bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Myth of the “Electoral Lock”
Authors: Destler I. M. 
Published: May 2006

For at least two decades, it has been conventional wisdom among political guras that our system of choosing presidents through electoral votes, accumulated state by state, offers Republicans a substantial edge. Representative is a comment by a Democratic strategist to Newsweek (7/27) in the summer of 1992: “It's the same map we've had to deal with for years—and the results haven't been good. You need all the breaks with a map like that….”The notion that Republicans have an “electoral lock” on the White House has been received wisdom among pundits ever since Horace Busby, a former aide to President Lyndon Johnson, coined the phrase. The idea is that even if Democrats fare well in the popular vote, the electoral map is skewed against them.There is only one problem with the idea. The election numbers just don't support it.It is obvious that, in presidential contests of the 1970s and 1980s, major regions went overwhelmingly Republican. From 1972 through 1988, the Democrats did not once carry a single state among the eight of the Mountain West. They did little better in the South: Jimmy Carter dominated the region in 1976, but Democrats carried a total of just one old Confederacy state in the other four elections. Clearly these have been regions of deep Democratic weakness at the presidential level.
Kennedy and Achilles: A Classical Approach to Political Science
Authors: Nelson Michael 
Published: May 2006

Has any president been harder for historians and political scientists to get a handle on than John F. Kennedy? As Fred Greenstein (1992) has noted, “In spite of the voluminous literature on Kennedy himself, the events of his presidency, his associates, image, and assassination, … his reputation remains in dispute.” Not only does “the thirty-fifth president await a satisfactory biographer,” Greenstein observes, but scholars do not seem to be getting any closer: “Recent efforts to assess him fall short even of the ‘court biographies’ of Schlesinger and Sorensen.” Was Kennedy friend or foe of the civil rights movement? A Cold Warrior or a champion of peace? Was his personal character healthily “active-positive” or pathologically reckless? Did he grow in office or remain as he began?Kennedy's hold on Americans' political consciousness, which seems undiminished a third of a century after his assassination, poses a related puzzle for presidential scholars. Dozens of books about Kennedy and his family have appeared on recent bestseller lists. Examining the Kennedy assassination is still a growth industry. Around one-third of Americans say they think that Kennedy belongs on Mt. Rushmore, more than anyone else from U.S. history, and he regularly heads the list of greatest presidents in public opinion polls. At the much-ballyhooed April 1996 auction of Kennedy memorabilia, his possessions were bid up like relics of the True Cross—a set of the late president's golf woods fetched $772,500.
The Coming Democratic Realignment
Authors: Green Donald , Palmquist Bradley , Schickler Eric 
Published: May 2006

For many years, Democrats have waited patiently to preside over good times. No Koreas, Vietnams, or Irans. No stagflation. Just nice, tranquil prosperity—the sort of happy circumstances that make not only for short-run electoral success, but also for the recruitment of tried-and-true Democrats. Since the early 1980s, the Democratic Party has been short on Democrats. In the 1970s, Democrats comprised roughly two-thirds of all party identifiers; at the close of the century, that figure stood at approximately 57%.At long last, the Democrats seem to have their chance. By every measure, the economy has been booming. In particular, consumer confidence, which MacKuen, Erikson, and Stimson (1989) have hailed as one of the driving forces behind partisan realignment, has soared. During Ronald Reagan's “Morning in America,” the Michigan Index of Consumer Sentiment stood at 95. Clinton's mornings have been even rosier, given the 100+ scores that have been posted every quarter since the spring of 1997 (see http://www.fcnbd.com/cor/fccm/Research-Fixed/usdata/sentiment/sentiment.htm). Indeed, the Index of Consumer Sentiment has regularly achieved the highest levels ever recorded since 1953.Another driving force behind partisan realignment, presidential popularity, has also soared. Say what you will about President Clinton's travails in office; his Gallup Poll approval ratings have always been respectable. No Nixon-, Carter-, or Bush-like scores in the 30s for him. Indeed, Bill Clinton has at times achieved Kennedyesque scores in the 60s, and his average rating easily surpasses that of Ronald Reagan.
Void formation and transport during SMC manufacturing: Effect of the glass fiber sizing
Authors: Comte E. , Merhi D. , Michaud V. , Månson J.A.E. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThe present study investigates the origin of voids in sheet molding compounds (SMCs) sheets and their transport during the manufacturing steps. Paste mixing, impregnation, thickening, and molding have been performed with five different SMC sheets, one without fibers and the others with four different types of glass fiber bundles. The fiber surface energy and bending rigidity were quantified, together with the paste surface energy. Void content was then measured at each manufacturing step. Two main void origins in SMC sheets have been observed: (i) air entrapment during paste mixing and (ii) poor bundle impregnation. These voids may be largely removed during SMC manufacturing. The quality of impregnation and void elimination during the flow is found to depend on the bundle characteristics (rigidity and surface energy) conferred by their sizing and over sizing. POLYM. COMPOS. 27:289–298, 2006. © 2006 Society of Plastics Engineers
Proteomic Investigation of the Effect of Salicylic Acid on Arabidopsis Seed Germination and Establishment of Early Defense Mechanisms
Authors: Rajjou Loïc , Belghazi Maya , Huguet Romain , Robin Caroline , Moreau Adrien , Job Claudette , Job Dominique 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThe influence of salicylic acid (SA) on elicitation of defense mechanisms in Arabidopsis (Arabidopsis thaliana) seeds and seedlings was assessed by physiological measurements combined with global expression profiling (proteomics). Parallel experiments were carried out using the NahG transgenic plants expressing the bacterial gene encoding SA hydroxylase, which cannot accumulate the active form of this plant defense elicitor. SA markedly improved germination under salt stress. Proteomic analyses disclosed a specific accumulation of protein spots regulated by SA as inferred by silver-nitrate staining of two-dimensional gels, detection of carbonylated (oxidized) proteins, and neosynthesized proteins with [35S]-methionine. The combined results revealed several processes potentially affected by SA. This molecule enhanced the reinduction of the late maturation program during early stages of germination, thereby allowing the germinating seeds to reinforce their capacity to mount adaptive responses in environmental water stress. Other processes affected by SA concerned the quality of protein translation, the priming of seed metabolism, the synthesis of antioxidant enzymes, and the mobilization of seed storage proteins. All the observed effects are likely to improve seed vigor. Another aspect revealed by this study concerned the oxidative stress entailed by SA in germinating seeds, as inferred from a characterization of the carbonylated (oxidized) proteome. Finally, the proteomic data revealed a close interplay between abscisic signaling and SA elicitation of seed vigor.
Expression profiling and prediction of distant metastases in head and neck squamous cell carcinoma
Authors: Braakhuis B J M , Senft A , de Bree R , de Vries J , Ylstra B , Cloos J , Kuik D J , Leemans C R , Brakenhoff R H 
Published: May 2006

Background:For breast and prostate cancer, a gene expression signature of the tumour is associated with the development of distant metastases. Regarding head and neck squamous cell carcinoma (HNSCC), the only known risk factor is the presence of ⩾3 tumour-positive lymph nodes.Aim:To evaluate whether a HNSCC gene expression signature can discriminate between the patients with and without distant metastases.Methods:Patients with HNSCC with and without distant metastases had >3 tumour-positive lymph nodes, and did not differ with respect to other risk factors. Statistical analysis was carried out using Student’s t test, as well as statistical analysis of microarrays (SAM), to assess the false discovery rate for each gene. These analyses were supplemented with a newly developed method that computed deviations from gaussian-order statistics (DEGOS). To validate the platform, normal mucosa of the head and neck was included as control.Results:2963 genes were differently expressed between HNSCC and normal mucosa (t test; p<0.01). More rigorous statistical analysis with SAM confirmed the differential expression of most genes. The comparison of genes in HNSCC with and without metastases showed 150 differently expressed genes (t test; p<0.01), none of which, however, could be confirmed using SAM or DEGOS.Conclusions:No evidence for a metastasis signature is found, and gene expression profiling of HNSCC has seemingly no value in determining the risk of developing distant metastases. The absence of such a signature can be understood when it is realised that, for HNSCC in contrast with breast cancer, the lymph nodes are a necessary in-between station for haematogenous spread.
Advisory Committees in British Administration
Authors: Fairlie John A. 
Published: May 2006

A comparatively recent development in British public administration has been the creation of advisory committees or consultative councils in connection with a number of government offices. It is probable that government officials have at times in the past held consultations with small groups of citizens without any formal organization or requirement. Temporary commissions and committees have also been set up from time to time including members of Parliament and private citizens. But the new tendency establishes such committees as a regular part of the machinery of public administration, and in some cases involves the official recognition and coöperation of professional and other voluntary organizations.The Board of Education Act, 1899, authorized a consultative committee to represent universities and other bodies interested in education. This was first established by order in council of August 7, 1900, and somewhat modified in 1907. During the World War sittings of this committee were suspended. But a new committee was appointed by order in council on July 22, 1920, to consist of twenty-one members, the term of seven to expire every two years. Four of the members appointed were women.The Trade Boards Act, 1909, provided for district trade committees, to be organized, at first under regulations issued by the Board of Trade, and later (1916) by the Minister of Labour.The National Insurance Act, 1911, provided for insurance committees in every county and county borough; and the Pilotage Act, 1913, authorized the Board of Trade to appoint an advisory committee of pilots, shipowners, representatives of pilotage and dock and harbor authorities, and others interested or having special knowledge.
The Causes of the Great War
Authors: Turner Edward Raymond 
Published: May 2006

In 1806 Prussia engaged in war with Napoleon. The swiftest of his triumphs followed. In two months the Prussians had surrendered their fortresses, and seen annihilated the greatness which Europe had failed to crush in the time of Frederick the Great. A period of humiliation followed, and for some years the people lived under the conqueror's yoke.Deliverance came when Napoleon, stretching too far his power, and arousing the spirit of peoples, was defeated by Europe in arms. The liberation which alone Prussia could not have accomplished, was yet wrought partly by herself, for deliverance was preceded by regeneration in which her military system was fundamentally reformed. But it may be that what remained after all as the principal heritage from these years was the abiding sense that Prussia had suffered from being weak, and that only through military strength could there be safety in the future.The expansion and greatness of Prussia left unfulfilled the old idea of a united Germany. Through the middle ages and down to this time Germany had remained disunited, and weak and despised because of it. The smallest states had now disappeared, but still there were larger ones, grouped under Austria in vague and shadowy empire. And the history of Germany in the half century which followed the downfall of Napoleon is a record of yearning and striving on the part of people filled with distant memories, and noble aspiration after that strength and union which had come to their neighbors and yet been denied to themselves.
The German Party System
Authors: Pollock James K. 
Published: May 2006

It has now been ten years since the German people elected the National Assembly which gave them the Weimar constitution. A decade of self-government under this liberal and democratic charter has rather definitely established the lines of party cleavage and the general features of the party system, and the time seems ripe for a survey of the system with a view to elucidating its principal characteristics. The present article is concerned only incidentally with party history before the revolution of 1918, and also not primarily with the party programs of today. It has to do, rather, with what Lord Bryce once referred to as “the pathology of party government,” and also with what political scientists have now come to recognize as the heart—one might say the thermostat—of popular government, namely, party organization and machinery. Parteiwesen is the German word, and it refers to the practical operation of the party system.Why should Germany be the subject of such a study? There are several very good reasons. Since the overthrow of the imperial régime, Germany has been operating under a very progressive constitution. In many respects it is the most advanced constitution in the world. Political parties are required to operate such a system based on popular rule, and the party system developed in the Reich is so unique and interesting, so illustrative of many problems which are now troubling political thinkers the world over, that it warrants close study. Then again, by throwing light on the motive power and the nerves of the government, we will be better able to understand how the government itself operates. In brief, we find in Germany a new government operated by means of a new party system. The experience of an intelligent and powerful people with such a system should be useful to everyone interested in the problem of popular government.
Fact and Fiction in Government
Authors: Loeb Isidor 
Published: May 2006

Three decades have elapsed since the first president of the American Political Science Association at its inaugural meeting described the objects and purposes that it should pursue. Some of his successors have discussed various details of this program and others have reviewed the results achieved. Due recognition has been accorded to the significance of historical backgrounds, legal systems, and political theory. In addition, emphasis has been placed upon the importance of an understanding of the government as it actually functions. Hence, much of the work of this Association and its members has been devoted to the investigation and exposition of those customs, procedures, and institutions which, with or without any recognition by constitution or statute, exercise a profound influence over governmental organization and function.It is natural that during this period significant changes should have appeared in the scope of Political Science and in the character of the techniques employed, with resulting differences in data and conclusions.
First Session of the Seventy-first Congress
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W. 
Published: May 2006

(April 15,1929, to November 22, 1929). Almost the last word said in the Senate before the adjournment of the special session was a remonstrance from the chair. “No one in the gallery has a right to laugh,” said the Vice-President, “and the occupants of the galleries will be in order. That includes the press gallery.” It has been easy to laugh. Seldom, however, has a single session of Congress held greater interest for the observer of social forces. Seldom has the salutary rôle of the Senate in our present political complex been more convincingly demonstrated.Membership. The general election of 1928 seated 268 Republicans, 166 Democrats, and one Farmer Labor member. Three of the four vacancies that developed before the new Congress convened were on the Democratic side. At the opening of the special session, the Republican majority was 103, compared with majorities of 39, 60, 15, 167, and 39 in the Congresses elected in 1926, 1924, 1922, 1920, and 1918, respectively. Even in the more nearly poised, less regimented Senate, the weight of the majority seemed to afford a considerable margin of safety, with 55 Republicans (not including a junior senator from Pennsylvania) listed in opposition to 39 Democrats and one Farmer Labor member.Organization. No innovations in procedure or outcome marked the institution of the party instrumentalities summarized in an attached table. The four preparatory caucuses were held between the first and the fifth of March. The House Republicans continued their organization without material change.
“The Bearing of Myers v. United States upon the Independence of Federal Administrative Tribunals”—A Criticism
Authors: Langeluttig Albert 
Published: May 2006

In a recent issue of the Review, Professor James Hart, of Johns Hopkins University, has advocated a limitation upon the doctrine announced in the Myers case so that Congress may prescribe the terms of office of the members of the various quasi-judicial administrative tribunals, and incidentally that of the Comptroller-General.The present writer's views on the status of the Comptroller-General are expressed elsewhere. He also dissents from Professor Hart's views on the expediency of granting to the various administrative tribunals any different terms of office from those which the Chief Justice indicated in the Myers case that they already have. This dissent is not a little supported by the practical suggestion of Dr. Hart. He indicates that “constitutional mores” are alone not enough to regulate the President's actions in exercising his power to remove, but that a definite term and formula should be prescribed and “constitutional mores” then depended upon to keep the President within the bounds of the formula. The limited experience of the present writer indicates that it is easier to satisfy a formula which is presumed to prescribe justice than to satisfy the dictates of justice on the facts of each case.Expediency, however, is a matter of opinion. One who attempts to criticize the logic and technique of another must accept the other's views of expediency.
Planning Agencies in America
Authors: Merriam Charles E. 
Published: May 2006

An important and clearly marked recent trend in American government is that in the direction of systematic planning—local, state, and national. City planning has developed for the last twenty years, and there are now some 700 city planning agencies. The activities of these boards have been halted somewhat during the depression, although some 9,000 workers under the C.W.A. aided in the development of city plans in 1934. On the whole, the cities have fallen behind in the movement they started.The most significant single event in the urban field is the establishment of a new type of planning agency in Cincinnati, known as the department of economic security, an office through which the employment and reëmployment problems of that community are made the subject of governmental study and action, in cooperation with industry. The director is a man of wide experience and broad social vision in the person of Colonel Waite, one time city manager of Dayton and recently deputy administrator of public works
The Social Security Program of the United States
Authors: Harris Joseph P. 
Published: May 2006

The Federal Social Security Act, which may be regarded as the central core of the social security program, is an omnibus act, containing the following features: (1) a national, compulsory oldage insurance plan, covering all employees except certain exempted groups; (2) two measures designed to stimulate the states to enact state unemployment compensation laws, namely, (a) a uniform nation-wide tax upon employers, against which a credit is allowable for contributions made to approved state unemployment compensation plans, and (b) subsidies to the states to cover the administrative costs of unemployment compensation; and (3) grants-in-aid to the states for old-age assistance, pensions for the blind, aid to dependent children, child welfare, maternal and child health, vocational rehabilitation, and public health activities. It is estimated that each of the two forms of social insurance will apply to about 25,000,000 wage-earners, and, when the maximum rates become effective in 1949, will involve annual contributions of nearly $3,000,000,000. This amount is approximately equal to the normal annual expenditure of the federal government prior to 1930. In addition, the grants-in-aid to the states were estimated by the actuaries of the President's Committee on Economic Security to reach a total of a half-billion dollars annually within a few years.History of the Federal ActWhen, in a message to Congress on June 8, 1934, the President indicated that he would submit a program of social insurance for consideration at the following session, the Wagner-Lewis unemployment insurance bill and the Dill-Connery old-age assistance bill were pending. Shortly afterwards, the President, by executive order, created the Committee on Economic Security, consisting of the Secretaries of Labor (chairman), Treasury, and Agriculture, the Attorney-General, and the Federal Emergency Relief Administrator. This committee appointed Professor Edwin E. Witte, of the University of Wisconsin, as executive director, and proceeded to build up a staff of actuaries and experts to study the whole problem of economic insecurity, and to prepare recommendations.
Law and Sovereignty
Authors: Pennock J. Roland 
Published: May 2006

Political theorists have spilt much ink in controversies over “sovereignty,” while probably even more effort has been devoted to discussion of the nature of law. It cannot be said that the result of all this activity has been to produce a body of generally accepted doctrine, or even that it has greatly clarified the field of discussion. On the contrary, misunderstandings and the abuse of terms have contributed greatly to a general fog.The real issue raised by the pluralists is much more than a question of logic. They challenge the premises of their opponents. They deal largely with the question of the limits of political obligation. With that we are not here concerned. The primary purpose of this article is to search for a meaning of “law” that will at once contribute to the clarification of the question as to the nature of law and aid in the determination of the most helpful legal signification of the term “sovereignty.” The accomplishment of this purpose should aid in settling the incidental questions of the nature of “constitutional law,” the possibility of “nullifying” law, and the status of “international law.”The two subjects—law and sovereignty—are frequently treated independently, but they are so inter-related as to render such treatment inadequate. A brief examination of the controversy over “sovereignty” will demonstrate how it ultimately resolves itself into a question of the definition of law.