bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Independent axiom schemata for von wright's M
Authors: Anderson Alan Ross 
Published: May 2006

In this paper we show how a modification of results due to Simons ([6]) yields a set of independent axiom schemata for von Wright's M ([8], p. 85), with a single primitive rule of inference. We first describe a system M*, then show its equivalence with M, and finally show that our schemata are independent.1. Axiomatization ofM*. We adopt the notational conventions of McKinsey and Tarski ([4], p. 2), as amended by Simons ([6], p. 309), except that we take “(α ⊰ β)” as an abbreviation for “˜◇˜(α 0→ β)”, rather than for “˜◇(α ∧ ˜β)”. Our only rule of inference is:Rule. If ⊦ α and ⊦ (˜◇˜α → β). then ⊦ β.We have six axiom schemata:We require a number of theorems for the proof of equivalence of M* with M.Theorem 1. If ⊦ α and ⊦ (α → β), then ⊦ β.Theorem 2. If ⊦ α and ⊦ (α ⊰ β), then ⊦ β.Proof by hypothesis, A5, and Theorem 2 (twice).Theorem 3. If ⊦ (α ⊰ β), then (˜◇β → ˜ ◇α).Proof by hypothesis, A6, and Theorem 2.Theorem 4. If ⊦(α ⊰ β), then ⊦[˜˜(γ ∧ α) ⊰ ˜˜(β ∧ γ)].
Professor Goodstein's formalisation of the policeman
Authors: Cohen L. Jonathan 
Published: May 2006

Professor R. L. Goodstein's neat proposal for formalising and proving the Policeman — the logical truth mentioned in my paper — illustrates the main thesis of that paper, viz., that in formalising the logic of indirect discourse one needs to avoid assigning what was said, and the report that it was said, to different levels of a semantical hierarchy. But there are two main difficulties in his proposal:1. It is not quite clear whether the axioms and rules of Prof. Goodstein's system are to be such that substitutivity of the biconditional is maintained for all wff. If so, the system takes no account of the referentially opaque quality of indirect discourse. For example, the analogue for “If Sir Walter Scott always says the same as the author of Waverley, then George III says that anything Sir Walter Scott says is true if and only if George III says that anything the author of Waverley says is true” would be provable, though this statement is not logically true. If “A(x){Bx→x)” is well-formed (as it must be for Professor Goodstein's proof), the corresponding theorem is2. In interpreting the letters “A”, “B”, etc. as operators, so that sentences are the substitution-instances both for variables like “x” and for schematic functions of those variables like “Ax”, Professor Goodstein's system does not provide for formalising logical truths in which ordinary predication also plays a part: e.g., “If the policeman says that all women are dangerous drivers and anything the policeman says is true, then no non-dangerous drivers are women”.
A theory of restricted quantification II
Authors: Hailperin Theodore 
Published: May 2006

In Part I of this paper no official significance was given to free occurrences of restricted-variables. Indeed doubt has been expressed as to the desirability or feasibility of such usage. Thus, to quote from Rosser [4], p. 146:“We now raise the question of the significance of F (α), in which the occurrences of α are free [α a variable subject to the restriction K(α)]. In deciding to take (x).K(x) ⊃ F(x) and (Ex).K(x).F(x) as the meanings of (α)F(α) and (Eα)F(α), we were guided by the intuitive meanings. In the case of F(α), the intuitive meaning does not furnish a satisfactory guide. In everyday mathematics, if it has been agreed that α stands for a quantity satisfying the restriction K(α), it is commonly the case that, if one is assuming F (α), then K(α)&F(α) is understood, but if one is trying to prove F (α), then K(α) ⊃ F (α) is understood. It seems that in symbolic logic perhaps it is best not to give any especial significance to α in F(α) when it occurs free.”Despite this anomalous behaviour we shall, in this Part, show how one can have unhampered use of free restricted-variables in appropriate contexts.
Open sentences and the induction axiom
Authors: Shoenfield J. R. 
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to give a partial answer to the question: How much is the induction axiom weakened if it is applied only to sentences with no bound variables? It is well known that for the full Peano arithmetic this is a weakening ([1] p. 90). We consider Peano arithmetic without multiplication, and give a full answer to the question. It turns out that only four new theorems can be proved from the weakened induction axiom; i.e., all further consequences of this axiom are derivable from these four.We consider a system T formulated within the first-order predicate calculus with equality. The system contains the constant 0 and the three function symbols S (successor), P (predecessor), and +. The non-logical axioms are:A sentence is open if it contains no bound variables. We obtain the system TI from T by adding the rule of inference:(I) If A(x) is an open sentence, infer A(x) from A(0) and A(x) ⊃ A(Sx).The following open sentences are easily proved in TI:The system formed by adding (B1) - (B4) to T is called T′.We abbreviate SS … Sx, where S occurs n times, to Snx. Similarly, we abbreviate (… (x+x)+ …) + x, where x occurs n times, to nx. A term of the form n1x1 + … + nkXk + Sp0 is called simple. An equation between simple terms is called a simple equation.
An improved prenex normal form1
Authors: Chang C. C. , Keisler H. Jerome 
Published: May 2006

Let ℒ be the set of all formulas of a given first order predicate logic (with or without identity). For each positive integer n, let ℒn be the set of all formulas φ in ℒ logically equivalent to a formula of the form
where Q is a (possibly empty) string of quantifiers, m is a positive integer, and each αij is either an atomic formula or the negation of an atomic formula.
Developmental regulation of α‐amino‐3‐hydroxy‐5‐methyl‐4‐isoxazole‐propionic acid receptor subunit expression in forebrain and relationship to regional susceptibility to hypoxic/ischemic injury. II. Human cerebral white matter and cortex
Authors: Talos Delia M. , Follett Pamela L. , Folkerth Rebecca D. , Fishman Rachel E. , Trachtenberg Felicia L. , Volpe Joseph J. , Jensen Frances E. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThis report is the second of a two‐part evaluation of developmental differences in α‐amino‐3‐hydroxy‐5‐methyl‐4‐isoxazole‐propionic acid receptor (AMPAR) subunit expression in cell populations within white matter and cortex. In part I, we reported that, in rat, developmental expression of Ca2+‐permeable (GluR2‐lacking) AMPARs correlated at the regional and cellular level with increased susceptibility to hypoxia/ischemia (H/I), suggesting an age‐specific role of these receptors in the pathogenesis of brain injury. Part II examines the regional and cellular progression of AMPAR subunits in human white matter and cortex from midgestation through early childhood. Similarly to the case in the rodent, there is a direct correlation between selective vulnerability to H/I and expression of GluR2‐lacking AMPARs in human brain. For midgestational cases aged 20–24 postconceptional weeks (PCW) and for premature infants (25–37 PCW), we found that radial glia, premyelinating oligodendrocytes, and subplate neurons transiently expressed GluR2‐lacking AMPARs. Notably, prematurity represents a developmental window of selective vulnerability for white matter injury, such as periventricular leukomalacia (PVL). During term (38–42 PCW) and postterm neonatal (43–46 PCW) periods, age windows characterized by increased susceptibility to cortical injury and seizures, GluR2 expression was low in the neocortex, specifically on cortical pyramidal and nonpyramidal neurons. This study indicates that Ca2+‐permeable AMPAR blockade may represent an age‐specific therapeutic strategy for potential use in humans. Furthermore, these data help to validate specific rodent maturational stages as appropriate models for evaluation of H/I pathophysiology. J. Comp. Neurol. 497:61–77, 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
Time course of substance P expression in dorsal root ganglia following complete spinal nerve transection
Authors: Weissner Wendy , Winterson Barbara J. , Stuart‐Tilley Alan , Devor Marshall , Bove Geoffrey M. 
Published: May 2006

AbstractRecent evidence suggests that substance P (SP) is up‐regulated in primary sensory neurons following axotomy and that this change occurs in larger neurons that do not usually produce SP. If this is so, then the up‐regulation may allow normally neighboring, uninjured, and nonnociceptive dorsal root ganglion (DRG) neurons to become effective in activating pain pathways. By using immunohistochemistry, we performed a unilateral L5 spinal nerve transection on male Wistar rats and measured SP expression in ipsilateral L4 and L5 DRGs and contralateral L5 DRGs at 1–14 days postoperatively (dpo) and in control and sham‐operated rats. In normal and sham‐operated DRGs, SP was detectable almost exclusively in small neurons (≤800 μm2). After surgery, the mean size of SP‐positive neurons from the axotomized L5 ganglia was greater at 2, 4, 7, and 14 dpo. Among large neurons (>800 μm2) from the axotomized L5, the percentage of SP‐positive neurons increased at 2, 4, 7, and 14 dpo. Among small neurons from the axotomized L5, the percentage of SP‐positive neurons was increased at 1 and 3 dpo but was decreased at 7 and 14 dpo. Thus, SP expression is affected by axonal damage, and the time course of the expression is different between large and small DRG neurons. These data support a role for SP‐producing, large DRG neurons in persistent sensory changes resulting from nerve injury. J. Comp. Neurol. 497:78–87, 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
Mind the Gap: Policy Approaches to Embryonic Stem Cell and Cloning Research in 50 Countries
Authors: Isasi Rosario , Knoppers Bartha 
Published: May 2006

AbstractThis article provides an overview of (I) the moral and legal status of the human embryo and of the (II) regulatory approaches to embryonic stem cells and cloning research by comparing the regulatory frameworks of 50 countries. The major goal of this study is to provide and analytical understanding of the policy landscape around the globe, with an aim to contribute to worldwide policy debates. The comparison of these policies underscores the hurdles that scientific consortia involving international jurisdictions and policy frameworks have to confront, as well as the challenges facing the international harmonization of such policies.
The Nature of Political Thought
Authors: Gettell Raymond G. 
Published: May 2006

In the introduction to his readings in political philosophy, Professor Coker says, “since the time of Plato there has been, in every philosophic age, some inquiry as to the justification of political organization in general, as to the relative merits of different political forms, and as to the appropriate position and privileges of the individual as master, member, or subject of the political order of society. Why do we have political organization? What in our present condition do we owe to it? What future benefits may we properly expect to derive from it? Are its purposes characteristically manifold and changing, or are they ultimately reducible to a few limited objects or to some single end? What is its best form? Who should control it? What is its proper relation to the ideas and sentiments of the community at its basis? What spheres of individual and social life is it incompetent to enter? Philosophers and publicists of various types have sought to answer these questions in abstract terms.”If an analysis be made of the questions with which political thought has been concerned, it is found that emphasis was placed at various periods upon widely different types of problems. In the medieval period political controversy centered in the contest for supremacy between spiritual and temporal authorities; in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the dominant interest was in the contest between monarchic and democratic theories of political organization; at present, the extent of state activities has come into prominence, and the connection between political and economic interests is especially close. Besides, political conditions have changed so greatly from age to age that the same problem had quite different meanings at different periods.
Reporting the Political News at Washington
Authors: Lawrence David 
Published: May 2006

First of all, let me say that there is no question on which you can develop more controversy than the reporting of political news. Within the profession, within the newspaper business, there is a great deal of controversy, and has been for many years, particularly as to whether political news is fairly reported, impartially reported. I have listened to a good deal of discussion on that point. I have recognized, as have others in the newspaper business, the trend of the times—the so-called decrease in the strength of the editorial page, for instance, and the increase in the amount of material of a semi-editorial flavor printed in the news columns.The first branch of this topic, namely, reporting political news as it affects our domestic politics, seems to me to require an understanding, first, of the pressure and the difficulties that newspaper men face in handling news of campaigns and, second, of some of the pitfalls which they encounter between campaigns. I make that division arbitrarily, because the subject seems to divide itself in my own mind into those two general fields.It is much easier to report political news between campaigns than it is during campaigns. For one thing, your audience is not sensitive between campaigns. Especially just after a campaign has been concluded there is a sort of feeling that the victorious candidate, the newly inaugurated President, the newly introduced Congress, should have what we call popularly a square deal—as if, by inference, they did not have a square deal before.
The Philosophy of Labor Legislation: Presidential Address, American Association for Labor Legislation
Authors: Willoughby William F. 
Published: May 2006

Careful study of any period will reveal that back of all the complex happenings marking such period there have been certain fundamental impulses, certain human strivings, of which the happenings themselves have been, in great part, but the manifestations, or expression in concrete action. It is the prime function of the historian to discover, explain the rise, trace the development and make known the results of these forces which have dominated mass action in the past. Only as this is done do the myriad of events going to make up the body of historical data assume a real meaning, and historical narrative become other than a dry tabulation of detail.A distinguished historian, E. A. Freeman, has well said that if history is past politics, politics is present history. If it is of value for the historian to trace out and place in their true light those great movements of the past, how much more important it is that the student of present-day politics should, by a similar examination of current events and efforts, seek to make known, and interpret the forces and aspirations now dictating the collective action of peoples.
Permanent Officials in the National Administration of the United States
Authors: Lowden Frank O. 
Published: May 2006

The tendency of all government is toward bureaucracy. The government official is inclined to exaggerate the importance of his office. He is constantly tempted to expand its scope. He is properly jealous of his authority. He looks askance upon the activities of other officials who seem to be trespassing upon his ground. In his construction of the law he is prone to insist upon the letter which killeth but to overlook the spirit which giveth life.I think that this tendency is inevitable. It is inseparable from zeal and pride, and these qualities are essential to successful administration. Where, however, the enterprise is a vast one, as in government, or as in a great business organization, these tendencies, if left uncontrolled, are likely to inflict serious injury upon the service. There will be constant friction among the various subdivisions of the particular department. At times the activities of one will neutralize the activities of the other. A set of arbitrary rules is likely to be evolved which will vex everyone who comes in contact with the particular bureau. The original purpose of the creation of the bureau is finally lost sight of, and it is likely to seem to those who direct it an end and not a means.
The Presidential Preference Primary
Authors: Dickey Francis W. 
Published: May 2006

The presidency, intended by the framers of the Constitution to be almost exclusively an executive and administrative office, has, in the course of a century and a quarter, not only augmented its executive and administrative authority, but also has acquired a marked political significance. To his constitutional powers the President has added the prerogatives of party leadership, which constitute him the organ for giving effect to the policies of his party at the same time that he exercises a potent influence in the formulation of those policies. The amazing growth of political parties in the United States and the perfection and strength of their organization have been the causes of astonished comment on the part of foreign observers. Moreover, ours has been, in the main, a country of two parties. In view of these facts, the President as party leader becomes a personage of incalculable political consequence. He possesses the political leadership of an English prime minister with the titular dignity which the prime minister lacks.Since Jackson's time the presidency has achieved a representative character which is the natural result of the President's assumption of political leadership. He perhaps more accurately reflects the mind of the country at large than either of the houses of Congress. The Senate has been wanting in representative character, until the passage of the seventeenth amendment, because of the indirect mode of its election; while the Representatives, because the center of their interests is local rather than national and because their number has been a hindrance to decisive action, have distinctly lost in prestige. The President is able, and finds it to his advantage, to cultivate a nationalistic conception of his office.
The Canadian Elections of 1930
Authors: Soward Frederic H. 
Published: May 2006

The decisive victory, on July 28, of the Conservative party in the seventeenth general election since Confederation came as a surprise to the Canadian people. The party, which did not elect a single member in six of the nine provinces in 1921, carried six provinces decisively and in two others, Saskatchewan and Quebec, scored its greatest successes since 1911. In 1926, Mr. Bennett, the new prime minister, was the only Conservative member between the Great Lakes and the Rocky Mountains. This time he has 23 Conservatives among the 54 Prairie members. He, indeed, has more Conservative supporters in the House of Commons than any prime minister since Sir John A. MacDonald. With a majority of 28, exclusive of the speaker, over all opposition parties, he is the first prime minister in a decade to be undoubted master of the political scene (see note 1 on following page).When Prime Minister Mackenzie King announced, on May 6, the speedy dissolution of Parliament, he may have thought that it was wise to go to the country before the trade depression had been too prolonged, or, as seems more probable, he may have underestimated the seriousness of the situation. One of his strongest supporters, the Manitoba Free Press, made the following significant comment the day after the election: “The manner in which Mr. Bennett played upon Mr. King's pride, combativeness, and perhaps belief in his star in order to get him in the mood to fight a battle on ground chosen by his opponents and under conditions which helped them and put him at a disadvantage will doubtless be recorded in future books of political strategy for future prime ministers.”
Constitutional Law in 1928–29: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1928
Authors: Cushman Robert E. 
Published: May 2006

“Pocket veto” is the term applied to the killing of a bill by the President by the process of retaining it without signing it when Congress adjourns before the bill has been in his hands ten days. The Constitution provides for the pocket veto by stating: “If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.” In the “Pocket Veto” case the Court decided that the word “adjournment” in this clause refers not merely to the final adjournment at the expiration of a Congress, but to any temporary or ad interim adjournment. In short, the President may effectively pocket veto a bill whenever Congress, by going home, prevents him from returning it within ten days. The Court thus gave judicial sanction to a practice which has been followed sporadically ever since the days of Madison.On June 24, 1926, a bill was presented to President Coolidge authorizing certain Indian tribes to sue in the Court of Claims. On July 3 the first session of the 69th Congress adjourned, and it did not meet again until December. It was not in session on July 6—the tenth day after the bill was presented to the President (Sundays excepted).
Some Phases of the Theory and Practice of Judicial Review of Legislation in Foreign Countries
Authors: Haines Charles Grove 
Published: May 2006

It is no longer customary to the extent that it formerly was to maintain that judicial review of legislation and the consequent annulment of laws is an exclusively American political practice. With the courts of at least a score of countries passing on the validity of legislative acts, and occasionally refusing to apply them in concrete cases, the American method of guarding constitutions, characterized in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a new political phenomenon, has now an extensive application among the countries operating under written fundamental laws.Interesting developments are taking place with respect to judicial review of legislation in foreign countries. Austria and Czechoslovakia have established special constitutional courts with authority to determine whether acts are in accord with their constitutions. Germany is in the process of adopting judicial review of acts of the national government as implied in the provisions of the new constitution. According to certain jurists, French courts have taken the first steps to establish themselves as the special interpreters and guardians of the French constitution. Though the dominant opinion of French lawyers and statesmen is opposed to judicial review as a feature of the French system of government, there is a growing sentiment in favor of the acceptance of the principle, as a necessary means of rendering more effective the provisions of the constitution and of protecting individual rights as guaranteed in the Declaration of Rights. The Irish Free State has followed the lead of Canada and Australia in placing the guardianship of its new constitution in the courts. In adopting a new constitution, Chile appears to have taken preliminary steps to change a system of parliamentary supremacy to a modified régime of judicial supremacy. There is considerable public discussion in Switzerland of the possibility of accepting the principle of review of the acts of the Federal Assembly.