bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Grammar of the Language of Lamalanga, North Raga, New Hebrides
Authors: Ivens W. G. 
Published: January 2010

LAMALANGA is situated on the north-west coast of the island called Raga, or Araga (Pentecost Island), in the central New Hebrides, Melanesia.The head station of the Melanesian Mission on Raga is at Lamalanga which itself is on the coast; but the people who speak the language represented in this grammar live on the hills just above the Mission Station. Dr. R. H. Codrington published a grammar of the language spoken at Vun Marama on the same coast, a few miles north of Lamalanga.
Vīs u Rāmīn: A Parthian Romance
Authors: Minorsky V. 
Published: January 2010

Some scheme of political organization can also be detected in the text ofVīs u Rāmīn.The capital Marv is definitely considered the centre of a world monarchy, within the limits which we have tried to elucidate.1Mōbad is the king of kings,shahriyār, to whom all the shahs owe obedience (banda būdand) (p. 28). His personal dominions he in North-Eastern Iran and are surrounded by a belt of vassal territories (abaristān, Gurgān, Dihistān, Khwārazm, etc.), but politically his authority extends to Media and beyond it to Transcaucasia (Arrān) and Armenia, reaching even the Mediterranean and North African territories.
Caucasica in the History of Mayyāfāriqīn
Authors: Minorsky V. 
Published: January 2010

MAYYĀFĀRIQĪN, a small town situated on one of the left tributaries of the Tigrīs, at 70 km. to the north-east of Āmid (Diyārbakr), owed its importance to its situation on a short road connecting Armenia (Mush) with Upper Mesopotamia. It is probable that the ancient capital of Armenia, Tigranocerta, built by Tigran II circa 80 B.C., stood in the immediate neighbourhood of MAYYĀFĀRIQĪN.In Islamic times Mayyāfāriqīn had a historian, Ahmad b. Yusuf b. ‘All ibn al-Azraq al-Fāriql, who wrote shortly after 572/1176. The only two copies of this curious work belong to the British Museum. The detailed description of the work and the first systematic presentation of its contents belong to that accurate British historian H. F. Amedroz, who has so considerably increased our knowledge of the medieval Arabic sources for the Near East. Numerous passages from Ibn al-Azraq are quoted by Amedroz in the footnotes of his edition of Ibn al-Qalanisi (1908). In more recent years M. Canard has published six passages of the history of Mayyāfārīqīn relative to Sayf al-daula and Claude Cahen has summed up its rich information on the early Artuqids.These preparatory works will greatly help the future editor of the Mayyāfārīqīn chronicle. His task will not be easy, for the two versions are defective and divergent, and the best plan will be to print them in parallel columns. The script of Or. 6310 is very cursive and devoid of dots; that of Or. 5803 is defaced towards the end. The scribes were negligent even in geographical and personal names. The grammar of the author (or of his copyists) is lax and may occupy the attention of some student of vulgar Arabic in Upper Mesopotamia.
Recent Work on the Indus Civilization
Authors: Basham A. L. 
Published: January 2010

Among a bewildering mass of archaeological reports and learned papers the small book of the late Dr. Ernest Mackay, The Indus Civilization, published in 1935, has provided an excellent concise outline of the subject. It has now been reissued under a significantly amended title, with revisions and additions by the author's widow. New maps and illustrations have also been added.Since 1935 further researches have considerably modified our earlier view of the Indus culture. The excavations at Chanhu-daro, conducted by Dr. Mackay for the American School of Indie and Iranian Studies have shown that the culture of which the Harappā remains are the type was superseded, in this part of Sind at any rate, by later intrusive cultures, those of Jhukar and Jhangar (p. 3). Advances in Mesopotamian chronology have permitted a closer estimate of the date of the abandonment of the Indus cities. This, it appears, took place at about the same time as the end of the first Babylonian dynasty, which, on the most recent evidence, must be placed as late as the sixteenth century b.c. (p. 157). It has been conclusively shown that we may no longer retain the rather Utopian picture suggested by reports of earlier excavations, which seemed to reveal an affluent commercial people, living in comfort and security in unfortified cities, and free from the oppressions of a theocratic government such as ruled in contemporary Sumer and Egypt.Dr. Mackay and all serious archæologists doubted the accuracy of this picture. In the first edition of The Indies Civilization it was pointed out that the control of such well-planned cities as Mohenjo-daro and Harappā demanded a highly organized government, that the excavations had not been completed, and that further work on the sites might reveal fortresses and royal palaces.
The Three Conjugations in Sinhalese
Authors: Hendriksen H. 
Published: January 2010

Although Geiger's Grammar of the Sinhalese Language (1938) has cleared up admirably the main line in the historical development of this language, there still remains much to be done. Especially in the morphology of the verb there are many obscure points and in the following lines we shall try to unravel some of them.1 The Sinhalese has three conjugations (paradigms:labanavā “to get”, badinavā “to fry”, tävenavā “to be heated”). Geiger explains the third conjugation from the MInd, passive: tävenavā < *tāvīya- < Skr. (causative passive) tāpyate (Geiger, § 140, 3), which coincides well with the fact that nearly all the verbs belonging to this conjugation are intransitive. As for the development ī > e compare elu: name of the old Sinhalese language < Sīhala, neranavā “to set aside, put out of the way ” < P. nīharati (Geiger, § 21, 3). So there can hardly be any doubt that this explanation is in the main correct. The -lya- is not always the passive-morpheme; thus Geiger mentions ālenavā “to adhere to” from Skr. āliyate; another case is pipenavā “to expand, open (of flowers)” from the denominative Skr. puspyati > *pupphīya- (other examples later in this article). Geiger derives vädenavā “to affect, concern, to be struck by an arrow” (Clough's dict.) from Skr. vrajati (Et. Gl.; Geiger gives the meaning “to strike against, to enter, intrude ”); I should, if the meaning given by Geiger is correct, prefer the derivation from āpadyate with loss of the initial vowel as in bisev “royal unction ” from abhiseka-, etc. (Grammar, § 30, 2); but it must be admitted that all the examples mentioned by Geiger contain short initial vowel.
Two Tonal Languages of New Guinea
Authors: Capell A. 
Published: January 2010

WHILST the tonal languages spoken in West Africa have latterly received W a good deal of attention, it has not been generally realized that such languages are found also in parts of New Guinea. In New Guinea there are in fact two types of tonal languages. In one, the tones may be described as ” ornamental”, i.e. though they exist they do not seem to have semantic value, but rather to be connected with a certain type of sentence rhythm; in the other the tone systems are more definitely akin to those of Western Africa, and in such languages tones do possess semantic value. It is interesting that one at least of the latter group of languages tends also to be monosyllabic. It is hoped to provide a study of the former class of languages—at least one representative of which is also found in Northern Australia—at a later date. The present paper is occupied with the languages in which tones do have semantic value.These languages, so far as has been observed yet, are two in number, and they are spoken along the shores of Huon Gulf, in north-eastern New Guinea. The map on p. 186 will show their locations. Both belong to the group of languages known as Melanesian, and this makes the occurrence of tones even less expected. A considerable number of other languages are spoken round about this area, and though some of these also are Melanesian, they do not seem to have developed tones. Moreover, it would seem that the use of tones in these two languages antedates the coming of the Melanesian languages, for reasons that will be given towards the end of this paper.
Ḍholā-Mārūrā Dūhā: A Fifteenth-century Ballad from Rājputānā
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame 
Published: January 2010

The story of Dholā and Mārū is told in a stirring RājputānĪ ballad published in the Bālābakhsh Rājpāt Cāran Pustakmālā, series. It is reviewed on another page of this Bulletin.The story of the poem is briefly this. Pingal, the king of Pūgal, had a daughter called MāravanĪ Nal, the king of Narvar, had a son named Dholā. During a famine Pingal sought temporary refuge in Narvar, where the two rajas betrothed their children to each other. Some years after this Nal, reflecting that Pingal lived far away, and that the journey to his country was perilous, married his son to Mālavani, daughter of the Raja of Mālvā.
Materials for South Arabian History
Authors: Serjeant R. B. 
Published: January 2010

The Mss. herein described were purchased, copied, or recorded during a tour V A in Hadramawt as Colonial Research Fellow. Besides visiting the main ”f Wadi lying between Kabr Hūd and Hainin, I made investigations in the Wādī f Daw‘an, Huraida in ‘Amd, and in the course of a journey from Bal-Hᾶf, on the I coast, to Habbān on the western fringe of Wāhidi territory. Time did not I allow of a systematic recording of all existing MSS., which can be seen in i hundreds, especially as this formed only part of my programme, but those described here are the more interesting MSS. inspected. A similar tour seems to have been performed by Dr. Hamidullah in the Yemen shortly before my own investigations in Hadramawt.The many scholars, mostly saiyids, whom I met in Hadramawt gave generously of their assistance, often placing MSS. freely at my disposal; I must; mention in particular the ‘Attās family of Huraida, and Sālih b. ‘Alī al-Hāmidī of Saiwūn. On the other hand, I have been informed, I have no means of assessing how accurately, that there are occasional individuals in the country I who possess some valuable MSS. but would rather see them moulder to pieces ‘ than show them to strangers. I understand that some saiyids keep their books in the women's part of the house, as in learned saiyid society books are reckoned fair game to the casual borrower who succeeds in abstracting them while the owner is not looking.For anyone wishing to discover new MSS.
An Apocalyptic Vision of Islamic History
Authors: Lewis Bernard 
Published: January 2010

During the first four centuries of Islamic rule Messianic hopes ran high among the peoples of the Caliphate. Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians, subjected to the rule of a new and alien religion, cherished and embellished their traditions of a Messiah or Saoshyant of a God-chosen line who, in God's time, would come or return to the world, end the sufferings of the faithful and the dominion of their opponents, and establish the kingdom of God upon earth. Before very long Islam itself was affected. First in the heresies of the newly-converted, dissatisfied with the status assigned to them in what was still an Arab kingdom, grafting their old beliefs on their new faith; then in the orthodoxy of all Islam, the belief arose in a MaMhdī, a “ divinely guided one ” who, in the words of the tradition, would “ fill the earth with justice and equity as it is now filled with tyranny and oppression ”.With the passing of empires and the flowering and disappointment of successive hopes, the tradition of the Coming grew and developed. One oppressor after another added something of himself to the portraits of the Antichrist, while the many false Messiahs, in their failure, bequeathed new details and new tokens to the Messiah yet to come. Each group had its own traditions; yet they were in no way separate and water-tight, and many ideas and beliefs passed, through converts and other channels, from one religion to another.By no means the least impatient in their expectation of Redemption were the Jews. When the crumbling of empires under the blows of internal revolutions and external invasions seemed to portend the long awaited end, anxious Jewish eyes scanned the Time of Troubles in which they lived for signs of the coming of Messiah, and sought to identify, in the events taking place about them, the vague prophecies and traditions handed down to them of the last wars of the Messiah. It was in such times that the apocalyptic books were written.
Cruelty as a Ground for Divorce at Burmese Buddhist Law
Authors: Gledhill A. 
Published: January 2010

Having regard to its importance in human affairs, one might expect a reasonable degree of unanimity among mankind on the nature of the institution of marriage, and the circumstances in which it can be dissolved, but, comparing the views on these matters found in different systems of law, one cannot but recall the words of G. B. Shaw in the Preface to Androcles:—“ We pass our lives among people who … have robust consciences, and hunger and thirst, not for righteousness but … for love and money. To these people one morality is as good as another, provided they are used to it and can put up with its restrictions without unhappiness; and in the maintenance of this morality they will fight and punish and coerce without scruple. They may not be the salt of the earth … but they are the substance of civilization.”Initially, a people or its lawgiver has to decide whether marriage is to be regarded, as in the Canon Law and Hindu Law, as a sacrament, or, as in Mahommedan Law and Burmese Buddhist Law (to give the official name of what might more aptly be described as Burmese Common Law), as a contract.In the former case it follows that a valid marriage is indissoluble, but when there is an impediment, or a fraud has been committed upon the sacrament, it is possible to dissolve a union on the ground that there has been no valid marriage. A Hindu marriage can be annulled, if at all, only because it has been effected by force or fraud, but, as the wife has not the liberty allowed the husband of taking subsequent spouses, she is in a less happy position than that allowed her by the Canon Law, which treats both spouses alike and will permit a declaration of nullity when there is a legal bar to the marriage, or when the petitioning spouse did not freely consent to the marriage.
A Mongol Decree of 720/1320 to the Family of Shaykh Zāhid
Authors: Minorsky V. 
Published: January 2010

Through the kindness of Professor F. W. Cleaves I am in possession of an offprint of his important article ‘ The Mongolian documents in the Musée de Téhéran ’.The first two documents are only insignificant fragments, but Document III, which consists of eight pieces and two endorsements, is nearly complete and full of personal and geographical names. It is a decree issued in the name of the last ilkhan of Persia, Abū-Said (716–36/1316–35), and bearing the date 720/1320 (according to Pelliot: September 1320).Here is Professor Cleaves's summary of its contents:‘ It had been reported by the šiγ Badaradin Abul Maqmad Maqmud that, although, by virtue of an edict, he had, in the place of his father the šiγ ǁamaladin, sat on the sujada of the šiγ šaqid Ibrayim and had been appointed over the qaγas-a-yin waγb-ud, his elder brother, Šamsadin Maqmad, not letting him approach, took his edicts and writs and let the foundation go to wrack and ruin.
Gender in Kurdish
Authors: Mackenzie D. N. 
Published: January 2010

It is not yet generally accepted in European works that a distinction of grammatical gender exists in Kurdish. In the Northern group of Kurdish J dialects the Izafe appears in a number of forms, e.g. a, ā, ē, ī, and the nominal 5 oblique case ending as -ē and -ī. An analysis of these forms into a clear system, with two declensions according to grammatical gender, has been made by members of the princely family of Bedir Xan. A comparison of all the available texts in the light of their analysis serves to confirm the general validity of the paradigms and therefore of a distinction of grammatical gender, disguised to a varying extent by the generalization of certain forms. The history of a number of words of known gender suggests that the distinction is inherited.A hitherto unexplained phenomenon is the appearance in the Central Kurdish Mukrī dialect of two forms of the nominal oblique case ending, -ē and -ī. The similarity of these forms to the corresponding Northern dialect forms is obvious. A comparison of related words in the two groups of dialects shows that in the Mukrī dialect also the difference of the forms marks a distinction of grammatical gender.
Retroflexion in Sanskrit: Prosodic Technique and its Relevance to Comparative Statement
Authors: Allen W. S. 
Published: January 2010

In an earlier article it was suggested that the allotment of certain phonic data of Sanskrit to prosodic categories would make it possible to eliminate the antiquated and improper process-metaphor of ‘ assimilation ’ by stating such data as exponents of properties of appropriate structures. It was not then intended to go beyond a purely descriptive statement; but it has since appeared that a fuller exploitation of prosodic techniques may result in descriptions which enjoy a more or less extensive relevance to comparative statement. Certain points have therefore been re-examined in the light of such a possibility; and the expectation seems to be justified by the results of the final statement below (item 5); the other statements (items 1–4) are presented as illustrating various phonological principles involved in the re-examination.1. It is not to be assumed that phonemic statements can be translated into prosodic statements: for the selection and allotment of data are governed by different theories in the two cases.5
A Study in Medieval Nubian
Authors: Stricker B. H. 
Published: January 2010

The medieval phase of the language now spoken between Korosko and Ḥannak on the Upper Nile is known to us since 1906, when first documents were brought to Berlin and deciphered by Professor H. Schäfer. In 1913 a full inventory of the then available material was published by the late Professor F. Ll. Griffith, in the proceedings of the Prussian Academy. It was completed by a subsequent article in 1928.I am here presenting a series of notes on Griffith's texts, obtained mainly by a careful comparison of the medieval with the modern language. May they serve to smooth the path of some future student.
Indo-Iranica
Authors: Duchesne-Guillemin J. 
Published: January 2010

Cette expression se lit á la ligne 41 de la Charte de Suse et désigne l'un des deux matériaux, avec l'argent, qui ont été importés d'Égypte pour servir à la construction du palais de Darius.Le second terme en est relativement clair. Son premier signe est très endommagé, mais on reconnaît, même sur la reproduction, de quoi justifier la lecture du P. Scheil. Celle-ci est reprise notamment par M. Benveniste, BSL., XX, iii, p. 132: dāru, équivalent de skr.
Mani's Last Journey
Authors: Henning W. B. 
Published: January 2010

The most detailed account of Mani's last days is contained in the Coptic “Narrative on the Crucifixion” (Polotsky, Man. Hom., pp. 42 sqq.). As I had occasion to point out before, this “Narrative” had been quoted by the Christian Jibrā'īl b. Nūḥ in his anti-Alanichaean book which was still available to al-Bērūnī (Chronology, 20819–22).During the brief reign of King Hormizd Mani went to Babylonia, where he stayed until the accession of Bahram I. After some time he left Babylonia and slowly travelled down the River Tigris, visiting his communities on the way. He reached Hormizd-Ardašīr (Ahwāz, Sūq al-Ahwāz), one of the four chief towns of Susiana, from where he started on a journey to the north-eastern provinces of the Sasanian empire. But he was forbidden to go there and compelled to turn back to Susiana. From Hormizd-Ardašīr he journeyed to Mesene, thence up the River Tigris in a boat to Ctesiphon. From the capital he went to “the Pargalia”, where he was joined by Bαατ. He travelled to Kholassar, and from this town he reached Belapat, where he was destined to die. The route taken by him on the journey from Kholassar to Belapat is not known, as there is a gap in the manuscript. While the situation of “the Pargalia” remains unsettled, that of Kholassar (Khalasar) is well defined by a comparison of the itinerary given by Isidorus Kharacenus with the Arab geographers (journey from Ctesiphon to Holwan):—
Gleanings from Early Urdu Poets
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame 
Published: January 2010

This remarkable writer, the founder of Ḥaidarābād, and probably the first literary poet in the language, was the fourth king of the Qutb Shāhī dynasty which ruled in Golkuṇḍa, one of the five states into which the Deccan was divided after the break up of the Bahmanī kingdom. In the last number of the Bulletin I gave reasons for believing that he was an earlier writer than Vajhī, who in 1609 wrote the masnavī known as Qutb Mushtarī, in which he related a story having this very monarch for hero. Only five years after Qulī Qutb Shāh's death his works were collected by his nephew and successor. They have never been published, but the beautiful original MS. compiled under the orders of his nephew in 1616 is still in Ḥaidarābād. It consists of 1,800 pages and has perhaps 100,000 lines.Though he lived so long ago his name is one of the greatest in Urdu. He shows wonderful human interest, for he writes of everyday matters, Hindu and Muḥammadan festivals, the customs of the country, life in his palace, the celebration of his birthday, and of natural objects such as fruit, vegetables, and flowers. The only poets who can be compared with him are Saudā, and Nazir, both of whom he excels in description of nature, while in his sympathetic account of Hindu life he is superior to all other Muḥammadan poets.
Antiochus, King of the Yavanas
Authors: Charpentier Jarl 
Published: January 2010

It is too well known to need more than a formal repetition here that two of the Rock Edicts of Aśoka mention as his contemporaries a number of kings of the West, the foremost of which is a certain Antiochus. The most important passage is that of the Edict XIII (P–Q), which I quote from the only version that is here wholly preserved, viz. that of Shāhbāzgaṛhī:—ayi ca mukhamutavijaye Devanaṃpriyasa yo dhramavijayo ║ so ca puna ladho Devanaṃpriyasa iha ca sareṣu ca aṃteṣu[a] ṣaṣu pi yojanaśateṣu yatra Aṃtiyoko nama Yonaraja paraṃ ca tena Atiyokena cature 4 rajani Turamaye nama Aṃtikini nama Maka nama Alikasudaro nama ║
À propos de l’origine des chiffres arabes
Authors: Cœdès G. 
Published: January 2010

L’origine des chiffres que nous appelons “ arabes ” parce qu’ils ont été introduits en Europe par les Arabes, et de la notation arithmétique basée sur leur valeur de position avec I’emploi du symbole zéro, a donné lieu à des recherches qui ont abouti à des résultats opposés: certains auteurs ont affirmé l’origine indienne du système, tandis que d’autres ont voulu y voir une invention occidentale.Parmi ces derniers, M. G. R. Kaye s'est fait remarquer par son hostilité contre la thèse de l’origine indienne. Il s'exprime ainsi dans son article “ Notes on Indian Mathematics: Arithmetical Notation ” (JASB., 1907, p. 487):