bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Geographical Ideas and the Conquest of Venezuela
Authors: Friede Juan 
Published: July 2006

The geographical configuration of a territory undoubtedly has great influence on events there. Geography guides migration, decides the economic life of the region, weakens or strengthens its people, and opens or closes the roads to cultural influences and to foreign invasions.On the other hand the influence of “false geography,” that is the mistaken ideas of the location of a certain territory, carried on by tradition penetrates the minds of people and lures them to attempt enterprises they would not try otherwise. And even though these projects originate in erroneous, objectively false concepts, they still produce important historical events of decisive importance.
A Seventeenth-Century Encomienda: Chimaltenango, Guatemala.
Authors: Simpson Lesley Byrd 
Published: July 2006

Captain Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán, whose proud boast it was (as he never tires of reminding us) that he was the great-great-grandson of Bernal Díaz del Castillo, in his erratic, rambling, and frequently delightful Recordación Florida (c. 1690), has this to say about the ancient town that will be the subject of this article:
Three smooth and pleasant leagues north of this City of Goathemala, on a road thickly studded with villages and tile yards, upon a high eminence in the midst of a wide and marvelous plain, but so accessible and gently sloping that, despite the many carts, the journey can be made quite comfortably in a carriage, lies the town of Chimaltenango (called by the Indians, Bocco). This broad and smiling plain is always clothed with pleasant and fertile meadows, and with rich and extensive cornfields. It is more than sixteen leagues in circumference, of rich and very fecund soil, and produces in abundance, corn, chickpeas, beans, capons and chickens, as well as other things… . The Indians of the district do not cultivate other crops, but maintain themselves with what it yields, so that the people of its villages are plentifully supplied with everything, according to their own way of living, and have no need to seek food elsewhere… . On the contrary, the people from other villages come to their market to buy whatever they lack … , so that for three leagues roundabout (the distance to which their commerce extends) there is as much provender as one finds in the abundant markets of Goathemala City.
Religion in French America
Authors: Maheux Arthur 
Published: July 2006

This paper is limited to the French-speaking Canadians; it does not include those who live in the United States, in the West Indies, in Latin America. In time it applies mainly to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.The cultural foundation of the French Canadians is rooted in the sixteenth century. Most of the settlers who came from Old France to New France had been born in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, or were sons of these.Their culture was made of a rich folklore still alive, of the laws then called the Coutume de Paris, which survive in the civil law still applied in the province of Quebec, of social attitudes which for a long time were characterized by the seignorial system, of ideas about education, of scientific curiosity then awakening in Europe, and of religious attitudes.
The Dutch Calvinists and Religious Toleration in Portuguese America
Authors: De Mello José Antônio Gonsalves 
Published: July 2006

This brief communication will try to show the attitude of the Dutch Calvinists towards the other religious groups in Portuguese America, during the period of the occupation by the Dutch West India Company of northeast Brazil, from 1630 to 1654. At the time of their greatest expansion, the Dutch controlled all the coastal region from Sergipe to Maranhão.Liberty of conscience had been announced beforehand for all Christians and Jews of the captaincy of Pernambuco in Brazil, which that company proposed to conquer. De facto, in the “Secret Instructions to General Lonck,” commandant of the squadron which took possession of that captaincy, instructions dated Middelburg, August 18, 1629, this liberty of conscience was immediately promised, although, at the same time, it was determined that “all the Jesuits, fathers and friars and other religious must be embarked with all their baggage.” Liberty of conscience was again promised by the Dutch in a manifesto addressed in 1632 to the owners of the sugar-mills and the inhabitants of Pernambuco, and, in 1635, when at the capture of Paraíba not only was this liberty promised but also liberty of cult.
The Painter, Mateo Mexía, and his Works in the Convent of San Francisco de Quito
Authors: de Mesa José , Gisbert Teresa 
Published: July 2006

The religious painting of Ecuador started very early. In fact, the first Franciscan friars who accompanied the conquistadores brought the visual arts to this new territory. Fr. Jodoco Ricke de Marselaer, with another priest, Fr. Pedro Goseal, or Gosseal, founded a school of art in 1534.In 1553 this school was raised by Fr. Francisco de Morales to the category of a college with the title of Colegio de San Andrés. In this school, until its extinction in 1675, a great part of the painters of the región were educated, not only Indians but also Creoles.The three main influences which molded this Quito school of painting were the following: It was born under the Flemish style at the Franciscan school of San Andrés; then it was influenced by the Spanish painting of the second half of the sixteenth century, and lastly it absorbed the teachings of two Italian masters. The influence of these three currents was felt in various ways: the Flemish appeared through the first Franciscans and through the engravings they constantly used in the composition of paintings; the Spanish appeared more directly in the style of the paintings themselves, and the Italian current, the last and most powerful, was the one which triumphed in all of America at the beginning of the seventeenth century.
The Conselho Ultramarino’s First Legislative Attempts to Solve the Indian Question in America, 1643–1647
Authors: Kiemen Mathias C. 
Published: July 2006

The Conselho Ultramarino in Portugal was created by King João IV in 1642 although there is some doubt that it functioned effectively until the following year in December. Certain it is that the king despatched an alvará under date of December 22, 1643, directed to all parts of the empire, telling all officials to send directly to the Council all correspondence concerning overseas provinces.The first order of business for the fledgling Council was to request the king to clear up certain vague remarks in the founding regimento concerning their power. This regimento of 1642 had been based upon that given by Philip II in 1604 at the founding of the short-lived Conselho da India but contained important omissions, which seemed to lessen the scope of the new council and led to innumerable questions of authority between the Conselho and the Mesa da Consciencia e Ordens in matters ecclesiastical.
Notes on the Franciscans in the Huasteca Region of Mexico
Authors: Meade Joaquín 
Published: July 2006

The huasteca region in northeastern Mexico covers sections of the six states of Tamaulipas, Veracruz, San Luis Potosí, Hidalgo, Puebla, and Querétaro. Its boundaries are approximately the following: to the north the river Soto la Marina, known in the sixteenth century as the Rio de las Palmas; to the south the Rio Cazones; to the east the Gulf of Mexico and to the west the mountainous section of the eastern Sierra Madre.The Christian conversion of the Huasteca began, no doubt, in 1518 with the expedition of Juan de Grijalva, who actually sailed as far north as Tuxpan and Tamiahua in the Huastec region of the state of Veracruz. John Diaz, a priest, accompanied this expedition. In 1519 Francisco de Garay, then in Jamaica, sent Alonso Alvarez de Pineda to Tampico and the Río Panuco, where he stayed some time and made contact with the Huastecs who belong to the great Maya family.
Observations on Latin American Constitutionalism
Authors: Busey James L. 
Published: July 2006

Scholars are in substantial agreement that Latin American constitutionalism leaves much to be desired.
First, there is the wide gap between constitutional formulations and actual political practice. No one would contend that any constitution, Latin American or otherwise, corresponds exactly to reality. There are provisions in the United States Constitution which are no better observed than are those of the Latin American documents. Even so, there can be little doubt that the gulf between theory and reality is far wider in much of Latin America than it is in many other parts of the world. Though many provisions of other constitutions do not correspond to actual political practice, Latin American stipulations on significant principles of government are often so much at variance with reality as to be totally misleading for the description of their political systems. Professor Martin C. Needler puts it quite bluntly:

Quite clearly, many constitutional provisions are honored only in the breach; and yet great stress is placed upon constitutional forms and procedures, even where these mask political realities quite discordant with their intent.
Notes on the “Junta Phenomenon” and the “Military Regime” In Latin America With Special Reference to Peru, 1968-1972
Authors: Nunn Frederick M. 
Published: July 2006

“Long before other organs of the state or private enterprise, the Army began to exercise effective influence on the progress of modernization and development of the country.”Edgardo Mercado Jarrín, 1964“What is the principal objective of the national census?” the uniformed colonels asked. From groups of primary and secondary school-teachers assembled for orientation purposes in preparation for Peru's first complete census in decades, that question evoked a number of reasoned responses during the weeks prior to census day, Sunday, June 4,1972.
Ancient and Colonial Zapotec and Mixtec Calendars: A Revisionist View
Authors: Cline Howard F. , Cline Mary W. 
Published: July 2006

In 1966 José Alcina Franch published preliminary descriptions of a remarkable group of 29 Zapotec colonial calendars in the Archives of the Indies. As colonial material on Zapotec calendars has been nearly non-existent, this find is very important. Alcina Franch illustrated some folios and discussed the solar tropical year which Calendar 21 provides. He noted the provisional nature of his findings, and indicated that fuller publication would follow after further study. So far as the writer is aware this more definitive publication has not appeared.Using techniques and approaches he developed in the course of a long and detailed comparative study of ancient and colonial Mesoamerican chronologies and calendars now nearly completed, the writer will extract further information from the material partially published by Alcina Franch.3 His data, even in their incomplete form, can be made to yield several significant results under such analysis, especially when the Zapotec is related to what is known about Mixtec calendrics. In the early stages the two cultures were nearly undifferentiated, and in ancient and colonial days shared a common tonalpohualli.
Labor in Cortesian Enterprise: The Cuernavaca Area, 1522-1549
Authors: Riley G. Micheal 
Published: July 2006

Fernando Cortés lived twenty-five years after his first, perhaps only, enterprise of grand design and gigantic proportion, the conquest of the Aztec Confederacy. In those remaining years, his were a multitude of endeavors; many, an outgrowth of his brilliantly successful triumph over the Aztecs, and most, dependent—for funds, materiél, and manpower—upon his great estate, a huge enterprise in itself.Located in central and southern México, the estate comprised numerous, populous encomiendas, extensive landholdings, mines, Indian and Negro slaves and various commercial establishments. It was known as the Marquesado de Cortés after 1529 and in 1535 was constituted, with royal authorization, a mayorazgo, or entailed estate. Following Cortés’ death in 1547, it became the property of his legitimate son and designated heir, Don Martín.
The Deadly Selva Paraguay’s Northern Indian Frontier
Authors: Williams John Hoyt 
Published: July 2006

The Role of the hostile Indian in nineteenth century Paraguay would be difficult to exaggerate, yet it is virtually unknown. The trail of agony so clearly expressed in the thousands of documents in the Asunción and other archives deserves to be better understood. This article can do little more than suggest the scope of the problem and describe how the Indian wars of the Paraguayan north did more to define and determine Paraguayan history during the years of the dictatorship of Dr. Francia (1814-1840), than has been previously noted by historians.In 1810, Paraguay had as its real, if not legal border in the north, the Río Apa, a broad, sluggish tributary of the Río Paraguay, its banks choked in dense, humid vegetation. North of the river was a no-man's land claimed by both Portugal and Spain and thinly occupied by the former. West of the Río Paraguay was the Chaco, a region of desolate scrubjungle, where Spanish and hence Paraguayan claims were virtually unchallenged save by the Indians who lived there. Fort Borbón, in the Chaco, Paraguay's northern outpost, was situated some hundred miles north of the Apa border on the Río Paraguay.
When did Francisco I. Madero Decide on Revolution?
Authors: Knudson Jerry W. 
Published: July 2006

A surprisingly frank letter from Francisco I. Madero, political figurehead of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, to New York publisher William Randolph Hearst casts new light on the difficult question of when Madero finally opted for revolution to topple the 35-year dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911).The letter was dated April 25, 1911, when Madero was with insurrectionary troops fighting at Ciudad Juárez. It contained Madero's responses to some written questions on his role in the Revolution submitted by Hearst through Sonunerfield, an American consular official in Mexico. Madero's answers were to form the basis for a news story in the Hearst newspapers.
Sleight of Hand: Brazilian and American Authors Manipulate the Brazilian Racial Situation, 1910–1951
Authors: Rout Leslie B. 
Published: July 2006

In June, 1908, Sir Harry Johnston, explorer, historian, diplomat and African colonial administrator, wrote to Theodore Roosevelt expressing a desire to come to the New World. In Johnston’s own words,What I want to learn is the present condition and possible prospects of the Negro in North America, the West Indies and tropical South America.This English Lord had written extensively about blacks in Africa, and while his knowledge of racial and historical conditions in the two Americas was hardly profound, his reputation opened doors that might otherwise have been hermetically sealed. Roosevelt’s reply was recognition of this fact:
A Reappraisal of the Sources of Inca History: The Works of Ake Wedin
Authors: Mörner Magnus 
Published: July 2006

A. Wedin’s Works in GeneralAlthough the history of the Inca empire has received more attention from scholars and laymen than almost any other aspect of Latin American history, the state of research is far from satisfactory. The writings of generations of students of Inca history have deposited thick layers of myths. It is urgently required that these layers be removed before any serious historical reconstruction can be undertaken. However, the task is risky. Perhaps only quagmire is to be found beneath.
The Great Conspiracy in New Spain
Authors: Liebman Seymour B. 
Published: July 2006

In the introduction to his The Jews in the Canary Islands, Lucien Wolf wrote almost a half-century ago that “The work of the… branches of the Holy Office in America has only been made known to us piecemeal… For social data relating to the great body of Marranos the records have not hitherto been studied.” These records of the trial proceedings, called procesos, still constitute a fairly virgin field of social, religious and economic Latin American history in general and specifically for the history of Jews and Judaism.A few have written articles about Mexican Jews in colonial times after a cursory study of a few documents and several acclaimed texts. It is, therefore, not surprising that the results are superficial and often suffused with errors. The foregoing may be illustrated by statements in an article published in the American Jewish Historical Quarterly. Among the numerous errors that appeared therein are “among 2,281 trials of the Mexican Holy Office, 351 concerned crypto-Jews…” and that “By the end of the seventeenth century, the whole crypto-Jewish community had been destroyed.”
Industrial Trade Associations in Argentine Politics: Historical Roots and Current Prospects
Authors: Freels John W. 
Published: July 2006

The Industrial trade association movement in Argentina is split into two rival organizations: the Argentine Industrial Union (U. I. A., and the Confederation of Industry (C. I.), a component of the General Economic Confederation (C. G. E.). The U. I. A. represents primarily Buenos Aires interests, the C. I./C. G. E. (hereafter the Confederation) primarily industrialists of interior provinces. As such the schism between the two reflects political and economic divisions which have characterized Argentina since the nation originally freed itself from the Spanish crown.This study traces the historical background of hostility between the U. I. A. and the Confederation to determine whether the split is as irreparable as both sides claim. Has the future of the Argentine industrial sector been foreclosed by polemics arising from the nation’s peronista past?
Francisco Monte Alverne's Plan of Reform for the Franciscan Province of Rio de Janeiro, 1833
Authors: Kiemen Mathias C. 
Published: July 2006

This unpublished document gives a revealing look at the situation of the Franciscan Order in southern Brazil in the early nineteenth century. It was written in 1833 at the request of Msgr. Scipione Domenico Fabbrini, Chargé of the Papal Nunciature of Rio de Janeiro, by Frei Francisco de Monte Alverne, O.F.M., one of the better-known friars of the nineteenth century, and considered by many to be the greatest preacher in the Portuguese language since António Vieira, S. J.To understand the deep pessimism and melancholy evident in his Plan of Reform, one has to understand some of the background on the Franciscan Order in Brazil, and to know a little of the life of Frei Francisco himself.
Pernambuco's Political Elite and the Recife Law School
Authors: Hendricks Craig , Levine Robert M. 
Published: July 2006

This study explores the convergent ground of two separate research projects: an analysis of the role of the state of Pernambuco in the Brazilian federation between 1889 and 1937, and a forthcoming study of the Recife Law School. The first part of this presentation will discuss the definition of the political elite, describe its composition, and examine the theme of continuity and change over the period of study. The second part will focus on the Law School per se, the principal vehicle for the training of the political elite.Pernambuco's political elite constitutes less a model for other Brazilian states than a phenomenon specific to Pernambuco's own historical role. This elite may be examined systematically, although only in the broadest sense. For one thing, its membership never remained static, but changed constantly according to the ebb and flow of political life. Relative power within an elite is not easily measurable; nor does there exist a single elite; rather, one observes a fluid set of power relationships, arrayed vertically according to levels of influence and authority, and horizontally from small urban interest nuclei through local elites to subgrous scattered across regional, economic, and social networks.
The “American Question” at the Cortes of Madrid
Authors: Rodríguez Mario 
Published: July 2006

It is well known that the American question is one of the most important, not only for those countries, but for all of Europe as well, and it is one that will perhaps contribute most to her future prosperity. All of us, the overseas deputies as well as the Europeans, have regarded this question as very serious from its inception; but our esteemed American deputies know full well that the excessive zeal of some of their colleagues has done more to prejudice than to favor their cause; and if we choose to anticipate this question before the time is ripe, I believe that it will only preoccupy and irritate minds, and the result may be less favorable for America and for Europe.Conde de Toreno, October 26, 1821.The Riego Revolt of January 1, 1820 awakened hopes in much of the Spanish-speaking world that constitutionalism might again speed up the process of modernization. A few days later, King Ferdinand VII reinstated the Constitution of 1812, the “Niña Bonita” of the Cádiz years. Asking his overseas subjects to take the oath to the Constitution, he likewise urged them to participate in the impending parliamentary elections. He announced an amnesty for the insurgents in the Americas and assured everyone that all would be forgotten. The Spanish government was less disposed to welcome back the hated afrancesados, who had collaborated with the French invaders. Such vindictiveness, of course, incited political anarchy throughout Spain. The economic weakness of the Peninsula, plus the financial drain of war overseas, further heightened national chaos. These were indeed troublesome years for Spain and her second constitutional experiment. Prospects for reconciliation with American dissidents were not at all promising. If peace could not be restored in America, what action was Spain prepared to take? Would she accept the inevitable—the Independence of the Americas? These were some of the questions that tormented Spanish leaders in Madrid. Other Europeans, keenly interested in the developments taking place in Spain and America, appreciated their economic and international significance. The fate of European liberalism was also at stake.
Slave Over Master in Colonial Colombia and Ecuador
Authors: Chandler David L. 
Published: July 2006

The social milieu in which slavery took place in Latin America, especially colonial Colombia and Ecuador, was markedly different than in Brazil, the Caribbean, or the thirteen colonies. Paternalistic attitudes of church and government, protective legislation, a slow, even stagnant, pace of economic development and other factors created a situation which a knowledgeable and enterprising slave could often turn to his advantage and even manipulate.From the beginning the Catholic Church took the position that slavery was a contractual arrangement whereby the slave placed his time and the result of his labor at the disposal of his master, but that he remained a human being with certain innate rights: the right to life, limb, body and reputation. A master could not keep his slaves from marrying, for example, for to do so deprived him of the rights of the body. For a violation of any of these rights the master must make restitution to the slave, as if he were a free man. Moreover, in Catholic theology the soul of the black man was equally as important as the soul of any human being.
The Indigenista Novel and the Mexican Revolution
Authors: Schmidt Donald L. 
Published: July 2006

Of all the issues raised by the Mexican Revolution, none has stimulated artistic creativity more than that of the Indian, his past, his culture and his exclusion from the mainstream of national life. At the same time, no artistic form provides so thorough a treatment of these issues as the indigenista novel.While the Revolution was not launched by Indians, nor were their interests initially central to it, as it developed their problems became a natural and important issue in the reorganization of Mexican society. As one writer observes: “in attempting to organize Mexican society, the mestizo revolutionary has had no other choice but to take into consideration the indigenous factor, so that although the Revolution was not the work of the Indian, in certain ways it has been for his benefit.”2