bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
La contribution du Canada au développement du droit international pour la protection du milieu marin : Le cas spécial de l’Arctique
Authors: Pharand Donat 
Published: July 2012

Immediately after the adoption of its Arctic Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, Canada embarked on intense diplomatic efforts in a number of international for a to obtain recognition of international law principles which would serve as a basis for its legislation. These efforts were pursued mainly in three international conferences : the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment of 1972, the London Conference of the International Maritime Consultative Organization on the prevention of pollution by ships in 1973 and the United Nations Third Law of the Sea Conference which began in 1974 at Caracas.
At the 1975 session of that Conference, held in Geneva, a form of Artic clause was inserted in the first Negotiating Text and it provided that coastal States could adopt special protective measures in special areas within their exclusive economic zone, where exceptional hazards to navigation prevailed and marine pollution could cause irreversible disturbance of the ecological balance. In 1976, the provision was enlarged to enable coastal States themselves to enforce such protectives measures, instead of leaving the enforcement to the flag State, and the provision has been kept without change in all the subsequent negotiating texts of 1977, 1979 and 1980. Considering the wide consensus which this provision has received, particularly on the part of other Arctic States, it may now be regarded as part of customary international law and completely validates Canada's arctic legislation.
Le développement dans l’optique du marketing : le cas des produits agricoles dans les P.V.D.
Authors: Hénault Georges 
Published: July 2012

The author seeks to determine in what way marketing may be considered as a development catalyst by examining the case of agricultural products in developing countries. He first observes that the marketing System both reflects the level of development and constitutes a subsystem of the socio-economic System. Marketing is thus in a symbiotic relationship with the development process.
Market complexity conditions the nature of public and private sector initiatives. In fact, the structure of domestic agricultural markets is disjointed and the imperatives of world markets impose an almost dialectical choice between exports and import substitution. After having analyzed contextual and empirical data, the author considers such marketing actors as government marketing boards and producer cooperatives by attempting an assessment of their developmental impact. Marketing, he concludes, may be seen as a necessary but not sufficient condition for the development process.
La politique israélienne de Sadate ou l’énigme de la stratégie égyptienne
Authors: Hentsch Thierry 
Published: July 2012

It is generally accepted that a power relation is at the base of every negotiation and that, to the extent possible, each State attempts to negotiate when that relation is the most weighted in its favour, especially if the subject matter of negotiation is perceived by it as being of vital importance.
Over several years all of Israel's neighbours, Egypt among them, obstinately refused to negotiate (at least openly) with the Zionist State apparently counting on an improvement in the power relation in their favour. An improvement moreover that eventually seemed possible with the relative yet nonetheless important successes of the October 1973 war.
The enigma that Sadat's policy constitutes from this vantage point resides precisely in the fact that that policy appears to upset the power relation that made the October War possible and that led to Israel's first setback. The economic difficulties and reorientation of the Egyptian regime (both towards the West and towards private enterprise) do not, by themselves, explain what is referred to as Egypt’s « defeatist » diplomacy. This diplomacy also reflects a strategic coherency that can only be understood within the historical perspective of the Arab-Israeli conflict and by undertaking a rigourous analysis of Zionism and its principal sources of political support. Sadat, by a paradoxical exploitation of a position of weakness, attempts to transform politically that relative weakness into a position of strength in order to wrest from Israel that which the Arabs have not succeeded in obtaining by armed force. He pursues the war, but by the other means. Nevertheless, the success of these means depends to a great extent on the attitudes of the other countries of the battlefield.
Les conceptions chinoises en matière de relations internationales
Authors: Engelborghs-Bertels Marthe 
Published: July 2012

The author identifies the variations in Peking's foreign policy since 1949 as the variable outcome of an equation involving stable principles and changing contexts. First, she identifies those principles that from the Chinese perspective are the guidelines of their foreign policy. Second, she attempts to demonstrate by reference to practice that these principles, far from constituting restrictive norms, are adapted to situations in a manner to ensure the perpetuity of China. Informed by an ages-old diplomatic tradition, the essentially pragmatic Chinese leadership interpret changes in the international context in the light of long-term objectives. These may be summarized by two concepts : the safeguarding of peace and the emancipation of humanity.
By taking these considerations into account the author studies the foreign policies of the Chinese People's Republic that would appear to be the most susceptible of demonstrating the conceptions of its leaders with respect to international relations. In particular, the strategic position of the China of the 80s is commented upon within this analytical framework. The author concludes from her observations that Chinese behaviour on the international scène may be better understood by considering the goals pursued rather than the statements of principles put forward.
Essai sur l’étude de la coopération bilatérale entre le Canada et l’Afrique francophone 1961-1981
Authors: Houndjahoué Michel 
Published: July 2012

We have divided the evolution of bilateral cooperation between Canada and the French-speaking countries of Africa into three major phases. During the first phase, which lasted from 1961 to 1968, Canadian aid was slight and discontinuous. The second phase, from 1969 to 1975, was characterized by a remarkable increase of the CIDA 's activities. That period was specially influenced, on the one had, by the rudeau and Chevrier missions and, on the other hand, by the reconsideration of Canada's foreign policy during the 1970's. The third phase, from 1975 to 1981, was arked, among other things, by what one could call industrial cooperation, that is cooperation between « project-countries » and « program-countries ». We have tried to analyse the main characteristics of each of those three phases, while striving to « link » them to the socio-economic and political context of Canada and the French-speaking countries of Africa.
La crise du socialisme réellement existant
Authors: Mandel David 
Published: July 2012

The Soviet Union and its East European glacis are experiencing their second major wave of crisis since the death of Stalin. But unlike the "de-stalinization" crisis of the second half of the 1950s, which was largely political and was overcome through a combination of repression and reform that left the system basically intact, the present crisis cannot be weathered so easily and threatens to usher in a period of political upheaval, as it has already in Poland and, to some extent, in Romania.
On the most obvious level, the crisis manifests itself in the constant decline of the economic growth rate since the late 1950s, which has put an end to the slow but steady rise in living standards, the basis upon which the tacit post-Stalin accord between the bureaucracy and society was founded. The roots of this crisis are deeply structural, but structural reforms, in particular the introduction of the « regulated market mechanism », which appears to be the nly viable alternative open to the bureaucracy, will meet with strong opposition from important sectors of that elite, especially the provincial party bosses, and threaten to create a split in its ranks.
At the same time, such a reform is politically unfeasible without important concessions to the working class in the direction of democratization or, at the least, the right to organize into independent trade unions to protect itself against management, whose powers would be greatly enhanced by the reform. But such concessions to the working class, as Poland shows, are perceived by the bureaucracy as a threat to its very existence. At the same time, the working class today is potentially a much more formidable political force than at any time since the civil war.
The leadership is, therefore, in a dilemma. The 1980s are likely to see the explosive combination of a simultaneous crisis "as the top" and "at the bottom".
La dynamique du terrorisme : Le cas des Brigades rouges
Authors: Legault Albert 
Published: July 2012

The dynamics of terrorism seem to follow a double track evolution. On the one hand, terrorism presents at the beginning a strong ideological component, particularly in the case of left-wings oriented terrorism. As events unfurl, terrorism drifts further apart from its original objectives. In the final stage, the ideological component relate almost exclusively to the ideology of violence for its own sake. On the other hand, the state ideological commitment to the preservation of the state creates a process whereby terrorism movements are being increasingly « marginalized ». The state administrative legal and political functions bring about a process through which terrorists, henceforth, are perceived as criminals. The case of the Red Brigades in Italy is used to illustrate this double track process.
Le basculement vers le Sud de la politque de défense de l’Espagne (Note)
Authors: Santos Alberto 
Published: July 2012

Entering the 21st century, the question facing mankind is whether we will be able to find, agree upon and activate solutions adequate to resolve world problems which have plagued the 20th century and which increasingly threaten the 21 st. The central argument presented here is that it is only by taking concrete steps at the world level that we can hope to reduce or eliminate the threat to survival which these problems represent.
In order to provide a framework from which prospects for the future of the world organization can be analysed, the "world order" perspective is compared with a more traditional perspective. The challenges that world problems and crises pose for the world organization are examined. Using the fundamental changes undergone by both the League of Nations and the United Nations as an historical basis for scrutinizing the future, the changes that increasingly complex problems may force on the world organization are explored. Changes such as a "reinforced United Nations" (without delegation of sovereignty), a "World Authority" (with partial delegation of sovereignty) or a "World Government" (with major delegation of sovereignty) are evaluated in terms of the world organization' s ability to handle potential world crises and problems.
The conclusion establishes that there is a pressing need for immediate political action which would aim towards a coalition of all groups researching solutions to world problems and would be based on the "world order" ideology of the majority rather than the "world-oriented" ideology of a self-interested minority.
Les conflits interétatiques dans les Amériques
Authors: Serbin Andrès 
Published: July 2012

This paper introduces two studies on the geopolitics and the conflicts in Latin America. The first part comprises a survey of the conflicts - most of which non-violent - which divide Latin America and oppose its states on an ideological basis, on a finality which would lead to hegemony, on territorial claims, or for reasons due to the impact of migration.
The second part deals with the split between the Latin states and the new Anglophone states of the Caribbean, a split which has been bred by the differences in histories, institutions, and political representations, a split which has become apparent in the stands taken, namely in the Falkland crisis and in the border disputes between Venezuela and Guyana, and between Belize and Guatemala.
Le rôle des facteurs internationaux dans la législation des petites entreprises en Hongrie
Authors: Pilisi Paul 
Published: July 2012

In Hungary, the Party Politburo decided as of January 1st, 1982, to legalize independent small business organizations. International factors with internal socio-economic effects contributed to a hastening in the decision-making process in favour of economic pragma-tism, and contrary to ideological principles.
The current Hungarian experience constitutes a model for reformist changes proposed by Michael Gorbatchev in the Soviet Union. The socio-political effects of the Hungarian experience appear also in changes to the political culture. These changes, like the appearance of multiple candidates and political pluralism in elections raise the following question : without the reform of the soviet-type political regime, is it possible to reform the socio-economic System ?
Le rôle politique et stratégique de l’Arctique : une perspective norvégienne
Authors: Sollie Finn 
Published: July 2012

Developments in many fields, and especially in technology and economies, in international politics and in military strategy, have combined to give the Arctic a more important role in international affairs. By geographical location, with its mainland and islands stretching far to the North and framing the maritime link between the Atlantic and the Arctic, Norway has a strategic position at the main gateway to and from the Arctic Basin.
Historically, these European northern waters have been explored and exploited as an international commons and legally the Svalbard Treaty of 1920 which recognized Norway's sovereignty over the islands also secured permanent rights of access for foreign nationals and equal right to engage in research and to participate in commercial operations on the islands. In addition to the economic provisions, the Treaty served a strategic purpose by prohibiting the establishment of naval bases and fortifications on the islands and disallowing any use of them for « warlike purposes -».
With the Soviet Union emerging as the major military power in Europe at the end of the Second World War and concentrating its new and global naval forces in northern bases on the Kola Peninsula, the northern waters between Norway's coasts have become a strategic core area for any contest for maritime control of Atlantic supply lines, as well as for the strategic nuclear balance between the two superpowers and for a new nuclear threat against Europe.
In sum, the broad developments in the Arctic and the specific strategic interests in Arctic relations now focusing on the Norwegian Arctic, the Norwegian North has been turned into a center stage of international political and military interest and concern.
Les alliances technologiques stratégiques: de la théorie à la situation canadienne
Authors: Niosi Jorge , Bergeron Maryse , Sawchuck Michèle 
Published: July 2012

Technological cooperation between business enterprises has become common-place over the past ten years or so, following an increase in the uncertainty, risk, and costs of research and development brought about by growing international competition and the unsettling impact of data processing technologies (and to a lesser degree biotechnologies) throughout the entire industrial sector. Strategies in R&D cooperation, first adopted by Japanese corporations, were copied by European firms in the early 80s and then by American and Canadian corporations later on. Governments have got in on the action through policies for encouragement of collective R&D.
Current theories in economies and business administration are not very useful for understanding this phenomenon. Neo-classical economies' assumption of perfect competition, as well as dissertations on product obsolescence and transaction costs, permeate theories in business administration and do not help us comprehend this new organizational phenomenon. We have, however, come across some crucial leads towards an explanation in certain models of imperfect competition and in managerial studies on informal cooperation by businesses in R&D.
La réglementation américaine en matière de contrôle des armes chimiques et biologiques
Authors: Legault Albert 
Published: July 2012

After identifying the role of the Australia Group which is a multilateral body designed to control export of sensitive chemicals, as well as « equipment » and « technical data » designed to fabricate chemical or bacteriological weapons, this study briefly overviews U.S. policy in terms of export controls, and then attempts to review the current U.S. regulations on chemical and bacteriological weapons.
With regard to chemical weapons, the analysis goes back to the Iran-Irak war and traces the evolution of the various controls imposed on chemicals. With the March 13, 1991 decision, export controls exist on 50 chemicals and the warning list has now been reduced to zero. With regards to biological weapons, a whole new list of controls is now being discussed within the Australia Group. A list of 29 countries has been drawn up and the U.S. hope that the Australia Group will adopt similar controls when it meets in December 1991.
The article also contains five annexes : the classification of groups countries for export control reasons ; a list of countries under foreign policy controls ; the classification of microorganisms according to their class and degree of pathogenicity; a list of the fifty precursors under control; and the chronological evolution of the U.S. controls imposed on chemicals.
La collaboration scientifique et technologique en Amérique du Nord : un point de vue Canadien
Authors: David Charles H. , Dufour Paul , Halliwell Janet 
Published: July 2012

Canada, as a country with a small, open economy, faces the immediate challenge of learning to shape dynamic comparative advantage in the emerging international economy. About 75 % of Canada's trade linkages are with the United States, and a very large component of the Canadian experience of « globalization » is driven by North American economic integration. This integration is taking place in the absence of institutions and policy mechanisms to promote and manage science, technology, and innovation relations on a continental scale. Bilateral s & T arrangements centered on the United States presently characterize the North American innovation System. Circumstances in North America pose three sets of challenges to Canadian s & T policy. 1) Science and technology are increasing in importance in international trade, environmental, and social/cultural matters. This means that Canada must learn to improve its management of an increasingly internationalized domestic s & T System. 2) Canada must cultivate mutually beneficial bilateral s & T relationships with its two partners in NAFTA, Mexico and the United States. 3) Canada must identify where its interests lie in the development and governance of trilateral and international rules and arrangements for science, technology, and innovation.
L'ONU au Cambodge. Les leçons de I'APRONUC (Note)
Authors: Jennar Raoul M. 
Published: July 2012

The UN operation in Cambodia was a major venture provided with extensive resources and entrusted to implement a highly ambitious program contained in the Paris Accords signed on October23, 1991. Today, official rhetoric speaks of a "model" when referring to what a more modest view would treat as an experience - one from which it is indispensable to draw all the lessons. The UN proved unable to carry out much of its mission. It jailed to disarm the rival troops. It jailed to neutralize the Communist party's omnipresent influence over existing administrative structures. It failed to repair or rebuild a minimum of infrastructure in such basic areas as health, education, and communications. It failed to reintegrate into society the 372,000 refugees who had come back from camps in Thailand. It failed to preserve the country's unity and territorial integrity. Yet it did score some successes. It laid the ground work for a pluralistic society. It repatriated the refugees. It organized elections that were free and fair enough to allow new, thoroughly legitimate institutions to come into being. A cautious assessment of this operation leads to a reflection on the conditions for success or failure of such a venture. Lessons are to be learned from each step : starting from the diplomatic moves behind the decision to carry out the operation and the mandate defining its scope ; and ending with the political, economic, and social repercussions due to thousands of soldiers and foreign civilian administrators passing through the country. Each phase of the flow of operations must also be questioned, from recruitment of personnel to assessment of the results obtained.
Création et compétences du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie
Authors: Hajam Mohamed 
Published: July 2012

The Security Council adopted Resolution 808 on February 22, 1993. This resolution created an international tribunal to judge people presumed responsible for grave breaches of humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991. The tribunal's status is defined by Resolution 827, whereby its jurisdiction covers all serious violations committed by individuals in the former Yugoslavia. The principle nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege is fully respected. The tribunal's effectiveness, however, depends on the rulings the judges will hand down and on support from all states.
Creating the ICT has been deemed a very important step. By judging criminals, the tribunal not only hopes to introduce the idea of justice into a sphere of international life dominated by power relationships, but also wishes especially to dampen the victors' feeling of impunity. AU of this requires one thing : the goodwill of the states so that this tribunal may carry out its task.
La paix américaine pour les Balkans
Authors: Lukic Reneo , Lynch Allen 
Published: July 2012

Yugoslavia's loss of strategic value since the end of the cold war has determined the scope of us engagement in the War s of Yugoslav Succession. In June 1991, therefore, the us allowed the EC and the UN to preserve Yugoslav unity and then contain the effects of the several wars launched by Serbia in the region. Bill Clinton, after rejecting George Bush's policy of "Realpolitik" during the 1992 election campaign in favor of defending the victims of aggression, quickly confirmed the essential continuity of us policy in the Balkans. Throughout the Clinton Presidency, the us has sought to contain the effects of the Yugoslav wars rather than reverse the consequences of aggression, and has relatedly sought to exclude the possibility of a significant combat role for us ground forces. Rhetoric aside, us policy has sought to encourage a settlement that reflects the military facts on the ground. The Dayton accords of November 1995 reflect these considerations in detail. Whatever the long-term effects of the Dayton "peace", one consequence is certain : the marginalization of Western Europe as a foreign policy actor within Europe itself