bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Principles and Facts in the Teaching of Social Sciences
Authors: Lévesque G.-H. 
Published: June 2006

The Canadian Political Science Association is doing Laval a great honour in holding its annual meeting here and in asking some of us to contribute to its scientific discussions. We thank the Association very warmly indeed and we are happy that this occasion affords us the opportunity for new and fruitful contacts.It was suggested that this paper should put forward our ideas relating to the teaching of social sciences. I will do so as simply as possible, without the slightest intention of imposing it upon anyone. In order to be more concrete and more concise, I shall try to set forth, as objectively and as unassumingly as possible, what is being done at Laval and why it is done. It must be kept in mind, at the outset, that the institution I want to report upon is still very young, still in a formative stage, still involved in initial experiments and, hence, still far from having found its final shape.It is then my intention to put before you our conception of social studies and, at the same time, to describe the faculty which has been set up according to this conception. Since any systematic study always involves two things: a subject-matter and an aim for which it is studied, my remarks will simply follow this sequence pattern.
The Parish as an Institutional Type
Authors: Falardeau Jean-C. 
Published: June 2006

There is already a good amount of scientific literature on the parish in French Canada. But this literature is almost exclusively concerned with the parish as it existed historically in the rural society of Quebec. Since the parochial structure was the main organizational frame of rural life and since the parish was identified with the local rural community, these studies have inevitably tended to be “community” monographs. The concept of the “parish” itself has been indiscriminately used to mean either an ecclesiastical structure, a type of social organization, an ecological unit, or a local social group.The main intent of this paper is to offer a sociological clarification of the institutional nature of the parish. Our leading assumption is that the parish as an institution can be adequately understood only if it is, first of all, seen as an organizational element of the larger Catholic Church. Given this, one must start by analysing the essential features of the parish as it is conceived ideally by the Church. Having elucidated its ideal type as well as its written constitution, one can then evaluate more meaningfully the modalities of its functioning in varying concrete situations—its working constitution, as it were—and draw the line between its formal organization and the patterns of informal relationships that crystallize around it. Our analysis of the parish will be restricted to its structural aspects, viz. the established roles and the reciprocal hierarchical statuses which it implies, and this, in three main directions: the relationships of the parish official functionaries with their ecclesiastical superiors, with the members of the group within which they immediately operate, and with the total society. Only through such an approach can one succeed in our secondary purpose which is to compare the changes that the traditional parochial organization of rural French Canada has been undergoing in the new context of swiftly industrialized and socially heterogeneous cities. Since the larger part of the Canadian sociological literature on religion has been concerned with the non-institutional aspects of protest or erratic religious groups, such a study may bring a contribution to our knowledge of the social organizational value of established churches while incidentally also enabling us to re-focuss our theoretical thinking concerning social institutions.
The Political Theory of Social Credit
Authors: Macpherson C. B. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with the political theory developed by Major C. H. Douglas, the English founder and leader of the Social Credit movement, and not specifically with the ideas of the Canadian Social Credit movement, although the English theory has had a continuous, if not always a decisive, influence on the Canadian movement. Since the Douglas political theory stems from the Douglas social critique we shall begin with the latter.The frustration of the engineer by the business control of industry may be seen as the starting point of Major Douglas's social thinking. Deeply impressed by the waste of industrial capacity and potential, Major Douglas developed a sweeping critique of industrial civilization. A man of broad sympathies and with a professional view of his engineering calling, he saw that whatever held back the progress of science in industry made it impossible for the technologist to serve the people and give them the benefit of their heritage. He saw further that the concentration of power in the control of industrial production was only a part of a trend toward concentration of power in government, in trade unions, and in every institution which affected the life and opportunity of every individual both as worker and consumer. In his earliest writings his main concern was to expose this trend toward the submergence of the individual, to establish its pervasive nature, and to warn that it must be defeated if the human quality of civilization was not to be destroyed. His case was presented with restraint and with telling effect. His recommendation of a monetary device, which later became commonly identified with social credit, as the most probable direction in which a solution might be found for freeing men from the tyranny of concentrated power, was also presented with restraint in the writings of the first few years, and was subordinated to the main analysis. His point was that men could not be free in any other way until they had secured a freedom of choice, both as producers and consumers, and a level of material well-being which the existing system of production and distribution denied them. The economic system must therefore first be reformed. Socialism was not the answer, since it would mean still further centralization of economic and political power. Monetary reform was the answer because it could destroy the mechanism by which economic power was being increased and by which the material well-being and the freedom of the individual were being diminished. Always Major Douglas presented monetary reform merely as a means toward the end of establishing a new society in which human beings would be free to develop their individuality in a way that had never been possible before.
Patterns of Economic Growth
Authors: Hoselitz Bert F. 
Published: June 2006

Much of the current discussion of theories of economic growth is coloured by one of two factors which repeatedly crop up in the pertinent literature. The theoretical treatment of economic growth is either too strongly policy-oriented, or it is stated in an overly general form whose results are applicable only with difficulty, and often with grave reservations, to actual cases of economic growth.Since the practical needs of policy-makers in the United Nations and its specialized agencies and in national governments concerned with developmental policies or colonial development have provided a strong impetus for the recent study of economic growth it is not surprising that the literature on this subject should have taken on a strong policy-oriented coloration. What the practitioners needed and continue to need are general guide-lines for their work. What they ask from the theorist, therefore, is to prescribe for them a series of relatively simple formulas which make up the basic equipment of the tool-kits they can take to the four corners of the world and from which they can select, as the situation demands, the appropriate item for application. The result of this situation has been the elaboration of a large amount of knowledge, the parts of which are little integrated. This is especially unfortunate since the concept of technical assistance has tended to embrace knowledge in many fields of social science and has brought together scholars and administrators in various fields and with varied technical competence.
Nationalization of British Industry
Authors: Murphy Mary E. 
Published: June 2006

No topic has evoked so much discussion in all parts of Great Britain, and indeed in the world outside, as the Labour Party's programme to nationalize 20 per cent of the economy. Nationalization is recognized by all as the most important domestic issue facing the nation because the industries brought under public ownership are vital to Britain's economic recovery at home and a key to her future role in foreign affairs. As the Conservatives will continue the programme as conceived by Labour, except in the case of the iron and steel industry which will probably be returned to private ownership, an analysis of British nationalization is as pertinent today as it was during the Labour Party's tenure in office.The Labour Party defined its nationalization plan in a 1945 electoral document titled Let Us Face the Future which stated in part:There are basic industries ripe and over-ripe for public ownership and management in the direct service of the nation. There are many smaller businesses rendering good service which can be left to go on with their useful work.There are big industries not yet ripe for public ownership which must nevertheless be required by constructive supervision to further the nation's needs and not to prejudice national interests by restrictive anti-social monopoly or cartel agreements, caring for their own capital structures and profits at the cost of a lower standard of living for all.
Human Society and Scientific Law
Authors: Geiger Th. 
Published: June 2006

The idea that scientific laws might apply to man and his society is not much more than one hundred years old, and even today many historians and other students of the so-called humanities fiercely deny the possibility of ascertaining sociological or historical laws similar to the laws of nature. In this sense, Anglo-American epistemology makes a distinction between the sciences proper and the humanities, as German and other European scholars distinguish between Natur- and Geisteswissenschaft, the natural sciences and the knowledge of cultural phenomena. Such distinctions are due, in part to an outmoded conception of the scientific law, but primarily to an even more obsolete conception of man, his society, culture, and history.(1) Until the end of the nineteenth century, a scientific or natural law predominantly meant a law of causality, and such a law implied that the same cause always and invariably “produced” or “evoked” the same effect. The natural law, in this context, was not even a product of scientific cognition, but allegedly inherent in nature itself. The scientist merely “discovered” actually prevailing laws. This was the viewpoint of the so-called realistic school of thought. In a twofold way this concept of a law has been shaken.
National Savings and Changing Employment in Canada, 1926–54
Authors: Maywald Karel 
Published: June 2006

It is a rather puzzling historical coincidence that in many countries attention is being paid once more to inflationary tendencies at the very moment when the international situation suggests the possibility of relaxation of world political tension. If the East has, or ever does, come to the conclusion that the only way to keep the consequences of the Paris agreements under control is to act in time, the quickest form of diplomatic retreat reconcilable with exigencies of an inconspicuous negotiation-technique is the most probable. Correspondingly rapid demobilization in the West accompanied by inflexible pursuit of anti-inflation measures might produce a demobilization crisis that would fulfil Communist hopes for economic and social difficulties in the democratic world. Whether the immediate danger is inflation or deflation, an analysis of the recent history of savings, including periods of unemployment and overfull employment, should be enlightening.The development of national savings is recorded by Canadian statistics for the last three decades in a very informative way. They offer historical examples of all the typical combinations of factors that are important for a balanced economic development: what is commonly accepted as normal or full employment is followed by years of high unemployment and then comes a period of over-employment during the war years. An examination of the survey in Table II can tell more than lengthy theoretical disputations.Before discussing the details of the historical development in Canada, let us consider the essential components of the process in a simple arithmetical example.
Government in Contemporary Brazil
Authors: Lipson Leslie 
Published: June 2006

The problems of present-day Brazil are the travail of a people in the midst of a three-dimensional renovation. Their economy, politics, and social structure are changing simultaneously, but at different speeds. Much the fastest transformation is the economic. Political alterations are slower. Social reconstruction is the slowest. The purpose of this paper is to analyse some of the contradictions that exist within the state when the economy propels it forward while the social order holds it back. What happens in politics when reform of government must be adjusted to a fast rate of economic change and a slow rate of social change? And can such reform be accomplished when foreign examples are invoked to displace ingrained traditions?The character of Brazilian government is curiously akin to that of the new buildings which abound in the Copacabana suburb of Rio and elsewhere. The architect, a master of the modern idiom, has designed an imposing elevation to the street and an entrance of striking beauty. But, as one enters, much will be found in the finish of the interior, and in the services and maintenance, that conflicts with the external view. For periods of varying length, water will cease to flow from the faucets; electricity will be cut off; street drains may be inadequate to carry off rain and sewage; and, sooner or later, the bichos will find their way in. A building may look a thing of beauty, but without the necessary utilities it will not be a joy forever to live in.
The Principles of Federal Finance and the Canadian Case
Authors: Dehem R. , Wolfe J. N. 
Published: June 2006

The essence of federalism is the division of sovereignty between two levels of government. In any system of government, there are sovereign and delegated authorities. In a unitary government all sovereign powers are concentrated in the central government, although decentralization for the purpose of administrative efficiency may result in the delegation of certain powers from the central and supreme government to the regional and local subordinate authorities. In a federal state, on the other hand, regional governments, as well as the central authority, are invested with sovereign powers. In no actual case, however, do both levels of government enjoy sovereignty in all domains, since complete concurrence of jurisdictions would lead to incessant conflicts of coordinate authorities. For this reason, federal constitutions indicate, in a more or less precise way, the special fields of absolute competence of the central and the regional authorities. Partial concurrence of jurisdictions may not be excluded, in which case the problem of bringing about agreements between the sovereign powers arises.Administrative efficiency in a federal state requires both centralization and decentralization of executive functions, in much the same way as in a unitary state. If subordinate functions are delegated to the regional governments, these governments become subordinate to the central authority in these fields. On the other hand, administrative efficiency may require the centralized administration of certain matters in the realm of provincial supremacy, for example, the collection of provincial taxes. In this case, the central government would act as an agent of the provincial governments, and be subordinate to them. The two types of powers–sovereign and delegated–must be clearly distinguished in order to prevent unnecessary conflicts of authority.
Canadian Monetary Thought and Policy in the 1920's
Authors: Brecher Irving 
Published: June 2006

During the decade of the twenties, monetary theory and policy became a major focal point in the economic literature of the Western world. Although central-banking machinery had long since been in operation in England, France, and Germany, and the Federal Reserve System had been established in the United States about six months prior to the outbreak of the First World War, it remained for the post-war world to see the emergence of centralized monetary control in a recognized and accepted form.The experience during the war in the techniques and dangers of large-scale financial operations, together with the unprecedented post-war inflation of currency in Germany, left a vivid impression with economists, bankers, politicians, and business men. As a result, there occurred in the following years a lively discussion both of the workings of monetary and banking systems and of their implications for policy. The discussion soon became a definite controversy in terms of adherence to, and dissent from, the philosophy of “monetary orthodoxy.”To some extent, it was a continuation of the split which had grown out of the English Bullion Report of 1810 and had centered around the Banking and Currency Schools. There was, indeed, much debate over issues which had previously inspired the able analysis of such pioneers as Thornton, Tooke, and Overton. But there was a great deal more than that. Investigation was directed towards the most challenging problems of monetary theory, and policy recommendations took on a tone of urgency matched only by their infinite variety.
Productivity in Canada
Authors: Sutton G. D. 
Published: June 2006

An interesting analysis of productivity in Canada from 1931 to 1949 has recently been published by Mr. A. Maddison in the Economic Journal. Mr. Maddison admits, however, that his choice of dates, which was limited by the lack of official estimates of the employed labour force prior to 1931, is unfortunate in that a strong cyclical influence colours the results. To overcome this difficulty calculations have been made of the employed labour force prior to 1931 (see Table III), thus extending the period that can be covered back to 1926. In addition this paper makes use of revised and more complete data published by the Dominion Bureau of Statistics. No attempt is made to duplicate Maddison's excellent summary of the diverse factors contributing to productivity, or his brief look at inter-industry shifts, except for the very important shift of labour from agricultural to non-agricultural employment. But more emphasis is placed on aggregate movements during particular periods and on the comparison of productivity in Canada with that in the United States. In brief, the two papers are complementary, and should be so considered.Productivity is, of course, an elusive concept when applied to operations of more than one industry, or even to more than one line of production. Is an automobile, for example, really worth 1,000 bushels of wheat in terms of economic value, and is the productivity of a farmer low because he can produce only 2,600 bushels of wheat in a year on 100 acres, whereas the average automobile worker turns out perhaps 10 cars a year, worth 10,000 bushels of wheat or more? Yet the only way in which products can be compared is through the exchange values attached to them in the market. Any attempt to evaluate productivity on a national scale must therefore involve the weighting of goods produced according to the prices at which they were sold. The most that can be done to place production figures on a real basis is to attempt to eliminate variation in prices; and thus determine the extent to which the total volume of production of all goods in the economy, weighted according to their price relationships at some specific point of time, has grown over a period of years. In the discussion that follows, therefore, the gross national product in 1935–9 dollars is used as output. It would perhaps be better to use national income, but this is difficult to deflate in view of the inclusion of indirect taxes in price indices.
The Vulnerability of the Canadian Economy
Authors: Walton Edward A. 
Published: June 2006

An architect, viewing for the first time the structure of the Canadian economy, would be impressed at the outset by its flying buttresses, that is, its external connections and supports, which appear to bulk about a quarter as large as the main edifice. On closer examination he might remark on the apparent strength of the main structure in its own right and begin to question the function and need of the flying buttresses.Should he chance to meet another visitor, especially one who had made the pilgrimage from the south, he would probably be treated to a glowing eulogy on its details and be told that it is the soundest such structure in the world. Indeed, the intimate knowledge and unqualified approbation of another comparative stranger, who claimed to be paying his first visit, and a short one at that, might surprise this architect.Moreover, if he ventured inside he would immediately be struck by the great activity going on and the sense of unconcern exhibited by the inhabitants. Were he to fall into conversation with one of the many incumbents entrusted with the governance and administration of the building, he would hear the same note of confidence sounded in the security of the structure. He would likely be told that the diligent labour in progress was contributing to a steady enlargement and strengthening of the building and that this work had a momentum of its own. The flying buttresses would be pointed to with pride and their need freely admitted and even emphasized. But his attention would also be drawn to an ingenious collection of internal scaffolding, movable supports, counterweights, and other contrivances designed to protect the edifice as far as possible against adverse trade winds and against inflationary fires that might creep in by way of the buttresses. Some of these devices, it would be pointed out, are actively but not too obviously in use; others have been successfully employed in the past; all are ready for instant and judicious use in case of need.
The Canadian Balance of International Payments, 1950-2, and the Mechanism of Adjustment
Authors: Watts G. S. 
Published: June 2006

The interval in the history of the Canadian balance of payments to be dealt with in this paper is a short one. Even so, it is well to emphasize at the outset that limitations of time, the unusual complexities of the period, and the fact that it is still too recent to be viewed in its true perspective, make it impossible to do much more than a reconnaissance survey, in the hope that this will enable one at least to trace and identify the principal factors involved if not to appraise them finally.Time limitations notwithstanding, since this is the only session devoted to the balance of payments, it is appropriate to recall that Canada has recently passed the half-century milestone in balance of payments statistics. Undoubtedly this is a record for an unbroken series of balance of payments estimates. It is of course quite true that this is not a uniform series; there are three distinct sets of estimates which are neither identical in quality nor in aim. Nevertheless they are sufficiently complete and conformable to give us a fairly uninterrupted view of the main developments in the balance of payments. The gradual evolution of the estimates from a purely private effort undertaken to test theoretical assumptions down to an accepted instrument of official policy is a story in which Canadians can justly take some pride.