bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Predicting metabolisable energy in commercial rat diets: physiological fuel values may be misleading
Authors: Bielohuby Maximilian , Bodendorf Karin , Brandstetter Heinz , Bidlingmaier Martin , Kienzle Ellen 
Published: January 2010

Knowledge about metabolisable energy (ME) intake is crucial for various experimental settings in rodent studies. ME considers faecal and renal energy losses. In particular, faecal energy excretion can vary considerably between differentially composed diets. Thus determination of faecal energy losses, i.e. apparent energy digestibility, is the most important experimental approach to determine ME. Predictive equations for ME such as Atwater factors or an equation for pigs, which are frequently employed for rodent feed, consider an average energy digestibility for nutrients and average renal losses for protein. Both equations, however, were never validated for rat feed. We therefore determined experimentally the digestibility of energy (experimentally determined digestible energy − 5·2 kJ/g digestible protein) and nutrients of eleven natural and five purified rat diets and compared the present results with the predicted values. Compared with natural diets, digestibility of gross energy (GE) and nutrients was higher by about 20 % in the purified diets (P < 0·0001). Mean GE digestibility in natural diets amounted to 71·4 % (range 53·3–83·5 %;n11). Atwater factors predicted ME with satisfactory accuracy in purified diets. In contrast, for natural diets, only the equation for pig feed gave acceptable estimates of ME. Choosing an inappropriate predictive equation for ME resulted in considerable error. For prediction of ME in mixed rat feed, we propose to use the equation for pig feed for natural diets and Atwater factors for purified diets. If the equation for pig feed cannot be applied we suggest using the lower modified Atwater factors instead of the ‘original’ Atwater factors to estimate the ME of a diet.
New repositioning techniques for benign paroxysmal positional vertigo: the Li repositioning manoeuvres
Authors: Li J , Li H 
Published: January 2010

AbstractBenign paroxysmal positional vertigo can be treated by repositioning manoeuvres. Current manoeuvres can be cumbersome to perform and require determination of the canal affected, usually by assessing nystagmus direction on provocation. We developed a new series of manoeuvres to manage benign paroxysmal positional vertigo of each semicircular canal. The canal affected, and thus the manoeuvre used in each case, was determined by the patient's subjective report of vertigo on provocative head positioning. The reported manoeuvres were utilised in 216 patients, with an excellent rate of symptom resolution (96.7 per cent). The Li particle repositioning manoeuvres are effective, reliable and simply performed alternatives for the management of benign paroxysmal positional vertigo.
Endoscopic Caldwell–Luc technique
Authors: Masterson L , Al Gargaz W , Bath A P 
Published: January 2010

AbstractThis report describes a combined approach to the maxillary sinus, used to deal with mucosal pathology. The technique uses a powered microdebrider with angled endoscopes and is minimally invasive. It is cost-effective and offers the potential for decreased surgical time, reduced post-operative healing time and reduced post-operative morbidity.
CT 58, no. 70. A Middle Babylonian eršahunga
Authors: Geller M. J. 
Published: January 2010

Stefan Maul has presented Assyriology with a model study of an important genre of liturgical texts, the so-called eršahunga-prayers designed to still the heart of an angry god. The texts appear in autograph copies and transliterations, with lucid translations, useful philological notes, and a comprehensive glossary. The present reviewer has not checked the copies, since M.-C. Ludwig has collated the British Museum tablets for her own review of this volume.Maul's introduction to the eršahunga-prayers offers a brief survey of the genre, although the discussion is somewhat too specialized for the general reader unfamiliar with Assyriology. There is a need for a review of both Sumerian and Akkadian prayer which addresses the relationship between prayer and incantation, since both genres can appear together in certain types of apotropaic rituals. The problem of appeasing an angry god, for instance, was a theme common to both liturgy and incantations. The eršahunga, ‘lament to still the heart’, is paralleled by incantations known as dingir-šà-dib-ba gur-ru-da ‘(incantations) to appease the angry god’, composed as a confessional of unwitting sins. It is not clear when one would recite an eršahunga-prayer or a dingir-šà-dib-ba incantation, since both types of texts attempt to appease a god who is angered by some unspecified or unknown transgression. The eršahunga is typically composed in the Emesal dialect of Sumerian associated primarily (but not exclusively) with prayer and cultic texts, while exorcistic incantations are composed in the main Sumerian dialect (Emegir) of literary texts; both of these genres appear in the first millennium with Akkadian translations. It is possible that the distinction between prayer and incantation simply represents professional divisions between the kalû (lamentation priest) and the āšipu (exorcist), but it is not easy to define the conditions in which the various types of prayers and incantations were employed.
Fire and rain: a look at Shen Nung the Divine Farmer) and his ties with Yen Ti (the .
Authors: Henricks Robert G. 
Published: January 2010

Up to this point I have attempted to show how Shen Nung was portrayed in late Warring States and early Han texts. I have also reviewed what we know about Nung (or Chu) and Lieh Shan shih, Keng-fu (Plough Father), and T'ien-tsu (Field Ancestor), since it may be one or all four of these figures that comes to be known as Shen Nung.We can argue nothing for certain on this, and certainly T'ien-tsu in the Shih, was, we assume, a god of the Chou. But that point aside, there seems to be good reason to think that Shen Nung was originally a farming god of the Shang people. He is the hero who invented the plough, and the god to whom they turned when they needed rain. Ultimately, this may have been Hsieh, the first-born of the Shang people, known to us in our texts as Shu-chün or Yi-chün. That Shen Nung would become prominent only in texts that date from the late Chou should be no surprise; we should expect him to be overshadowed in early Chou times by their hero Hou Chi.It is important to keep in mind as we proceed that in the materials we have examined so far, we have seen repeated references to ‘fire’ and ‘rain’ and ‘drought’. Ritual ways of producing rainfall and combating the drought could involve fire (yen-huo, in Shih, 211); they might also involve ‘invocations’, charging the drought demon to ‘Go to the north!’ (Shan-hai ching).
Some further material from the Eugen Mittwoch Nachlass
Authors: Ullendorff Edward 
Published: January 2010

The controversy as regards the genuineness of the allegedly seventeenth-century Ethiopian philosophers Zär'a Ya‘qob an Waldä Haywät and their two opuscula, known as hatäta ‘examination, inquiry’, has for close on a century generated scholarly discussion. In the footsteps of C. Conti Rossini (RAL, vm, 1899, 43 and RAL, xxix, 1920, 213—23) Mittwoch has adduced weighty arguments against the authenticity of the two tracts, and in his Amharische Version der Soirées de Carthage (Berlinand Leipzig, 1934) he has cited the relevant literature. I do not propose, in the present context, to traverse the same ground once again. The Ga‘az texts of the two hatäta were edited and translated by E. Littmann (CSCO, Scriptores Aethiopici, vols. 1 and 2, Leipzig 1904) and rendered from Ga‘sz into Amharic by Zämänfäs Qaddus Abraha (Asmara, 1955).In the 1920s Eugen Mittwoch's pupil, Dr. Hans Schlobies,2 wrote to Alaqa Dästa,3 who was considered a notable student of Ethiopic literature, to enquire about indigenous knowledge of those two works. Part of the learned Aläqa's reply was published by Mittwoch in the Soirées de Carthage, 3–4, but Mittwoch's Ethiopian Nachlass (now in my possession) contains the original of Alaqa Dästa's letter which I propose to set out here in its entirety:To the honoured Dr. Yohannes Schlobies. While I say ‘let my respectful greetings be to you and your entire family’, I present the compliments appropriate to your distinction. Honoured Sir, so far from being-as you wrote to me-' famous
Some observations on the sub-group Tamil-Malayalam: differential realizations of the cluster *ṉt
Authors: Menon A. Govindankutty 
Published: January 2010

The languages belonging to the South-Dravidian sub-group of the Dravidian languages exhibit various degrees of genetic relationship. Though the common retentions and the later innovations have led to an indisputable consensus on broad issues, details regarding the finer genetic relationship remain to be worked out. This paper tries to analyse the genetic relationship between Tamil and Malayalam in the light of some sound changes, and also discusses the problems involved in the interpretation of the linguistic material.All the comparative evidence points to a closer relationship between Tamil and Malayalam. They preserve alike some of the Proto-South-Dravidian features such as *ḻ, *ṛṛ besides innovating sound changes such as *k– > c–. On the basis of a number of common phonological and morphological features, scholars concluded that at the stage known as late Old and early Middle Tamil, Tamil and Malayalam were most probably basically one language with pre- Malayalam as a diverging western dialect of the spoken form of that common language. The innovations which appeared in the ninth- and tenth-century West Coast inscriptions were linked with the similar tendencies observed in colloquial Tamil. The oldest Malayalam inscriptions and literary texts are not earlier than about the ninth century A.D. Since this period is contemporaneous with Middle Tamil, it was argued that the development of a separate language had to be dated to that period.
The head of the Rabbanite, Karaite and Samaritan Jews: on the history of a title
Authors: Sela Shulamit 
Published: January 2010

For over a hundred years, scholars of medieval Jewish history have been interested in the history of the headship of the Jews in Egypt. The first among them, relying mostly on literary documents, believed that the ancient accounts about the establishment of the office of the head of the Jews (Nagid) could be traced back to the Fātimid occupation of Egypt (A.D. 969), while recent scholars—having at their disposal a growing stream of historical data from the Cairo Geniza—have ruled out the early establishment of the headship of the Jews (Negidut) because of the silence about this function in the Geniza documents of the first half of the eleventh century.With the rejection of the early establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, an approach developed which attempted to view the Gaon, head of the Palestinian academy, as the head of the Jews in the Fātimid empire. Now, the rise of the headship of the Jews in Egypt was seen in conjunction with the decline of the Yeshiva of Eretz Israel, at the close of the eleventh century. Lately, scholarship has been enriched by the deciphering of two new Geniza documents related to the office of the headship of the Jews which provide an opportunity for a renewed discussion of two central problems. The first touches upon the old question of putting a date to the establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, and the second, following on from the first, concerns the issue of the status of the Gaon of Eretz Israel during the Fatimid administration.
The role of Qur'ān and ḥadīth in the legal controversy about the rights of a divorced woman during her ‘waiting period’ (‘idda)
Authors: Hawting G. R. 
Published: January 2010

In Muslim law one of the topics of dispute which is traced back to some of the earliest authorities, and which persists as a difference between the various madhhabs and sects, concerns the obligations owed by her former husband towards a wife who has been divorced. Schacht attempted a summary of the positions taken in the dispute together with an explanation for them:The Medinese hold that the definitely divorced wife who is not pregnant, can claim from her former husband only lodging during her period of waiting {‘idda); the Iraqians give her also the right to board. The two doctrines are based on two variants of Koran lxv.6, the Medinese on the textus receptus, the Iraqian on the reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd. When the text of Ibn Mas'ūd was superseded in Iraq by the textus receptus during the reign of the Umaiyad caliph ‘Abdalmalik (A.H. 65–86), this basis of the Iraqian doctrine was forgotten, and Abū Ḥanīfa was reduced to justifying it by an arbitrary interpretation of the textus receptus and by a tradition from ‘Umar.
Emperor Menelik's phonograph message to Queen Victoria
Authors: Demoz Abraham 
Published: January 2010

In 1898 Queen Victoria sent a recording of her voice to the Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia and his Queen, Itege Taitu, together with some phonograph apparatus. The following year Menelik and Taitu returned the compliment by making recordings of their voices and sending them to Queen Victoria. The latter recordings have been preserved in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle, but Queen Victoria's recording was later destroyed on her instructions. The text of her message has, however, been preserved and is reproduced here. The message was dated Osborne, 8 August 1898:‘I, Victoria, Queen of England, hope your Majesty is in good health. I thank you for the kind reception which you have given to my Envoys, Mr. Rodd and Mr. Harrington. I wish your Majesty and the Empress Taitou all prosperity and success, and I hope that the friendship between our two Empires will constantly increase’.
Shaykh Bālī-Efendi on the ṣafavidsY
Authors: Minorsky V. 
Published: January 2010

The contents of the document which forms the main subject of the present article are somewhat slender and cannot be appreciated outside the context of the struggles between the Ottomans and the Safavids for the incorporation of the Turkman tribes settled in the territories separating their states. Many points of the situation await further investigation and our summary will be as brief as the complicated subject admits.The home of the Ottoman dynasty was in the north-western corner of Anatolia, but, by the middle of the fourteenth century, the Turks had crossed over to the northern side of the Straits and the Balkan territories became the nursery of the Ottoman empire.
A False Jayhānī
Authors: Minorsky V. 
Published: January 2010

1. Jayhdn¯'s Lost WorkABŪ ‘ABDILLĀH MUḤAMMAD IBN AḤMAD AL-JAYHĀNĪ, who in 302/914 became vazir to the infant Samanid king of Bukhara, was the author of the celebrated geographical work Kitāb al-mas¯lik wal-mamālīk. According to Muqaddasi, this opus magnum was in seven volumes and in it one found incorporated “ the whole of Ibn Khurdādhbih's original work ”. Muqaddasi himself saw it in Fars in ‘Adud al-daula's library. He also saw in Khorasan an abridgment of this geography, one copy of which was attributed to I. Khurdādhbih, and the other (somewhat expanded) to Jayhānī.Jayhānī's work has not come down to us, probably on account of its bulkiness, and we know it only through the references found in numerous authors belonging chiefly to the eastern part of the Islamic world. These quotations—both those acknowledged by the borrowers, and those which are unacknowledged—have been closely scrutinized and now it would seem about time that they should be collected in a special treatise, similar to the theses published on classical authors who are known to us only in excerpts.In 1923, in the library attached to the sanctuary of Mashhad, A. Z. Validi found a new copy of Ibn al-Faqīh's Kitāb al-buldān, more complete than the abridgment which de Goeje published in BGA., v. The discovery in itself was highly interesting and the discoverer published a responsible account of it in 1924. Yet two years later rumors, based on mere hearsay, announced the discovery of the original Jayhani. In point of fact, the Mashhad MS. (212 ff.) proved to contain only the second, and still abridged, part of Ibn al-Faqīh (roughly corresponding to pp. 173–330 of the printed edition), and of Jayhānī the only real news was that in 309/921 Ibn Fadlān was his guest in Bukhara, as recorded in the traveller's own introduction to his journey.
Phonology of the Sinhalese Inscriptions up to the End of the Tenth Century
Authors: Wijeratne P. B. F. 
Published: January 2010

1. GEIGER, in his SghG., § 21, remarks “Vowel-levelling rests on the same tendency of making the vowels of a word uniform as the vowel-assimilation. It is the equalization in two successive syllables of a —i (e) and i (e) —a to e —e, and of a — u (o) and u (o) — a to o — o.”This term “Vowel-levelling ” is redundant, for if this term is to be used it should apply equally well to vowel-assimilation. It is clear that, for instance, a — e: e — e or a — o: o — oisas much vowel-assimilation as, for instance, i — u: u —u or u —i:i —i. It is also difficult to reconcile the fact that a — i, which was shown to become i — i [cf. § 14], or i —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 18], should also become e — e, and again that a —u, which was shown to become u — u [cf. § 15], or u —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 21], should also become o — o. This e —e and o —o are not direct developments in Sgh. but are the result of contaminations which are discussed under the various categories given below, and therefore Geiger's theory of “Vowel-levelling ” falls to the ground. These contaminations are due on the one hand to the influence of loan-words and on the other to the instability in the development of Sk. s and Sk. h in Sgh.
Malay History from Chinese Sources
Authors: Winstedt E. O. 
Published: January 2010

In an article on the Malay Founder of Malacca (Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. xii, pts. 3 and 4, 1948) I used the Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires to advance the view that the Portuguese and Chinese were wrong in failing to identify the Parameswara with Megat Iskandar Shah, the Mukans-autirsha or, better, Mou-wa-kan-sa-yu-li-eul-cha of the Chinese.I suggested that all the evidence went to show they were not father and son but the same ruler with the different titles he bore before and after conversion to Islam, and that this founder of Malacca died in 1424.In a posthumous article in Toung Pao (vol. xxxviii) Paul Pelliot (p. 168) notes the further point (which is not apparent from Groeneveldt's Notes: Essays on Indochina, 2nd ser., vol. 1) that, according to the Ming-chan tsang and Ming Che, Megat Iskandar Shah visited China in 1414 to announce the death of his father and ask for investiture; but that according to the Chou-yu tcheoutseu lou (8,136) and Ming-chan tsang it was in 1419. This discrepancy confirms my doubt as to the accuracy of the Chinese chroniclers, who seem to have construed every Malay visit as an act of homage.Paul Pelliot (p. 169) gives another case where the Chinese sources are obviously inaccurate. The Ming Che (325, 3a-4b) records events of 1474, then of 1481, and continues that “some time after” two envoys Lin Jong and Houang K'ien-heng were sent to invest “the son of the king, Ma-ha-mou-cha” (Groeneveldt's “Mahamusa”).
“Ju-shih Lun” — a logical treatise ascribed to Vasubandhu
Authors: Vassiliev Boris 
Published: January 2010

Chinese scholars have lately devoted considerable attention to the history of Logic in their country, more especially to the history of its Buddhist branch.Hsüen-tsang's school, which was translating and commenting on the Buddhist Canon, drew its attention to the logical literature, issuing a whole series of valuable translations and commentaries. It is to that school, so far as we know, that belongs the first attempt of the Chinese to understand the history of Indian logic. Chinese tradition considersDignāga's system, partly completed by his disciple Śankaraswāmi, to be the final stage in the development of Indian logic. Chinese authors knew nothing of its further development. Logic before Dignaga, according to the Chinese conception of it, was divided into two periods: the first—non-Buddhist period—connected with the name of Akṣapāda, and the second—Buddhist one-connected with that of Vasubandhu.
The Blazons of the “Baptistere de Saint Louis”
Authors: Rice D. S. 
Published: January 2010

The inlaid bronze basin in the Musée du Louvre known as the “ Baptistère de St. Louis ” is generally recognized as a masterpiece of Islamic metalwork. So far, published photographs and drawings have failed to do it justice. Almost the whole surface of the vessel, both outside and inside, is engraved with court-scenes, battles and hunting expeditions set out in harmoniously composed panels and medallions, framed by narrower friezes of beasts of the chase, and enriched with delicately chased silver inlay and gold leaf, in such manner as to allow the bronze to appear only in narrow contours, brought into relief by the use of a black bituminous inlay (Pl. 5).The basin is signed in several places, and one signature, in calligraphic Mamlī, reads “ Work of the Master (al-mu'allim) Muhammad ibn al-Zain ”, but nowhere is the name of the owner of this magnificent vessel to be discovered. Nor is the owner's name given on the only other signed work of the same artist which has come down to us. Neither of these pieces bears the laudatory or benedictory inscriptions so common on Islamic metalwork.Arab biographers rarely regarded outstanding artists, other than calligraphers, as worthy of inclusion in their biographical dictionaries. Their works yield no information about Muhammad ibn al-Zain and therefore none which might lead us to identify his patron. We must adopt a different method if we wish to discover for whom this princely vessel was originally made.The earliest European reference to this basin appears to be an entry in Piganiol de la Force's Description de Paris, published in 1742.
Irano-Indica III
Authors: Bailey H. W. 
Published: January 2010

1. śāra-IN BSOAS 13. 130–1 I pointed out the Indian manaraǵa- ‘ boy ‘, attested only by the pluralmanarein Niya Kharoṣṭhī, as a bye-form of the Indian māṇava- (with -ka)‘ Brahman boy ’. I noted too that the Kharoṣṭhī word gave the explanation of the Agnean manark ‘ Brahman boy ’, of which the meaning made an Indian origin plausible. I pointed also to Niya kaṣara, corresponding to Central Indian kaṣāya- ‘ yellow robe ‘, whose connexion with Agnean kāṣār is now well-known.That recognition of the Middle Indian influence in Central Asia is most important can, I think, be shown also in connexion with another word, familiar in just such Buddhist texts as were brought into Central Asia by Buddhist communities. It is decidedly necessary to search out all such intrusive Indian material before the vocabularies of Central Asian languages can be used for wider purposes, historīcal or linguistic in Indo-European comparative grammar. And such material is itself of great importance for the history of Indian culture in Central Asia. Naturally it is in cultural, specifically Buddhist, terms that the Indian element is most prominent.The word I propose to consider here is attested in Sanskrit śāṭa-s, śāṭaka-s, -m, śāṭtī, śāṭīkā ‘ piece of cloth, garment’, snāna-śāṭaka- ‘ bathing robe ’,śiraḥśāṭaka- ‘ head-cloth ’, well known in Central Indian literature. Beside the Brahmanical literature we have in Jaina books, Ovavāiya-sutta 54 s¯ṭiya-; Antagaṭa-dasāo (translation L. D. Barnett, p. 67) sāṭaa-; and Ratnachandraji gives in his Ardḥamāgadhī Dictionary sāṭa- ‘ garment’, sāṭaga-, sāṭaa- ‘ upper garment’, sāṭī ‘ garment’, sāṭiyā ‘ upper garment worn by ladies ’, sāṭilla- ‘ silken garment’, sāṭollaya-‘ upper garment’.