bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Angiotensin II Receptor Blockers for the Treatment of Heart Failure: A Class Effect?
Authors: Hudson Marie , Humphries Karin , Tu Jack V. , Behlouli Hassan , Sheppard Richard , Pilote Louise 
Published: March 2007

Study Objective. To examine the class effect of angiotensin II receptor blockers (ARBs) on mortality in patients with heart failure who were aged 65 years or older.Design. Retrospective population‐based study.Data Source. Administrative database that stores information on hospital discharge summaries for the Canadian provinces of Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia.Patients. A total of 6876 patients aged 65 years or older who were discharged with a primary diagnosis of heart failure between January 1, 1998, and March 31, 2003, and who filled at least one prescription for an ARB within 90 days of discharge.Measurements and Main Results. Times to all‐cause death in patients receiving individual ARBs were compared. Models were adjusted for demographic, clinical, physician, and hospital characteristics; models were also adjusted for dosage categories, which were represented by time‐dependent variables. The cohort of 6876 patients had a mean ± SD age of 78 ± 7 years, and most (62%) were women. Losartan was the most frequently prescribed ARB (61%), followed by irbesartan (14%), valsartan (13%), candesartan (10%), and telmisartan (2%). Irbesartan, valsartan, and candesartan were associated with better survival rates than losartan (adjusted hazard ratios [HRs] and 95% confidence intervals [CIs] 0.65 [0.53–0.79], 0.63 [0.51–0.79], and 0.71 [0.57–0.90], respectively). No difference was noted in mortality in patients prescribed telmisartan compared with those receiving losartan (HR 0.92 [95% CI 0.55–1.54]).Conclusions. Elderly patients with heart failure who were prescribed losartan had worse survival rates compared with those prescribed other commonly used ARBs. The absence of a class effect for ARBs is consistent with data showing pharmacologic differences among the drugs.
Bolivia's Social Revolution, 1952-1959: A Discussion of Sources
Authors: Arnade Charles W. 
Published: March 2007

Recent events have once again focussed attention upon the Republic of Bolivia and the efforts of its governing party, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario, to grapple with the realities of a chaotic economy and a changing social and political order.Yet, studies of the development of the Bolivian social revolution have not kept pace with Bolivia's increased prominence in news reports, perhaps because of the inavailability and widely-scattered nature of source materials. Bolivian source materials cannot be considered in a vacuum, however, and a brief survey of recent Bolivian history is in order here.
Realidad y Ruta de la Economia Interamericana
Authors: Maestri Raúl 
Published: March 2007

Las Americas, desde el punto de vista económico, ofrecen en estos momentos el espectáculo de una familia cuyos miembros no se guardaran, entre sí, las debidas consideraciones y que, en consecuencia, atravesara una etapa de crisis, sobre todo potencial.Habría que agregar que a ninguno de los parientes, en trance de contradicción y distanciamiento, puede convenir el quebrantamiento de la unidad e inteligencia familiar. Ni hoy, ni para mañana y, menos que menos, para pasado mañana.Así las Americas. La América Latina crepita en la sartén de un desarrollo económico insuficiente, errático, aleatorio. Estados Unidos parece estimar que los problemas económicos existentes en el continente se pueden y deben resolver sobre la marcha, a la manera de incidentes casuísticos que no justificaran, en todo caso, más que alteraciones de pulso o dosificación dentro de un cierto tratamiento establecido.
Reform of the OAS
Authors: Manger William 
Published: March 2007

On February 27, 1967, representatives of the member nations of the Organization of American States, meeting in Buenos Aires, Argentina, signed the Protocol of Amendment to the 1948 Charter of Bogotá. It will become effective when ratified by two-thirds of the signatory states.The Protocol reflects the current mood toward the inter-American regional system, and perhaps toward international organization in general. Contrasted with the 1948 Charter, the Protocol has its elements of strength and of weakness. The spirit of internationalism today, however, is much weaker than it was in 1948, and from the standpoint of the Organization the elements of weakness within the Protocol are much greater than the elements of strength.
La Interpretación Sociopolítica de Residencia en la Tierra
Authors: Lozada Alfredo 
Published: March 2007

“¡Ay, el tiempo avanza con ceniza, con aire y con agua! … Y entonces, ¿qué queda de las pequeñas podredumbres, de las pequeñas conspiraciones del silencio, de los pequeños frios sucios de la hostilidad? Nada, y en la casa de la poesía no permanece nada sino lo que fue escrito con sangre para ser escuchado por la sangre”.(Conducta y poesía)La nota de amargura circunstancial, ya observada, en Crepusculario (1923), el primer libro publicado por Pablo Neruda, proviene de la percepción crítica y compasiva de ciertos detalles de la vida chilena, tanto de la capital como de la provincia; la constatación amarga de músicos ciegos, mercachifles venidos de otras tierras, sucios barrios sin luz, maestranzas desoladas, y prostitutas deshechas por la miseria, se expresa sobre todo en poemas publicados ya en la capital.
Gabriela Mistral: “…. temblor de alma en temblor de carne”
Authors: Rudd Margaret T. 
Published: March 2007

The life of Gabriela Mistral, born Lucila Godoy y Alcayaga, was a miraculous journey filled with “a trembling of the soul in a trembling of the flesh.” It took her from a hidden valley in the Chilean Andes, where she was born in 1889, to a regal hall in Stockholm, where she received the Nobel Prize for literature from the hands of King Gustavus V in 1945.Gabriela related the beginning and the ending of her journey in a few Unes of poetry:Todas íbamos a ser reinas,de cuatro reinos sobre el mar:Rosalía con Efigeniay Lucila con Soledad.En el Valle de Elqui, ceñidode cien montañas o de más,Y Lucila, que hablaba a río,a montaña y cañaveral,en las lunas de la locurarecibió reino de verdad.
La Novela Chilena Contemporánea
Authors: Torres-Ríoseco Arturo 
Published: March 2007

Cualquier diccionario nos señala los límites de la palabra “contemporáneo”; actual; algo que existe al mismo tiempo que otra persona o cosa. No hay aquí ningún problema de semántica; lo que existe al mismo tiempo que nosotros son los escritores vivos, aunque hayan dejado de escribir.Para nuestros propósitos, entonces, debemos prescindir de la presencia de novelistas ya desaparecidos, como Augusto D'Halmar, Pedro Prado y Mariano Latorre, que aunque continúan siendo representantes de Chile, no deben figurar entre los novelistas contemporáneos.
A Monarquia Brasileira e as Repúblicas Americanas
Authors: Luz Nicla Villela 
Published: March 2007

As nações americanas, provenientes de origens européias diversas cujas diferentes culturas e tradições imprimiram marcas profundas nos seus respectivos destinos no nôvo mundo não deixaram entretanto de sofrer experiências comuns que, por sua vez, conferiram certas analogias às sociedades que, no hemisfério, se formaram. Negá-lo tornaria impossível á compreensão da história dos povos americanos que têm mesmo consistido, em linhas gerais, num conflito mais ou menos intenso entre o passado europeu e a experiência americana.Uns, como os colonos anglo-americanos, regeitando, ao se deslo carem para o Nôvo Mundo, certas formas institucionais da Europa, embora retendo outras, entregaram-se mais confiantes e mais livres ao nôvo destino. Já os latino-americanos, pelas condições em que se processou a colonização, permaneceram mais atados às suas origens européias. E quanto mais fortes foram êsses laços, mais dramática foi a gestação das novas sociedades, como no caso hispano-americano.
Population and Development in a Peruvian Community
Authors: Oscar Alers J. 
Published: March 2007

In December of 1951, the Cornell Peru Project, created under an agreement signed by Cornell University and the government of Peru, undertook a systematic program of research and development in the depressed highland Indian hacienda of Vicos, located in the Callejón de Huaylas, an intermontane valley some 270 miles north of Lima. In subsequent years Project personnel, in co-operation with functionaries of the Peruvian government, carried out a comprehensive program of development that significantly transformed the economic, educational, medical, and political institutions of the community. This program has included the introduction of innovations in farming techniques, the construction of an educational system, the building of a medical facility, and the transfer of local political power into the hands of the Indians.This paper considers some of the ways in which the activities of the Project have affected population structure and change in the community and, in turn, how some of these population changes have affected, and are likely to affect, the efforts of the Project in the development of the community.
International Law and the United States Cuban Quarantine of 1962
Authors: Wilson Larman C. 
Published: March 2007

In carrying out this order [“Interdiction of the Delivery of Offensive Weapons to Cuba“], force shall not be used except in case of failure or refusal to comply with directions, or with regulations or directives of the Secretary of Defense after reasonable efforts have been made to communicate them to the vessel or craft, or in case of self-defense. In any case, force shall be used only to the extent necessary.President KennedyOn October 16, 1962, the President of the United States — the late President Kennedy — was informed of the results of aerial surveillance of Cuba: missiles with a definite “offensive” capability were being prepared for launching! Six days later, on October 22, in an evening radio and television address to the nation, President Kennedy presented, in no mistakable terms, the new military threat to the United States posed by Cuba, and announced actions to be taken that were equally unequivocal and dramatic.
The Marketing Concept and Economic Development: Peru
Authors: Glade William P. , Udell Jon G. 
Published: March 2007

In the literature of development, it is recognized that the possibilities for national economic growth are strongly conditioned by prevailing institutional patterns. Exogenous factors, such as international market trends, the supply of foreign investment funds, and terms of trade, define outer constraints on the growth of many less developed countries; but within these boundaries, the realizable growth depends on endogenously set parameters that influence public policy alternatives, the level and direction of domestic capital formation, and the scope and rapidity of structural economic changes. It is in this latter area that the study of institutional performance becomes relevant.To date, the focus of institutional analysis has been on a variety of social organizations that influence the economic process at one point or another, e.g., trade unions, political parties, financial intermediaries, land tenure systems, and government agencies.
The Revolution and Mexican Foreign Policy
Authors: Engel James F. 
Published: March 2007

In recent years the foreign policy of Mexico has often been criticized in the United States. The reaction of Mexico to steps taken by the United States in Latin America—in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and elsewhere—has led to statements about Mexican foreign policy that indicate little understanding of Mexican mentality, history, and approach to international problems. Of primary concern in any attempt to shed light on the foreign policy of Mexico is the place of the Mexican Revolution in shaping the nation's approach to international problems.The Mexican Revolution has had profound effects on the development of the country. Since the beginning of the Revolution in 1910, Mexico has followed a path to political stability unique in Latin America. The Revolution and its effects on subsequent Mexican attitudes have been studied by many scholars in attempts to learn lessons for the other developing nations of the hemisphere.
Political Assassination in Guatemala: A Case of Institutionalized Terror
Authors: Premo Daniel L. 
Published: March 2007

There was but one side to politics in Guatemala. Both parties have a beautiful way of producing unanimity of opinion, by driving out of the country all who do not agree with them.—John Lloyd Stephens (1839)The concepts of “political assassination” and “terrorism” are fraught with definitional problems. For purposes of this study, the former will be defined simply as “murder for political motives.” It is one of a series of acts that collectively are intended to produce a psychological state of fear and uncertainty within the general population, i.e., “terrorism,” in an effort to direct political activity through intimidation.Assassination is usually thought of as a terroristic act associated with opposition political groups. This article examines its use as a mechanism of control by government and private groups who perceive a threat to their privileged position in society.
Soviet Interests in Latin America: New Opportunities and Old Constraints
Authors: Raymond Duncan W. 
Published: March 2007

The October 1983 crisis in Grenada left little doubt that the Soviet and Cuban presence had been expanding in the Caribbean basin. But the October crisis did not answer questions regarding the extent of their actual influence there, nor the direction it might take in the future, nor even what the most appropriate U.S. policy responses should be to that influence elsewhere in the region. Therefore, in the wake of the U.S. occupation of Grenada and the evidence it uncovered about the degree of Soviet and Cuban activity there, it is useful to examine the kind of situations that have encouraged the Soviets to expand their presence and/or influence in Latin America. At the same time, it equally is useful to examine the limitations or constraints on such an expanded presence or influence.Clearly, Soviet policy in Latin America has been the product of two conflicting forces or tendencies.
On the Economic Cost to Panama of Negotiating a Peaceful Solution to the Panama Canal Question
Authors: Osborne Alfred E. 
Published: March 2007

Negotiating a treaty between two sovereign nations is no simple matter. Even when there is consensus that a new accord is long overdue, a solution acceptable to both governments and their most vocal constituencies is most elusive and often difficult to conclude within a reasonable period of time. This is especially true when there is strong popular opinion aroused on both sides. Discussions usually drag on, and while diplomats publicly agree that “progress is being made,” there are significant political and economic benefits unrealized by either or both countries involved in the negotiation proceedings (Lopez Guevara, 1976).The present treaty negotiations between the Republic of Panama and the United States of America is a case in point. That Panamanian public opinion is aroused on the Canal issue is indicated by the 1964 Canal Zone border incidents in which twenty-one Panamanians and three Americans died and by subsequent demonstrations.
Arms Production and National Security in Argentina
Authors: Milenky Edward S. 
Published: March 2007

Since 1950, 28 developing countries have produced tanks, ships, aircraft, other major weapons systems, and infantry and artillery weapons for their own use and for export. Local input has ranged from assembly of imported components to completely indigenous design and manufacture. In 1967 exports from lessdeveloped countries (LDCs) were worth $194 million, as compared to exports from all sources of $201 billion. By 1976 world arms exports had increased to $398 billion and LDC exports to $820 million (ACDA, 1978). Even though the role of lessdeveloped countries in world arms production is still small, it is growing and can be significant in some local and regional contexts.Nascent defense industries in the Third World raise important questions. Terrorists, insurgents, and governments everywhere may find arms more readily available as sources of supply diversify. The spread of weapons manufacture both reflects and promotes the diffusion of power within the international system at large.
The Regionalist Expression of Populism: Guayaquil and the CFP, 1948-1960
Authors: Martz John D. 
Published: March 2007

In any general discussion of populism, Latin America is the odd man out [Hennessy, 1969: 28].Even a cursory review of recent writings on Latin American politics suggests an inclination by many to have done once and for all with the concept of populism. Either it is defined so broadly as to be useless or is relegated to a historical era presumably never again to be seen in the region. Yet the term shows a vitality and stubborn resilience in refusing to disappear, notwithstanding periodic revisions and redefinitions. This is scarcely unique to Latin Americanists. As a pair of European authorities contended more generally:There can, at present, be no doubt about theimportanceof populism. But no one is quite clear just what itis.As a doctrine or as a movement, it is elusive and protean. It bobs up everywhere, but in many and contradictory shapes. Does it have any underlying unity, or does one name cover a multitude of unconnected tendencies? [Ionescu and Gellner, 1969: 1].
The Limits of Reform Development in Contemporary Costa Rica
Authors: Del Aguila Juan M. 
Published: March 2007

Crisis, breakdown, and disintegration have become operative concepts in journalistic, academic, and official assessments of contemporary affairs in Central America. The radicalization and Cubanization of the Nicaraguan revolution, the resurgence of revolutionary messianism and continuing violence in El Salvador and Guatemala, and the increasingly active and direct role which regional powers and European countries are playing in the region have turned Central America into a salient, global confrontational arena.A systemic view, however, would miss important political processes continuing with surprising strength but unnoticed regularity in some Central American nations indirectly affected by revolutionary conflict and thus partially insulated from the region's high level of violence.
The Industrial Sector and the Debt Crisis in Latin America
Authors: Schwartz Hugh 
Published: March 2007

The international debt crisis has received a great deal of attention at the macroeconomic and the political levels, but there have been few analyses of its impact upon individual sectors. Thus this article will consider the consequences of the Latin American debt crisis for manufacturing industry, particularly the adjustments that this sector has made in its response to the crisis.The adjustment process which the manufacturing sector has undergone has produced implications which depend partly upon factors exogenous to the sector and partly upon the nature, and degree of competitiveness, of the manufacturing activity in each of the countries. In turn, the latter factors have been influenced by those very macroeconomic and exogenous variables. Some variables, such as the exchange rate, play major roles in determining the competitiveness of industry, as has frequently been emphasized in recent years. This is true of a number of variables at the industry and enterprise level as well.
Indifferent Sanctuary: German-Speaking Refugees and Exiles in Argentina, 1933-1945
Authors: Newton Ronald C. 
Published: March 2007

Between 1933 and the end of World War II, Argentina became the home of some 43,000 Jewish refugees from Nazism, almost all of them of German, Austrian, or West European origin. Measured against the country's total population, 13 million in 1931, 16 million according to the 1947 census, Argentina received more Jewish refugees per capita than any other country in the world except Palestine (Wasserstein, 1979: 7,45). This did not occur by design of the Argentine government; on the contrary, its immigration policies became interestingly restrictive as the years of the world crisis wore on.In practice, however, Argentina was unable to patrol effectively its long borders with the neighboring republics of Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, Brazil, and Uruguay. The overseas consuls of these nations, especially the first three, did a brisk and lucrative trade in visas and entry permits for persons desperate to escape the Nazi terror.
Defense of the Western Hemisphere: Strategy for the 1990s
Authors: Marcella Gabriel 
Published: March 2007

What should the strategic relationship between the United States and Latin America be in the next 10 years? This paper will try to provide an agenda for answering this question by trying to clarify some of the issues involved. It seeks to promote responsible dialogue on regional security matters based on realistic assessment of the national interests involved and the impact they have on one another.United States defense relations with Latin America over the last 40 years have revolved around two strategy frameworks: one East- West and the other North-South. During this time the United States has attempted to integrate Latin America into its East-West global strategy, subordinating Latin American interests to the overall requirement of containing Soviet power.
Capitalist Dependency and Socialist Dependency: The Case of Cuba
Authors: Packenham Robert A. 
Published: March 2007

Is Socialism a means to eliminate or reduce dependency and its alleged concomitants? According to a number of authors, including those of the most influential recent approaches to the study of Latin American politics and development, it is. Indeed, for most of these authors socialism is the only desirable or acceptable way to address the problems of dependent capitalism. For them, capitalism is inherently exploitative and repressive; socialism is the only desirable or acceptable path to a more autonomous, egalitarian, free and just society (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979: ix-xxiv, 209-216).As some of the foregoing implies, and as is obvious to anyone familiar with the literature, for many authors the truth or falsity of this view is not a matter amenable to resolution by anything so mundane as reference to historical experience. For such analysts, this view is true by definition. The analyst using this perspective first “assumes” it to be true and then “demonstrates” that it is true by citing data that support it (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979: x).
The Aylwin Government and 'Tutelary' Democracy: A Concept in Search of a Case?
Authors: Rabkin Rhoda 
Published: March 2007

The Literature on democratic transitions suggests two opposite sorts of dangers that the successful democratizer must avoid: too much uncertainty on the one hand, and too little on the other. The first can lead to conflict, violence, and abortive transitions (Karl and Schmitter, 199D; while the second means there is no democracy at all, but leads to something less which has been variously called: "tutelary democracy," "electoralism," or "democradura."Before the government of Patricio Aylwin took office in Chile in March 1990, most observers anticipated that the return to democracy would bring considerable social conflict and political instability. Expressing a widely held view, one expert wrote: "Any return to democracy in Chile would entail vocal demands, from a variety of social groups and movements, to reverse the policies instituted by the regime since 1973" (Loveman 1986-87:29). The need to confront human rights abuses during the military government was another potentially explosive political issue.