bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Sites in E. Karia and S. Lydia
Authors: Paton W. R. 
Published: May 2006

As supplementary to the papers by Mr. Myres and myself in this Journal (vol. xvi. p. 188 and 241) I here give the results of two short journeys in Eastern Karia and Southern Lydia (see the Map, Pl. VI.), made by the aid of funds granted me by the Hellenic Society.A.—Ancient Sites.I proceed from West to East, starting from Tekke Kale, the most easterly site described in our former papers (see route-map, p. 58).Divlin Kale, at a short distance from Tekke Kale, is a tower of isodomous masonry. It is situated near the most frequented road across the Mazin Dagh, the road from Chesme to the Maeander plain. It commands no extensive view and cannot, like Tekke Kale, have served as a beacon station. The construction differs from that of the beacon-stations Tekke Kale, Attaulusu Kale and Kurundere Kale, the corners not being ornamented with that draft, which is characteristic of these and of the military masonry of circ. 300 B.C. Divlin Kale is of earlier date, and its raison ďêtre was to protect this not unimportant line of road.
A Thracian Portrait
Authors: Crowfoot J. W. 
Published: May 2006

When I first saw this head, I was at once struck by its marked individuality: if any portrait could be recognized from a coin, it seemed to be this, for features so personal the poorest engraver could scarcely conceal. My hopes were realized, as a comparison of the accompanying photographs with the coin reproduced beneath will I hope prove.In both we see the same treatment of the hair in front, the same fashion of wearing it behind: the long upper lip, the nose with its curiously distended nostrils—the marble preserving just enough to make the agreement certain—the long ears, the deep lines on the cheek, the shape of jaw and forehead, the prominent Adam's apple; these too are common to both.
Further Discoveries of Cretan and Aegean Script: with Libyan and Proto-Egyptian Comparisons
Authors: Evans A. J. 
Published: May 2006

In a former communication attention was called to an indigenous system of writing in Crete, the earlier stages of which go back, not only far beyond the date of the first introduction of the Phoenician alphabet among the Greeks, but to a period considerably anterior to the most ancient monumental record of the Semitic letters.From the evidence of ancient Cretan seals it was possible to demonstrate the existence of a form of pictographic writing from its simplest beginnings to a more conventional and abbreviated stage. Side by side with this a variety of data supplied by seals, vases, and inscribed stones, showed the further existence of a linear system of writing, connected with the other and presenting some striking comparisons on the one hand with certain characters found by Professor Petrie in Egypt and by Mr. Bliss at Lachish; on the other hand with the syllabic script of Cyprus and some Anatolian regions. It was further pointed out that in some instances Cretan linear characters displayed a remarkable correspondence with Phoenician and early Greek letter forms.
Some Observations on the Persian Wars. 1.—The Campaign of Marathon
Authors: Arthur J. , Munro R. 
Published: May 2006

It may seem bold to re-open the question (or questions) of the campaign of Marathon so soon after the publication of the monumental chapters of Busolt, of Hauvette, of Macan. But the labours of these scholars at once invite and facilitate farther discussion. They focus many scattered arguments, contribute new suggestions, put the humbler student abreast of recent researches, and show him where his own conclusions differ from accepted views. How much I owe to them will be obvious without particular references.The theory here put forward, although independently reached, is not altogether new—perhaps no theory of Marathon could be—but I was not aware, until it was written, how closely certain of its main features had been anticipated by Busolt in a work published twenty years ago (Die Lakedaimonier pp. 355–369). That eminent historian has, however, since then twice changed his views, so that it may be useful to recall his readers to what I still consider to be his best solution of the problem. Perhaps the discussions of the interval have reinforced it in some respects. On one important point I find myself in agreement with Professor J. B. Bury's article on the Battle of Marathon in the Classical Review, March 1896, and even where we disagree, we must often have asked much the same questions.
A new Vase of the Dipylon Class
Authors: Murray A. S. 
Published: May 2006

Among the vases of the Dipylon class the most striking examples are those on which we see represented funeral ceremonies—a hearse or a bier with bands of mourners. And in fact the whole of the subjects on these vases seem to refer directly or indirectly to deceased persons. The chariots may illustrate some feature of the obsequies or may indicate the status of the deceased, while as to the ships, which are not infrequent, they also may represent status or occupation. So it is argued, and at all events the picture on these vases appears always to be of the nature of genre, not of legend.In publishing a new lebes of the Dipylon kind (Pl. VIII.), recently acquired by the Museum, I may note that its provenance (near Thebes in Boeotia), makes against the view of Helbig and others that the ships on those vases are meant to show that the deceased persons on whose tombs the vases were placed belonged to the order of Attic ναύκραροι. We may assume that the purpose of the vase-painter in those primitive times was to produce to the best of his ability an impressive picture of a funeral ceremony as he saw it on occasions of special grandeur and to sell his vase to any buyer, whatever his status or occupation.But where in funeral ceremonies do the ships come in? I suppose at the games held in honour of the deceased, such as those of the Aeneid (V. 114–235) which began with a race of ships.
On Representations of Helios and of Selene
Authors: Savignoni L. 
Published: May 2006

Among the various references which Athenaeus makes in his Δειπνοσοφισταί to the encounter of Herakles with Helios, when he was going to the island of Erytheia, we find the following (Book xi. 39 ff):—Φερεκύδης δ᾿ ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ίστοριῶν προειπὼν περὶ τοῦ ᾿ Ωκεανοῦἐπιφέρει ὁ δ᾿ Ηρακλῆς ἔλκεται ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸ τόξον ὡς βαλῶν καὶ ὁ Ηλιοςπαύσασθαι κελεύει ὄ δὲ δείσας παύεται. ῾´ Ηλιος δὶ ἀντὶ τούτου διδωσιναὐτῷ τὸ δέπας τὸ χρύσεον ὄ αὐτὸν ἐφόρει σὺν ταῖς ἴπποις ἐπὴν δύῃ διὰ τοῦΩκεαυοῦ τὴν νύκτα πρὸς ἐῴην ἴν᾿ ἀνίσχει ὁ ᾿´ Ηλιος ἔπειτα πορεύεται ὁ῾ Ηρακλῆς ἐν τῷ δέπαϊ τούτῳ τούτῳ ἐς τὴν ῾ Ερύθειαν κ.τ.λ.
Cacus on a Black-Figured Vase
Authors: Gardner Percy 
Published: May 2006

The Ashmolean Museum has recently acquired an interesting small amphora (height m. ·29) which Mr. Arthur Evans was fortunate enough to discover when excavating in the cemetery of Terranova (Gela) in Sicily. It is of somewhat late date, perhaps about B.C. 500, but certainly much earlier than the destruction of Gela by the Carthaginians in B.C. 405. Mr. Evans has kindly handed over the publication to me.There is a feature worthy of mention in the technique of the vase. No red is used, but white appears, especially on the side on which Herakles is represented, being used for the basis on which the foot of Herakles rests, and part of his lyre: also there are white spots on the wreath of the Satyr of the other side.A coloured plate of this vase will be published in my forthcoming Catalogue of Vases in the Ashmolean Museum (Pl. I. A). Meantime I here print a rough engraving of the designs of it; since it seems to deserve a more lengthy discussion than is allowed by the plan of the Catalogue.I consider that on the two sides of the amphora we have representations of two scenes in the adventure of Herakles and Cacus, not however treated in the serious vein of mythological representation, but in the lighter vein of comedy. This adventure of Herakles is so familiar to scholars from its treatment by Livy and Virgil, Ovid and Propertius, that it is needful only to briefly sketch it.
What People produced the Objects called Mycenean?
Authors: Ridgeway William 
Published: May 2006

At Mycenae in 1876 Dr. Schliemann lifted the corner of the veil which had so long enshrouded the elder age of Hellas. Year by year ever since that veil has been further withdrawn, and now we are privileged to gaze on more than the shadowy outline of the picture of a far back age. The picture is still incomplete, but it is now possible to trace the salient points. Can we in comparing it with pictures of certain peoples who have dwelt in and reigned at Mycenae, pictures preserved for us elsewhere, identify it as that of any previously known? The object of this little essay is to make such an attempt.The name Mycenean is now applied to a whole class of monuments—buildings, sepulchres, ornaments, weapons, pottery, engraved stones—which resemble more or less closely those found at Mycenae. I think I am right when I say that archaeologists are unanimous in considering them the outcome of one and the same civilization, and the product of one and the same race.
The Parthenon Frieze Terracottas
Authors: Smith A. H. 
Published: May 2006

The terracotta relief, of which an illustration is given below, is one of the series of fragments with reproductions of the Parthenon frieze which have of late years attracted considerable attention.The present fragment was bought by me in Rome, in February 1894, of a small antiquity-dealer in the Via Tor di Nona. The vendor vowed that it had been found in the bed of the Tiber, in the course of the works in connexion with the Ponte S. Angelo, but no doubt his statement merely indicates that the bed of the Tiber is for the moment the fashionable provenience. The terracotta is 10¼ inches high, and it is obvious that it contains a part of the design of the slab at the west end of the north side of the Parthenon frieze. The original marble is in the British Museum.Hitherto, three similar fragments have been identified, viz.: (1) Priest and boy with peplos, at Copenhagen; (2) Upper part of Athene, in the Louvre, (3) Lower part of Athene and figure of Hephaestos in the Museo Kircheriano at Rome. All the fragments are published by Dr. Waldstein in his Essays on the Art of Pheidias.
Archaeology in Greece (1909–1910)
Authors: Dawkins R. M. 
Published: May 2006

Since the last of these reports was written, two new excavations of great promise have been begun, Cyrene and Sardes, both by American archaeologists, and the work of the British School at Sparta has been brought to a close. The most interesting new discoveries are perhaps those from Crete: the Late Minoan I cemetery found by Mr. Seager at Gournia and the tomb-chapel and great Early Minoan rock-cut cistern from Knossos.The activities of the Greek Archaeological Society have been very numerous. Dr. Brueckner has continued his work at the Dipylon cemetery locating the enclosure of the Τριτοπατρεῖς Dr. Stais has published his excavation of the Sanctuary of the Nymphs at Phaleron, Dr. Sotiriades has worked at Chaironeia and Dr. Arvanitopoullos has carried forward his work at Pagasai, which led two years ago to the discovery of so many painted grave stelai. This year, the lower part of the stele with the picture of a woman dying in childbirth has been found.
The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of Dionysus
Authors: Dawkins R. M. 
Published: May 2006

My attention was called recently to an account by G. M. Vizyenos of a Carnival festival celebrated in the district about Viza (ancient Βιζύη) in Thrace so remarkable that it seemed worth while to verify the author's account by a personal visit. This I was able to do at the Carnival of 1906, and the account below has been drawn up from my notes, supplemented by this article, from which I quote everything of value.Of the writer's good faith there is no doubt, and of almost all the points he mentions I had ocular confirmation. He was a native, not of Haghios Gheorghios, the village whose festival he describes, but of Viza itself, the chief place in the district, lying some two hours to the west. He left his native place while still a boy, and died at Athens in 1896, aged forty-two. The middle part of his life he spent in Germany, and he does not seem ever to have returned to Thrace. His account is therefore probably a description of the festival as it was in his youth some forty years ago, when modern conditions had affected the district even less than' at present. He calls it σαλό and makes as many classical comparisons as possible. All these I have omitted, and drawn upon him only for matters of fact.
Notes and Queries on Athenian Coinage and Finance
Authors: Woodward A. M. 
Published: May 2006

The following notes and queries have been mainly suggested by Professor Percy Gardner's recent article on the Coinage of the Athenian Empire. They do not claim to do more than elucidate one or two small points with the aid of rather fuller use of epigraphical evidence than is to be found in his article, and at the same time raise other questions of secondary importance in the same connexion. If no solution is offered here to some of these queries I see no cause for regret, for it may be found convenient by others to have here collected references to such inscriptions as seem to deserve further investigation from the standpoint of the numismatist. The inscriptions here mentioned belong both to the 5th and 4th centuries and so are not confined within the chronological limits of the Athenian Empire.In the first place it may be as well to distinguish roughly the classes of Attic inscriptions in which numismatic evidence is found, in particular that for the circulation of non-Athenian coins in the Athenian Empire. ‘Treasure-lists,’ which record the receipt and transmission of sacred objects of value by their successive boards of curators, frequently, especially in the fourth century, make mention of coins, giving their denomination and number.
The Structure of Herodotus, Book II
Authors: Petrie W. M. Flinders 
Published: May 2006

It has long been recognised that the Egyptian history given by Herodotus is confused; but it is scarcely known that a single transposition will bring it into order. Before we assume that his information was wrong, we may at least consider how far it is likely that either the author or an early transcriber had made an accidental transposition of the rolls of manuscript.From well known Egyptian history we can see that the correct order in Herodotus should be as follows:—sect. 99, account of Egypt and Menes. Dynasty I.124–136, the pyramid kings. Dynasty IV–VI.100–123, 330 kings. Dynasty VI–XXV.137- Sabacon. Dynasty XXV.The inversion therefore is that 100–123 is interchanged with 124–136. This is the more likely as the catch words are the same.
Mutasim's March through Cappadocia in A.D. 838
Authors: Bury J. B. 
Published: May 2006

In the warfare between the Eastern Empire and the Caliphate in the ninth century, one of the most famous passages is the expedition of Mutasim, which was signalised by the siege and capture of Amorion, in A.D. 838. The best, in fact the only full, narrative of the campaign is preserved in the Chronicle of Tabari (A. H. 223). His account of the opening operations of the invading armies is beset with certain geographical difficulties which I propose to consider in this paper, with the help of material supplied in the writings of Professor Ramsay, and in the hope that he may be able to throw further light on the subject.The Caliph invaded Asia Minor with three armies. His objective was in the first instance Ancyra. His general, Afshin, in command of what we may call the Eastern army, crossed the Taurus by the pass of Hadath (Adata), and presumably his route was by Arabissos, Tzamandos, and Sebastea. The two divisions of the Western army, under the Caliph himself and Ashnas, started from Cilicia and crossed by the Cilician gates.
A Constitutional Inscription from Cyrene
Authors: Cary M. 
Published: May 2006

The inscription with which this article is concerned was first published by S. Ferri. It has been commented on by Ferri, by Wilamowitz, by Heichelheim, and by De Sanctis. The text reproduced below closely follows that of Ferri, but incorporates a few corrections suggested by Wilamowitz and accepted by De Sanctis.The main content of the inscription is a series of constitutional regulations. By whom, for whom, and at what date were these issued? Ferri, observing a point of contact between the new constitution and that of the Arcadian Federation as described by Xenophon, and finding evidence in several passages of an overriding control by ‘Ptolemy,’ concludes that the document was drafted c. 250 B.C. by the Arcadian reformers Ecdemus and Demophanes, on behalf of the short-lived Κοινὸν τῶν Κυρηναίων of that period, and subsequently confirmed and amended by Ptoemy III Euergetes. In this opinion he has been followed by Beloch and De Sanctis. But he has been effectively criticised by Heichelheim, who points out (i) that the ‘Alexandrian minae’ mentioned in 11. 9–10 of the text went out of circulation under Ptolemy II Philadelphus and (ii) that the ‘Ptolemy’of our inscription, not being styled ‘king,’ can be none other than Ptolemy I Soter, who did not assume the royal title till 305–304 B.C.
The Aphrodite from Cyrene
Authors: Gardner Ernest A. 
Published: May 2006

The sculptures recently discovered by the Italian excavators at Cyrene were described and discussed by Signor Bagnani at a general meeting of the Hellenic Society on 9th November, 1920. It is hoped that Signor Bagnani's paper, together with full illustrations of all the sculptures referred to, will appear in the next number of this Journal. Meanwhile our readers will probably be glad to have a reproduction of the Aphrodite, which is the finest of them, but is not yet so well-known or so accessible as it should be on its merits.Most of the statues found at Cyrene decorated a kind of hall, which served as a gallery of sculpture. They are by no means homogeneous, though most of them clearly belong to the Hellenistic age. There is, therefore, little external evidence to guide us to the period or school to which any of them belongs; and we are left mainly to internal evidence, derived from a study of the statue itself.
Two notes on the Constitution of Athens
Authors: Gomme A. W. 
Published: May 2006

I. Solon's Currency ReformThe repetition of the article in τὴν…αὔξησιν without another substantive may on linguistic grounds be suspected. Some time ago Mr. Hill was tempted to suggest τήν τε τ.μ.κ.σ. αὔξησιν κ.τ.τ.ν. <μείωσιν> (Num. Chron. 1896–7, p. 285), but resisted the temptation to ‘such audacity’ because he held (very oddly) that Solon increased, not decreased, the weight and value of the drachma. Now that Mr. Seltman in his Athens: Its History and Coinage has made it clear that Solon reduced the drachma, and has pointed out that the reduction in the coinage and the raising of the market weights and measures went hand in hand (they were ‘part and parcel of the same emergency legislation. A man got more in weight for a lesser sum of money,’ p. 17 n. 1), we should adopt Hill's emendation, which is no very startling alteration of the MS. We thereby get a gain in lucidity, which we are justified in taking because the text as it stands is suspicious. Note that not only does Androtion's theory of Solon's reform (Plut. Sol. 15) support the view that the drachma was reduced and show that this view must have been known to Aristotle, but that Plutarch's language also suggests the emendation: τὴν ἅμα τούτῳ γενομένην τῶν τε μέτρων (<καὶ σταθμῶν>?) ἐπαύξησιν καὶ τοῦ νομίσματος τιμήν (though τιμήν itself is not the word one expects and is, I am sure, corrupt), τὸ νόμισμα is, of course, ‘the standard coin,’ in this case the didrachm.
Fire-Festivals in Ancient Greece
Authors: Nilsson Martin P. 
Published: May 2006

Fire-festivals are widespread throughout the world. They occur in Europe to the present day. Bonfires are kindled at certain times of the year, especially in Lent and on St. John's Day. Sometimes the fire is kindled on a hill or a mountain-top, sometimes in the plain or in the village; often a figure with varying names is burnt, and in some countries living beasts were once burnt in the flames of the pyre.The fire-festivals of ancient Greece have not attracted much attention among scholars. The custom is not very common, it varies considerably in details and has been appropriated by different deities in different localities, so that the identity of the rite has been obscured. The best known cases are from Central Greece. In the cult of Artemis Laphria at Patrae, formerly at Calydon, living beasts—birds, boars, stags, wolves, bears, and their young—were thrown into the flames of a great pyre. In the cult of the same goddess at Hyampolis in Phocis human images and other paraphernalia were laid on the pyre. On the top of Mount Cithaeron a pyre was built with great care, a wooden image, called Hera, was brought thither in grand procession from the town of Plataeae, and sometimes other images from other Boeotian towns were added. On the spot each town offered an ox to Zeus and a cow to Hera; these were filled with incense, and together with the images were burnt on the pyre. Private people also made their offerings. It seems that a similar festival at Tithorea in Phocis was transferred to Isis.
Military Operations on the North Front of Mount Taurus. IV.—The Campaigns of 319 and 320 B.C
Authors: Ramsay William Mitchell 
Published: May 2006

In a footnote in J.H.S. 1918, p. 144, I stated the view that the battle (319 B.C.) in which Antigonus defeated Alketas and the associated generals took place in the αὐλὼν which leads from the N.E. corner of the Limnai towards Pisidian Antioch, carrying the southern or Pisidian road across Asia Minor eastward. This important route, regarded as a highway from the west coast to the Cilician Gates, is a recent discovery, though parts of it have been often described and traversed. In J.H.S. 1920, p. 89 f., I have argued that it was the road by which Xerxes' great army marched from Kritalla to Kelainai.There are two authorities on whom we depend for details of the battle of 319 B.C., Polyaenus Strat. 4, 6, 7 and Diodorus 18, 44; but both of these gather all their information from that excellent military writer Hieronymus of Cardia, the friend and historian of Eumenes. Polyaenus tells the story with soldierly brevity, relating only the chief military features: Diodorus diffusely and at great length; but so that we can recognise Hieronymus behind and beneath, and restore the full account as given by that writer.
Droop Cups and the Dating of Laconian Pottery
Authors: Droop J. P. 
Published: May 2006

It has been thought desirable that, as I was perhaps mainly responsible for the dates originally suggested for the Laconian vase series and repeated in the final publication of the Orthia Sanctuary, I should give my view on Professor Ure's suggestion that these should be modified.My view is that they must be modified to some extent, if Professor Ure's evidence is sound, which I have no reason to doubt, but much less than he appears to suggest. I do not think it is necessary to put the end of Laconian IV back from 500 B.C. to 560 B.C., but its beginning we must put back from 550 B.C. by about twenty years.The dates originally suggested for Laconian IV (550–500 B.C.) and Laconian V (500–425 B.C.) are certainly contradicted by the date (560 B.C.) now assigned by Professor Ure to a grave at Rhitsona which contained one of the group of Attic cups that copy, as Professor Ure agrees with me in thinking, the form of stem usual in the Laconian V kylix.