bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Problems of Adjustment in Nation Building: The Maritime Provinces and Tasmania
Authors: MacKirdy K. A. 
Published: June 2006

It is the purpose of this paper to consider some of the problems which have confronted the inhabitants of Tasmania and the Canadian Maritime Provinces in fitting themselves, individually and corporately, into the Australian and Canadian federations.If the move to federate be regarded as a leap in the dark, then the majority of the Tasmanians of the late 1890's would have to confess that they jumped, while their Maritime counterparts of the 1860's could claim, with some justice, that they were pushed. In the referenda held on the proposed federal constitution prior to the establishment of the Commonwealth of Australia, Tasmania shared with Victoria the honour of being the colony recording the highest percentage of affirmative votes. No such popular endorsement was sought for the terms of union embodied in the British North America Act. Tilley's defeat in the 1865 New Brunswick election, which was fought on the issue of federation, and the success of the “Repeal” advocates in the 1867 federal and provincial general elections in Nova Scotia, were indicative of the popular disapproval with which the proposals for federation were regarded in these two provinces which became charter members of the Dominion; while the special circumstances surrounding the belated entry of Prince Edward Island into Confederation were indicative of the attitude of the Islanders to the movement. The cause of federation in the Maritimes, unlike that in Tasmania, required tangible external “encouragement”–from the Colonial Office and from Canada–to assure its success.
Local Government in Newfoundland
Authors: Crosbie J. C. 
Published: June 2006

Any study of local government in Newfoundland requires some consideration of the general historical, political, economic, and geographical background and environment which, to a great extent, have shaped its structure and dictated its peculiarities and problems.The most startling fact about Newfoundland's local government is that apart from the capital city of St. John's, there were no local-government bodies in the island until 1938. The fisheries have been the all-important factors in the shaping of its political, economic, and social life from its discovery in 1497, determining its destiny and endowing it with its unique character.Although various settlements were formed under a series of charters as early as the reigns of James I and Charles I, so little progress was made towards colonization that by the middle of the seventeenth century Newfoundland contained less than 2,000 inhabitants scattered along the eastern shore in tiny settlements. By that time it was considered contrary to national policy to allow fishing communities to spring up in Newfoundland or to permit seamen to winter there. The policy was formulated first on the theory that the fishing banks were “a nursery for seamen” whose return to Britain in the autumn of each year was of fundamental importance in maintaining the maritime prosperity and naval supremacy of the mother country, and second because of the influence of the West of England fishing merchants who wanted to maintain their monopoly of the fishery and resisted any attempt at colonizing Newfoundland. Thus a series of restrictive charters was issued by the Privy Council discriminating against settlers in Newfoundland. Nevertheless, by 1783, approximately 10 thousand settlers lived there, even though no indefeasible title to property existed on the island.
Industrial Concentration in Canada and The United States
Authors: Rosenbluth G. 
Published: June 2006

The proportion of an industry's output concentrated in a few large firms is recognized by economists as an important characteristic of industrial structure. Economic analysis agrees with the layman's judgment that high concentration is a major factor making for monopolistic practices, and there is ample confirmation in the record of antitrust investigations.The degree of concentration is of course not by any means the only determinant of market behaviour. In the absence of collusion or government regulation, however, high concentration is a necessary condition for monopolistic practices, while low concentration is a necessary condition for the type of competition that tends to equate price and marginal costs. Moreover, with low concentration informal collusion is unlikely and the organization of formal collusion (for example, through a trade association) becomes difficult. Government regulation is frequently the result of political pressures the strength of which reflects either high concentration or close association of the business interests involved.It is therefore important to investigate the degree of concentration and its causes. This paper presents a comparison of concentration in the manufacturing industries of Canada and the United States. We find, first, that most industries are more concentrated in Canada than in the United States. This can be ascribed to the fact that industries are typically much smaller in Canada, while firms are of about the same size as in the United States. Secondly, we find that industries with relatively high concentration in one country also tend to have relatively high concentration in the other, though the correlation coefficient is only about 0.7. It appears that cultural and technical similarities make for similar industry-size patterns in the two countries, while the technical similarities mean, further, that industries with a relatively large average size of firm in one country also have relatively large firms in the other.
An Appraisal of the Primary Data Utilized in Canadian Penitentiary Statistics
Authors: Meltzer Bernard N. 
Published: June 2006

Potentially, the most complete and accurate information concerning any broad class of law-violators is obtainable from statistics on inmates of penitentiaries. This is true because the longer term of the penitentiary convict makes possible a correspondingly more intensive study of his characteristics than can be made for the offender concerning whom we have only the information provided by the police, the courts, or the municipal jails.The research upon which this report is based grew out of an interest in evaluating, at least partially, the extent to which one major recommendation of the so-called “Archambault Report” has been implemented. The pertinent recommendation stressed “the need for formulating definite policies in regard to the compilation of statistics and definite principles of gathering such statistics which would be observed by all authorities throughout Canada.” More concretely, it recommended (p. 174) that “there should be a close cooperation between the [Department of Justice, Penitentiaries Branch] … and the [Dominion] Bureau of Statistics, with a view to formulating definite policies….” The major statistical section (forming the Appendix) of the Annual Report of the Commissioners of Penitentiaries, is a direct result of the foregoing recommendation.
The Changing Influence of the United States on the Canadian Economy
Authors: Gibson J. Douglas 
Published: June 2006

Canadians never tire, and never will tire so long as they are Canadians, of considering the influence of the United States on their economic, political, and social structure. For many years past the United States has been the most important external influence on Canada. Since the war, it has become so much the predominant external influence that the traditional Canadian practice of balancing between the influence of Britain and the United States is no longer an effective procedure. Certainly in the economic sphere the United States constitutes the only real threat to Canadian independence and it will remain our chief economic preoccupation as far ahead as one can see.The purpose of this paper is to discuss some aspects of the economic side of the relationship between the United States and Canada. In so doing I shall attempt to outline some of the main facts with emphasis on the changes which have occurred since before the war and to offer a few reflections on the meaning of these facts in terms of Canadian interests and Canadian policies.Even the briefest examination of the facts makes it clear that our ties with the American economy have become closer and more important during the past decade than ever before. Today 60 per cent of our commodity exports go to the United States compared with less than 40 per cent before the war. Almost three-quarters of our commodity imports come from the United States compared with less than two-thirds before the war. Though foreign trade in total has been playing a gradually decreasing part in our national economic life, our business with the United States occupies just as large a part in Canadian activity as it did in most pre-war years. Canadian exports of goods and services to the United States in 1955 were equivalent to about 14 per cent of the national production, and Canadian imports of goods and services from the United States to about 18 per cent.
Membership in a Becalmed Protest Movement
Authors: Zakuta Leo 
Published: June 2006

“In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army.” The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the “movement,” as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party’s initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. “No CCF government,” it concluded, “will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism.” But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on “how far” and “how fast” socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the “right” and “left.” Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these ‘left wingers” pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of “how far” and “how fast,” the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.
The Malthusian Model of Income Determination and Its Contemporary Relevance
Authors: Vatter Harold G. 
Published: June 2006

A formal representation of Malthus' views on the short-run expansion and contraction of income and employment, as discussed in the Principles, has not, so far as I know, been published. Aside from any pedagogical usefulness inherent in the attempt made here to do this, it might also be worth while to examine the model with a view to its possible relevance for the contemporary scene.Malthus' concern with effective demand produced a classification of the major categories of spending which has interesting implications for the advanced, mixed economies of our time.It will be recalled that his flows of spending are set up somewhat as follows:1. Consumption by the productive classes, consisting of(a) spending for necessaries by labourers;(b) spending for necessaries, conveniences, and luxuries by capitalists.2. Investment spending (chiefly by capitalists), composed of(a) circulating capital inputs, mainly necessaries contained in the wages fund;(b) fixed capital inputs.3. Spending by unproductive consumers, largely for conveniences, luxuries, and non-material personal services, that is, by(a) private persons out of rentier incomes (e.g., rents and interest income on the public debt);(b) government out of public funds raised through taxation or borrowing.4. Foreign demand.
The Moral Dimension in Sociological Theory and Research
Authors: Angell Robert C. 
Published: June 2006

The word “moral” gets a social scientist into trouble. A few years ago a colleague of mine strongly advised against my using it in the title of a monograph. On the face of it the term seems to some people unscientific; moreover, it is ambiguous. One has to explain tediously what one means by it. These would seem to be good reasons for avoiding its use altogether. They would be, except that no other word describes what I want to discuss.It is true of course that the term moral has to do with values. But it has reference to an aspect of human life, and one that can be studied objectively. Religious phenomena have not been thought unworthy of research just because there are strong value elements in them.
Power in Middletown: Fact and Value in Community Research
Authors: Polsby Nelson W. 
Published: June 2006

The recent reissue of the classic study of Middletown by Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd should serve as a suitable occasion for a partial re-examination of a great landmark in community research. It is not necessary to elaborate on the significance of the Middletown studies. Although more than twenty years have elapsed since they were completed, they are still widely cited in contemporary writing. Moreover, a closer examination of the Lynds' treatment of power distributions in Middletown discloses striking similarities between this early study and the most recent work in the field. Modern writers might disclaim the openly Marxist position espoused by the Lynds, but in fact many of them continue to be strongly influenced by the scheme of analysis employed in the Middletown books. In this paper I propose to examine the Lynds' discussion of community power in both its normative and descriptive aspects, not simply because it seems valuable from time to time to return for curiosity's sake to the wellsprings of modern social science, but also because many of the issues discussed by the Lynds, and many of their findings, have contemporary relevance to the study of community power.Scattered through two large and meaty books, one can find at least two approaches to this subject. One approach suggests in unmistakable terms what the Lynds believe ought to be true of power in the community; the other describes what they believe is true. I refer to these incorrectly, but for convenience, as “theories” of community power.
Monetary Policies in the United States since 1950: Some Implications of the Retreat to Orthodoxy
Authors: Miller Ervin 
Published: June 2006

Monetary policy in the United States since 1950 has involved the abdication of fairly traditional powers by the authorities and a retreat to an orthodoxy reminiscent of the earlier years of this century. In the course of this retreat the monetary (and fiscal) authorities have sought to reduce federal debt to a quasi-private character, while, in contrast, the government has elevated vast amounts of private debt to a quasi-federal status. It will be argued here that in the light of the changing institutional environment, the drive to monetary orthodoxy plus an undue preoccupation with inflation are in large measure responsible for making exasperatingly difficult the maintenance of orderly Treasury finances and may be self-defeating with respect to the control of inflation.For our purposes, modern Federal Reserve policy has its roots in the bond support policy of the Second World War. Actions taken after the War until 1950 showed an attitude of increasing restiveness with that policy and involved “chipping away” at individual items in the policy. With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Federal Reserve relations with the Treasury, which sought to maintain a “pegged” market, reached a low point. In March, 1951, came the famous Accord, with virtually unconditional surrender by the Treasury in matters of the level and structure of interest rates. In 1952 came the revival of large-scale discounting and the fostering of its use by the authorities.
Policy for Crude Oil
Authors: Scott Anthony 
Published: June 2006

The first report of the Borden Commission appeared in October, 1958. It dealt with the transmission, export and regulation of natural gas, and with the financing of Trans-Canada Pipe Lines Limited. Very little was said about the transportation and export of crude oil. This second report is designed to fill the gap. It deals with “the policies which the Commission believes will best serve the national interest in relation to the export of crude oil and the marketing of crude oil within Canada itself.”On the model of their first report, the Commissioners start out by comparing reserves and potential output with future Canadian needs. But while they could regard natural gas as a limited stock of energy avidly desired by the United States market, they soon found that Canadian crude, like Canadian coal, had become excessively abundant. The United States and the rest of the world were so far from scheming to get hold of Canadian crude oil that they might even have been relieved if Canada had never found it. Even while the Commission sat, the situation deteriorated further. Those who sought approval of Canada's recently gained export markets along the Transprovincial pipeline in the American middle west, and in the Puget Sound area on the west coast, were replaced by those pleading for new Canadian markets to replace a falling export demand.
The Development of the Extractive Industries
Authors: Scott Anthony 
Published: June 2006

I wish to consider how industries exploiting natural resources may be expected to develop. It is not my purpose to consider their entire relation with the economy of which they form a part. Rather, I wish to examine the logic of their own changes in technology and technique in response to stimuli from the rest of the economy. In tracing this development, I shall stress the changing technology itself; the adjustment of property and tenure concepts; some aspects of location and transportation; and the impact of all these changes on industrial and market organization.As an analytical technique for tracing these changes, I shall make use of a “stages of development” approach. It will be shown that most industries working natural resources may be said to be in one of three, roughly consecutive stages. The precise dating of the transitions between the stages is highly arbitrary, but this defect is unimportant since the chief function of the stages approach in its present context is to bring out the successive impacts on resource exploitation of two outside forces. The first of these is a mechanical, capital-using technology. The second is the application of science to “control” the resource, biological or mineral, in the same sense that agricultural and manufacturing industries have control over their processes.In the model, stress is laid on the industries that today are still extracting raw materials from nature: fishing, hunting, logging, oil and gas, metals, and water. Agricultural activity also properly belongs with these industries. However, since agriculture has already passed well into the third stage, it is referred to chiefly for purposes of example and comparison. The farmer no longer “hunts” his cattle, nor “collects” wild rice or fruit.
Keynes's Identity, Ricardian Virtue, and the Partial Dichotomy
Authors: Kuenne Robert E. 
Published: June 2006

Ricardo offers us the supreme intellectual achievement, unattainable by weaker spirits, of adopting a hypothetical world remote from experience as though it were the world of experience and then living in it consistently. With most of his successors common sense cannot help breaking in—with injury to their logical consistency. (J. M. Keynes, The General Theory, p. 192.)What was the contribution of Lord Keynes to the development of general equilibrium theory? It is becoming possible now, with the passage of a quarter-century, to view Keynes's General Theory as an (important) episode in the continuous development of general neo-classical systems. From one vantage point, it is paradoxical that his work should have been accepted as the Grand Departure from its neo-classical progenitors—even though Keynes presented it in that light—since his interpretations of these systems are almost always kept visible for purposes of comparison. On the other hand, Keynes's impact on economic policy, on the methodology and analytics of quantitative economics, and on the working economist's “vision” of reality, may be seen even today to be of that order of power rightfully termed “revolutionary.”
Regional Aspects of Canada's Economic Growth, 1890-1929
Authors: Green Alan G. 
Published: June 2006

One of the most interesting periods of Canadian economic history is that which encompasses the years 1890 to 1929. During this period, the prairie provinces were largely settled, new staple exports emerged, and regional interdependence increased. Any explanation of national economic growth over these years, then, necessarily involves an examination of the different responses among regions to these new sources of growth. In essence, we are asking the question: what is the relation between the spatial reallocation of economic activity and the growth of the Canadian economy over this period? To answer this question and to look at some of its implications, regional (provincial) gross-value-added estimates for selected years were made.Regional estimates of gross value added were made for the years 1890, 1910, and 1929. These three years were chosen to satisfy, as closely as possible, the condition that they represent a similar level of economic activity at each point of time. These years were chosen since they are all years of relatively high economic activity. The first two years faced the additional constraint that they had to coincide with census dates. The choice of years of high level economic activity was made in order to avoid biases in the trend rates of growth which would arise if the initial and terminal dates were at different phases of the business cycle. For example, if the initial year coincided with a year of high unemployment and the terminal year low unemployment, then an upward bias in growth rates might have occurred. Initial and terminal dates chosen at the trough of business cycles would also have avoided this potential slope bias.