years after the conquest of the two coastal states. The sources describing these activities suggest that the motives and mechanisms of all parties were more complex than generally assumed.