bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Place of Political Science in Canadian Universities
Authors: Pocklington Tom 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article addresses the proper role of political science in Canadian universities. The thesis is twofold: first, the main tasks of political scientists are first-rate teaching and reflective inquiry about citizenship: second, in the past few years we have been moving away from this understanding, and remedial action is required. Our delinquency stems mainly from our obsession with “frontier research,” the main result of which is the widespread decline of attentive teaching, which we rationalize with a number of implausible myths. We are primarily responsible for the current state of political science, and only we can remedy it.
Populism and the Politics of Rights: The Dual Attack on Representative Democracy
Authors: Knopff Rainer 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIn Canada as elsewhere, representative democracy is under attack by both populists and rights advocates. The populist challenge comes mainly from Preston Manning's wing of the Reform party. The rights-based challenge is grounded on the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. These two challenges are different in obvious ways, but from the point of view of representative government—and ultimately of liberal democratic constitutionalism—what they have in common outweighs their differences. What they have in common is the appeal to a mystical being or icon beyond ordinary politics. In effect, the People or Rights become what God was to pre-liberal theocratic politics: a transpolitical trump on ordinary political division, a way of placing opponents “beyond the pale,” a demand for unattainable purity in public life and policy. While bills of rights and populism appear to flow, respectively, from the liberalism and the democracy of liberal democracy, they are, in fact, vehicles for precisely the kind of politics liberal democracy was designed to overcome. Representative government, not populism or entrenched rights, was at the heart of the “new science of politics” designed to make liberal democracy possible. Representative institutions, properly arranged in a system of checks and balances, were a way of blending liberalism with democracy, giving each its due, but indirectly, so that neither would be taken to self-destructive extremes. Populism and the judicialized politics of rights threaten to dissolve this salutary blend, at the cost of liberal democratic constitutionalism.
Setting the Environmental Agenda in Canada and the United States: The Cases of Dioxin and Radon
Authors: Harrison Kathryn , Hoberg George 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article uses the case of toxic substance regulation to examine the process of governmental agenda-setting. Two kinds of comparisons are employed: across-national comparison of Canada and the United States, and a comparison of two toxic substance controversies. In the case of dioxins from pulp mills, the issue emerged on the two Countries' agendas at approximately the same time. In contrast, the issue of indoor air pollution from radon reached the US regulatory agenda in 1986, but as of mid-1990 had yet to emerge as a significant regulatory issue in Canada. The comparative case analysis yields four major conclusions: (1) changes in science and technology can be important driving forces behind the emergence of an issue, but as necessary, not sufficient conditions for agenda-setting; (2) the interdependence of the two countries produces an interdependence of their regulatory agendas; (3) policy entrepreneurs play a fundamental role in forcing issues onto the governmental agenda; and (4) the incentives and influence of policy entrepreneurs is shaped by the institutional structures and political cultures of the two countries.
L'analyse politique de la décentralisation
Authors: Lemieux Vincent 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThere are many works on decentralization, but few of them have studied in a systematic way the power relations that are associated with the transfer of attributions from a superior level to an inferior level of government. In order to compensate for these shortcomings a conceptual framework and two research proposals are formulated about the different components of decentralization and the power relations pertaining to them. The model is then applied to various decentralization policies which were adopted since the 1980s in different countries. Two main conclusions can be drawn from this study. First, in the power relations between the actors of the different levels of government, those of the superior level are maintaining their domination by controlling the more important resources in the new relationships created by the decentralization policies. Second, the actors of the superior level of government are seeking to present their domination as plausible with reference to some values generally associated with centralization or decentralization.
The Religious Cleavage and the Media in Canada
Authors: Mendelsohn Matthew , Nadeau Richard 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article offers an improved understanding of the often-neglected religious cleavage in Canada. Using data from the 1988 Canadian Election Study, the authors examine the questions of voting intentions, opinion on abortion, support for unions and support for military spending. This article first shows that Roman Catholics have different opinions on these questions than Protestants, but that these differences disappear as Catholics' exposure to the news media increases. The authors also demonstrate that the more religious the Catholics, the more resistant they are to media messages. The largest differences between Catholics and Protestants are thus found between regular churchgoers with low media exposure, while the smallest differences are found between heavily exposed non-practisers.
Ontario Municipal Elections: Voting Trends and Determinants of Electoral Success in a Canadian Province
Authors: Kushner Joseph , Siegel David , Stanwick Hannah 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article examines voting trends in recent Ontario elections and the impact of incumbency, gender, campaign expenditures and the number of candidates per seat on the electoral success of a candidate. Voter turnout is found to be consistently lower in larger cities. The number of females holding office has increased over time, with large cities having the highest proportion of females in office. As candidates, males and females have similar success rates. Incumbency provides a huge advantage, especially in large cities. The level of campaign spending also has a significant effect as does the number of candidates contesting a seat.
Policy Agenda-Setting Theory Revisited: A Critique of Howlett on Downs, Baumgartner and Jones, and Kingdon
Authors: Soroka Stuart 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe author critiques two articles by Michael Howlett published recently by this Journal, and comments on policy agenda-setting theory. Howlett's articles use Canadian data to test three different policy agenda-setting theories forwarded by Anthony Downs, by Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones and by John Kingdon. This commentary suggests that the tests have several major flaws. These flaws are a product of several factors: Howlett's dataset and use of statistics, his interpretation of the theories at hand and empirical problems with the policy agenda-setting theories themselves.
North American Integration and International Relations Theory
Authors: O'Brien Robert 
Published: November 2009

AbstractAlthough North American integration has been the topic of heated public debate, it has not yet received adequate theoretical attention from the field of international relations. This article reviews the movement to codify North American integration, and explores the implications for integration and international relations theory. The first section reviews the intellectual history of integration theory as it developed in the European context. The second considers the North American experience of codifying integration, 1982–1994. The third part returns to integration theory and international relations, offering some amendments and suggestions considering the North American experience. The article argues that the clearest understanding of regional integration in the 1990s can be achieved through an approach which stresses developments in the global political economy as catalysts for change, and looks to national and transnational institutions and social forces to explain variations in integration projects. Because other international relations theories such as neofunctionalism and interstate bargaining are unable to integrate these levels of analysis, they offer an incomplete view of present dynamics.
A Crisis-Based Evaluation of the Democratic Peace Proposition
Authors: Rioux Jean-Sébastien 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIt has often been said that the closest thing we have to an empirical law in international relations is that democracies do not fight against each other. This study adds to the literature on democratic peace by focusing on the crisis behaviour of democracies and nondemocracies. International Crisis Behavior (ICB) Project data are used to conduct a quantitative analysis of states' crisis activity from 1918 to 1988. Strong support emerges for the three hypotheses of the study. First, it is clear that democracies initiate fewer crises than nondemocracies. However, democracies tend to escalate crises to higher levels of severity. Finally, democracies eventually win the crises in which they become involved. The conclusion is that democratic leaders face strong incentives to “select” winnable crises against nondemocratic states because of the audience costs they face, but when the opponent is another democracy, the domestic audience expects leaders to compromise.
Télévision et unité nationale: la couverture de l'actualité canadienne à Radio-Canada, 1977 et 1987
Authors: De Bonville Jean , Vermette Jacques 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIn a content analysis realized in 1977 for the purposes of the C.R.T.C, Arthur Siegel noted that the image of Canadian geopolitical reality presented in their news programme by the English and French television networks of the CBC was heavily influenced by the linguistic cleavage. A comparative analysis undertaken in 1987 shows that the coverage of Canadian news has failed to evolve despite the urgings of the C.R.T.C. and the will of CBC management to understand this situation. It is suggested that competition between public and private television networks, as well as the professional norms guiding journalists, are better explanations than the presumed political prejudices of these journalists.
Empire, Crown and Canadian Federalism
Authors: Smith David E. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article argues that imperialism and the Crown have determined the development of Canadian federalism. It maintains that the prominence of the provinces, the most distinctive feature of this country's federal system, is traceable, first, to the empire's evolution in the last century and its dissolution in this and, second, to the capacity of the Crown to endow the provinces with unlimited potential for action in areas of jurisdiction not assigned to Parliament. The structuring effect of these primary influences is examined from several perspectives: geographic, economic, social and constitutional. The article concludes that the provinces have been the true beneficiaries of Canada's heritage of empire and Crown.
Westminster in the Arctic: The Adaptation of British Parliamentarism in the Northwest Territories
Authors: White Graham 
Published: November 2009

AbstractGovernment in the Northwest Territories (NWT) of Canada is structured on the cabinet-parliamentary model and follows most of the principles of British-style “responsible government.” The territorial assembly, however, differs in two fundamental ways from the traditional parliamentary model: it has no political parties, and a majority of its members are natives, whose political culture is far removed from the tenets underlying British parliamentarism. This article examines the interplay of structure and culture in the NWT Legislative Assembly, through an evaluation of the so-called “consensus government” system. Although cabinet is clearly pre-eminent, private members have unusual influence in the NWT. More generally, distinctive Northern adaptations to the British model—unique parliamentary structures and procedures—are central to the workings of the legislature. In its internal operations, the NWT Assembly is found to have successfully adapted important elements of British parliamentarism to Northern circumstances, though its legitimacy within the native population remains problematic.
Leaders' Communications in Public-interest and Material-interest Groups
Authors: Young R. A. , Forsyth Shirley M. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article analyzes the internal communications between interest group leaders and their memberships. The case is Bill C-22, which increased patent protection for Pharmaceuticals in Canada. The object was to test for differences between “material” groups seeking benefits for their members and “purposive” groups pursuing policies which will benefit others. Significant differences were found in the kinds of appeals made by group leaders. This implies that it can be realistic and useful to distinguish between types of group according to their purposes and the motivations of their members. The findings also provide some insight into the language of policy debates and allow some speculation about the perennial question of why people adhere to large public-interest groups.
Some Evidence on the Effect of Incumbency in Ontario Provincial Elections
Authors: Krashinsky Michael , Milne William J. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article examines the constituency results in recent Ontario provincial elections in order to estimate the impact of incumbency on the percentage of the vote received by each party. Regression results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact in the three elections studied, adding between six and 12 percentage points to the popular vote for the incumbent's party in a given riding. Moreover, these results are robust, persisting overtime and across parties, and not varying significantly for a variety of specifications of the underlying model.
Small Businessmen, Branch Managers, and Their Relative Susceptibility to Right-wing Extremism: An Empirical Test
Authors: Nolan Richard L. , Schneck Rodney E. 
Published: November 2009

Dans l'explication globale des décisions de l'homme d'affaires, on néglige la variable pourtant significative de ses attitudes politiques. Certainssocial scientistsont avancé que la société industrielle complexe de type capitaliste engendre chez les dirigeants de la petite entreprise toute une série de frustrations, d'aliénations, et d'insécurités, propres à les rendre perméables à l'extrémisme de droite. Cette théorie n'a pas été tellement validée par des études empiriques.L'hypothèse de base de la présente étude admettait que les petits entrepreneurs indépendants soient davantage disposés à embrasser l'idéologie de l'extrême droite que les gérants de succursales de vastes entreprises bureaucratiques. Les auteurs ont mené une enquête sur les attitudes propres aux deux types d'hommes d'affaires dans la ville de Wetaskiwin, en Alberta. Les réponses fournies furent groupées en échelles d'attitudes se rapportant au conservatisme, à l'intolérance, à l'autoritarisme et l'aliénation politiques. Une analyse sélective des données recueillies donna par la suite une confirmation statistique à l'hypothèse de départ.
Some Factors Affecting the Resolution of a Federal-Provincial Conflict
Authors: Caplan Neil 
Published: November 2009

En examinant la querelle fédérale-provinciale sur les droits miniers sous-marins du Canada, querelle non encore vidée en 1969, on peut isoler quelques-uns des paramètres les plus significatifs quant aux perspectives de solutions de tels conflits. Les paramètres que suggère le présent cas (et dont la valeur universelle reste à démontrer) couvrent (a) la force relative des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux, (b) les opinions reçues et à partir desquelles chacun d'eux est forcé de manœuvrer, et (c) les sentiments personnels des politiciens en présence.Alors qu'une inégalité (réelle ou imaginaire) des forces semblerait promettre une victoire facile à la partie favorisée, leur apparente égalité prolongerait la lutte. Un tel équilibre de force, ainsi que le révéle une revue historique de la question, constitue les conditions dans lesquelles s'est organisée la bataille des droits miniers sous-marins, chacun des protagonistes sous-estimant la force et la détermination de la partie adverse, aucun ne parvenant à intimider l'autre ni à le persuader de laiser tomber ses prétentions. Bien plus, ce contentieux pourtant limité a semblé aux parties acquérir l'importance d'un test plus général sur la force de chacune.Parmi les lieux communs du « fédéralisme coopératif », on a pu déceler une certaine idôlatrie pour l'idée de négotiation, surtout dans le cadre des conférences fédérales-provinciales. L'examen critique des sujets de discussion mis de I'avant par les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux démontrerait que, seule, la négotiation était inapte à résoudre ce conflit et infirmerait l'opinion qui minimise le rôle des instances juridictionnelles, à l'ère du fédéralisme dit coopératif. L'utilisation politique et publicitaire de cette norme à la mode qu'est la négotiation s'est avérée une arme puissante pour les provinces; mais elle pourrait bien n'avoir, servi qu'à prolonger et envenimer le conflit, d'autant plus qu'on ne s'est pas gêné de violer les règles indispensables à une véritable négotiation.Le règlement de la querelle des droits miniers sous-marins a également été miné par l'antagonisme personnel des politiciens appelés à le régler, opposition malheureuse, elle-même due à une expérience et à des luttes politiques antérieures et à des tendances fondamentalement différentes en matière de centralisation-décentralisation.Tout comme d'autres, cette querelle montre, malgré la pertinence du « fédéralisme coopératif » comme façon d'aborder les relations fédérales-provinciales, que la lutte et les conflits, loin de constituer des exceptions à la régie, en sont peut-être la condition naturelle et normale.
La fin du bicaméralisme au Québec
Authors: Orban Edmond 
Published: November 2009

American or Australian readers will not be surprised, at least at first glance, that a province should have kept a bicameral system for so long as Quebec since in their own country all but one of the states has a second legislative chamber. For other readers, and Canadians particularly, the survival of a Legislative Council poses a whole series of problems which, for the most part, are explained by the economic and social evolution of Quebec.Why has Quebec maintained an upper chamber for so long when the other Canadian provinces have never had one or have abolished it a long time ago? The facts here presented confirm on several counts the classical theories about bicameralism, and add to them certain points arising specifically from Quebec's unique socio-cultural context: the overrepresentation of privileged social classes, irrespective of partisan attachment; or the representation in the Legislative Council of the English-speaking minority whose spokesmen were, however, closely tied to the French-speaking members by a community of economic interests.It was during the last century that the Legislative Council exhibited most energy; it frequently interfered with the most progressive projects of the different Liberal governments. In the twentieth century, however, it was thought wiser to adapt itself to the changing mood, and it gradually became more self-effacing with respect to the elected chamber. Therefore its reasons for existence became doubtful as it either adopted without question all the proposals of the Legislative Assembly (and so provoked the accusation that it did nothing), or if it did object to anything in any way, it was accused of going against the wishes of the elected representatives of the people. Groups which had supported it finally decided that the council had become obsolete and their representatives have allied themselves with the enemies of the council to vote out of existence the last provincial upper chamber in Canada.
Perceptions of the Great Coalition in West Germany, 1966–1969
Authors: Engelmann Frederick C. 
Published: November 2009

Cet article se fonde sur une étude poussée de la Grande Coalition, survenue entre les Chrétiens Démocrates (CDU) et les Sociaux Démocrates (SPD) de 1966 à 1969. La source des données reside dans des interviews avec (1) un échantillon représentatif des représentants au Bundestag de chacun des partis alliés, (2) un échantillon non-aléatoire de fonctionnaires et de membres actifs de ces partis dans trois régions de l'Allemagne de l'Ouest, et (3) dans des questions incluses dans une des enquêtes nationales de l'Institut infas. Toutes ces données furent recueillies pendant la durée de la coalition.Les perceptions dont il est question dans l'article ont trait à la nature et à la possibilité de maintien de la Grande Coalition, au degré selon lequel on l'a accepté et à l'évaluation des politiques qu'elle a produites. Elles ont trait aussi à l'évaluation des vues voulant que la coalition ait favorisé un rapprochement entre les deux alliés, longtemps adversaires l'un de l'autre, et qu'elle ait aidé le sempiternel parti d'opposition, le Parti Social Démocrate, à se hisser sur un pied d'égalité avec l'autre dans le gouvernement du pays.Tandis que les vues sur la nature de la coalition sont diverses et souvent obscures, il apparaît évident que le peuple, bien plus que les politiciens, désirait qu'elle se maintienne. Parmi les politiciens, c'étaient les parlementaires qui l'acceptaient le plus, et les membres actifs, en particulier ceux du SPD, qui l'acceptaient le moins. L'évaluation des politiques issues de la coalition était très favorable, en particulier chez les parlementaires. C'est du Parlement, et de façon générate dans les rangs des conservateurs des deux partis, que le sentiment d'un rapprochement entre les deux tendances était le plus fort. Quant à l'opinion voulant que la compétition entre les deux partis était devenue plus égale, elle relevait avant tout d'une vue partisane, tout particulièrement forte chez les membres actifs du SPD. Mais au total, l'idée d'une tendance à l'égalité dans la compétition s'affermissait.La faveur dont a joui la coalition n'a pas empêché qu'elle prenne fin, et les politiques qu'elle a produites n'ont pas suffi à la rendre célèbre. Il n'y a pas de doute que l'égalisation des chances dans la compétition a encouragé le SPD, en 1969, à former, sans avoir la pluralité des sièges, le premier gouvernement de coalition soumis à son leadership.