bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
On two Terracotta Figurines
Authors: Hutton C. A. 
Published: May 2006

Among the recent additions to the collection of terracotta figurines in the British Museum are two which I am permitted to publish by the kindness of Mr. A. S. Murray.The first (Fig. 1, Plate IV.) was found at Myrina in Asia Minor and represents a youthful winged male figure, leaning on a pillar and burning a butterfly over the flame of a small altar at its base. This statuette is of very good workmanship, every line has been carefully retouched, and drapery, wings and hair are so disposed as to form a background for the figure, which is entirely nude with the exception of a chlamys fastened on the right shoulder and thrown back over the left. The full soft face is framed by long curls; the wings, each feather carefully indicated, are as usual placed high on the shoulder and serve to throw the head into high relief, while the curves and pose of the body are further emphasized by folds of drapery added, for greater effect, behind the right side and thigh, after the figure was taken out of the mould, as is shown by a similar figure of very rough workmanship which has no drapery on that side and has not been retouched.
Archaeology in Greece (1907–1908)
Authors: Dawkins R. M. 
Published: May 2006

If the famous sites on the mainland of Greece have been largely exhausted—and the only great classical cities now being excavated are Sparta and Corinth—the outlying parts of the Greek world continue to yield a harvest of discoveries, increasingly interesting as they are added to a constantly increasing body of archaeological knowledge. Thus Crete, Delos, Rhodes, and the great cities of Asia such as Miletus and Pergamon continue to give up fresh treasures, and the neolithic and bronze age remains of north Greece and the island of Leukas are adding a new chapter to the book of Greek prehistoric archaeology.The one great mainland site not yet fully excavated is the most interesting of all, but owing to material difficulties Athens for the present reserves her secrets. The excavation of the Agora, the great task before the Greek Archaeological Society, has now indeed been begun by the clearing of an area east of the Theseum, and ancient walls have been found, but they cannot be identified with any known buildings, nor do the inscriptions discovered give any topographical indications. This is, however, only a beginning, and the area ultimately to be excavated is very much larger.
The Travels of ‘Palmyra’ Wood in 1750-51
Authors: Hutton C. A. 
Published: May 2006

Through the generosity of the descendants of Robert Wood (1716–71) the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies now possesses a number of note-books, diaries, sketch-books, etc., the records of a long tour which he made in 1750–51, in the company of John Bouverie and James Dawkins, and which bore fruit in Wood's publications of the ruins of Palmyra (1753), of Baalbec (1757) and in his Essay on the Original Genius of Homer (1767).Little is known of Wood's history before this tour; according to Horace Walpole he was originally a travelling tutor, and from scattered references in his published works and in his note-books we learn that between May 1742 and the spring of 1743 he had made a long tour which embraced Constantinople, many of the islands in the Aegean Sea, Egypt and some towns in Syria and Mesopotamia. He himself tells us it was for this reason that Messrs. Bouverie and Dawkins, with whom he had travelled in Italy, invited him to accompany them. The diaries and note-books shew that he was a bom traveller with a quick eye for the salient features of a landscape and a keen appreciation of its natural beauties. He was also an excellent classical scholar, and, as such, interested in the identification of ancient sites and in the inscriptions found there, but this interest was literary rather than antiquarian; his real interest lay in comparing the statements of ancient geographers and modern travellers with the physical conditions as he found them, above all in identifying any river he crossed and, wherever possible, tracing it to its source.
A Bronze Figure of a Youth in Oriental Costume
Authors: Smith A. H. 
Published: May 2006

The remarkable bronze figure published on Pl. II. was exhibited, by permission of the owner, at a meeting of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies on Tuesday, May 8. It has not, so far as I am aware, been discussed in print, and has all the interest which attaches to an unsolved problem.The figure was said to have been found by Egyptian natives, in 1912, in ruins to the east of the Suez Canal, but other reports ascribed it to Alexandria; and it is clear that, unless better information comes to hand, no stress can be laid on the alleged place of origin.
A Black-figured Hydria of the Polygnotan Period
Authors: Waldhauer Oscar 
Published: May 2006

In 1903 the Russian Archaeological Commission purchased a hydria from a dealer at Olbia which is now in the collection of ancient vases in the Hermitage (Fig. 1). Being considered by some authorities a forgery, the vase was not published in the Report of the Commission. I can assert that there is no doubt as to the authenticity of the vase. Apart from small injuries there are no important parts broken off or restored. The shape, but for some slight variations, is that of a typical late archaic hydria; sharp divisions are avoided, the shoulder being connected with the body by a soft curve and the same profile used for the foot. The ring above the foot is quite flat and not separated from the foot. On the lip of the vase there are two sharp projecting tongues instead of the “rotelle” of the archaic type (Fig. 2).The handles are round and curved slightly upwards. The varnish is very bad and dull, being laid on very thin, so that the surface of the clay shows through. There are spots where the fire has turned the black varnish red. The clay is of a dull yellow colour, badly cleansed, with holes in the polished surface, evidently in consequence of small stones and pieces of glimmer which have broken away. The surface of the clay, in the panel reserved for the design, is of a reddish colour. The greater part of the foot, the stripes under the horizontal handles, the inner parts of all three handles and the outer part of the lip are left unvarnished. Judging from the quality of the clay and the special character of the varnish, the vase appears to be Etruscan work.
The Interpretation of Greek Music
Authors: Clements E. 
Published: May 2006

Inadequacy of our Theory. To whoever may desire to understand the music of ancient Greece, I would recommend that he put away from his mind that sense of superiority which our progress in counterpoint, harmony, form and orchestration has engendered, and devote his attention to the shortcomings of our music, for they relate to those very matters concerning which Greek music has the most to teach us.Our music has come down to us from remote ages through the Greek system. The first stage in its progress was marked by the collection of a multiplicity of Harmonies and modes, not unlike those upon which the classical music of India is based. Of the diatonic scales, some were soft, employing septimal or soft intervals, and others were hard, employing semitones, and major and minor tones, differing among themselves in the order in which these intervals were strung together. The Greeks may have added to this collection. Their chief contributions to musical progress, however, were instrumental heterophony and the science of intervals. They were driven to the use of the former by the tyranny of the ‘metrici’. Thus the long and short of Greek poetry led indirectly to the harmonic system of music, which is one of the main achievements of European civilisation. The foundations of musical science were laid by Pythagoras. The results of his labours were soon apparent in the classification of the enormous number of scales in use, the adoption of a musical notation based upon an intricate system of correlated keys, and the art of modulation. In the break-up of Roman and Greek civilisation, the subtle distinctions between the various Harmonies were the first features of the music to go under. Curiously enough, the innovations introduced by the master minds of Greece survived in the art of modulation, and the contrapuntal tradition. A new series of keys was invented. This degenerated, under the growing influence of keyed instruments, and the craze for unlimited modulation, into the musical freak of equal temperament, in which a scale, grotesquely out of focus, is set up as a standard and basis of theory. Players on the pianoforte and organ perform tempered music in tempered tones to admiring audiences.
Mycenae, 1939
Authors: Wace A. J. B. 
Published: May 2006

The excavations were directed mainly to four points: the ruins of the Greek temple on the summit and a large Mycenaean house on the east side of the acropolis, an area outside the Lion Gate, and the Treasury of Atreus.The foundations of the Greek temple were cleared, surveyed, and studied in detail. As they survive to-day they are certainly of the Hellenistic period, and it is clear that neither the Hellenistic sanctuary, nor any earlier temple that preceded it, had a peristyle. Blocks from earlier structures had been built into the foundations, and all round a great variety of tiles from early archaic to Hellenistic times was found. Pottery found below the surface of the northern terrace of the temple area shows that a sanctuary had existed throughout ‘Geometric’ times, and the tiles and architectural fragments indicate that it was succeeded by an early archaic shrine. The temple, with the massive substructures that supported it on the north, lies south and north, and it is possible that it owes this abnormal orientation to the fact that it overlies the shrine of the Mycenaean palace, which faced south. It now seems that the early archaic sculpture in relief previously found did not belong to a temple, but, since it was all found in the southern part of the temple area, may have belonged to some structure, perhaps an altar, which stood before the south front of the sanctuary.
Three Black-figured Vases in the Winchester College Museum
Authors: Oakeshott Noël 
Published: May 2006

Exact records of the purchasing of the Greek vases in the Winchester College Museum are not available, but the bulk of the collection was bought in Athens with a part of the sum subscribed for the Memorial Building in 1897. That the quincentenary memorial, failing a new chapel, should take the form of a museum, was in large measure the idea and wish of the late Dr. Fearon, then headmaster, and the purchase of antiquities was further facilitated by his private generosity. Since then there have been a few additional presentations, but the vases originally acquired form the main part of the collection.Among the black-figured pieces are three of particular merit: a skyphos and an eye-cup by the Theseus painter, and a second eye-cup of similar style. I thought this cup to be also by the Theseus painter. While differing in some respects from the other cup, it is very similar in shape and in scheme and detail of decoration to the only other cup attributed to this painter's hand, the one in Copenhagen with Hephaestos riding a horse. Prof. Beazley has, however, been kind enough to examine my photographs, and does not endorse my attribution.The two pieces by the Theseus painter are included in Miss Haspels’ list, p. 251 no. 36, p. 252 no. 76. The skyphos had been previously recognised by Alan Blakeway as belonging to Mingazzini's white Heron Group, and the one sound painter that Prof. Beazley has differentiated from his hack colleagues in this workshop is now established by Miss Haspels as the Theseus Painter.
The Philinna Papyrus
Authors: Maas P. 
Published: May 2006

1. P. Amh. 11 and P. Berol. 7504: History of the Problem of their Relationship.‘Too small to have more than a palaeographical interest’: thus marked, the Amherst Papyrus 11 was published by Grenfell and Hunt in 1901; they assigned it to cent. I B.C. For all its smallness, however, Wilamowitz remembered this text when he found a similar one in the Berlin Papyrus 7504, which he edited in 1907, dating the hand ‘spätgriechisch.’ But in quoting from the Amherst Papyrus he relied too much on his memory; that, and some mistakes which he made in editing the Berlin Papyrus, prevented him from making full use of his discovery.A considerable step forward was taken by Adam Abt in 1910. He supplemented convincingly ll. 8–12 and 17–18 of the Berlin Papyrus from the text of the Amherst Papyrus. He even envisaged, and for excellent reasons, the possibility that the two papyri were parts of the same roll, but eventually decided against it because he thought that ll. 13–16 of the Berlin Papyrus could not be made to fit on to the Amherst Papyrus. Here he was wrong, as will be shown presently.
The Olbian Inscription CIG 2080 Rediscovered
Authors: Dzikowski Nicholas 
Published: May 2006

In the Museum of the Society of the Friends of the Sciences in Wilno is preserved a stone thus registered in the inventory-book: ‘No. 556/4—slab with Greek inscription bequeathed in 1910 by Jan Szwański.’ The Keeper of the Museum asked me to decipher this inscription, and as I supposed that it had not been published, he kindly granted me the permission to take a photograph of it and to publish it.The inscription is engraved in 7 lines on a slab of smoke-discoloured marble, the dimensions of which are: height, 0·22 m.; breadth, 0·26 m.; thickness, 0·06 m.; height of letters, 0·02 m. The middle part of the front surface is so much worn and has become so smooth, as if by long attrition, that there remain no traces whatever of the deeply engraved letters. There is also a serious breakage at the right-hand margin which has carried away the last letter of l. 2 and damaged two letters of ll. 2 and 3. The lowest part of the stone is broken off in such a manner that only the top of the right-hand portion of l. 7 remains. All mutilations and gaps seem to be very ancient, and no damage of recent date is noticeable. The back has been left rough. The accompanying photograph (fig. 1) shows the actual preservation of the stone, while the following facsimile, based upon a squeeze (fig. 2), represents the legible letters and the remaining portions of the damaged letters.
The Coins from the Ephesian Artemision Reconsidered
Authors: Robinson E. S. G. 
Published: May 2006

In 1904–5 the British Museum excavations at Ephesos were resumed under D. G. Hogarth, and resulted in the discovery of what he held to be the foundations of earlier buildings beneath the great Artemision of the Croesus period unearthed by Wood. In these earlier buildings Hogarth distinguished three successive stages:A. A Central Basis, faced with green schist, standing on virgin sand, and joined in the middle of its west side by a narrow jetty to a second rectangular platform, both of limestone; the whole built, in his view, about 700 B.C., and lasting until it was destroyed by the Kimmerians about 660.B. A rebuilding and enlargement of the same about 650, the resulting temple lasting till about 600.C. A further building and enlargement finally superseded by the Croesus temple about 550.Hogarth's chronology has met with strong criticism, notably from Löwy, who regarded all remains as belonging to the foundations of the Croesus temple.
Aigina and the Delian League
Authors: MacDowell Douglas 
Published: May 2006

It is usually taken for granted that throughout the first part of the fifth century B.C. until her defeat by Athens in or about 457 Aigina was a member of the Peloponnesian League and was consistently hostile to Athens and to the formation and growth of the Confederacy of Delos. I believe that the evidence for this view is weak, and that Aigina was never a member of the Peloponnesian League but probably was a voluntary member of the Delian League from its formation.About 494 King Kleomenes of Sparta invaded the Argolid and defeated the Argives at Sepeia. For this invasion he used some ships belonging to Aigina, which he had taken by force. This implies that some kind of fight must have taken place recently between Aigina and the Spartans, or their allies. How could the Spartans, who were a land and not a sea power, capture ships from the Aiginetans, who had one of the largest fleets in Greece at that time? Only with the help of an ally whose naval power was stronger than Sparta's. Obviously this ally must have been Corinth. Corinth was always a naval power, and at this period she was hostile to Aigina, and she was undoubtedly a member of the Peloponnesian League. So the forces of the Peloponnesian League fought and defeated Aigina shortly before they defeated Argos in the middle 490s. There were, of course, traditional connexions between Argos and Aigina. Argos had assisted Aigina in a war against Epidauros and Athens long before; while after her defeat at Sepeia Argos demanded a fine of 500 talents from Aigina as an atonement for her treachery, and she could not have made this demand if she had not had, or claimed to have, some kind of alliance with her. It is therefore not surprising that the Peloponnesians should attack both Argos and Aigina at the same period.
The Book Trade in Fourth-Century Antioch
Authors: Norman A. F. 
Published: May 2006

Although the papyrologist and the palaeographer have by now made the study of books in the ancient world a preserve almost peculiarly their own, it may yet be helpful to indicate literary evidence for the reading and writing habits of the educated classes in periods and places in which such modern studies have as yet been able to provide little or no material. A case in point is Antioch in the fourth century A.D., where there is considerable information embodied in the little appreciated works of Libanius, by which light is shed on the question of the writing and publication of books of various kinds. Except for some recent remarks upon copyists and book distribution in Antioch made by Paul Petit, this body of evidence has remained virtually untouched, despite its value. There are limitations, of course; Libanius has no use for any other culture than that of the Hellene and the rhetor. Syriac is mentioned only once in all his writings, and then in a contemptuous aside (Or.xlii 31); Latin, which he realised was increasingly in competition with his own educational system, he met with determined opposition (e.g.Or.i 214, 234; x 14), while he looked upon Christian literature with all the rancour of a confirmed pagan (e.g.Or.xxx 21; xviii 178).To him, as a schoolmaster, and to his students in rhetoric, books were essential, but it is clear that some restrictions were imposed both on master and pupil by the availability of texts. The ordinary school text seems to have been obtainable, subject to the rules of supply and demand, but other works were correspondingly harder to obtain. One must not look to him for indications of purchase price. It may have been necessary for the parents of his pupils to purchase books—it certainly appears as a normal item in their budget—but he never descends to the mundane question of cost. He himself usually got his books by presentation rather than by purchase, and in any case he maintained his own copyist. His fellow rhetors, Acacius and Demetrius, did the same, and the lending of a text for the purpose of taking a copy was normal practice (e.g.Or.liv 68). There was, however, in addition to the demand which these private copyists satisfied in the establishments of professional sophists or the wealthy families, some market for books for which the professional copyist catered. That there was also some traffic in second-hand books is indicated by Libanius' account of the repeated attempts to burgle his library and of the theft and subsequent misadventures of his prized text of Thucydides. This turned up in the possession of a freshman who had purchased it on the open market (Or.i 148). The ordinary student found the purchase of books a necessity, and Libanius reproves those parents who keep their sons so short of money that they are unable to buy the texts they need (e.g.Ep.428.3).
The Portland Vase Again
Authors: Haynes D. E. L. 
Published: May 2006

The editor having invited me to reply to Professor Bernard Ashmole's ‘New Interpretation of the Portland Vase’, the reader will, I hope, forgive me for returning to a topic which he may think in danger of being worn threadbare. Although my own interpretation has been generously characterised by Professor Ashmole as ‘persuasively argued’, its failure to convince not only him but Professor Hans Möbius and Professor F. L. Bastet shows that it was not persuasive enough; and the aim of the following pages is to re-state the case for it and to fortify it, as I hope, with additional arguments which would have overloaded the popular publication in which it first appeared.I begin, as before, with the young man who advances to the right in front of a small structure consisting of two square pillars raised on a continuous base and supporting a Doricising entablature (Plate IV). According to Möbius and Ashmole this structure is a gateway and the young man has just passed through it. ‘Ask yourself’, Ashmole bids the reader, ‘where he can have come from if not through the gateway, and you will see that this must be the correct solution.’ But must it? If the young man had come through the supposed gateway, surely the foot he first set to the ground—his left—would be more or less on the axis of the opening and not, as it actually is, with the heel almost touching the corner of the base nearest the spectator: an artist in whose work ‘no detail is negligible’ would hardly have put a foot as wrong as that.
Satyrus the Peripatetic and the marriages of Philip II
Authors: Tronson Adrian 
Published: May 2006

A fragment, cited by Athenaeus (Deipn. xiii 557b–e =fr. 21) from the life of Philip II of Macedon by the Peripatetic biographer Satyrus, has been regarded by modern scholarship as a fundamental source for Philip's early campaigns and ‘matrimonial politics’. Here Satyrus lists Philip's wives, apparently in chronological sequence. The fragment, as it is usually printed, also states that during his reign Philip αἰεὶ κατὰ πόλεμον ἐγάμει. This has led scholars to infer a reasonably accurate account of Philip's method of conducting foreign policy through contracting political marriages.Beloch was among the first of modern scholars to link Philip's marriages (as listed in the fragment) with specific wars and even to alter their chronological order so that most of them can be pegged to the few known campaigns of Philip's early career. He tacitly repudiated Satyrus' order by placing the marriage of Phila of Elimeia before that of Audata of Illyria and relegating Audata to the position of Nebenfrau, raising her status to that of Gemahlin only after the (hypothetical) death of Phila. He gave no specific reason for doing this, but it would appear that he regarded the marriage between Philip and a woman of the politically unstable region of Elimeia as being more appropriate to the time of his accession and therefore more likely to have taken place before his marriage to the Illyrian.