bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Benefits of Foreign Investment in Canada, 1950 TO 1956
Authors: Penner Rudolph G. 
Published: June 2006

During the 1950's and 1960's the high level of foreign investment in Canada has provoked a continuing public debate, but for the most part the controversy has raged unrestrained by any quantitative information on the potential benefit of foreign capital. The lack of data is understandable, for in attempting an estimate one encounters a multitude of conceptual and empirical problems that militate against any sort of precision.Although it is impossible to be exact, I believe that the importance of the problem warrants making some rough guesses, and that is the task of this paper. My tools will be crude and there will be many compromises with reality, but by choosing my assumptions so that they impart an upward bias to my estimates, I can at least attempt to establish an upper bound to the true benefit of foreign investment. Even if the numerical estimates are not too reliable, making them forces us to separate the many issues related to the problem and to speculate on their relative importance.It must be noted initially that the models of this paper consider only the benefits conferred by the inflow of real resources financed by foreign capitalists, and they do not take account of the technical knowledge and skilled personnel often accompanying direct foreign investment. My first model assumes that some new knowledge is implemented by foreign investment, but no more than would be implemented by the same amount of domestic investment. I consider neither the possibility that the technical change associated with foreign investment proceeds at a faster pace than that associated with domestic investment, nor the possibility that techniques introduced by foreigners have external effects. I take this narrow approach not only because it would be virtually impossible to isolate the impact of technical change introduced by foreigners but also because I do not think that foreign investment is necessary to the international transmission of technical information.
Post-War Consumption in Canada: A First Look at the Aggregates
Authors: Powell Alan 
Published: June 2006

This paper is a preliminary report of a study of post-war patterns of aggregate consumption in Canada. The data consist of the eight gross categories of personal consumption recorded in the official statistics, and the corresponding price indicators. A fifteen-yeai time-series spanning the years 1949 to 1963 has been used to fit a complete system of consumer demand equations for the eight categories using a method more fully reported elsewhere. Basically, this method makes the simplest plausible assumption about the form of the utility function, namely, that of “directly additive preferences,” and utilizes the consequent dependence between substitution and income effects to sharpen the specification of the model. In the absence of such specifying restrictions, analysis of short time series is not likely to prove very fruitful.It is not claimed that “directly additive preferences” provides the optimum set of restrictions (though it certainly provides the simplest). More sophisticated utility schemes, such as Mr. Barten's “almost-additive” preference concept, are likely to yield more reliable results. In this sense, the present report is preliminary. There are also other areas even within the framework of additive preferences in which further improvements could be sought; some of these are indicated later. Finally, the available arbitrary classification of consumption expenditure is in no sense ideal.
Meetings of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada, 1867–1882
Authors: Forsey Eugene 
Published: June 2006

In Britain, a meeting of the Privy Council means a meeting of the Queen and three or more Privy Counsellors (at least four must be summoned, but only three need be present). Such meetings are, of course, summoned for purely formal purposes, but they are not infrequent. It used to be blandly assumed that similar meetings of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada had taken place only very rarely indeed. Successive articles by Professor Mallory showed that at least in the early years after Confederation this was not so.Professor MacNutt, on the other hand, has suggested that, until Lord Lome's assumption of the Governor-Generalship, meetings of the Council with the Governor present were the rule rather than the exception, and that they were much more than merely formal. He says: “Shortly after his arrival in Ottawa, Lorne was astonished by an invitation to sit in Council with [his ministers] as public business was discussed. He was shown the high-backed, decorated gubernatorial chair in the cabinet room in the east block where Dufferin had sat like a Stuart monarch and sometimes summarily influenced debate. Lorne refused; most informed men were confused and mystified.”
The Competition for Personal Savings Deposits in Canada
Authors: Salyzyn Vladimir 
Published: June 2006

The primary purpose of this article is to perform a statistical test of the popular contention that interest rate differentials have been important determinants of the relative decline of the Canadian chartered banks in the competition for personal savings deposits. The Report of the Royal Commission on Banking and Finance, in listing the various factors that influence the distribution of savings deposits among depository institutions, stated that, “the rate paid on deposits is also a very important factor in attracting funds. …” The Commission also commented that the fact that the banks have not paid as high rates as their competitors on personal savings deposits “has without question contributed to their relatively slow rate of growth.” In support of these assertions the Commission stated that, “there is evidence suggesting the force of interest rate competition. As an example, market rates and rates paid on such claims as trust and loan company liabilities rose quite sharply in 1959 while the banks' rate held steady as 2¾%. In that year the share of personal savings deposits in the ‘market’ … declined more sharply than in previous years.”The Commission's evidence, it may be suggested, falls into the post hoc ergo propter hoc category. For example, the fact that the number of trust company outlets increased 5.3 per cent during 1958–59, compared to only 0.2 per cent on the average during the previous six-year period, can just as easily be presented as the reason for the relative increase of trust company savings in 1959.
Early Twentieth Century Business Cycles in Canada
Authors: Hay Keith A. J. 
Published: June 2006

Canada's economic development during the first two decades of the twentieth century has been examined intensively by such writers as Viner, Meier, and Ingram. Viner claimed that Canadian experience from 1900–1913 clearly demonstrated the working of the classic specie flow mechanism and the international operation of the quantity theory of money. Meier re-examined the period, and in the light of additional evidence concluded that dynamic forces of economic development (expansion of the wheat economy, and later capital inflows) dominated the Canadian record during the period. Ingram also argued that rapid expansion of the economy after 1900 created investment opportunities and attracted an inflow of foreign funds that was closely linked to the development boom. More recently, Borts has suggested an important role for export prices in inaugurating the era of expansion.This emphasis on long-run economic performance has detracted attention from short-run variations in the Canadian economy during the pre-war period. Some work in this area was attempted by Taylor and Michell, who built a composite annual index of prosperity to define cyclical swings in a rough way, and by Mitchell and Thorp who provided an annual sketch of conditions in several countries including Canada.The precise dating of business cycle turning points in Canada owes much to the pioneering work of Chambers. He has produced tentative reference cycle turning points for the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and for the period from 1919 to 1955. The only portion of the post-Confederation century yet to be analysed in this manner is therefore the period from 1900 to 1919.
The Recruitment and Migration of Canadian Social Scientists
Authors: Scott Anthony 
Published: June 2006

This paper presents some information about the two disciplines which have hitherto composed our association. It is largely a by-product of a series of studies in which I have been collaborating on the international migration of scientists and engineers. My paper arises from our research because, as I hope to suggest, many of the particular characteristics of the collectivity of political scientists and economists in Canada arise from its uncertainty about its geographical reference. This in turn is a consequence of the dependence of Canadian academic departments, and of other employers, on sources outside Canada for the training of new recruits.The subject is by no means new. At least part of my theme was put before this association almost twenty years ago by Professor H. F. Angus in his 1949 presidential address “Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences,” in which much consideration was given to advanced study abroad. In 1952 Professor J. E. Hodgetts reviewed three contemporary reports (by Professors Dawson, Watkins and Keirstead, and Macpherson) on the teaching of political science in Canada; they make gloomy reading today. We have also had the advantage of a series of papers on research in the social sciences, sponsored by the Social Science Research Council of Canada, by Messrs. Ostry, Dawson, Clark, and others.
Privy Council, Cabinet, and Ministry in Britain and Canada: A Story of Confusion
Authors: Banks Margaret A. 
Published: June 2006

When the British North America Act was passed in 1867, the distinction between Privy Council, cabinet, and ministry was already well established in Britain. The Privy Council was the body recognized by law, but its original function of advising the Crown had been taken over by the cabinet, which remained in principle a committee of the larger body. The ministry was composed of those privy counsellors who formed the cabinet, plus certain other ministers who were outside the cabinet and were not normally sworn of the Privy Council.Before the federation of the British North American provinces, colonial “cabinets” had been styled “executive councils” and resignation from office had carried with it no continuing title of precedence; that is, contrary to British practice, a minister who resigned his portfolio ceased to be a member of the the executive council and hence lost his title of “Honourable.” Undoubtedly it was felt, as Alpheus Todd has stated, that an organization resembling the British Privy Council, liable to be convened on special occasions or for ceremonial purposes, was unnecessary in a colony, where government should be kept as simple as possible. Similarly, since the powers of colonial governments were relatively limited, there was no need for a large ministry; thus, the British distinction between ministers in the cabinet and those outside had not developed in the colonies.
The Impact of Foreign Trade on Canadian Industries, 1956
Authors: Matuszewski T. I. , Pitts P. R. , Sawyer John A. 
Published: June 2006

This paper presents some computations of the impact of exports to various areas of the world in 1956 upon output, employment, and income originating in Canadian industries. It also examines what might have happened if both exports and imports in 1956 had increased by, say, one hundred million dollars; that is, if a balanced increase in foreign trade had occurred. A major purpose of the analysis is to illustrate a method by which the effects of such an increase on the industrial distribution of output, employment, and income might be estimated. The analysis includes, in addition to the direct effects, the indirect effects on industries which produce materials or other inputs used by the industries directly affected by foreign trade. Inter-industry input-output analysis has been used to estimate these indirect effects. Secondary effects resulting from the changes in income induced by the changes in foreign trade are, however, not included in the analysis.The year 1956 was chosen largely as a result of statistical convenience. As a result of previous work by the present authors, a large body of inter-industry statistics for 1956 exists. This made it possible to “update” the 1949 input-output matrices to 1956 by a technique which will be explained below so that it could be used in conjunction with the export figures specially prepared for this study.
What is left of Adam Smith?
Authors: Leacock Stephen 
Published: June 2006

Here are two sciences—Philosophy and Political Economy—both bankrupt. The one went through the courts at least a hundred years ago and is now a cheery old bankrupt, bright and garrulous in old age. It talks most interestingly about its case, citing a long list of opinions and judgments that go back to the Greeks. The other bankrupt has just been thrown into the receiver's hands, still protesting angrily, still claiming that it has wonderful assets, that everything will be all right. It cites a wilderness, not of opinion, but of statistics and facts, all apparently bearing on nothing, gets confused, breaks down and cries—a very picture of senile collapse.There are those who dislike metaphor; let us say the same thing in a plain way. Philosophy means the attempt to discover the ultimate nature of existence, of consciousness, of time and space. Has it found it? No. Is it going to? Not a chance of it. Where is it? Nowhere. Some people do not understand this. They read of the work of the Mayos and the Carrels and the Rutherfords and think that they are getting somewhere. In the philosophical sense it is not so. No ultimate dissection of the human body will ever find the human soul. The substitution of Rutherford's atom for Huxley's—replacing a solid particle infinitely small by a huge cavern empty except for centres of force—does not carry us one inch further in our quest of the final relations of mind and matter. Our greatest medical men know no more of the ultimate nature of consciousness than did a horse doctor in Asia Minor B.C. 500. Einstein, as far as the ultimate truth of space, time, and number goes, is no further on than Rodin's “Penseur”—his statue of the primitive man, buried in stubborn thought and trying, let us say, to think out whether two and two is four, or is five.
Reply to Professor Knight
Authors: Parsons Talcott 
Published: June 2006

It is, perhaps, at least partly an unfortunate consequence of the pressure for brevity in the formulation of titles that Professor Knight begins his critical discussion of my article with the statement that though it “in terms of bulk consists of sound and valuable insights” it is “utterly misleading with respect to the main question at issue.” It may be permissible to suggest that for Professor Knight and myself the main questions at issue are not identical, as so often happens in intellectual discussion. To help clarify the question I shall attempt to state more explicitly than was done in the article itself what it was designed to accomplish.The aim of this tentative outline was overwhelmingly positive rather than critical. It contained, in the introductory paragraphs, only sufficient statement of the historical and interdisciplinary aspects of the problem of “self-interest” to give a very broad orientation to the setting of the problem. The bulk of the article, which it may be hoped includes at least partly the “sound and valuable insights” of which Professor Kjiight speaks, was devoted to the outlining of what seems to the author, in the light of the present state of development both of economic and of sociological theory, to be the closest attainable approach, in such broad outline, to a satisfactorily usable account of the subject.
Canadian War-Time Price Controls, 1941-6
Authors: Taylor K. W. 
Published: June 2006

In a number of important aspects Canadian war-time price controls were a pioneering venture and for this reason have aroused considerable interest both at home and abroad. It is too soon to present a considered appraisal of these policies and procedures—indeed the operation has not yet been concluded—but it is perhaps not too soon to record in a broad way what was done and why.When war broke out in September, 1939 Canada, in common with most other countries, was emerging uncertainly from a decade of economic depression. Prices were low, unemployment was high, and the costs of relief were still a heavy charge on federal, provincial, and municipal budgets. The general index of wholesale prices was 28 per cent below 1926 and only 9 points above the low point of the depression in 1933. The iron and steel industry was operating at 20 per cent below 1928-9, and probably not in excess of 50 per cent of capacity. Recorded unemployed formed 12 per cent of the normal working force, and under-employment affected a further large percentage. Nearly a million persons were on direct relief and the fully employable persons on direct urban relief numbered nearly 200,000. In brief we entered the war with a high proportion of idle and underemployed resources.We also entered the war with a sound and reasonably well thought out conception of overall war-time economic policy, but, excepting foreign exchange control which had been carefully prepared in detail well in advance, with very little organization for carrying it out and no very clear notion of what kind of a war it would be and along what lines our major contributions would, lie. The Defence Purchasing Board, predecessor of the Department of Munitions and Supply, began operations in July, 1939, but the organization of price and supply controls received detailed consideration only a few weeks before hostilities broke out. The Wartime Prices and Trade Board was created on September 3, 1939, and within a few weeks was actively involved in half a dozen commodity fields.
The Basis of Representation in the House of Commons
Authors: Ward Norman 
Published: June 2006

The Canadian House of Commons, superficially at least, is so obviously a representative assembly that an examination of the basis of representation therein may perhaps seem a waste of time. Yet one cannot proceed far in a study of the House of Commons without becoming aware that some aspects of representation rest on bases whose existence receives little explicit recognition, and that the theories of representation which are explicitly accepted in Parliament are often contradicted by the facts.A major obstacle to the understanding on parliamentary representation is the broad disagreement among authorities as to what representative government is, and what it ought to be. This problem will not be settled here, but it must be recorded that the best-known works on representative government, which range from the reasoned pronouncements of John Stuart Mill to the impatient murmurs of proportional representation societies, are uniformly reticent in defining the institution which they are discussing. Concise descriptions of particular kinds of representative government are common, but genuine definitions are not. A British Royal Commission on Electoral Systems worked for several months in 1909 and neither the commissioners nor the witnesses who appeared before them attempted to assess accurately what the fundamental purpose of an electoral system was. Again, John Stuart Mill believed that a single legislature could represent a nation, and being happily ignorant of twentieth-century psychology, he was able to argue further that representative institutions could be improved by taking thought. G. D. H. Cole, on the other hand, has stated that the representation of a whole population by one body is impossible; Parliament, he says, represents everybody for everything, and therefore nobody for anything—and his way out of this impasse is to urge the creation of an apparently indefinite number of representative assemblies, each of which would discharge one specific function.
Economic Development and the Transfer Mechanism: Canada, 1895–1913
Authors: Meier G. M. 
Published: June 2006

Among the several inductive studies of the international transfer mechanism, Professor Viner's investigation of Canada's foreign borrowings in the period 1900–13 has provided the most convincing substantiation of the classical price-specie-flow mechanism. Yet, on the theoretical level, the neo-Keynesian theory of international trade now makes it difficult to accept the classical view of the transfer process as a complete explanation. And, on the empirical level, the availability of more comprehensive statistics and further research in Canada's economic history now allow us to understand in greater detail the forces of economic growth which were particularly strong in Canada during the years of foreign borrowing. Should we not therefore attempt to supplement Professor Viner's study by recognizing the relevance of income analysis and the historical context of economic development?To place Professor Viner's study in this wider frame of analysis is the objective of this paper. Section one briefly recalls the conclusions of Professor Viner's investigation. The second section establishes some significant features of Canada's economic development, while the final section relates these features to the operation of the transfer mechanism and revises Professor Viner's interpretation.
Inter-Generation Occupational Mobility in the Province of Quebec
Authors: de Jocas Yves , Rocher Guy 
Published: June 2006

This study deals with what P. Sorokin calls “inter-generation occupational mobility.” It endeavours to ascertain the extent to which occupation is transmitted from father to son, and the occupational transfers that occur when sons do not follow their fathers' occupations. Similarity of occupation between father and son is called occupational stability; change of occupation from father to son is referred to as occupational mobility. Our study is concerned with both occupational stability and occupational mobility.We started with the conviction that research of this kind can contribute to the knowledge of social stratification and social mobility in the province of Quebec. In fact, it is not easy to study social stratification as such. In almost any contemporary society what we call social stratification is a generalized concept which may refer to one or the other of several scales of stratification depending on the point of view adopted. Sorokin, for example, distinguishes three scales of social stratification. “Concrete forms of social stratification are numerous. The majority of them may, however, be reduced to three principal classes: the economic, the political, and the occupational stratification. As a general rule, these forms are closely intercorrelated with each other.”
The Interlocking of Social and Economic Factors in Asian Development
Authors: Keyfitz Nathan 
Published: June 2006

Any planned growth is embedded in a set of institutions and attitudes which come from the past; in Asia a rich past obtrudes into the present in every aspect of life. One can see the layers of history lying one on the other in both material and mental life, in every field from archaeology to arithmetic, from ethics to economics. There is no hope of doing justice to this past in any summary that can be included here, but it may be useful to frame remarks about the future in terms of a simplified account of the three Asias which this century inherits.The three Asias of the past. The periods of Asian history are most easily described in agricultural terms: Stone Age shifting cultivation; advanced irrigated rice culture which had spread to most of the more heavily settled portions of the continent hundreds of years ago; plantations established under imperial rule. In recent years all of these forms of agriculture and associated industry have merged into nation-states created since the Second World War.