bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A New Historical Aspect of the Pylos and Sphacteria Incidents
Authors: Awdry H. 
Published: May 2006

It has always been usual to approach the question of Thucydides' narrative of Pylos and Sphacteria with all its difficulties on the assumption that the main object of Eurymedon and the Athenian fleet was originally the affairs of Corcyra and Sicily, and afterwards the rescue of Demosthenes and the garrison of Pylos. Yet this view involves a manifest contradiction. Eurymedon was in a hurry; he left Demosthenes with an insignificant force, with the absolute certainty that he would be attacked and that he himself would have to come back and help him; all this must have been thought of beforehand ; why then did he leave him? or having left him, why did he come back to help him, stultifying thereby his own plan of operations?The answer may perhaps be found in strategical considerations. The expedition was first fitted out with a view to interference in the affairs of Sicily; but there intervened a more immediate object, for a chance presented itself of catching the Peloponnesian fleet. Let us assume therefore that Eurymedon's main purpose was the destruction of the Peloponnesian fleet wherever found, and then let us see what this involves (i) in regard to the strategy at Pylos, (ii) in regard to the local difficulties in Thucydides. It will be found to have the greatest influence upon both.
The Road-System of Eastern Asia Minor with the Evidence of Byzantine Campaigns
Authors: Anderson J. G. C. 
Published: May 2006

Of late years a good deal of discussion has been devoted to the Road-System of Cappadocia and the Tauros region in ancient times, and it might seem at first sight superfluous to discuss the subject over again. But conclusions already reached must always be tested in the light of new facts; and in the case before us several new facts have come to hand, which illuminate our subject and enable us to introduce into it a considerable amount of simplification. I propose, therefore, in the following paper to describe the roads which traversed this part of the country and then to prove their direction as well as their importance from the evidence of Byzantine campaigns. This is the simplest order to follow, because one campaign generally covers several routes and it would involve a sacrifice of clearness to break up the campaigns into a series of disjecta membra.At every period in the history of Asia Minor the most important roads from the west converged towards Caesareia-Mazaka (Kaisariye), which in later times became the metropolis of Cappadocia, and radiated thence towards east and south. Sebasteia-Sivas forms another centre only second in importance to Caesareia; and the entire road-system of Eastern Asia Minor is most easily described and most clearly understood by taking these two cities as the starting-points. I shall therefore begin with the roads leading East and South from Caesareia and afterwards go on to those radiating from Sebasteia-Sivas.
The Text of the Homeric Hymns
Authors: Allen T. W. 
Published: May 2006

Recent literature on this Hymn is almost limited to the notes of R. Peppmüller, Philologus, 1884, p. 196 sq., 1894, p. 253 sq., and H. Pomtow, Neue Jahrb. f. Phil., 1886, p. 176, and the articles of A. Kirchhoff, Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Akad. xlii. 1893, and A. W. Verrall in this Journal vol. xiv. pp. 1 sqq. (1894). For Apollo we have the account by Roscher in his Lexicon; Mr. Farnell (Cults of Greek States) has not yet treated him.Want of illustration and of positive information upon the topics with which the Hymn deals, is the chief stumbling block to its interpretation. We are practically entirely ignorant, so far as other sources are concerned, at these places: the geographical names 32, 35, 40, 217, 422, 423; the nature of Eilithyia's necklace 103; the recitations at the Delian festival 156 sq., Apollo's ‘brides’ 208 sq., the observances connected with chariots at Onchestus 230 sq., the epithets of Apollo 373, 496; the part taken by Cretans in the Delphic worship 393 sq.
Gleanings from Mysia
Authors: Arthur J. , Munro J. Arthur R. 
Published: May 2006

The following notes were collected on a journey from Kutaya to Alexandria Troas in September 1899. My main objects were roads and sites, but I copied any inscriptions that came in my way, and believe that those here given have not yet been published.1. Aezanitis.—At Gyunuk Euren, three hours east of Chavdyr Hissar on the road to Kutaya, I noticed two tombstones of the door type which is characteristic of the country east of the Rhyndacus, and a pillar very like a milestone. One of the tombstones, which has a double gable, bears a half effaced inscription:Left Arch.Right Arch.
Archaeology in Greece, 1900–1901
Authors: Bosanquet R. C. 
Published: May 2006

There is so much to record from Greece proper and the islands, that it will be necessary to omit Asia Minor from the scope of the present article. It has been a year of surprises, from the episode of the sponge-diver knocking at the door of the Minister of Education to report a shipload of statues lying under the sea, to the rediscovery of Aphaea, the unknown goddess who emerged the other day from the pages of Pausanias and Antoninus Liberalis to receive the honours due to her in the famous temple on Aegina.In describing the results of excavations it is convenient to begin as I did last year with the prehistoric period and with Crete, where a number of workers, two Italians, two Americans, seven Englishmen, have been exploring early sites. The French School has not excavated there this year, but has organized a geographical expedition under the leadership of M. Ardaillon which is to make a much-needed survey of the island.
Odysseus and Kirke on a Boeotian Vase
Authors: Walters H. B. 
Published: May 2006

The vase of which an illustration is given on Plate IV. is one that has lately been acquired by the British Museum, and is in many ways of exceptional interest. It is a specimen of a peculiar class of local vases, which first became known through excavations made in 1888 on the site of the Kabeirion at Thebes. A full account of these excavations and their results was given by Dr. Winnefeld and other writers in the Athenische Mittheilungen for 1888, Vol. xiii. pp. 81, 412 ff.The vase under discussion is not the only one of this kind in the Museum; two similar vases were acquired in 1889, one of which is illustrated in the Museum Catalogue of Vases (1893), p. 75. These two vases (numbered B 77—8) are skyphoi of the same shape and technique as our present one, and bear designs of a very similar character, though not of such great interest.The remains of pottery discovered in the Kabeirion are not confined to this local class; vases and fragments covered with plain black varnish were found, and a fair number of examples of Athenian pottery or imitations of the same, mostly with red figures.
Aetolian Inscriptions
Authors: Woodhouse W. J. 
Published: May 2006

A singularly small contribution has been made by Aetolia to the vast and steadily growing mass of our epigraphical treasures. This seems to be due to two reasons,—a real dearth of inscriptions traceable in part to the character of the Aetolians themselves, and, secondly, the comparative neglect that Aetolia has suffered at the hands of travellers and archaeologists. The inscriptions given here are the results of a detailed exploration extending over part of each of the two years 1892 and 1893.A large proportion, and those the most interesting of the inscriptions found, come from Naupaktos, or its immediate neighbourhood. This valuable maritime station was, as is well known, put by Athens into the possession of the exiled Messenians and with the downfall of her Empire it passed into the hands of the Achaean allies of Sparta: they seem to have kept it in spite of all the efforts of the Aetolians and it was not until 338 B.C. that its natural owners finally regained it by the gift of Philip of Macedon. From that time onwards Naupaktos played an important part in the history of the League. Pausanias visited the town and among its antiquities he mentions the ruins of a temple of Asklepios of some reputation. The site of this temple has been identified from the inscriptions cut in the face of a rock forming the back of a terrace near the springs called Kephalóvrysis, a few minutes' walk to the east of the town. The few fragments which are all that can now be deciphered of the numerous inscriptions which once covered the rock are given by R. Weil in his paper ‘Das Asklepieion von Naupaktos,’ Mitth. des deutsch. Inst. vol. iv. p. 22.
First Report of a Journey in Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Pamphylia
Authors: Cronin H. S. 
Published: May 2006

I Am availing myself of the kindness of several friends and especially of Professor Ramsay's to make the following additions or corrections in Part I. In the first inscription (p. 97), line 7, the Τ should have been marked doubtful; Professor Ramsay conjectures ἀθ]λοφό[ρ]ου Line 8 should read ΝΟ⊂ and not ΜΟ⊂. Line 10 should be deleted and the remaining lines renumbered. In line 13 (formerly 14), the A may be an Ν. In the second inscription, line 6, the first letter had the shape of a ∨ rather than a Υ. Professor Ramsay tells me also that, according to his drawing, the outside walls of the three shorter arms of the chapel (p. 96) were less square than I have represented them.With reference to No. 10, it is worth while to note that the word βικάρις occurs in a Coptic ostracon recently published by Mr. W. E. Crum (Coptic Ostraca, No. 209, cf. p. 58 of the Commentary). From what we know of the title, we should be inclined to say that this ‘Eustathius of Hermonthis’ (cf. also op. cit. No. 366) there mentioned had invoked the aid of the civil power and that ‘Paul the vicarius’ was a civil officer (cf. Crum op. cit. p. xviii.).
Unpublished Inscriptions from the Cyzicus Neighbourhood
Authors: Hasluck F. W. 
Published: May 2006

1. At Robert College, Bebek, Constantinople, small stele 0·36 × 0·69 (letters 0·15) with relief of sacrifice to Apollo Citharoedus by a number of worshippers arranged in rows above each other: the inscription is much worn:The epithet may be connected with the river name Macestus, Mecistus, with which again we may compare the Lesbian mountain Macistum, and the name Macestis in Le Bas 1127. The Macestus valley is possibly the provenance of both the Bebek stelai. A long series of votives dedicated to Apollo Crateanus (Arch. Zeit. 1875, 162), is said to come from a spot three hours from Manyas and nine from Balukiser. I was told also by Mr. Bunning of Susurlu that many of the Van Branteghem antiquities were found at a spot near Omarkeui.
Mystica Vannus Iacchi (continued)
Authors: Harrison Jane Ellen 
Published: May 2006

I must ask the readers of the Hellenic Journal to take the somewhat disjointed notes that follow strictly for what they are, namely, addenda to my paper in last year's Journal (vol. xxiii. 1903) on the ‘Mystica Vannus Iacchi.’My object in writing that paper was to elucidate the mysticism of the ‘fan’ and thereby, I hoped, to throw some light on an obscure chapter in the history of Greek religion, namely the shift from the worship of Demeter to that of Dionysos. Incidentally it became necessary to examine the various forms of winnowing ‘fans.’ My personal interest in this necessary step in my argument was slight and my statement of evidence, I fear, inadequate and superficial. Since the appearance of the article many friendly critics have supplied me with material to fill the gaps left by my ignorance, and the examination of this material has not been without its use to me in clearing up some obscurities as to the mysticism of the fan.
The Growth of Spartan Policy
Authors: Dickins Guy 
Published: May 2006

The relation of Sparta to the other Greek states in the early days of Greek history has been little examined and less understood. As a result two erroneous hypotheses have found their way into the stock-in-trade of the ancient historian. The first of these is that the development of Sparta was quite exceptional and unique among the Greek states; the second is that the foreign policy of Sparta was wholly opportunist, or, so far as a guiding principle can be traced, was mainly influenced by the domestic question of the helots.It is the object of this article to prove:—(1) That down to 550 Sparta underwent a political development closely analogous to that of the rest of Greece.
An Attic Grave Lekythos
Authors: Welsh Silvia M. 
Published: May 2006

Pentelic marble. Total height, 113 cm. Height of body, 96 cm. Of figured space, 47 cm. Circumference round the bottom of figured space, 116·5 cm.The upper part of the neck and the whole of the handle are missing.This beautiful marble grave lekythos, which I have received kind permission to publish from Dr. Kastriotis and M. Stais, is now in the National Museum of Athens (No. 2584). It was discovered in the year 1904 in the house of Spiliotis near the σφαγεῖα on the left bank of the Ilisos.The vase itself is considerably broken, and the surface of the marble is unfortunately a good deal damaged, but in spite of this, at the first glance, one is struck by the beauty of the whole composition of the relief which covers more than half of the body of the lekythos. This relief is interesting also for its subject matter, which, as far as I am aware, has no exact parallel; a somewhat unusual fact, for on the whole there is not very much variation in the scenes and motives represented on the Greek grave reliefs.
The Middle Minoan Pottery of Knossos
Authors: Mackenzie Duncan 
Published: May 2006

In the sketch of the pottery of Knossos that appeared in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1903, pp. 157–205, it was sought to give a general account of Knossian ceramic development on the basis of such finds as were to hand up to date.Since then, however, further evidence has been accumulating such as serves to bring into clearer outline particular phases in development. This happens to be specially true of the Middle Period. The object, accordingly, of the present paper, which I undertake by kind permission of Dr. Arthur Evans, is to examine the new ceramic materials in so far as they are illustrative of the successive phases of Middle Minoan ceramic development.The results of a special examination of the pottery found in Early Minoan deposit up to date are to the effect that the two kinds of ground, respectively light and dark, coexist from the very beginning of the use of paint in Cretan ceramics. Thus it can no longer be a question of the one kind of ground supervening upon the other at any later stage but only the problem of the relation to each other, throughout the course of their collateral development, of two kinds of background which co-exist from the beginning and so co-exist in virtue of a technical principle which is as old as any decorative art.
Two Bronze Portraits from Egypt
Authors: Edgar C. C. 
Published: May 2006

The bronze statuettes which are reproduced on PL XVIII. form part of the small collection of Greek and Roman antiquities in the Egyptian department of the British Museum, They are practically entire, though the surface of the bronze has suffered considerably from oxydization. I am much indebted to the authorities of the Museum for allowing me to publish two such interesting pieces.The provenance of the two bronzes is indicated by their place in the Museum: they come from Egypt. It is evident too that they have been made as a pair. At first sight they might be taken for Olympian deities, but looking more closely one sees that the heads are intended for portraits. They must therefore represent a deified king and queen, and there can be little doubt as to what royal couple they do represent.
The Central Groups of the Parthenon Pediments
Authors: Smith Cecil 
Published: May 2006

There is probably no subject in Greek archaeology which has afforded material for so much discussion as the identification and arrangement of the sculptures of the Parthenon, and at first sight it may seem presumptuous at this time of day to bring forward new views. But, on the other hand, it must be remembered that discussion cannot be wholly fruitless, even if it does no more than bring us closer into touch with the work of Pheidias; and even this well-worn path is not a mere wandering up and down, but sometimes leads us farther. If it is vouchsafed to us by taking thought only to add one small fragment to the Frieze, the labour is not in vain. And so I have the less hesitation in returning once more to the question of the central groups of the two Pediments of the Parthenon.Discussion on these two subjects has entered (as I shall hope to shew) on a new phase since the discovery was recently made that we must remove one of the figures commonly assigned to the East Pediment and place it in the West. It is now, I believe, generally admitted that the supposed Nike of the East Pediment does not belong to that Pediment at all, but is the figure shewn in Carrey's drawing as in the West Pediment, next behind the Poseidon.
Some Graeco-Phoenician Shrines
Authors: Hill G. F. 
Published: May 2006

With but two exceptions, no trace now remains of the shrines with which this paper deals, or at least no trace has been revealed by excavation. Practically the sole record of these buildings is to be found on the coins struck in the district during the period of the Roman Empire, and more especially during the third century of our era. The earlier coins, from the beginning of the coinage towards the end of the fifth century B.C., tell us something about the cults, but little of their furniture. But in the Roman age, especially during the time of the family of Severus and Elagabalus, there was a considerable outburst of coinage, which, in its types, reveals certain details interesting to the student of the fringe of Greek and Roman culture.The evidence thus provided is necessarily disjointed, and concerns only the external, official aspects of the Phoenician religion. The inner truth of these things, it is safe to say, is hidden for ever: even the development from the primitive religion to the weird syncretistic systems of the Roman age is hopelessly obscure. One can only see dimly what was the state of things during the period illustrated by the monuments.
Anatolica Quaedam
Authors: Ramsay William M. 
Published: May 2006

Professor Ormerod was the first to direct attention to the importance of this proconsul's war against the Isaurian pirates in its bearing on the topography of Asia Minor. The operations were fully described in Sallust's Histories, but only fragments remain. The list of territories which Servilius added to the ager publicus of Rome is given twice by Cicero in his Orationes de Lege Agraria, I. 5 and II. 50, especially the latter.The ultimate authority is doubtless the Act. Triumph., which would be certainly complete and unimpeachable; and it is in the last degree improbable that Cicero would omit any ager. The enumeration would be very effective in his sonorous orations, and it is given twice. Error might creep in by two loop-holes: (1) errors in transmission of the text of Cicero; (2) errors in representing by Roman letters names which were counted barbarous and Anatolian. Probably there was an intermediate stage of transmission through Greek; and it is pointed out frequently in my Asianic Elements in Greek Civilisation that the Greek alphabet had no suitable symbols to represent quite a variety of Anatolian sounds, especially W or V, Yod, sonant N and several vowel sounds; also that several consonants were (and are still in the peasants' Turkish) pronounced in a way very difficult to catch exactly; e.g. R and L, also L and N, seem to interchange (Sayce finds the latter linguistic phenomenon in Hittite).
Perseus and the Achaeans in the Hittite Tablets
Authors: Sayce A. H. 
Published: May 2006

Dr. Forrer's discovery of the Achaeans in the Hittite cuneiform tablets of Boghaz Keui is now well known to classical scholars. His identification of them with the Hittite Akhkhiyawas is beyond question, and I am inclined to think that Dr. Cowley has made a happy suggestion in further identifying them with the Hivites (Ha-Khiwwî) of the Old Testament. On the other hand, the identification of the Akhkhiyan chieftain Attarassiyas (also written Attarsiyas) with the Homeric Atreus is phonetically impossible; nor would the date of Attarsiyas agree with that usually assigned by tradition to Atreus.About 1250 B.C. Attarsiyas the kuirwanas or κοίρανος of the Akhkhiyawa came from the western side of Asia Minor with a fleet of 100 ships to the Pamphylian coast (hardly the Karian, as Forrer proposes). He had previously driven a tributary of the Hittite king, by name Madduwattas, from his dominions in the south-western part of Asia Minor; Dudkhaliyas III, however, the Hittite monarch, had restored the latter, but on the death of Dudkhaliyas, and in the first year of the reign of his successor, Arnuwandas, Attarsiyas made another attack, this time by sea, and again compelled Madduwattas to solicit help from his suzerain.
Missak ΛΑΤΥΠΟΣ?
Authors: Calder W. M. 
Published: May 2006

At the invitation of Sir William Ramsay, I make public a formal statement of the information acquired by me in 1912 and 1913 (and communicated informally to him and to others at the time) bearing on the statuette published by him in Athenaeum, 1909, p.736, and in The Revolution in Constantinople and Turkey(1909), pp. 214 ff.,On the afternoon of June 27th, 1913, after Sir William had left for England, I sat with our common servant, Prodromos the Djinnji, in the garden of the Baghdad Hotel at Konia, making arrangements for a journey which was to begin on the following day. The conversation came round to the ‘Mithraic’ statuette (which Prodromos then declared he had never seen, and which he had always maintained to be genuine), and Prodromos told me that he had seen in the bazaar a statuette similar to my description of it.
Once more Sophocles and not Solon
Authors: Studniczka Franz 
Published: May 2006

The last volume of this Journal (1923, p. 149 sq.) contains a reply to my criticism of Dr. Théodore Reinach's article, ‘Poet or Lawgiver.’ Dr. Reinach calls my criticism long, although it is just half as long as his attempt to destroy a corner-stone of Greek iconography. His own reply is by no means brief: thus in his first footnote he spends twenty-seven words in gibing at my two-word correction (on p. 65, not 59) of one of his misquotations. I shall not follow this example, but shall answer no more than what I think indispensable to caution readers less familiar with this branch of archaeology against Dr. Reinach's irrepressible self-confidence.Dr. Reinach begins his reply with an ineditum: the mention of a private letter of mine, in which I showed myself so ‘confident’ in the strength of my arguments as to propose that Dr. Reinach should make use of them to write himself a recantation of his essay.' He forgets to add that he had explicitly asked for my opinion, inscribing on the copy of his paper forwarded to me ‘si quid novisti rectius istis.’ I felt justified in taking this appeal seriously, having published, in the course of a quarter of a century, a number of researches into very various questions of the same department. That my advice was sound I still believe. But Dr. Reinach chose to reply even to my printed criticism with the same irresponsibility against which I had to defend a dead scholar of undoubted merit.