bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Military Revolution, the (1560–1660)
Authors: Parrott David 
Published: November 2011

AbstractThe “military revolution” thesis has been the key concept in interpreting the military history of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and has been no less influential in shaping understanding of the role of war in the wider political and social history of early modern Europe. Moreover in the last two decades an early modern military revolution has become a paradigm for wider discussion of contemporary military transformations.
Military standards (Roman)
Authors: Dart Christopher J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

Military standards (
signa militaria
in Latin) were objects of ceremonial and religious significance and of tactical use to the Roman army. Standards were used in signaling and as rallying points in battle and had an important role in controlling morale. The diversity of types, designs, applications, and rituals associated with Roman military standards can be reconstructed from numerous references in literary sources, depictions on funerary reliefs, the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, and on coinage. However, as some aspects changed or developed across the history of the Roman Republic and Empire, care should be exercised in reconstructing the nature of Roman military standards.
Miltiades the Younger (ca. 550–489
BCE
)
Authors: Tucci Jim 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

Miltiades was an Athenian aristocrat and military commander who played a key role in Hellenic history in the late sixth and early fifth centuries
BCE
. He led Athenian expansion into the Chersonese and islands of the northern Aegean. He was both a friend and foe to Persia, first an advisor to Darius on his invasion of Scythia and then a leader of the Athenian party that advocated freedom for the Ionian Greeks and rebellion against Persia. His most famous role was as an influential general in the Athenian army sent to stop a Persian invasion in 490 at Marathon.
Moltke, Helmuth von, the Younger (1848–1916)
Authors: Echevarria Antulio J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Helmuth Johannes Ludwig von Moltke was chief of the German general staff from 1906 to 1914, and was responsible for the attack plan that launched the Reich's armies into France, Belgium, and the Netherlands in 1914. He has long been blamed for the failure of that offensive, not only from a planning perspective but also from the standpoint of execution. Indeed, he might deserve more blame than critics have given him, but not for the traditional reasons.
Mountbatten, Louis, 1st Earl of Mountbatten (1900–1979)
Authors: Ankersen Christopher 
Published: November 2011

AbstractLouis Mountbatten was born in Windsor, England, on June 25, 1900. His great grandmother was Queen Victoria; his father was Prince Louis of Battenberg; and his second cousin would become King George VI. Throughout his lifetime he was referred to by the nickname “Dickie.” Mountbatten was a considerable force, renowned for his ambition, hard work, and ability to achieve results. In a career that spanned six decades and both world wars, Mountbatten participated in—indeed, shaped—several historic events that made him a figure of not inconsiderable importance to the military and political history of the twentieth century.
Muscovy, military rise of (1460–1730)
Authors: Stevens Carol B. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Over the period 1460–1730 Muscovy grew from a large principality in central European Russia to a Eurasian empire stretching from the Baltic to the Pacific. Its growth was not only a military rise to power; it also involved major political and military reorientation, from dominant concerns with the world of the Eurasian steppe in the post‐Mongol era to those of an eighteenth‐century European Empire.
Mussolini, Benito (1883–1945)
Authors: Finaldi Giuseppe 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Benito Andrea Amilcare Mussolini was born in Predappio in the Romagna region of northeastern Italy. His family was not poor, his father being a blacksmith and very minor landowner and his mother a primary school teacher. Between 1903 and 1914 Mussolini espoused an eclectic and radical socialism and was active in the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and a variety of worker organizations. His activity as a journalist began in various socialist newspapers in Romagna, Switzerland (where he lived between 1903 and 1904), and Trento (1909), then in the Austrian Tyrol. In 1910 Mussolini became editor of one of the most important socialist newspapers in Romagna and had established a firm reputation as a fiery and uncompromising radical, rejecting all forms of collaboration (advocated by some socialists) with Giovanni Giolitti's moderate and reforming liberal governments.
Namur, Sieges of (1692 and 1695)
Authors: Lenihan PáDraig 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
The Spanish Netherlands was the biggest theater of the Nine Years' War (1688–1697) and siege was the most common operation there. Louis XIV's armies generally thrust northwest following the general line of the Sambre and Meuse rivers. Namur nestled strategically at their confluence. The French took it in 1692 and lost it in 1695. Indeed, the Allied recapture amounted to the biggest operation of the war when, towards the end, about a quarter of a million men lay within two hours' march of the town.
Napoleonic invasion of Russia (1812)
Authors: Mikaberidze Alexander 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
A major war between France and Russia, also known under its Russian name of the “Patriotic War” or “Fatherland War” of 1812. Following the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807, relations between France and Russia became increasingly tense. Emperor Alexander I of Russia did not forget the painful lessons of 1805–1807 and was aware of the widespread displeasure prevailing in Russia over the “ignominious” Peace of Tilsit. Although Bonaparte and Alexander seemed to confirm their relations at Erfurt in 1808, the fissures became evident the following year, when Russia took half‐hearted steps to support France against Austria. Russia was also concerned by Bonaparte's aggressive policy in the Germanic states, as well as the creation of the duchy of Warsaw, which threatened Russian interests in Poland. In addition, the Continental Blockade, which Russia was forced to join in 1807, proved extremely disadvantageous to the Russian economy. Russia's decision to open its ports to British goods was a direct threat to Bonaparte's efforts to defeat Britan.
National liberation, wars of
Authors: Stapleton Timothy J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
The term war of national liberation is problematic and biased. It is often adopted by armed groups seeking to mobilize supporters on the basis of an imagined sense of national identity, usually defined in terms of common language, ethnicity, origin, or culture. These groups struggle to expel foreign occupation and achieve self‐determination or overthrow objectionable internal regimes. It could be argued that the rebellions of ancient Jews against the Roman Empire in the first and second centuries were some of the first wars of national liberation. However, the term is more generally understood to apply to conflicts fought in Europe and the Americas during the Enlightenment period of the late 1700s and early 1800s, and to wars of independence fought in Asia and Africa during the Cold War of the second half of the twentieth century. Wars of national liberation, particularly since 1945, could be described as asymmetrical conflicts in that they typically began as small insurgencies using hit‐and‐run tactics against large conventional occupation forces. These conflicts are almost always civil wars in that nationalist fighters characterize local people working for the state as traitors to the nation and target them for violence. Wars of national liberation, especially during the Cold War, were often proxy wars, as rival superpowers not wanting to confront each other directly backed opposite sides in regional conflicts. They also usually required insurgents to maintain a sanctuary and staging area in a neighboring territory. Perspective is important, as members of national liberation movements often celebrate themselves as freedom fighters, while their enemies deride them as terrorists or separatists.
New Model Army
Authors: Wanklyn Malcolm 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
The New Model Army, 21,000 strong, was established by parliament on February 15, 1645, two and a half years after the outbreak of the First English Civil War, by combining the best elements of the armies formerly commanded by the earls of Essex and Manchester and Sir William Waller and filling the gaps by a press. The 1644 campaigning season, which in July had looked like ending in outright victory, had ended in disappointment and dissent. In the autumn the three armies had united to attack the king's armies in the Thames Valley theater of war but, despite outnumbering the royalists by almost two to one, the generals had missed several opportunities to destroy them, most notably at the Second Battle of Newbury. In the ensuing row the old high command and the old armies and regiments were swept away. The new force was to be led by officers sufficiently competent and committed to win the war quickly.
Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)
Authors: Stapleton Timothy J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
During the colonial period the British ruled the large and populous territory of Nigeria as three separate regions. Although Nigeria has a vast number of ethnicities, each region was associated with a major ethnic group; the Igbo in the east, the Yoruba in the west, and the Hausa‐Fulani in the north. The two coastal southern regions, east and west, became relatively more prosperous, predominantly Christian and with a significant western educated elite. Comparatively poor and marginalized, the predominantly Muslim north was controlled by conservative local elites.
North Yemen Civil War (1962–1970)
Authors: Witty David M. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
The North Yemen Civil War began in 1962 following a coup against the state's royalist government and was fought between the supporters of the state's new republic and those who supported the old order. The war lasted until 1970 and involved the military intervention of Egypt on the side of the republic, and the material and diplomatic support of several countries, most notably Saudi Arabia, for its opponents. The conflict, often viewed as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Egypt, is noted for its brutality and the Egyptian army's inability to defeat insurgents.
Pacific, War of the (1879–1883)
Authors: Farcau Bruce 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
When Latin Americans talk of the War of the Pacific, they do not refer to Pearl Harbor or Iwo Jima. They mean the grueling war in the late nineteenth century in which Chile, “the Prussia of South America,” severed Bolivia's access to the sea and also seized the southernmost provinces of Peru, creating bitterness that still sours relations between the three nations to this day.
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
Authors: Green Dominic 
Published: November 2011

AbstractThe Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is a political umbrella for paramilitary groups and, latterly, political parties, seeking to establish a Palestinian Arab state. Originally determined to erase Israel and its Jews “from the river [Jordan] to the [Mediterranean] sea,” between amending its charter (1988) and the Oslo Accords (1993), the PLO endorsed the “two‐state solution”; however, a series of negotiations has not yet produced this outcome.
Palmach
Authors: Chazan Meir 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

The Palmach (acronym from the Hebrew words
Plugot Machatz
, meaning “strike forces”) was set up on May 19, 1941 as a military unit in the Haganah (“The Defense”) organization. The Palmach was an elite volunteer military force comprising crack troops, and it functioned as the primary and decisive military arm of the Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine) in its struggle to establish a Jewish state in Palestine in the 1940s. The Haganah was both the main and the largest paramilitary organization in the Yishuv. It was designed to function like an underground militia. Its activities were subject to the authority of the Yishuv's central national institutions and the Zionist movement.
Paraguayan War (1864–1870)
Authors: Herrera José María 
Published: November 2011

AbstractThe Paraguayan War (also known as the the War of the Triple Alliance) was the largest and most costly conflict in the postindependence history of South America. The war pitted the highly regimented society of Paraguay against the combined forces of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. The origins of the conflict are rooted in unresolved border questions, interference by Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay in the internal affairs of Uruguay, and the personal ambitions of Paraguay's dictator, Francisco Solano López. The war would have disastrous consequences for Paraguay, resulting in the loss of almost 80 percent of its male population, large‐scale destruction of its infrastructure, and the ceding of land to both Argentina and Brazil.
Parma, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of (1545–1592)
Authors: Bonney Richard 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
In 1576, on the death of Don Luís de Requesens, the delay in appointing a successor as governor general of the Low Countries combined with substantial arrears of pay, led to a significant mutiny in the Spanish army of Flanders (the “Spanish Fury”). No such disaster occurred two years later following the death of Don John of Austria, Requesens's successor, in October 1578. Alessandro Farnese was an obvious successor as governor general: he was the son of Margaret of Parma, Philip II's aunt and a previous governor general; though only 34 years of age, he was popular with the troops, having served with Don John at the victory of Gembloux over the rebel forces in January 1578, a victory which demonstrated his military genius (Kossman and Mellink 1974: 28). Above all, he was already present in the Low Countries, so there was no break in the continuity of command. Parma was presented with a favorable opportunity to exploit the divisions in the Low Countries. A Catholic Malcontent movement, led by the baron of Montigny, had thrown in its lot with a union of Catholic Walloon provinces. Gradually, by January 1579, this was broadened into the Union of Arras, which inaugurated serious negotiations with Parma. By May there was a definitive agreement, ratified by Philip II in September 1579. Parma secured the support of the Catholic nobility because he offered them not only rewards, but also satisfaction for their more general political objectives. They were not interested in the States General, the national representative institution, which in their mind was linked with rebellion. What they wanted was power in the council of state, which they continued to enjoy on a reduced scale. Eventually all the great nobles—with the exception of the house of Orange‐Nassau—returned to allegiance to Philip II. There was no obvious alternative to Parma's leadership of the Catholic nobility. Matthias, the rival governor general appointed by the States General, failed miserably and left the Low Countries in June 1581, as did Anjou—Orange's proposed successor for Matthias's role, with increased powers—in June 1583.
Philip
II
of Macedonia (382–336
BCE
)
Authors: Dmitriev Sviatoslav 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Philip II turned Macedonia from a kingdom filled with discord and suffering from invasions into the strongest centralized state in the Greek world. By using his newly gained financial resources, the might of the reorganized army, and personal military and diplomatic skills that paired charm with reasoning, Philip eventually established some form of control over all of mainland Greece, which he organized as a military alliance against Persia. These and other achievements by Philip served as the foundation of the future glory of his son and successor Alexander III (“the Great”). The Macedonian rule that Philip established over Greece would continue until the early second century BCE, when it was overthrown by the Romans.
Philip IV of France (“the Fair”) (1268–1314)
Authors: Marvin Laurence W. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Philip IV remains famous not for his military exploits but for his showdown with a pope over taxing French clergy and his suppression of the Templars. A skillful administrator, Philip earned his sobriquet “the Fair” because of his physical attractiveness, not for his actions. A second son, he became heir upon his older brother's death in 1276. When his father died in 1285, the 17‐year‐old Philip abandoned some of his father's interventionist policies in order to increase and consolidate his power domestically. Throughout his reign, Philip maintained a consistent policy of strengthening himself at home — one of the reasons he arrested the Templars, in order to seize their wealth and remove them as crown treasurers. Even his major wars were not technically with foreign kingdoms but with territories that recognized the king of France as their suzerain: Aquitaine and Flanders.
Philip V of Macedonia (r. 221–179 BCE)
Authors: Dmitriev Sviatoslav 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

The reign of Philip V saw in quick succession the rise of Macedonian might to a level unparalleled since the reigns of Philip II and Alexander III (the Great), and its decisive defeat by the Romans in the Second Macedonian War (200–197
BCE
). As the Romans freed the Greeks from Macedonia's two centuries‐long domination and dashed any hopes for resurrecting her former superiority, Philip's reign paved the way to the eventual abolition of the Macedonian kingdom (168) and its conversion into a Roman province (148 or 146).
Philip VI of France (“the Fortunate”) (1293–1350)
Authors: Teutsch Christian 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
Philip VI of France, known to future generations as “the Fortunate,” was king of France from 1328 to 1350. His reign encompasses one of the most turbulent times in medieval France, more due to extraordinary external influences than to his own failings. Philip's ascension to the throne ushered in the Valois Dynasty and triggered the start of the Hundred Years' War with England. Throughout his reign he strove to centralize the independent duchies that would eventually form modern France, but had to focus much of his energies on combating invasions led by Edward III of England and his lieutenants. In the last few years of his life he suffered legendary defeats at the Battle of Crécy and the Siege of Calais, and was burdened by civil war in Brittany and the onset of the Black Death. Despite all of these calamities, the kingdom survived and flourished under his descendents; his dynasty would rule France for the next two and a half centuries.
Polish Succession, Wars of the (1733–1735)
Authors: McLay K. A. J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

The Wars of the Polish Succession represent a typical example of an eighteenth‐century European dynastic conflict. Although the trend can be overblown, religious and confessional origins of war had declined since the conclusion of the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648), during which Cardinal Richelieu persuaded Louis XIII to fight with the Protestant Swedes against the Catholic League of the Holy Roman Empire for the
raison d'état
. Thereafter, territorial and familial—in other words, dynastic—interests increasingly became the key diplomatic currency. The promotion of such ambitions frequently led to disputes and wars within the European states system, especially where the succession was uncertain or where it might be readily contested. Elective monarchies such as existed in Poland were particularly vulnerable to the latter circumstance. Ever since its adoption at the creation of the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania in 1569, and then subsequent revision upon the death of Sigismund II in 1572, the elective foundation of the Polish monarchy had proved generally unstable. The upper and lower nobility possessing the franchise clearly had no political or personal interests in conferring favor and longevity upon one dynasty. At the same time, the neighboring European powers might gain obvious geo‐strategic influence in placing their preferred candidate upon the throne of a country which was one of the largest monarchical domains in early modern Europe. During the eighteenth century, therefore, Poland was often the plaything of the European states system.
Privateers
Authors: Starkey David J. 
Published: November 2011

Abstract

Attacks upon seaborne trade and shipping have been a feature of human maritime activity since the seas were first used for the transport of goods and people. Such violent assaults have assumed various forms, some being sanctioned by states and therefore deemed legitimate, whereas others have been perpetrated by unauthorized commerce‐raiders, often described as pirates. Among those empowered by states was the privateer, an individual who set forth his or her own vessel—also known as a privateer—to attack the seaborne properties of foreign citizens. Such predatory activity promised to generate significant benefits. To the state, which authorized the practice by the issuance of a license—variously known as a privateer commission, letter of marque,
lettre de marque
, or
kaperbrief
—the privateer might provide inexpensive military services, as well as serving as an instrument of economic warfare by damaging a rival's maritime interests. To those individuals who equipped and manned these privately owned ships‐of‐war, the rewards were chiefly economic, for privateering was essentially a form of enterprise in which shipowners and seafarers risked their capital and their lives in a quest to take properties that would subsequently be conveyed to their ownership by due process of prize law.
Proportionality in War
Authors: Shue Henry 
Published: November 2011

Abstract
The requirement of proportionality in the conduct of war, as distinct from the resort to war, now in force in conventional and customary international law treats disproportionate attacks as one species of indiscriminate attacks, that is, as a particular way of violating the prohibition on attacks on civilians expressed by the principle of discrimination. Current law, as a result of a substantively meaningless diplomatic maneuver during the negotiations over the Geneva Protocol I (1977), always uses the term “excessive” instead of “disproportionate,” but the terminological switch has no non‐political significance whatsoever. Thus, what most people would simply call a disproportionate attack is, strictly speaking, indiscriminate in that it may be expected to cause excessive civilian harm. In Protocol I indiscriminate attacks are prohibited and next defined in general terms: “Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited. Indiscriminate attacks are … of a nature to strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objects without discrimination” (Art. 51(4)). Then, one important sufficient condition of an indiscriminate attack is stated: “Among others, the following types of attacks are to be considered as indiscriminate: … an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated” (Art. 51(5) (b)). Thus, an attack is indiscriminate in the sense of disproportionate if the losses of civilian life, injuries to civilians, or damage to civilian objects are predictably “excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.” Importantly, the strongest military power, the United States, has officially and expressly recognized this fundamental treaty article concerning proportionality, Article 51, as expressive of customary international law, even though the United States has never ratified Protocol I as a whole (Matheson 1987: 426).