bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Early Fabians—Economists and Reformers
Authors: Fox Paul W. , Gordon H. Scott 
Published: June 2006

The socialist movement in Great Britain has been characterized by a combination of dynamic reformism and liberal reasonableness which is all too frequently lacking in the histories of left-wing movements in other parts of the world. While this may be explained to some extent by the traditional character of English habits of thought and political institutions, one organization is, more than others, responsible for the preservation of the liberal philosophy in an age of great social change. The Fabian Society came upon the scene when the economic foundations of that change were already well established. The development of the new industrialism had shown inequities and injustices which called for radical measures of economic reform. Yet while this economic change had been taking place, political institutions had undergone a considerable measure of liberalization. The latter was a development highly valued by the economic revolutionaries, and the Fabian Society was, from the very first, an effort to combine the two desiderata—to change the economic structure of society while preserving the democratic political achievements so newly gained and so highly prized.The important early Fabian writings which dealt with matters of abstract economic theory were motivated by the belief that the great unsolved questions of the day were the economic. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, from 1870 on, the economic world was stricken with controversy. The placid perfection of the Ricardian classicism had been shattered by the frontal attack of the marginalists and the usurpation of Marx.
Objectives of an Agricultural Price Support Policy
Authors: Drummond W. M. 
Published: June 2006

While there is nothing unusual about the practice of giving special price assistance to particularly needy producers in times of emergency, the provision of agricultural price support as a matter of general policy is a comparatively recent development. Despite this fact the circumstances surrounding the adoption of the policy have indicated a considerable variation in objectives. The diversity of aims can perhaps best be shown by a few specific examples.The agricultural price support provided in the United Kingdom during the past decade or more was designed to achieve several purposes. It was supposed to bring about a very definite improvement in the net income and purchasing power position of farmers generally. It was intended to act as a stimulant to production so that the country could become, agriculturally, more self-sufficient and foreign exchange could be conserved. In addition there was the hope that, by increasing the profitability of farming, it would make it financially possible to take advantage of the latest technological developments and thereby increase productive efficiency. All these results were expected to flow from guaranteed prices based on costs and announced well in advance of production.
Proudhon and the Theory of Modern Liberalism
Authors: Watkins Frederick M. 
Published: June 2006

The ideological weakness of modern liberalism has long been recognized as one of the more striking features of contemporary politics. Although constitutional democracy has on the whole proved rather more successful than totalitarian government in satisfying the ordinary needs of men, its achievements have generally failed to arouse a great deal of enthusiasm. In comparison with the aggressive self-confidence of communists and fascists, the attitude of contemporary liberals is notoriously defensive and pessimistic. What are the causes underlying this curious failure of liberal morale? To what extent can it be attributed to deficiencies in the theoretical structure of modern liberalism? These questions must be of interest to anyone who is concerned with the problems of contemporary political thought.When substantial accomplishments fail to evoke enthusiasm, it is reasonable to suppose that those accomplishments are being measured against standards which in some way or other are alien to their nature. A good deal of the weakness of modern liberalism arises out of the fact that it insists on judging the achievements of constitutional democracy, an essentially pluralist system, in terms of standards which are still largely absolutist in character. Liberal government depends in practice on the existence of a multi-myth, multi-group society. Policy is determined not, as in totalitarian countries, by imposing the will of a homogeneous ruling group upon the rest of the community, but by a process of parliamentary negotiation between the supporters of widely varying points of view. In a society of this sort, the coercive functions of government are necessarily limited by the claims of rival individuals and groups.
Ministerial Control of the British Nationalized Industries
Authors: Milligan Frank 
Published: June 2006

In Britain the public corporation has for some time been almost universally regarded as the appropriate form of organization for publicly-owned commercial undertakings, but the only common article of faith underlying this agreement is the negative proposition that such undertakings cannot be run efficiently by organizations on the lines of government departments, staffed by civil servants. Beyond that there is nothing approaching unanimity, either between or within the political parties. And now that the nationalization programme of the Labour party is substantially completed (and, with the important exceptions of road transport and steel, substantially accepted by the Opposition) attention centres increasingly on those questions which remain in dispute.Foremost among these is the question of public control: how much control? and by whom? The scheme adopted by the Labour Government rests on two premises: first, that by eliminating the motive of maximizing profits, nationalization eliminates much of the need for external controls, since the industries may now be expected to devote themselves wholeheartedly to public service; and, second, that the equity interest which passes from the shareholders to the general public can only be exercised by a minister of the Crown, answerable for his actions to the public's representatives in Parliament. Thus, while the various nationalized industries differ from each other in a number of respects, all may be classified together under the general description: “public corporations, strong minister type.”
The Present System of Local Government in Canada: Some Problems of Status, Area, Population, and Resources
Authors: Callard K. 
Published: June 2006

The limitations imposed upon the central and provincial governments by the Canadian federal system have been discussed elsewhere in some detail. But almost no attention has been paid to those difficulties of maintaining an efficient structure of local government which arise from the prior existence of two superior tiers of administration. This does not imply that there has been no interest in local government, but that interest has been partial and spasmodic. Many theories have been formed concerning the role of the provinces, but few have examined the proper role of municipalities. There could be no constitutional argument to focus opinion: local government lies unequivocally within the realm of provincial power, and in an age and a country where legal dispute and politics have gone hand in hand, the affairs of roads and sewers, dog-catchers and relieving officers have seemed prosaic and uninteresting. Education is in a class of its own, for it has been elevated to the arena of constitutional conflict. Outside that arena educational administration has been the concern of only a few interested groups.Local government has no deep historical roots in Canada. It was discouraged by the French administration, and no counterpart to the New England town meeting appeared. After the Revolution, British policy was hostile to any local demonstrations of independent action. Lord Durham regarded this as a major weakness, and Lord Sydenham set about remedying the deficiency.
The Origin of the Social Welfare State in Canada, 1867-1900
Authors: Wallace Elisabeth 
Published: June 2006

The welfare state—as a term of abuse or approval, depending on the point of view—is a phrase which has only recently come into common use, although contrasts between the so-called “negative” and “positive” state have been frequently drawn during the past two decades. The idea that the primary function of government is to make a good life possible, is, however, as old as Aristotle, and political theorists in democratic countries have long been agreed that the state exists for the well-being of its citizens, and not vice versa, although their views of what constitutes the welfare of the people have been markedly divergent. The expansion of government activities, which is conveniently summarized under the term “social welfare state,” in this country as in others is usually considered a twentieth-century phenomenon. Its origins in Canada, however, may be traced to the first thirty years after Confederation, when the proper function of government was a matter of general concern and wide debate. During this early period public opinion as to what the state ought to do for the social well-being of its citizens developed rapidly, and underwent a marked transformation.Present-day critics of the British North America Act are given to pointing out that, as a nineteenth-century document drawn up when laissez-faire theories were at their height, it has become increasingly ill-adapted to further social welfare by state action. Yet contemporary historians have shown that in both Great Britain and the United States, during the past century, the classical doctrine of laissez-faire, interpreted as government abstention from interference with individual or group action, was more honoured in theory than in practice. This contention is supported by illustrations of early factory, mines, public health, and education acts in England, and of such American intervention in economic affairs as tariffs and grants to individual industries. There is much evidence that similar developments took place in Canada, which lends support to similar conclusions concerning the mythical nature of laissez-faire.
Some Aspects of Rural Municipal Finance
Authors: Stewart Andrew , Hanson E. J. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with rural local government, and particularly with the equalization feature of grants to local governments. Reference is made to the Alberta situation.Significant Differences between Urban and Rural Municipalities. The position of the rural municipality is significantly different from that of its urban counterpart. The basic difference is in fiscal capacity. Fiscal capacity is financial ability, within the taxing powers provided, to perform the functions for which the municipality is responsible.All taxes are ultimately paid out of income. Rural per capita income is relatively low; disparities in income are less pronounced; production and income are more variable and uncertain; and income produced in rural areas is largely spent within urban jurisdictions. Consequently taxable capacity is lower; and certain forms of taxes (for example, income taxes, sales taxes, and amusement taxes), efficient and appropriate under urban conditions, would be unproductive and uncertain sources of revenue under rural circumstances. The fiscal capacity of rural units is further affected by population dispersion so that the costs of some services, frequently sources of net revenue to urban governments, are high or prohibitive in rural areas.
Supplement to Statutes, Orders, and Official Statements Relating to Canadian War-time Economic Controls
Authors: Stewart Sheila I. 
Published: June 2006

A Bibliography on Canadian war-time economic controls appeared in the February, 1947 issue of the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science. This bibliography covered the period from 1939 to 1946 during which the war-time controls were introduced and brought to full development. The following supplement has been prepared to record the principal statutes, orders, and official statements relating to the period since 1946, which coincides approximately with the period of decontrol.In the earlier bibliography, there were few references to war-time controls relating to grain marketing and grain prices. In the present supplement, in response to a number of requests, this deficiency has been remedied by including references to the principal legislation and official statements in this field throughout the period since 1939.
External Determinants of the Canadian Upswing, 1921-9
Authors: Malach Vernon W. 
Published: June 2006

In a previous paper on the Canadian upswing, 1921-9, it was discovered that the general level of activity in Canada rose only gradually, in the main, from 1921 to 1924 while a sharper rise occurred in the latter half of the upswing. It was also seen that the accelerated rise of both domestic investment and consumption expenditure contributed to the rapid expansion of national income in the latter half of the upswing, the decline in absolute consumption being an important factor explaining the relative lethargy in the first half of the upswing.This paper is concerned with some of the external factors which may have been partly responsible for the peculiar pattern of the Canadian upswing. For instance, was the slowness of the Canadian recovery in 1923-4 partly due to depressed conditions abroad and a consequent depression of Canadian export industries? As a prerequisite to testing such hypotheses, the relative strengths of the British, American, and Canadian upswings must be determined.
Progress, Poverty, and Inter-Regional Disequilibrium
Authors: Fowke V. C. 
Published: June 2006

The phrase “Progress and Poverty” in this title is borrowed from Henry George, but in this paper it is applied to a geographic paradox much broader than the one the famous single-taxer had in mind. For Henry George the principles implicit in the expression were universal; but the paradox of the inevitable survival of poverty in spite of economic progress existed within the limits of each nation or even of its smallest community. Progress and poverty as Henry George saw them were ubiquitous and inseparable companions. The progress and poverty referred to in the present paper are, it is true, inseparable companions in history; but the contrast is not between classes within one country or region, but, more generally, between different countries, between different regions of the world.As for the disequilibrium mentioned in this title, it is broader than that about which so much has been written recently and which is sometimes referred to as “the Dollar Problem.” The condition referred to here is not merely a condition of the present day; it is very old. It embraces the dollar problem and many others. It is not exclusively economic but has implications of equal importance for political and social life. It is the disequilibrium which arises from the persistent disparity in rates of technological progress between different areas or regions of the world.
Economics and Human Relations
Authors: Bladen V. W. 
Published: June 2006

This paper is the product of the rather unusual experience of interdisciplinary collaboration which I have had during the last two years. It will, I believe, be more intelligible if it is prefaced by a brief indication of the character of that experience. After a long residence in the ivory tower of economic theory I was thrown, some two years ago, into the muddy field of industrial relations, being appointed director of a new Institute of Industrial Relations in the University of Toronto. Though an economist by profession, I had for a long time subscribed to the view that economics is but a part, albeit an important part, of social science. It was therefore not too difficult for me to decide to put a good deal of the new Institute's resources into the study of what has come to be known as “Human Relations in Industry,” where the contributions of anthropology, psychology, and sociology appear to be more valuable than does that of my own specialty, economic theory.My interest in the work on human relations of Dr. Elton Mayo and his colleagues at Harvard had been stimulated by Professor Hart, whose article on the “Hawthorne Experiments” in this Journal stressed their methodological importance as “steps towards a unified social science.” “The experiments,” he wrote, “started with, continued with, and ended with, attention focussed exclusively on one thing and one thing only, what people do. This was the new procedure and it was revolutionary.”
Electoral Corruption and Controverted Elections
Authors: Ward Norman 
Published: June 2006

Corrupt electoral practices and controverted elections are topics which might normally be expected to go hand in hand, for the latter usually result only from the former. To some extent, the number of controverted elections is a useful criterion by which to measure the prevalence of electoral corruption; but it may be a highly misleading one, as the corruption must be discovered and proved before any election result can be affected. The criterion is therefore trustworthy only in so far as the relevant legislative devices are effective. To the degree that laws providing for the investigation of electoral malpractices are operative, bribery and personation are discouraged; weakness in these laws, on the other hand, will inevitably stimulate unscrupulous candidates and election agents to utilize any opportunities which may be turned to their advantage.No one who has even a nodding acquaintance with the tolerant attitude taken towards political behaviour generally in the years immediately after 1867 will be surprised to hear that for some time after Confederation the whole problem of corrupt practices and controverted elections was handled in a haphazard fashion. The four provinces which came together in 1867 agreed in general terms on a definition of corrupt practice: it included the giving and receiving of bribes, whether of money, employment, or anything else; the real or threatened use of violence; treating; personation; and in some cases payment for the hauling of voters to the polls. They also had similar views as to how action for corrupt practice should be begun (by a simple petition signed by either an elector or candidate), and had adopted somewhat similar ways of trying the actual election cases, though their procedures varied in detail. Thus the Assembly of the province of Canada had a general committee of elections, appointed by the speaker subject to the sanction of the House, which was charged with preparing two panels of chairmen and members from which election committees consisting of a chairman and four members were finally chosen. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick sent controverted elections directly to a select committee. Manitoba and British Columbia, when they entered the federation, used the ordinary judicial system and tried election disputes like other cases. In the provinces where committees of the assembly were used, the procedure was similar to that of a court: the committee members were sworn to uphold justice; witnesses were examined under oath; and the parties concerned were represented by counsel. It is to be feared, however, that judicial impartiality was noticeably absent in the rendering of verdicts.
Administration and Primitive Economy
Authors: Hawthorn H. B. 
Published: June 2006

It has become an accepted fact that the mode of livelihood of a people is related in a number of ways to other parts of their culture and to some elements of their character. Anthropologists have contributed, from their relatively simple data, the clearest statements of these relationships. They have also shown that the goals and motivations in primitive economy are usually multiple and complex ones, and are as distinctive of each culture as are personality, social life, art, and religion. This demonstration has a very direct bearing on the work of those charged with planning or carrying out a programme for the welfare of a primitive people, and because of the distinctiveness of each situation, the most fully satisfactory programme can result only from an. inspection of the actual nature of the people, their culture and their resources.The relations of the economic to the non-economic life of primitive peoples are high-lighted when a primitive group comes into contact with western culture. As a result of this contact there follows a characteristic sequence of changes in the economic life of the primitive. First of all he adopts, quite readily and often eagerly, the usually superior tools and materials, and alters some of his techniques so as to use them efficiently. The product of his labour, however, he tries to use in the same manner as before. He wants to achieve the goals which hold meaning for him, and which harmonize with his tribal system of distribution and use, its social and political organization, its religion, art, and science. He wants an axe so that he can make a canoe in a month instead of a year, a gun to hunt with or to fight the same old tribal enemies, cloth to replace the less effective barkcloth or hide.
Physical Planning in the Region—British Endeavours
Authors: Spence-Sales H. 
Published: June 2006

My paper contains no theoretical aspects of physical planning; it merely recounts the progress that is being made in Great Britain in the pursuit of adequate legal and administrative measures to make physical planning a purposeful reality. The principles upon which the statutory instruments of planning have been devised are startlingly different today from the vague and somewhat superficial considerations which underlay the first planning measures enacted in 1909. In that year the purpose of planning was understood to be the preservation of amenity by regulatory control; today, planning is recognized in Great Britain to be one of the main functions of the internal affairs of government whereby the integration of public and private enterprise is to be achieved so as to insure an ordered and balanced national development. Planning is accepted as the matrix of national endeavour; as an instrument whereby positive development in the national interest may be assured.Of the 38 million acres of land in England and Wales, about 27 million acres were embraced by planning schemes at the outbreak of the war. The schemes ranged from proposals for the safeguarding of great stretches of moorland in the interests of the preservation of natural beauty, to plans for the redevelopment of small areas of urban decay; and varied, too, from proposals of a purely advisory nature to statutory schemes operating under the planning law of the country. The operative schemes covered an area of a little over a million acres.