bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
On a Minoan Bronze Group of a Galloping Bull and Acrobatic Figure from Crete, with Glyptic Comparisons and a Note on the Oxford Relief showing the Taurokathapsia
Authors: Evans Arthur 
Published: May 2006

Thanks to the kindness of its owner, Captain E. G. Spencer-Churchill, I am able to describe a remarkable Minoan bronze object found in Crete, in the shape of a galloping bull with an acrobatic figure turning a back somersault over his back, both modelled in the round. Views of the group as seen in its original state from the front and side are given in Figs. 1 and 2.The length of the bull at full stretch is 0·156 m., and the height of the group is 0·114 m. Beneath the forefeet of the animal is a metal attachment of angular form, upright in front. It must in some way have served the same purpose of holding the bronze in position as the tangs or nail-like projections visible in the case of many figurines of the votive class. The bull may have been held in some kind of framework, and it is probable that the hind-legs were fixed in a similar way.
Some Notes on Fifth-Century History
Authors: Gomme A. W. 
Published: May 2006

The appearance of the Cambridge Ancient History has revived interest in a number of problems not yet solved. Here are four of the fifth century, on which the authors of the C.A.H. take what is on the whole the prevalent view, and on which something still remains to be said.I. The Peace of CalliasMr. Walker (C.A.H. v. 469–471) argues that the embassy of Callias (Hdt. vii. 151–2) must have been sent about 460, for the simultaneous Argive embassy was asking for a renewal of an old friendship by Artaxerxes, and so had set out soon after the latter's accession. He forgets to add that Herodotus expresses doubts whether any such embassy was ever sent by Argos. He also says that the embassy ‘must have been sent at a time when Argos was in danger of being attacked, obviously by Sparta,’ and so before 451.
A Survey of Greek Alchemy
Authors: Taylor F. Sherwood 
Published: May 2006

In the Greek writings of the first millennium of the Christian era we find our earliest evidence of that remarkable body of doctrine known as Alchemy. Arising perhaps in the traditional knowledge of the Egyptian priesthood, it flourished as a living science and creed for seventeen centuries. The earliest alchemical works that have survived are all written in Greek, and the extant Greek alchemical writings run to more than eighty thousand words. The bulk of these documents is evidence of the attraction which the science possessed for the philosophers of the Byzantine age. Alchemy was then no mere by-way of thought, but one of the major departments of knowledge.The alchemical writings have affinities with other contemporary works. It is, therefore, well to decide on the meaning we shall attach to the word Alchemy before discussing its methods and origin.
A Marble Lamp
Authors: Beazley J. D. 
Published: May 2006

οὐ παλαιὸν εὕρημα λύχνος. ‘The lamp is not an ancient invention.’ The words of Athenaeus (15, 700e) have often been quoted. The lamp was familiar to Minoans and Myceneans, but it died out, and does not reappear till the seventh century. In the dark age that intervened, the Greeks, as Athenaeus goes on to say, used the light of the torch and of other pieces of wood: φλογὶ δʾοἱ παλαιοὶ τῆς τε δᾳδὸς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξύλων ἐχρῶντο. There is only one mention of a lamp in Homer: in Odyssey 19, 33–4 Athene, unseen, lights Odysseus and Telemachos with a lamp: ‘Pallas Athene went in front with a golden lamp, making a very fine light’:According to a modern writer, ‘the lamp is significantly of gold, and in the hands of Athena, it is therefore something rare and costly, or to speak historically, something new’: but I confess I cannot see how this follows from the text.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1931–1932
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I offer a brief survey of books and articles published in 1931 and 1932 which relate solely, or mainly, to Greek inscriptions. Their importance and their number have rendered the undertaking peculiarly difficult and have necessitated, if not the exclusion, at least the most rigorous compression of the paragraphs dealing with the Minoan and other pre-Hellenic scripts. To those scholars who have facilitated my task by sending me off-prints of their works I tender my heartiest thanks.Death has in these years robbed epigraphical studies of a number of their most eminent representatives, among them H. Dessau, F. Durrbach, a leading authority on Delian inscriptions, C. Fredrich, editor of IG. xii. 8, M. Holleaux, outstanding in the Hellenistic field, O. Marucchi, an expert in Christian epigraphy, J. H. Mordtmann, Salomon and Théodore Reinach, and U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, for many years the director of the colossal enterprise of the Inscriptiones Graecae.
Ionia and Greece in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.
Authors: Cook R. M. 
Published: May 2006

A generation or so back scholars were disposed to find in Asiatic Greece the origins of most of Hellenic culture and art: and though Panionismus is no longer as openly professed, belief in it is at least implicit in many more recent works. The purpose of this paper is to examine, so far as the evidence permits, the justice of the claim that Ionia was in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. the infants' school of Hellas.It is prudent to begin with a definition. The term ‘Ionian’ has been used in various senses, and this has made for confusion. First of all it is limited to the geographical area of Ionia; then it is extended to include many of the Cyclades and even Euboea; thirdly, though not often nowadays, it may embrace Athens also; yet again it sometimes covers all the Greeks of the East Aegean—Aeolian, Ionian and Dorian. In this paper ‘Ionian’ will be limited to the geographical Ionia: and the Aeolians, Ionians and Dorians of the East Aegean will be grouped together as ‘East Greek,’ according to current archaeological usage.
Bothroi
Authors: Hutchinson R. W. 
Published: May 2006

House-Pits or ‘bothroi’ have been uncovered on various sites of the Early Bronze Age in Greece, notably at Korakou, Gonia, and Zygouries in the Korinthia, at Asine in the Argolis, and at Eutresis and Orchomenos in Boiotia. They vary considerably in size and shape and the explanations of their purposes advanced by archaeologists are scarcely more uniform. They have been interpreted as common or as sacrificial rubbish pits, as hearths or slow ovens or as ‘silos’ (that is, cupboards for the storage of grain or other food).The theory that such bothroi were underground ovens has recently been championed by Dr. Mylonas, who found one in a neolithic deposit at Olynthos in Macedonia, and who gives an illuminating account of the construction of such an oven at the present day in the neighbouring village of Myriophyto, inhabited by refugees from Asia Minor. The modern oven, or ‘ταντοῦρι,’ was prepared in the following manner.
A Lydian Gloss and Some Names
Authors: Jongkees J. H. 
Published: May 2006

1. For the word κόθορνος (high boot which Greek men and women used on their travels) we have no Greek etymology. Herodotus points to Lydia: after the Persian conquest the Lydian soldiers and wide Lydian clothes. Many Lydian coins of the Imperial period shew κ., whereas I am not aware of any specimen of non-Anatolian origin shewing them. We do not know of any other people wearing κ., so that we may safely take it for granted that those boots were introduced from Lydia into Greece with the word for them.The Lydians were famous for their boots: we know yet another sort mentioned by the Greeks: the ἀσκέρα. Buckler rightly placed this word in Index IV (‘ Words possibly Lydian ’) of Sardis, VI, 2. When Croesus is called in the Delphian oracle: Λυδέ πυδαβρέ (Hdt. I, 55), it is for these luxurious boots.
Droop Cups
Authors: Ure P. N. 
Published: May 2006

In JHS. xlix, 270, Beazley and Payne, in their article on Attic black-figured fragments from Naukratis in the British Museum, publish for the first time fragments of two cups that belong to a well-marked group of black-rimmed kylikes that was first studied by Droop some twenty years ago (JHS. xxx, 21 ff.). These cups can at once be distinguished from the ordinary black-rimmed Little Master kylix by the following peculiarities:The upper part of the stem is reserved and generally channelled.The edge of the foot is convex and black, not, as in normal Little Master cups, whether red or black of rim, straight in section and reserved.The hollow cone that runs from the base some way up the stem has a black band: in normal Little Master cups this cone is entirely reserved.Inside the bowl there is a thin reserved band, not, as in normal Little Master cups, right at the top of the rim, but some way down it.Whereas the normal Little Master cup, whether red-rimmed or black-rimmed, has the lower part of the body black with one reserved band, this treatment is exceptional in the Droop cups, which often shew a great variety of ornamental zones on this part of the vase; of these the most distinctive is a zone of inverted birds or animals, generally in pure silhouette.The inside of the bowl is decorated with only a small reserved medallion with sometimes a central dot and circle or two, or else is entirely black.
The Greek Kouros in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
Authors: Richter Gisela M. A. 
Published: May 2006

Whenever our store of Greek sculpture is enriched by a new example of major importance, the new-comer naturally arouses great interest. The question immediately arises whether it conforms with what is already known of the Greek sculpture of that period or whether it reveals new features. In either case it becomes the object of keen discussion, for we are almost as eager to test the soundness of the edifice we have tentatively set up as to enlarge it.The newly-acquired archaic marble statue in New York (Pls. IV, V) is such an important new-comer. Under the circumstances I have gladly accepted the invitation of the Editorial Committee of this Journal to present a short note on the statue pending its more detailed publication in Metropolitan Museum Studies and Brunn-Bruckmann-Arndt, Denkmäler.The significance of the New York statue lies in the fact that it is the best preserved and so the most representative example of the earliest ‘Apollo’ figures—or kouroi as we now preferably call them—of Greece. That is, it stands at the beginning of the long line of development which began about 600 B.C. and culminated about a century and a half later in the Apollo of Olympia. Its only important contemporaries are the famous colossal figures from Sounion, one extensively restored, the other a mere torso, and the Dipylon statue, of which only the head and one hand have survived. The preservation of the New York statue, on the other hand, is astonishingly good.
Classical Epigrams and Epitaphs
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T. 
Published: May 2006

The epitaphs and other verse inscriptions which are preserved for us in literature impose on us a certain caution. The good-will which our authors have brought to the reading of monuments is like what we bring to the singing of hymns: when lulled by the authority of the verse-form and of the occasion, we can accept things which the poet cannot have intended. I take as example the ‘green hill far awayWithout a city wall.’The poet does not say that the hill is unwalled but that it is outside Jerusalem: yet to understand him to say the former is both easy and common.The moral is important. What generations of intelligent piety can acquiesce in is one thing: what the poet can have meant is another. We must not, therefore, be shocked to find Herodotos also acquiescing in what the poet never meant him to believe. Recording the Battle of Thermopylai, and concluding with the action in which (he says) only Spartans and Thespians fought, he then names the bravest of the Spartans, and then of the Thespians.
A Religious Function of Greek Tragedy
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P. 
Published: May 2006

When the Messenger in the Oedipus Coloneus looked back, he saw that Oedipus had disappeared and that Theseus was screening his eyes with his hand. Then Theseus made adoration to earth and to the Olympus of the gods, both at once: ὁρῶμεν αὐτὸν γῆν τε προσκυνοῦνθ̓ ἅμα καὶ τὸν θεῶν Ὄλυμπονἐνἐν ταὐτῷλόλῳ (1654 f.). There was nothing strange about such a salutation. The Sausageseller in the Knights was bidden to ‘adore earth and the gods’ (ἔπειτα τὴν πρόσκυσον καὶ τοὺς θεούς, 156), and did so, presumably with the same familiar ritual gestures which Theseus used. But the phrasing in the Coloneus is emphatic (ἅμα … ἐν ταὐτῷ λόγῳ), and Jebb has one of his percipient notes: ‘The vision which [Theseus] had just seen moved him to adore both the χθόνιοι and the ὕπατοι. This touch is finely conceived so as to leave the mystery unbroken.’ The mystery, that is, of the passing of Oedipus. οὐ γάρ τις αὐτὸν οὔτε πυρφόρος θεοῦ | κεραυνὸς ἐξέπαξεν οὔτε ποντία | θύελλα κινηθεῖσα τῷ τότ̕ ἐν χρόνῳ, | ἀλλ̕ ἤ τις ἐκ θεῶν πομπός, ἤ τὸ νερτέρων | εὔνουν διαστὰν γῆς ἀλάμπετον βάθρον.The purpose of the following remarks is to suggest a close relationship of thought between the Oedipus Coloneus of Sophocles and the Oresteia of Aeschylus; to suggest, further, that both dramas performed, in terms of the same conceptions, a religious function which tragedy was peculiarly fitted to perform.
On Stephanus Byzantius' Text of Strabo
Authors: Cook J. M. 
Published: May 2006

The full publication, after long and expert study, of the remnant of the Vatican Palimpsest of Strabo (W. Aly and F. Sbordone, de Strabonis Codice Rescripto) redeems this unique early MS. of the Geographica from the oblivion to which Kramer and Cobet consigned it, and justifies all Aly's travail upon it. Aly dates the script about A.D. 500; and while recognising numerous errors and great carelessness on the part of scribe and corrector, he finds support for many of the readings of the palimpsest where they differ from the established text of the Byzantine MSS. of Strabo. He maintains that in the early sixth century there were two distinct traditions of the text current in Constantinople:(i) That of the Vatican Palimpsest (V). Some of its variant readings seem to be echoed in marginal or interlinear corrections in the Byzantine MSS., and Aly therefore believes that V is the source from which such corrections were transmitted. If this is true, they may be freely drawn upon for the establishment of this very early tradition of the text.(ii) The tradition of the text preserved in our Byzantine MSS. of Strabo (L). Aly seeks to identify the archetype of L as the text of Strabo used by Stephanus Byzantius in the early years of Justinian's reign.
Demeter and Dionysos
Authors: Rose H. J. 
Published: May 2006

In JHS LXIX, 18–24, Mrs. A. D. Ure discusses some interesting vases supposedly of Mykalessian make. I am quite incompetent to criticise her remarks concerning their provenance and date, and wish merely to point out that her interpretation of one of them as alluding to Boiotian ritual is highly doubtful.The vase in question is described on pp. 19–20. It is a pyxis, decorated with a human or divine figure shown wearing what looks like a fawn-skin and holding in the right hand something which may well be a while in the left there is, according to Mrs. Ure, who of course has examined the object itself, a faint but discernible fork; I cannot find it on her reproduction. The figure sits on a small elevation which the artist has covered withround spots, quite possibly intending it for a heap of threshed corn. This is flanked, on the spectator's left, by a basket of fruit, on his right by a small pig. The figure's head is adorned with horns, apparently those of a goat and growing from, not merely attached to the crown.
The Dating of Documents to the Mid-Fifth Century—II
Authors: Meritt B. D. , Wade-Gery H. T. 
Published: May 2006

In this Journal last year, in the first part of this paper, we began our discussion of Mattingly's proposal to lower the dates of several fifth-century documents: we began with the two from which he started, namely D7 and D14. These two he proposed to put in the late twenties. We and Malcolm McGregor had put them in the early forties, and after discussing what we took to be Mattingly's most formidable arguments we found no cogent reason to change these dates. We therefore did not go again in detail into their historical contexts, into the numismatic consequences of D14 or into the traces which D7 may have left in the long appendix to quota-list 8.In this second part of our paper we shall discuss the other documents to which Mattingly has assigned more or less plausible new contexts later than those assigned hitherto. In our judgment, the early date of most is indicated by their script, particularly by the fact that most of them write sigma with three bars instead of four, so that it requires arguments of some cogency to move them much below the mid century.For three documents, Mattingly has alleged reasons of such cogency: for D11 (Miletos); for Tod 40 = SEG x 30 (Nike priestess); for SEG x 24 (epistatai for Eleusis). All these use the three-barred sigma, and if the positive reasons which he alleges for their late date are valid, then he is entitled to refuse our sigma criterion.
Content Analysis and Classical Scholarship
Authors: Carney T. F. 
Published: May 2006

Mr Bloch's note contained other surprises for me beside that of discovering that I'd been in the Political Science Department of M.I.T. There does seem to be a real issue, however—propriety of use of a technique like content analysis—so reply seems indicated, unaccustomed as I am to this form of public speaking.Firstly, logic. My reference to content analysis was specifically limited to Mr Stadter's chapter four (third paragraph of my review). Mr Bloch generalises this, apparently (see his paragraph one), to refer to the whole review—certainly he does not deal specifically with my criticisms in paragraph two, though they involve specific, substantive points. My paragraph two dealt with semantics, a separate, if related, issue. Let's not muddle them up here. Some inconsistency seems involved in arguing that ‘content analysis has nothing to contribute’ (Mr Bloch's paragraph three) while yet ‘students of literature and historians have for generations pursued “content analysis” as a major aim of their professions' (paragraph four). I note also that Mr Bloch was able to define the use of content analysis as ‘inappropriate’ even when it was ‘a term he had never previously encountered’ (paragraph two).
An Etruscan Inscription in Reading
Authors: Lockwood W. B. 
Published: May 2006

The Curator of the Museum of Greek Archaeology at Reading University, Mrs A. D. Ure, recently drew our attention to an apparendy unnoticed Etruscan inscription on a fragment of an Attic red-figure stemless cup datable to the third quarter of the fifth century B.C. Mrs Ure further referred us to the classification of the cup in J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters2 (Oxford, 1963) 1297 (no. 7), the Painter of London E 122.The tondo inside the cup (plate VIIa) is practically complete (diam. 12.5 cm.), but all the external decoration is lost except small parts of the bottom of the floral pattern under each handle. Inside the tondo are the figures of two women, one seated in a chair and holding a sceptre, the odier standing frontal, looking to the left towards the seated woman and holding out a box in her direction, though she does not seem to be actually offering it to her. The underside of the base has painted rings and a moulded black circular band 1 cm. wide (Plate VIIb).An inscription in Etruscan letters is scratched on the underside of the base (plate VIIc). The letters run from right to left, as is usual in Etruscan inscriptions; we transliterate cipisvinas (cf. the tables of Etruscan alphabets in G. Buonamici, Epigrafia etrusca, 1932, 122–3). There will be no doubt about the genuine Etruscan character of the word. One notices the vowel harmony, an often attested feature (M. Pallottino, Etruscologia,2 1947, 287).
The Cycle of Agathias
Authors: Cameron Averil , Cameron Alan 
Published: May 2006

Following the example of Meleager and Philip of Thessalonica, Agathias of Myrina, poet, lawyer and continuator of the Wars of Procopius, compiled in the sixth century A.D. an anthology of epigrams, generally known as the Cycle (κύκλος) which, together with those of Meleager and Philip, was incorporated into the later anthology of Constantine Cephalas and partially survives in the Palatine and Planudean anthologies. But unlike Meleager and Philip, Agathias included only the work of contemporaries, representatives of that Indian summer of Greek poetry which illuminates the age of Justinian. And it has always been assumed that the Cycle was published during Justinian's reign, and that the (unnamed) Emperor to whom Agathias' (surviving) preface is addressed is Justinian himself.But the arguments on which this dating is based are as flimsy as could well be imagined, and neglect moreover a number of material pieces of evidence which point decisively to a later date. P. Waltz, editor of the (alas unfinished) Budé Anthology, observes that the allusions to Italy and Rome in Agathias' preface (AP iv 3) ‘permettent d'en dater la publication des années qui suivent la reprise de Rome par Narsès’ in 553. Not a very helpful terminus post quem. In 553 Agathias was hardly more than 20. No one, surely, would wish to suggest that he published the Cycle before he was out of his teens.
Minoan Linear B: A Reply
Authors: Chadwick John 
Published: May 2006

The tragic death of Dr. Michael Ventris in September 1956 has thrust upon me the task of answering the criticisms made by Professor A. J. Beattie of his decipherment of the Minoan Linear B script [JHS lxxvi (1956) pp. 1–17]. Reasons of time and space preclude more than a summary reply; but fortunately almost all his points are covered by our discussion in Documents in Mycenaean Greek (Cambridge University Press, 1956), to which the reader is referred. I judge it necessary, however, to correct some wrong impressions and comment on some of Professor Beattie's methods.The account of the decipherment is tendentious and distorted. The need for brevity prevented a fuller account in Evidence [JHS lxxiii (1953), pp. 84–103]; a more detailed version appears in Documents; but the whole story as it unfolded month by month can still be traced in the duplicated work-notes which Dr. Ventris circulated during the period 1950–52. It should be enough to say that the crucial step of applying phonetic values to the grid was based upon the reasonable hypothesis that certain words found only at Knossos represented the names of important Cretan towns. At that stage the language was still unidentified; it was as the result of the values obtained from the place-names that Dr. Ventris was forced to the conclusion that the language was Greek. This led to the recognition of Greek declensions in the Linear B inflexions, not the other way about.