bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Pindar, Pythian Xl
Authors: Bowra C. M. 
Published: February 2009

The story of Orestes in Pindar's Pythian XI presents two problems. First, there is the manner of its introduction; as Wilamowitz says, ‘ganz ausserlich ist die Verbindung mit dem Mythos.’ After praising the victory of the Theban Thrasydaeus in the Pythian Games Pindar moves with astonishing abruptness to the story of Agamemnon's death and the vengeance of Orestes. At first sight nothing could be more superficial than the way in which Pindar passes to the myth. Thrasydaeus has glorified his home⋯ν ⋯φνεαῖς ⋯ραισι πυλ⋯δνικ⋯ν ξ⋯νου Λ⋯κωνος 'ο;ρ⋯στα,τ⋯ν δ⋯ φονευομ⋯νου πατρ⋯ς κτλ.
A Manuscript of Ovid's Heroides
Authors: Owen S. G. 
Published: February 2009

I purchased in 1902 from the sale by Sotheby of 2347 manuscripts and rare books the property of Henry White, of 30, Queensgate, a manuscript of Ovid's Heroides, no. 1629 in the catalogue, the examination of which has led me to some conclusions. An account of it may be of interest. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. E. A. Lowe, our foremost palaeographist, who has most kindly examined my manuscript with great care and fixed its date and origin. This manuscript, which I call O, written on vellum in fine large characters somewhere in northern Italy, belongs to the middle of the fourteenth century. It contains 48 pages, measuring 10 inches by 7 inches, averaging 35 or 36 lines in the page. The initial illuminated letter of the first epistle shows a female figure dressed in a vermilion coloured robe with blue cuffs, representing apparently Penelope, on a blue ground with gold stars, and with borders illuminated with lake vermilion and burnished gold. The manuscript resembles in style two figured in the Palaeographical Society's facsimiles Vol. III., plate 221, Brit. Mus. Add. 31,032 early s. xiv, and plate 227 Brit. Mus. Add. 27,428 s. xiv. Dr. Lowe writes: ‘There can be very little doubt as to the origin of the manuscript. It is north Italian. The curious errors of spelling make one think of the province of Venice. It is quite likely that it was written in the Veneto, and then migrated to the province of Lombardia. The fly-leaves contain the name of the proud owners of your manuscript in the fifteenth century. John and Peter and Anthony and Simon and Francis de Nailate owned the book. Some of them went to the school of Master Baltrami of Lucino. As the word Milan (‘civitas Mediolani’) occurs in the back fly-leaf, it seems highly probable that this Lucino is the place between Milan and Como.’ Examples of the writings on the fly-leaves are:Iste liber Ouidi est nostrorum uidelicet Petri < et > Antonii filiorum domini Johannis de Nailate pergentium ad scolas Bertrami de Lucino, qui est bonus doctor.
Adnotativncvlae Plavtinae
Authors: Lindsay W. M. 
Published: February 2009

Amph. prol. 90–91. In the Amphitruo Plautus runs great risk of giving oflence by bringing Jupiter on the stage. In the prologue (spoken by Mercury) he conciliates the audience by saying that this Jupiter is no god but a mere actor. (‘Then know that I, one Snug the joiner, am a lion fell’):26 sqq. Etenim ille quoi(u)s hue iussu uenio IuppiterNon minu' quam uostrum quiuis formidat malum: (i.e. a flogging, the penalty for bad acting, Cist. 785)Humana matre natus, humano patre,Mirari non est aequom sibi si praetimet.
Miscellanea—VIII
Authors: Allen T. W. 
Published: February 2009

I. HomericHymn to Apollo 334:κἐκλντε νῦν μοι γαῖα καὶ οὐρανòσ εὐρὺσ ὓπερθεν,TιτǴνεσ τε θεοιí ὑπὸ χθονὶ ναιετάοντεστάρταρον ἀμφὶ μέγαν, τῶν ἔξ ἂνδρεσ τε θεοί τε.
Prose Rhythm and the Comparative Method
Authors: Rackham H. 
Published: February 2009

MrShewring, C.Q. XXV. 14, gives statistics of the clausulae favoured in Aristotle's Ethics. I have applied them to test a few conjectural emendations that I happen to have published, with the following encouraging results: (a) Emendations that substitute a good clausula for a bad one:96a 18 ὓστερον λέγομεν for ὓστερον ἐλέγομεν κb, ὓστερον ἔλεγον cet.09b 5 ἑαυτοὺς ἀφέλκειν [δεῖν].48a 14 ἀκόλαστον τίθεμεν [καὶ ἐγκρατῆ καὶ σώφρονα].63b 13 τὴν φιλίαν [καθάπερ εἴρηται].71a 35 αὐτῶν <ἡδονὴ εἶναι (the crasis gives – ∪ – –: some additional figures that Mr. Shewring has been good e nough to send me show that this is the second commonest clausula in normal Attic prose, and that in the Ethics its frequency is slightly above the normal).(b) Emendations that substitute one good clausula for another:97a 9 τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτ for τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀγαθόν κb, τὸ αὐτὸ or αὐτὸ τὸ ἀγαθόν cet.25a 22 τῶν ἀγαθῶν [καὶ ἀγνοεῖν ἑαυτόν].I may be pardoned for omitting my one or two alterations that substitute a bad clausula for a good one.My text adopts a MS. variant, or a conjecture of another scholar, similarly supported by Mr. Shewring's test in the following places: 99b 6, 02a 20, 10b 31, 15a 8, 20a 22, 20b 2, 22a 28, 32a 11, 33a 1, 34b 33, 50b 34, 53a 1, 59a 3, 61a 2, 63a 3, 64a 23, 66a 34, 75a 6, 79a 22.
The dating of Pliny's latest letters
Authors: Syme Ronald 
Published: February 2009

When announcing the first instalment, the author made a firm declaration: ‘collegi non servato temporis ordine’. The note of elegant disdain suitably echoes a poet: ‘postmodo collectas, utcumque sine ordine iunctas’;. In fact, care for balance and variety predominates.Nevertheless, when Pliny came to recount public transactions, he had to respect a ‘temporis ordo’, as many signs indicate. Mommsen in his classic study was able to work out the chronological framework, of the nine books, from 97 to 108 or 109. In general, his scheme stands the test — that is, apart from the notion of a rapid publication in separate books. Indeed, no argument avails to prove that the first instalment saw the light of day earlier than the end of the year 105.Pliny was expert in finance and an alert contriver everywhere. Persons of that quality may succumb to inadvertence, although not very often. Licinius Nepos, praetor in 105, comes twice into action (4.29; 5.4), before his edict gets a mention (5.9). Again, in a letter the context of which points to 105, a consulship for Minicius Fundanus is divined ‘in proximum annum’ (4.15.5). Fundanus entered office in the early summer of 107. By contrast, Valerius Paulinus, consul suffect in the pair that followed that consulship, does not come up until 9.37. An extremely late point in the collection. It imposes a salutary warning when a number of letters in the final triad are put under scrutiny.The exposition of Mommsen ran into criticism, sometimes hasty or even perverse. Moreover, various attempts were made to modify the dates of certain prosecutions in the Senate. The emergence of a consul on the Fasti Ostienses demolished an elaborate reconstruction that concerned two proconsuls of Bithynia. More accruing, a number of fairly close dates can now be established.
A Hesiodic reminiscence in Virgil, E. 9.11–13
Authors: Zanker G. 
Published: February 2009

At W.D. 202–12 Hesiod relates his αἶνος for the edification of the recalcitrant βασιλ⋯ες, who must themselves admit the truth of the fable's moral (ɸρονέουσι κα⋯ αὐτοῖς). A hawk has seized a nightingale, and crushes her cries of misery by saying that she is in the claws of one who is πολλ⋯ν ⋯ρείων and who is therefore at liberty to dispense with her as he pleases: anyone who tries to resist κρείσσονες is mad, for he has no chance of winning and merely adds physical pain to the shame of defeat.Just what were the βασιλ⋯ες to have made of this? Hesiod's most recent editor (and champion) claims that ‘Hesiod does not manage to make it [the αἶνος] into a lesson for them [the kings]’, and ‘can only proceed by saying “Well, don't you behave like that” (213, with Perses replacing the incorrigible kings)’.
Notes on Euripides' Bacchae
Authors: Campbell A. Y. 
Published: February 2009

Since 1944, attempts at progress in the interpretation of the text of the Bacchae must inevitably express themselves mainly in terms of respectful disagreement with Professor Dodds's edition published in that year.20–24. Dodds's text was justly called in question by Kitto (C.R. lx (1946), 65), but there is only one available remedy for this complex; those who work it out for themselves will find that they had been anticipated by Wecklein in his text (1898) and school edition (ed. 2, 1903; see further the Anhang).
A Note on Lugian
Authors: MacLeod M. D. 
Published: February 2009

Harmonides, speaking to his teacher Timotheus, says, (Harmonides init.)I suggest that should be emended to (or possibly ) for the following reasons:1. The phrase is, in any case, very difficult indeed after , but becomes virtually impossible in view of the order, as we have as the subject of the first four infinitives, as the subject of , and then a reversion to as the subject of
Lvcretivs Iv. 1223—1228
Authors: Platt Arthur 
Published: February 2009

Inde Venus uaria produdt sorte figurasmaiorumque refert uoltus uocesque comasque,1225 quandoquidem nilo magis haec de semine certofiunt quam facies et corpora membraque nobis.1227 et muliebre oritur patrio de semine saeclummaternoque mares existunt corpore creti…
The Political Element in the Heracleidae of Euripides
Authors: Spranger J. A. 
Published: February 2009

The political situation in Hellas in the early part of 419 B.C. was extremely promising for the Athenians.Alcibiades had succeeded in 420 in concluding an alliance with Argos, Mantinea and Elis, and although the Fifty years Truce of Nicias had not yet been formally denounced and the alliance with the Argives and their allies was purely defensive, yet the star of Lacedaemon was to all appearances on the wane. Alcibiades had brought off successfully his first great coup and had begun his ascent towards the principal place in the leadership of Athens.
M. Vinicius (Cos. 19 B.C.)
Authors: Syme R. 
Published: February 2009

I. The New Inscription from Cales.II. The Date of the Operations Recorded by the Inscription Dessau 8965.III. The Identity of the General.I. The following inscription (Not. Scav. 1929, p. 31) was recently discovered at Cales:M. Vinicius P.f., M.n., L.pron., cos. II, VII vir [epu]lonum, sodalis Augustalis, thriumphalibus ornamentis, quinq(uennalis) viam ab angiporto aedi[s] Iunonis Lucinae usque [ad] aedem Matutae et [clivum] ab ianu ad g[isiarios portae] Stellatin[ae et viam patulam] ad portafm laevam et ab foro] ad port[am domesticam sua pecunia stravit].
On the Text of Juvenal I. 115.
Authors: Postgate J. P. 
Published: February 2009

Amongst the readings of the Parisian codex collated by Mr. Stuart (supra pp. 1–7) which he classes as interpolations is one whose singularity at once arrests attention. In the well-known passage, I. 113 sqq., where all known MSS. including P haveetsi, funesta Pecunia, templonondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras,ut colitur Pax atque Fides Victoria Virtusquaeque salutato crepitat Concordia nido,II presents firma instead of atque.
On an Inscription to Mars Found at Caerwent in 1904
Authors: Martin A. Trice 
Published: February 2009

The inscribed stone, of which an illustration is here given, was found in a wall composed of large blocks, which had all formed part of some other construction. This wall, which had certainly formed no part of the original building, separated the eastern portion of House XI into two rooms numbered 5 and 6 in our plan. The text of the inscription as given by Dr. Ashby in the report published in Archaeologia is as follows:[Deo] Marti Leno [si]ve Ocelo Vellaun(o?) et num(ini) Aug(usti) M(arcus) Nonius Romanus ob immunitat(em) collign(i) d(onum) d(e) s(uo) d(edit) Glabrione et Homulo co(n) s(ulibus) (ante diem) x k(alendas) Sept(embres) [23 August, A.D. 152].
Latin Word Studies
Authors: Fay Edwin W. 
Published: February 2009

2. Latin annus, ‘year.’I still hold firmly to the conviction, already expressed in the Classical Review (13,398), that annus is a derivative of agit ‘drives,’ and a cognate ⋯γών ‘dies festus,’ though I no longer think I was right in deriving it from agno-. Morphologically, the nearest parallel to annus, as I now understand it, is Skr. ájman- ‘Bahn, Zag,’ and annus is the route, path, cursus of the circling year, cf. anniuersarius, annus circumagitur, περιπλομένων (περιτελλομένων) ⋯νιαυτ⋯ν.
Notes and Emendations in Latin Poets
Authors: Hardie W. R. 
Published: February 2009

Lvcilivs, fr. 965 (Marx):quaenam uox ex te resonans meo gradu remoram facit ?Mr. Housman in the first number of the Classical Quarterly (p. 59) refuted and pulverized the attempt of Marx to emend this passage by writing quoia nam. ‘ Ex tecto ’ and ‘ ex aede’ have been suggested; but it is obvious that if ‘ ex aede’ is to be contemplated, emendation may go on —scores of words could be found that would make sense. There is no context. If the passage is to be emended at all, I suggest that Lucilius wrotequaenam uox EXTVOORERESONANS.
Seneca, Agamemnon 425–30
Authors: Hudson-Williams A. 
Published: February 2009

All is set for the Greeks' departure from Troy. As I understand the scene, the rowers have their oars strapped to their hands and are eager to start. A warning flare now shines out from the regia ratis and the actual signal to start is given by a trumpet-blast, either rhetorically viewed as addressed to the thousand ships from the flagship or sounded on each at sight of the flare (the point need not be too closely examined). The flagship then moves off and is followed by the fleet. Cf. the related passage, Tro. 1044–6 ‘cum tuba iussi dare uela nautae | et simul uentis properante remo | prenderint altum’.428 laetum was conjectured by Leo in view of the difficulty of reconciling lentum (codd.), which would normally mean ‘listless’ or ‘sluggish’, and properanti in 426 (cf. properantes 422); note too 437 ff. ‘properat iuuentus omnis adductos simul | lentare remos…’ and the expression properante remo in Tro. 1045 (above). The simple correction laetum would appear both to remove the difficulty and to be entirely appropriate. Yet, though accepted by Peiper-Richter and Herrmann, laetum has come in for resistance: it is rejected by Moricca, Viansino, Giardina, and Tarrant. In defence of lentum Viansino compares Medea 623 portibus lentis, in which I find no relevance; F. Giancotti interprets that the men in their impatience to be off appear lenti to themselves; Tarrant renders ‘slow to respond’, explaining ‘the rowing of the men is uncoordinated after ten years' lack of practice’, but in 428 the rowing has not yet started, and note the harmony indicated in 437–9. lentum is alien to Seneca's spirited picture and seems to me indefensible; laetum, on the other hand, is both attractive in itself and supported by significant evidence, which I have not seen adduced.
Ganymede as the Logos: Traces of a Forgotten Allegorization in Philo?
Authors: Dillon John 
Published: February 2009

Philo's attitude to the mythologizing activities of the Greeks is well known. In many passages he contrasts the practices of Greek writers unfavourably with that of Moses. In one passage (Conf. 2 ff.), for example, he condemns those who see the Tower of Babel story asa reflection of that of Otus and Ephialtes' assault on Olympus; the truth, he asserts, is quite the contrary — the Greeks have borrowed the story from Moses.On the other hand, Philo is himself prepared on occasion to allegorize figures of Greek mythology, though never explicitly on a subject of central doctrinal importance. For instance, he appears to be acquainted with the allegorization of various parts of the Odyssey. In his treatise On Mating with the Preliminary Studies (Congr.), he makes use of the allegorization of the Suitors' mating with the handmaidens because they cannot gain Penelope, first employed, it seems, by the Cynic Bion of Borysthenes, but no doubt of wide currency by Philo's time, as a figure of those who cannot attain to Philosophy consoling themselves with ta enkyklia (e.g. Congr. 14–19). Again, the use here and there in his writings of compounds of the verb νήχω, ‘swim’, particularly ⋯νανήχομαι in connection with descriptions of our struggle through the storms and shipwreck of material existence, suggests his acquaintance with the allegorizing of Odysseus' shipwreck off Phaeacia in Odyssey V, where Homer employs this verb repeatedly. Other, more specificallegories include Scylla as ⋯ɸροσύνη a ‘deathless evil’ (Od. 12. 118), at Det. 178; Odysseus' escape from Charybdis (ibid. 219) at Somn. 2. 70, to symbolize our escape from the cares of mortal existence; and Castor and Pollux (Od. 11. 303) at Somn. 1.150, as an image of the life of the askêtês or prokoptôn.
The Fasti for A.D. 70–96
Authors: Gallivan Paul 
Published: February 2009

The political and administrative requirements of the Roman state during the early years of the Principate demanded an increase in the annual number of consulars. When Augustus finally acted to remedy this situation in 5 b.c., he introduced a system of suffect consuls and thereby increased the number of consuls from the two per annum of the Republic to four. A regular practice became established whereby one or both of the ordinary consuls retired at the end of June to be replaced in office for theremainder of the year by a suffect consul. For the reigns of Gaius and Claudius additional suffects were included in many years and a new pattern can be seen to have emerged. It was usual now for each ordinarius to hold office for the first six months of the year except in some special cases where the ordinarii resigned at the end of two months and their place was taken by a pair of suffects who remained in office for the next four months to serve out the more regular tenure of the ordinary consuls. Under Nero, the innovation of this two-month ordinary consulship was not perpetuated and ordinarii usually remained in office for the full six months. Suffect consulships throughout the period a.d. 38–68 were held for periods of either two, four or six months.The Civil War of a.d. 68/69 and the consequent changes of emperor broke the above pattern. For 69, there are no fewer than sixteen consuls known to have held office during the year. Such confusion, however, would not be unexpected given the startling events of this year. Of considerable importance to students of the early Empire, therefore, is the question of what happened to the system of allocating consulships during a particular year when the state had once again settled itself down to running in routine under the victorious Flavian emperors. The answer to this question will be of particular importance for prosopographers of the early Empire for whom chronology is the backbone of their investigations, since the fasti for the reigns of Vespasian and Titus are notable for the number of years in which the complete list of consuls is lacking.
The MSS. of Callimachvs' Hymns. (Continued.)
Authors: Smiley M. T. 
Published: February 2009

II is Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, grec suppl. 1095;2 foll. 280 (paper), cmm. 33, 5X22, 8, with forty lines to the page; cent. late XV. Contents: f. Ir, Life of Homer(“Ομηρος ό ποιντής τίѵωѵ μἐѵ кτλ.). Iv–24v, Plutarch's dissertation on Homer(Περισσὀν μἐν ἴσως ктλ.). 25–222r, Iliad, with scholia. 223–4, blank. 225r–245r, Homeric Hymns III.–XXXIII. (but IV. 494–580, V. 1–152, and XXIV.–XXVIII. or XXV.–XXIX., are missing); then the epigram єἰς ξἑνονς (Epigr. I. Baum.).4 245r an epigram on Callimachus' works, which runs thus in this manuscript:ϒμνῶ тὸν νΨίζνчоν ἐν πρώτоις δία.Фоῖβоν δ' ἓπειтα кαὶ тρίтην тὴν ἄρтεμιν.δῆλоν тεтὰρтην εἶтα λоʋтρὰ παλάδоς.ἒктην δὲ τὴν тήμηтραν Тὴν παλαιТέραν.μέλπω δὲ γραὸς τῆς Фιλоξένоν Тρόπη.кαὶ Тὴν ТελενТέαν Тὲ Тὴν ἄγραν.кαὶ Тῶν μεγίσТων αἰТίων Тὴν ТεТράδα.σкώπТω δ' ἱπ' ἀραῖς ἴβоν ἀπоλλῴνιоνкαὶ Тὴν ἀθηνᾶν ѷσТαТоν μέλπω πάλινγρίФω βαθίσТω кαὶ δνσενρήТоισ λόγоισ.
Theaetetus and the History of the Theory of Numbers
Authors: Wasserstein A. 
Published: February 2009

This famous passage has given rise to much discussion and some perplexity. Theodoras the mathematician is represented by Theaetetus as proving the irrationality of the square roots of the (non-square) numbers from 3 to 17:‘He took the separate cases up to the root of 17 square feet; and there, for some reason, he stopped.’ (Transl. Cornford.)The passage is of great importance in the history of Greek mathematics for more than one reason. Theaetetus is said to have generalized the proof of the irrationality of square roots of non-square integers; and thus his connexion with this passage is important because Plato here obviously implies that Theodorus was not giving a generalized proof—otherwise, why should he go up to 17 ? If Theodorus did not know the generalized proof, he clearly had to proceed by enumeration and proof of particular case
Tacitus, Germania 36. 1
Authors: Lee G. M. 
Published: February 2009

It is usual to read nomina (Puteolanus), with which three interpretations are possible.(1) The stronger arrogates to himself the titles of moderation and justice. So in the excellent Rumanian translation of 1871 by Gavrilu J. Munteanu: ‘Cându are sâ decida pumnulu, celu mai tare si atribue titlu de moderatu şi de onestu.’
Notes On Festvs And Plavtvs
Authors: Lindsay W. M. 
Published: February 2009

The last line of the passage was not completed in the quotation.It has been pointed out above that Festus in his quotations cares more for the completion of the line than of the sense. His normal form is one complete line. So the probability is that Liu. Andr. com. (quoted s.v. Scenam) is an Iambic Senarius, with a dactyl in the first foot and hiatus at the pause in the sense:Corrúît quasi ictus scéna, haut multósecus.
Aristagoras and Histiaios: The Leadership Struggle In The Ionian Revolt
Authors: Manville P. B. 
Published: February 2009

In the early years of the fifth century, the Greek cities of Asia Minor attempted to free themselves from Persian rule. Our primary evidence for the unsuccessful ‘Ionian Revolt’ is literary, a patchwork from the narrative of Herodotus iv–vi.The main events of the Revolt need not be doubted: the Ionian cities were ruled by Greek puppet tyrants until the outbreak of the rebellion (Hdt. 4.136–7); Aristagoras was the early leader of the movement which began after the failure of the Persian-Milesian expedition against Naxos (5.30–5); Athens, petitioned by Aristagoras, and Eretria supplied limited support for-the Revolt (5.38; 55; 65; 97; 99);
Cicero on Praetors who Failed to Abide by Their Edicts
Authors: Lintott A. W. 
Published: February 2009

Cicero, after a discussion of the value of Cornelius' bill about privilegia, is clearly here dealing with the bill, ‘ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis ius dicerent’ (cf. Asconius, 59 C). The pluperfect subjunctives suggest that he is arguing that notorious unjust judgements of previous years would not have happened, if Cornelius' bill had been then in force.Cicero, after a discussion of the value of Cornelius' bill about privilegia,' is clearly here dealing with the bill, ‘ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis ius dicerent’ (cf. Asconius, 59 C). The pluperfect subjunctives suggest that he is arguing that notorious unjust judgements of previous years would not have happened, if Cornelius' bill had been then in force.
Direct Citation of Ennius in Virgil
Authors: Richardson L. J. D. 
Published: February 2009

In C.Q. xxiii. 2 (1929) Dr. C. M. Bowra examined the Ennian phrases in the Aeneid which Virgil adopted but transformed. Bowra, whose object was to investigate the reasons which led Virgil to make slight changes in these echoes, naturally had nothing to say about those borrowings which remained unaltered in Virgil. Of these, perhaps the most striking is the allusion to Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator in v. 846 above. The following points can be noted about the line:1. It is not a subconscious, or apparently purposeless, reminiscence of familiar words, a habit of which the best-known example is Aen. vi. 460, invitus, regina, tuo de litore cessi, cf. Cat. lxvi. 39.