bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Le modèle économique cistercien et son application pratique en Bohême
Authors: Charvatova Katefina 
Published: February 2012

Cet article traite de l'économie cistercienne en Bohême avant 1250. L'essentiel des revenus de ces abbayes repose  dès leur fondation  sur la perception de rentes (droits seigneuriaux en argent, produits et services). Outre cela, les abbayes ont constitué progressivement leurs propres réserves (manses) gérées sous forme de fermes abbatiales. Toutes les abbayes se sont employées au développement de ces deux secteurs de leur économie ; cette bipolarité semble caractériser les monastères cisterciens de Bohème.
On discerne l'influence du modèle cistercien dans le développement de l'économie seigneuriale (même si elle n'a jamais constitué l'unique source de revenus monastiques) et dans l'introduction du concept de grange (ferme gérée par la main d'oeuvre abbatiale)  avec toutefois certaines adaptations au milieu bohémien.
Homo angelorum decimus ordo
Authors: Pont Jeanne-Marie 
Published: February 2012

Cette étude porte sur un témoin anglo-saxon — fourni par la Genèse du ms. Junius XI de la Bodleian Library à Oxford, écrite en idiome vernaculaire — de la tradition exégétique qui lie le motif de la chute des anges à celui de la création de l'homme.
Nous nous sommes attachés en premier lieu à donner une lecture détaillée de l'illustration de la page 9 du manuscrit qui présente le retrait de la côte d'Adam et l'animation d'Eve, en présence d'une cohorte de dix anges. Nous avons cherché ensuite à cerner les références du texte, propres à étayer la proposition iconographique de la page 9.
Les notations des XIIe-XIIIe s. et leur transcription. Difficultés d'interprétation
Authors: Lütolf Max 
Published: February 2012

Les tentatives d'interprétation des notations des XIIe et XIIIe s. se heurtent toujours aux limites de la compréhension et de la transposition technique en notation moderne. Les problèmes sémiologiques apparaissent dès que l'on s'interroge sur les intentions du copiste. Il ne s'agit donc pas uniquement d'une explication des signes eux-mêmes, mais aussi d'une interprétation de ce qui n'est pas écrit.
La présente étude situe quelques cas dans un tel complexe de questions et elle les commente en comparant des transcriptions modernes et des affirmations des théoriciens du moyen âge.
Le thème épigraphique de la porte
Authors: Favreau Robert 
Published: February 2012

La porte est un lieu privilégié de rencontre dans l'Ancien Testament et tout au long du moyen âge.
servi de support aux inscriptions dont on voulait assurer la meilleure publicité. Entrée de l'église, elle fait l'objet de grands soins et des inscriptions en rappellent les commanditaires.
La porte de l'église ouvre sur la « maison de Dieu » qui est « porte du ciel ». Les inscriptions s'inspirent ici de la vision de Jacob (Gn, 28, 10-22) et de la liturgie de dédicace.
L'église est « maison de prière » et lieu de paix pour le fidèle, invité à y entrer avec des
sentiments de pénitence.
Surtout la porte est le Christ lui-même, ce que reprennent de nombreuses inscriptions. Marie, porte ouverte pour la venue du Christ mais ensuite fermée, est aussi « porte du ciel ».
Les façades des églises romanes de Provence
Authors: Thirion Jacques 
Published: February 2012

The influence of the triumphal arch of Antiquity on the organisation of Romanesque façades in Provence has often been overrated. The three doorway type, like that at Saint-Gilles, is actually quite exceptionnal. The façade of Saint-Trophime at Arles reduces this outrageous composition to one doorway. The only scheme really inspired by a triumphal arch, is the small, entirely architectural and modest façade of the priory of Val des Nymphes at La Garde Adhémar.
More general references to an antique heritage are to be found in the use of friezes (cathedral of Nîmes), although these are not notably reserved for western façades, as in the use of doorways flanked by columns and surmounted by gables (Le Thor). This type of doorway can either stand out from a very sober wall (Aix), or be incorporated into a more complex composition (Saint-Gabriel).
The façades are all the more simple in so far as they rarely have a porch (Notre-Dame-des-Doms at Avignon). Indeed the principal doorway is often to be found on the south side of the building (Tarascon, Saint-Restitut). On the Eastern border of Provence, a lean-too porch comprised of an arch set between half arches and against buttresses is preferred (cathedrals of Sisteron and Digne).
In fact, many different formulae are used in the conception of Romanesque in façades of Provence. Very little sculpture is employed. Differences in treatment can sometimes be explained by the history of a monument itself. The plain façade of the cathédral of Cavaillon, for example, is quite simply a fragment of the XIth century building. The short narthex of Saint-Trophime at Arles is the result of similar circumstances.
Vigeois (Corrèze) : un ensemble de chapiteaux historiés en Bas-Limousin
Authors: Proust Evelyne 
Published: February 2012

The Romanesque church at Vigeois (Limousin) has a number of carved column capitals which depict scenes from the life of Christ with particular emphasis laid on public events related in the Gospels (Temptation in the wilderness, story of Zacchaeus, miracle scene.) The good Samaritan and Dives and Lazarus parables are illustrated on a further fîve capitals.
Analysis of iconographical and stylistic elements prompts an estimate of their date of origin as the second quarter of the Xllth century. The same analysis provided evidence indicating that the work was carried out by one of the smaller secondary workshops from the Languedoc region which sprang up in South West France alongside the major sites at Moissac and Toulouse.
Modalisation et narrativité dans les chansons d'Audefroi le Bâtard
Authors: Armes Dominique 
Published: February 2012

The theory of narrativity developped by A. J. Greimas was applied to the chansons of Audefroi le Bâtard, using a computer glossary of the vocabulary of the chansons that provided the context of every word. The dominant role played by modal verbs indicates that the I-enunciator, which is a virtualized semiotic subject (i.e. endowed with wanting- and/or having-to do) of a base narrative program JOY, never becomes a competent subject (i.e. endowed with the actualizing modalities being-able and/or knowing), since the delegated sender Dame refuses to give her sanction to the instrumental narrative program SINGING (CHANT). Thus the underlying model of the chansons is a non-resolution scheme according to which the confrontation of two universes of values (immanent and transcendent) is neutralized, since the moment when the stake is assigned is indefinitely postponed.
This neutral yet reassuring scheme might be considered homologous to the contemporaneous historico-cultural model during the XIIth century and the beginning of the XIIIth century, when local power in Arras was the object of bargaining between two major collective actants, with the result that a temporary static situation was attained in which neither actant was able to emerge victorious.
La sculpture de la cathédrale de Pampelune et sa répercussion sur l'art roman navarrais
Authors: Melero Moneo Maria Luisa 
Published: February 2012

Nous étudions ici les vestiges sculptés du cloître roman disparu de la cathédrale de Pampelune, considérés comme le premier exemple achevé du renouveau sculptural dans le royaume de Navarre et influencés par le Chemin de pèlerinage.
Après avoir évoqué, comme il se doit, les sources documentaires connues, les chapiteaux figuratifs sont étudiés du point de vue iconographique et, au regard de leurs aspects formels, les différents artistes sont identifiés, c'est-à-dire que l'œuvre du maître est distinguée de celle de ses élèves. C'est ainsi qu'on établit une filiation française avec l'atelier de la Porte de Saint-Pierre de Moissac. En dernier lieu et en fonction de cette influence la chronologie des vestiges sculpturaux du cloître est établie vers 1130/40 et une partie de la sculpture de San Martin de Artaiz (Navarre) est identifiée comme dépendant directement de l'atelier de sculpture du cloître de Pampelune.
Milites et barones
Authors: Van Luyn Pierre 
Published: February 2012

This study is based on a comparison of two lists of testimonies dating from 1097, recorded in the Abbey of La Trinité at Vendôme. The following conclusions are drawn from it :
— Towards the end of the llth century, the milites begin to manifest themselves as a separate group in society.
— Within this group there are several socially distinct levels ; most conspicuous among them are the relatively better-off landowners, often to be found near counts or mighty chastellans, but retaining a certain independence.
— From 1070 onwards the term barones is sometimes used to refer to them, more particularly in some cartularia, especially in those circumstances when they act as judges. After the first quarter of the 12th century the term is soon running out of fashion. — The term milites remains in current use, retaining its signification of social category, characterized by openness and internal mobility.
Centralisation et histoire sociale : remarques sur l'Inquisitio Vicecomitum de 1170
Authors: Beauroy Jacques 
Published: February 2012

Administrative centralization and specialization are distinctive features of the Angevin monarchs in England (XIth-XIIIth c).
The Exchequer had control over sheriffs who were subjected to annual audits. The Inquest of Sheriffs of 1170 was a sort of general inspection of all royal officers. The possessions of the Earl of Arundel in Norfolk were studied in this way. The exactions of manorial or episcopal officers are denounced. One can also perceive the distinctive economic growth of the second half of the XIIth c.
The burghers of Worcester complain about the sums they had to pay. They refer, as in many other examples, to the more equitable state of affairs prevalent during Henry I's reign.
The "clean sweep" among sheriffs between Easter and Michaelmas of 1170 is more symbolic than real, but it does symbolize in the long run the change of sheriffs from local magnates to officers of the Exchequer less closely connected with the counties by property. Many such replacements had already occurred in the early 60s, and fewer and fewer earls were appointed sheriffs, which nonetheless does not mean that their influence dwindled in any way. So there seems to be a general tendency — with a complex social background — for sheriffs to become more professional, and more aware of the needs of the Exchequer, but the new appointees remain closely connected with their local property, relations and interests.
L'avènement au pouvoir d'Henri II
Authors: Chibnall Marjorie 
Published: February 2012

À la mort d'Henri Ier, sa fille l'impératrice Mathilde entre en Normandie et prend possession des châteaux forts de sa dot. Elle traverse la Manche en 1139 pour revendiquer la couronne d'Angleterre et après sa victoire à Lincoln sur son rival Etienne, elle prend le titre de domina Anglorum, qui semble un premier degré lui permettant d'accéder au trône, plus qu'un titre de régence au nom de son fils, qui n'est jamais mentionné dans les actes avant juillet 1141. Henri, âgé de neuf ans, va en Angleterre avec son oncle Robert de Gloucester, qui le fait éduquer à sa cour de Bristol.
De son côté, Geoffroi, duc de Normandie jure uxoris, agit explicitement comme régent de son fils. Rappelé en Anjou en 1144, le jeune Henri est associé au gouvernement de son père. En 1147, il prend l'initiative d'une campagne en Angleterre qui échoue et il doit faire appel à Etienne, son ennemi (et son oncle), pour financer son retour en Normandie. Pour se faire remettre les armes de chevalier par David, roi d'Ecosse, il traverse à nouveau l'Angleterre en évitant Etienne, et il est à son retour investi du duché de Normandie, puis peu après de l'Anjou à la mort de son père en 1150. Il a fort à faire pour maintenir sa position et ce n'est qu'après son mariage avec Aliénor d'Aquitaine en 1152 qu'il peut repartir en Angleterre, où il compte faire prévaloir ses droits tout en gardant de bonnes relations avec l'Église. Il gagne aussi à sa cause Robert de Leicester. Plus que son expédition de 1153, c'est la mort du fils d'Etienne qui amène ce dernier à se réconciler avec Henri dont il fait son successeur, avant de mourir moins d'un an après.
Dans la lutte pour l'accession au trône, Henri avait déjà manifesté ses qualités d'adaptation aux coutumes et dans le choix des hommes.
Mentalités anglaises au temps d'Henri II Plantagenêt d'après les Proverbs of Alfred
Authors: Crépin André 
Published: February 2012

The Proverbs of Alfred are known through four mss of the XlIIth c. and are attributed to Alfred, king of Wessex (871-899). Being echoed in The Owl and the Nightingale, they were probably written during Henry's reign.
The text is made of stanzas which provide political and ethical advice : the duties of earls, barons and knights, the attitude to have towards friends, women, etc. There is in one MS an explicit parallel with King Solomon and, interestingly, William of Newburgh also draws a parallel between Henry II and Solomon. Alfred's influence remains important, witness the copies made of his translations in the Xth-XIIth c. and reference is made to his proverbs by Aelred of Rievaulx and the Winchester Chronicle.
The general attitude is one of distrust, which is typical of a time of feuds between close relatives. And also the advice to share riches partakes of the early medieval image of the lord (as opposed to the tyrant). The likelihood of Alfred's authorship dwindles as the text unfolds. Yet the attribution is more than mere convenience. Some evidence points to Alfredian inspiration, e.g. the parallelism between wisdom and riches, or the importance of being able to read.
Alfred's influence, not superseded yet by that of Arthur, is still felt in the Proverbs as it was in the mentalities of Henry II's time.
La confrontation Becket-Henri II comme paradigme historique
Authors: Marc'Hadour Germain 
Published: February 2012

The parallel between the two Thomases confronted with two Henrys, bridging the gap of four centuries of history, has struck historians as well as playwrights. The striking feature of the murder perpetrated on December 29th, 1170 is that the Christian martyr was being persecuted not by an enemy of Christianity, but by a monarch anointed and supported by archbishop Theobald.
The parallel was no coincidence, since Thomas Becket's shrine in Canterbury was destroyed by Henry VIII in 1538. And Thomas, as a given name, then became very frequent and a feature of Englishmen (e. g. as described by Rabelais in Pantagruel) until the Reformation. Though the name is not so frequent now (or precisely because of that), the author of Murder in the Cathedral is likely to have been aware of the historical impact of his first name.
Thomas More himself wrote that he "longed to go to God [...] tomorrow for it is St Thomas' Even", and the parallel with Becket was made explicit by his son-in-law, William Roper and his biographer, Thomas Stapleton.
Another such parallel may be drawn apropos of Pius VI and the French National Assembly of 1790. The Pope's brief addressed to the French bishops mentions the perfect resemblance between the attitude of the Assembly and that of Henry II (about the oath required of the bishops, the confiscation of property, the refusal to consider the bishops' distinction between temporal power and spiritual authority).
In spite of the differences between the two martyrs, similarities predominate (their social origin, their education as lawyers, their influence on monarchs some 12 to 15 years younger).
Proverbes anglo-normands : tradition insulaire ou héritage européen?
Authors: Schulze-Busacker Elisabeth 
Published: February 2012

Although even a proverb is only a proverb for a certain period of time, bound to an historical context that is demonstrated in proverb collections but is of little importance to those engaged in paremiological research, we should be able to be more precise about the terms of its existence. From this point of view, an examination of the vernacular proverbs found in three types of documents dating from 1150 to 1350, originating in the British and Channel Isles (including the costal region of Normandy), and written in Norman French or Anglo-Norman, is revealing.
In the first place, there exists a clear parallelism between the development of proverb tradition on the one hand and literary tradition on the other. Thus, the translation of Salomon's Proverbs in Sanson de Nantuil's version (c. 1150) reflects the transitional phase between the medieval Latin tradition and the emerging vernacular one. A second group of texts, comprising Anglo-Norman romances and tales dating from 1150 to 1250, attests to the fluctuating fortunes of the Proverbes au vilain. Contrasting with this, the third type of documents, in particular Jean de Saint Martin's Vie du Bienheureux Thomas Elie de Biville (c. 1340), belongs to a proverb tradition arising from its own historical, geographical and intellectual context.
Et magnae silvae creverunt... Observations sur le thème du rinceau peuplé dans l'orfèvrerie et l'ivoirerie liturgiques aux époques ottonienne et romane
Authors: Caillet Jean-Pierre 
Published: February 2012

In Bernward's liturgical candlesticks at Hildesheim as in Abbot Peter's one at Gloucester or in the Trivulzio candelabrum of Milano, inhabited scroll theme appears having been used to express human destiny (Fall and Redemption). With some variations, other items belonging to the same period beetween the year 1000 and about 1200 also seem to convey this notion. Such an iconography is first explained by drawing back to its paleochristian and early medieval sources.
But it is then necessary to examine doctrinal basis likely to have, during Romanesque period itself, conditioned a metaphorical use of inhabited scroll. Neo-platonician tradition takes here an important position, as do some speculations which insist on negative role of the forest (for instance by Hildegard of Bingen) ; meanings of the word silva must also be considered. A mental background is then defîned, and the nuances it includes are well enough connected to those in formulations of our theme. Moreover, this preoccupation of embracing the universe with all its components and duration is manifested in our items just as it is in monumental programs ; and the seemingly marginal developments which scrolls are composing may then also carry about an essential part of the message.
L'architecture préromane et romane au château royal de Cracovie
Authors: Pianowski Zbigniew 
Published: February 2012

Les plus anciennes parties du château de Cracovie, construites en pierre, datent de la première monarchie des Piast (de la fin du Xe s. aux années 30 du XIe s.). À ce jour, ont été découverts les vestiges de trois rotondes (une à quatre absides, dite de la Sainte-Vierge, une à deux absides, dite de l'église « B », une à une seule abside), la partie inférieure du cellarium au sommet de la colline du Wawel, ainsi que quelques fragments de murs des basiliques romanes (cathédrale et église Saint-Géréon). Les bâtiments préromans, mentionnés ci- dessus ont probablement fait partie du palais, de la cathédrale et du village aux multiples fonctions, situé au centre et dans la partie ouest de la colline.
Vers le milieu du XIe s., on a commencé à élever les bâtiments romans : le palais ducal avec la grande salle de réception, l'église palatine Saint-Géréon, ainsi qu'une rotonde à tribune occidentale située à l'extrémité sud de la colline. A l'époque de transition entre le XIe et le XIIe s., on a construit la cathédrale romane, agrandi le palais ducal et élevé la tour de défense carrée.
Outre les bâtiments mentionnés ci-dessus, le Wawel abritait deux églises du premier âge gothique (Saint- Michel et Saint-Georges), le manoir des évêques de Cracovie et le monastère de chanoines. Ces constructions, l'église Saint-Michel exceptée, ne sont pas encore localisées du point de vue archéologique. Aux XIIIe et XIVe s., la plupart des bâtiments préromans et romans ont été démolis et remplacés par des bâtiments gothiques.
Frequency of local, regional, and long‐distance dispersal of diploid and tetraploidSaxifraga oppositifolia(Saxifragaceae) to Arctic glacier forelands
Authors: Müller Eike , Eidesen Pernille Bronken , Ehrich Dorothee , Alsos Inger Greve 
Published: February 2012

•Premise of the Study:Climate change forces many species to migrate. Empirical small‐scale data on migration and colonization in the Arctic are scarce. Retreating glaciers provide new territory for cold‐adapted plant species, but the genetic consequences depend on dispersal distances and frequencies. We estimated local, regional, and long‐distance dispersal frequencies, as well as their effect on levels of genetic diversity, in diploid and tetraploid individuals ofSaxifraga oppositifolia.•Methods:Samples were collected in four aged moraines in each of three glacier forelands, in surrounding areas and reference populations in the Arctic archipelago Svalbard. These samples were analyzed for neutral amplified fragment length polymorphisms (AFLPs,n= 707) and ploidy levels (n= 30).•Key Results:Genetic clustering and ploidy analyses revealed two distinct genetic groups representing diploids and tetraploids, with few intermediate triploids. The groups were intermixed in most sampled populations. No differences in genetic diversity were found between tetraploids and diploids, or between established and glacier foreland populations. Seeds were dispersed over local, regional, and long distances, with the highest proportions of seeds originating from close sources. A minimum of 4–15 founding individuals from several source populations had initially established in each glacier foreland.•Conclusions:Our data suggest thatS. oppositifoliacan rapidly colonize new deglaciated areas without losing genetic diversity. Thus, glacier forelands can be alternative habitats for cold‐adapted vascular plants tracking their climatic niche. Our data show no difference in colonization success between diploid and tetraploid individuals.
Isolation and characterization of 36 polymorphic microsatellite markers in Schima superba (Theaceae)
Authors: Niu Hong‐Yu , Li Xiao‐Yi , Ye Wan‐Hui , Wang Zheng‐Feng , Cao Hong‐Lin , Wang Zhang‐Ming 
Published: February 2012

• Premise of the study: Our objective was to develop microsatellite markers to investigate the level of genetic diversity within and among populations in a dominant evergreen broad‐leaved tree, Schima superba, in southern China.• Methods and Results: Thirty‐six microsatellite markers were developed and showed polymorphism in three populations. The number of alleles per locus ranged from six to 34, with an average of 19. The observed and expected heterozygosities ranged from 0.242 to 1.000 and from 0.504 to 0.945, respectively.• Conclusions: The developed microsatellites will be useful for studying genetic diversity and population structure in S. superba.
The Strategy of a Belgian multiple grocer: Delhaize Le Lion, 1867-1940. An essay in comparative retailing history
Authors: Van Den Eeckhout Patricia , Scholliers Peter 
Published: February 2012

Résumé Une comparaison internationale fondée sur des archives très riches éclaire les voies multiples de la grande distribution. En Grande-Bretagne les maisons d’alimentation à succursales multiples servaient comme clientèle principale les ouvriers avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Elles y parvenaient grâce à une gamme limitée de produits et des coûts et des services réduits au minimum. Dans l’entre-deux-guerres la concurrence passa des prix au service. En Belgique, est-ce que le détaillant à succursales multiples Delhaize a suivi la même trajectoire ? L’entreprise familiale Delhaize-Le Lion a commencé son activité en 1867, connu une expansion rapide et acquis ses propres usines et marques et un réseau de distribution national. Avant comme après la Première Guerre mondiale, il s’avère que Delhaize a ciblé une clientèle hétérogène, ce qui l’a amené à porter ses efforts à la fois sur les prix et le service 1 .