bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Tuning Array Morphology for High‐Strength Carbon‐Nanotube Fibers
Authors: Zheng Lianxi , Sun Gengzhi , Zhan Zhaoyao 
Published: November 2009

AbstractVertically aligned carbon‐nanotube arrays are synthesized by chemical vapor deposition. Carbon‐nanotube fibers are directly spun from the obtained nanotube arrays and then tested mechanically. A strong correlation between the array morphologies and the mechanical properties of the fibers is observed: well‐aligned arrays yield fibers with much higher performance, while wavy and entangled arrays give poor fiber properties. More importantly, such array morphologies could be controlled by introducing hydrogen or oxygen during the nanotube synthesis. By simply switching the growth condition from 150 ppm oxygen addition to 2% hydrogen addition, the nanotube array changes from the wavy morphology to the well‐aligned morphology, and correspondingly the tensile strength of the resultant fibers could be increased by 4.5 times, from 0.29 GPa for the fibers spun from the oxygen‐assistance‐grown nanotube arrays to 1.3 GPa for the fibers spun from the hydrogen‐assistance‐grown nanotube arrays. The detailed effects of hydrogen and oxygen on the nanotube growth, especially on the growth rate and the array spinnability, are extensively studied. The formation mechanism of the different morphologies of the nanotube arrays and the failure mechanism of the nanotube fibers are also discussed in detail.
Size‐Selective Effects on Fullerene Adsorption by Nanoporous Molecular Networks
Authors: Shen Yong‐Tao , Deng Ke , Zeng Qing‐Dao , Wang Chen 
Published: November 2009

AbstractA new hierarchical self‐assembling molecular template, which can size‐selectively immobilize fullerene molecules, is reported. The molecular template is fabricated from 1,3,5‐tris(10‐carboxydecyloxy)benzene (TCDB) and triangle‐shaped macrocycles. It is observed that the two‐dimensional hydrogen‐bonded achiral TCDB network affected by the 3NN‐Macrocycle becomes a chiral network. Host and guest molecules both form chiral arrangements with hexagonal empty pores. In addition, fullerenes and other molecules such as coronene can be entrapped in the empty pores or on the 3NN‐Macrocycle molecules. The adsorption constant (K) is estimated, from which it is concluded that the different filling behaviors of the fullerenes are associated with the different sizes of the guest species. This method provides a facile approach to molecularly designed surfaces and the study of fullerene molecular arrays on the single‐molecule level.
Ideology and Institutions in North America
Authors: Finbow Robert 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe orthodox view that Canada's ideological tradition is more supportive of an active state cannot explain earlier innovations in social and labour policy in the United States. A neo-pluralist and neo-institutionalist synthesis is used to contrast these nations. Organic ideologies of labour, agrarian, business and professional groups reveal no consistent national differences in support for state action. Initial state interventions were similar and limited. But institutional development occurred in different contexts, producing more effective executive leadership in Canada. American policy was constrained by the Congress, with its opportunities for blocking, and by inadequate executive power. Frustration with inaction plus greater social well-being reduced demands in the US for state action. Canada's institutions allowed more creative policy and fostered greater support for state action, especially where the weak economy exacted costs on social groups. But constitutional change could replicate American gridlock, and reduce the capacity for new state action.
Parliamentary Careers in the Canadian Federal State
Authors: Barrie Doreen , Gibbins Roger 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe authors examine the political career paths followed by the 3,803 individuals who served in the House of Commons and/or Senate between 1867 and 1984 inclusive. Given Joseph Schlesinger's argument that career patterns significantly affect political integration in federal states, particular attention is paid to the provincial experience of national parliamentarians, and to variations in that experience over time and across regions. The data show that national recruitment from provincial legislatures has declined over time, and is particularly uncommon in Ontario and Quebec. Overall, the structure of political careers in Canada is bifurcated rather than integrated; politicians do not move through the ranks but rather face a choice between provincial or national careers.
The Recall of Past Partisanship: Feeble Memories or Frail Concepts?
Authors: MacDermid R. H. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIt has been suggested that recall questions are unreliable measures of change in party identification. Data reported in this article confirm that 50 per cent of respondents in the 1974-1980 Canadian National Election Study three-wave panel had inconsistent patterns of recall. This finding urges caution in analysis; more importantly, such inconsistency raises questions about how to interpret recall behaviour in the light of party identification theory. The available evidence and unclear theory seem to point toward the possibility that at least one-half of the national sample lacked a meaningful federal party identification.
Economic Performance and Retrospective Voting in Canadian Federal Elections
Authors: Happy J. R. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis study examines the retrospective economic voting model for Canadian federal elections, 1930 through 1979. The analysis shows that change in personal or disposable income has a significant, direct impact on incumbency voting while inflation enters the voting calculus indirectly, as a (partial) deflator of nominal income, and unemployment has no effect. Disposable income is a better predictor of incumbency voting than is personal income, nominal income variables predict better than real values and variability in income performance is negatively related to incumbency voting. The study concludes that voter attribution of responsibility for income performance is focussed and specific, income stability as well as income growth are demanded through incumbency voting, and voters are affected by money illusion.
The Nature and Scope of Provincial Autonomy: Oliver Mowat, the Quebec Resolutions and the Construction of theBritish North America Act
Authors: Romney Paul 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIn the 1930s, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was criticized for allegedly perverting the meaning of theBritish North America Actand the intentions of its framers. This notion persists, partly because its historiographical basis—the idea that the Fathers of Confederation envisaged a dominant federal government—remains substantially intact. To the Ontario Reformers, however, the Confederation agreement had not established federal dominance. On the contrary, it had implemented the broad claims to local autonomy which Reformers had been advancing ever since the 1820s. And while those claims rested on a legally heterodox conception of colonial constitutional status, the BNA Act gave legal effect to that conception as applied to federal-provincial relations. This allowed Oliver Mowat to do what earlier Reform leaders could not have done: enforce the local claims in court.
Comparative Analysis of Federal High Courts: A Political Theory of Judicial Review
Authors: Bzdera André 
Published: November 2009

AbstractConstitutionalists and political scientists often claim that federal high courts are neutral and impartial arbiters of federalism disputes. However, analysis of the political impact of nine federal high courts on the division of powers clearly indicates that such courts are best characterized as centralist and nationalist. This is largely the result of the strong institutional factors that link the federal high court to the political institutions of the central government, notably the process by which federal judges are appointed. The political theory of federalism must thus be modified to take into account the centralist function of judicial review.
Rationality, Romanticism and the Individual: Max Weber's “Modernism” and the Confrontation with “Modernity”
Authors: Koch Andrew M. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractMax Weber's writings convey a tension between a commitment to Enlightenment rationalism and a romanticism that was largely shaped under the influence of the “Sturm und Drang.” The tension is represented in the claims that modernity unleashes forces that erode the spontaneous, creative elements of human life. This study argues that Weber has correctly identified some of the problematic substance of modernism, but that he failed to explore alternative sets of assumptions by which the modernist paradigm could be critiqued. As a result, Weber was forced to see the world as a place full of bifurcated conflicts between such elements as: reason/emotion, modern/traditional, science/mysticism. This epistemological framework led Weber to the pessimistic conclusions about the fate of humanity in the modern world.
Perceived Party Choice and Class Voting
Authors: Lambert Ronald D. , Curtis James E. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.
The Rise of the Lougheed Conservatives and the Demise of Social Credit in Alberta: A Reconsideration
Authors: Bell Edward 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIn 1971, Peter Lougheed's Conservatives put an end to the long rule of the Social Credit party in Alberta. Many accounts maintain that large-scale social change that occurred in the province as a result of the postwar oil boom was responsible for this important change of government. Urbanization, in particular the expansion of the urban middle classes, secularization and increasing wealth are often cited as the primary causes of Social Credit's downfall. This article challenges this popular interpretation, arguing instead that short-term factors such as leadership, contemporaneous issues and campaign organization better explain the Conservative triumph. Also challenged is the larger claim that election outcomes may be determined by matters beyond anyone's control.
“Media Intrusion” and the Changing Nature of the Established Parties in Australia and Canada
Authors: Ward Ian 
Published: November 2009

AbstractMedia intrusion theory holds that the advent of electronic media, especially television, has accelerated or even precipitated party decline. This is evidently borne out by the declining membership of, and weakening support for, the two major Australian parties which each enthusiastically embraced new forms of political communication. However, “media intrusion” has arguably strengthened rather than weakened Canada's already frail brokerage parties. This different experience may be explained by the dissimilar legislative, federal and media environments in which Canadian and Australian political parties operate. Curiously, although the new forms of political communication have had different impacts, these have triggered changes in Australian political parties which have increased their resemblance to their Canadian counterparts.
Political Party, Political Philosophy and Feminism: A Case Study of the Female and Male Candidates in the 1989 Quebec General Election
Authors: Tremblay Manon 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article investigates whether the entry of a greater number of women into the political arena could transform gender relations. The opinions of female and male New Democratic, Liberal and Parti québécois candidates in the 1989 Quebec general election were polled, in order to clarify three main questions: Do the female candidates polled have opinions favourable to feminist demands? Do female and male candidates have the same opinions with respect to these demands? Do political party and political philosophy influence the opinions of each sex on feminist demands? The results show that, generally speaking, women have higher scores on a feminist index than men. More specifically, this gap between women and men varies in accordance with the thematics of feminism, and with political party and political philosophy.
The State, Organized Interests and Canadian Agricultural Trade Policy: The Impact of Institutions
Authors: Skogstad Grace 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article examines the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the objective of explaining the inclusion of agriculture in the FTA, the negotiation process surrounding the FTA and the outcomes with respect to agricultural commodities. It departs from both the systemic and state-centred models which have dominated Canadian foreign economic policy to argue that, while developments in the international trading system are important factors in explaining Canada's decision to pursue the FTA, the negotiation process and outcomes of the FTA are importantly accounted for in terms of domestic institutions: specifically, state-societal linkages in combination with federal structures. Evidence that the autonomy and capacity of national trade officials was constrained throughout the negotiation process and in terms of the FTA provisions regarding agricultural commodities requires a re-formulation of foreign economic policy-making that links it to the domestic institutional context. Within the latter, the sub-national governments, in combination with durable state-group policy networks, are important factors.
Concepts of Solidarity in the Political Theory of Hannah Arendt
Authors: Reshaur Ken 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article has two objectives: one is to distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt; the other is to show how Arendt's respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified. The first concept of solidarity is exclusive solidarity. It is limited to those who are suffering from exploitation or oppression. The second conception of solidarity is inclusive: it includes those who suffer but can also accommodate those who make common cause with them. This is the only kind of solidarity that Arendt specifically analyzes. A third concept of solidarity is universal: its proximate constituent parts are the different “peoples” who collectively make up humankind. Finally, there is natural solidarity. This variety of solidarity, the author argues, is conceptually inadequate and confused. In the development and articulation of each of these four concepts, some attention is given to the relative contributions of emotion and cognition in determining one's understanding of solidarity.
Parties and Candidate Selection in the 1988 Canadian General Election
Authors: Erickson Lynda , Carty R. K. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article explores candidate selection in Canadian political parties with a particular focus on the basic processes involved and the character of the candidates they produce. After a review of the popular conventional wisdom the article reports the results of the first systematic nation-wide study of nomination processes in local constituency party associations (carried out at the time of the 1988 general election). Despite democratic forms, competition for party nominations continues to be the exception rather than the norm and national party interests are only weakly articulated.
The Judicialization of Canadian Environmental Policy, 1980–1990: A Test of the Canada-United States Convergence Thesis
Authors: Howlett Michael 
Published: November 2009

AbstractObservers of the development and evolution of Canadian environmental policy have noted evidence of what appears to be a pattern of lagged emulation of United States environmental initiatives by Canadian authorities. The record of recent Canadian court activities in the area of environmental assessments is cited as evidence that Canadian environmental policy is converging with that of the US. Other commentators, however, have failed to observe the increase in litigation required to justify the convergence hypothesis. Using evidence gleaned from a database of over 150 Canadian superior court decisions on the environment between 1980 and 1989, this article finds little evidence of a systematic pattern of convergence in the judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, and suggests that the reasons for this lie in the different institutional and constitutional structures which define the roles and relationship of the judiciary, legislators and administrative agencies in each country.
Les « écrits de jeunesse » de Max Weber: l'histoire agraire, le nationalisme et les paysans
Authors: Paré Jean-Rodrigue 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe 50 texts which make up Max Weber's “Early Writings” have been largely ignored by analysts of his works. Yet there are important differences between Weber's positions in those texts and the more familiar positions he exposed later. In the Early Writings, there is a nearly complete absence of epistemological preoccupations on themes which will later become central. One also notes the essential primacy of the political sphere over the scientific, in the form of the German Nation's transcendence as the condition for the protection of ethical ideals. This article argues that Weber's nationalist aggressiveness in his Early Writings is conditioned by the relative poverty of their theoretical basis.
The Problem of Dirty Hands in Politics: Peace in the Vegetable Trade
Authors: Sutherland S. L. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractMost treatments of the problem of dirty hands in politics assume that merely holding a position of great political power will require a political actor to violate important moral standards. They assume that the successful political leader must inevitably be morally corrupted by the iniquitous choices that must inevitably be made, and, further, that this casts a shadow upon political life as a moral enterprise. This article argues, instead, that the conventional dirty hands problem is not particularly significant and that a much more serious test of the moral quality of public life in a given polity is how it makes its arrangements for formal public retrospection upon and judgment of the inevitable episodes of unwise, intemperate or immoral political action by leaders. In short, it is the deliberate corruption of democracy that should attract our scrutiny, not the condition of the soul of the supra-ethical or maverick leader.
New Forms of Political Representation: European Ecological Politics and the Montreal Citizen's Movement
Authors: Thomas Timothy 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIn his examinations of the ecological parties of Belgium and West Germany, Herbert Kitschelt argues that he has found a new form of political representation that defies patterns of behaviour outlined for political parties by all previous scholarly work. These parties, which Kitschelt calls “left-libertarian,” are unique because they lack the organizational structures common to traditional parties, and include in their membership constituencies that are normally more comfortable in social movements. This article compares the political platforms of these parties and the sociological characteristics of their activists with those of the Montreal Citizen's Movement (MCM) and concludes that the MCM is indeed a left-libertarian party. However, an examination of the MCM reveals that although Kitschelt has found a new form of political representation in the left-libertarian party, this new form does not actually defy the developmental patterns outlined by the classical studies of political parties.
Burkean “Descriptions” and Political Representation: A Reappraisal
Authors: Williams Melissa S. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe theoretical literature on representation tends to read the work of Edmund Burke as a defence of a functional-corporatist conception of society, in which the groups relevant for political representation are stable and objective economic “interests” whose cooperation in and contribution to the life of nation and empire are essential for the status of Britain as a pre-eminent commercial power. This article presents an alternative, contractarian Burke that emerges out of his defence of the interests of non-economic “descriptions” of citizens such as Irish Catholics, a Burke who offers us an illuminating perspective from which to assess the claims of historically marginalized groups in contemporary liberal democratic societies.
Rights Application Doctrine and the Clash of Constitutionalisms in Canada
Authors: Bateman Thomas M. J. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractCanadian courts have been torn between two constitutionalisms in their interpretation of the application provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The traditional, liberal constitutionalist approach establishes a distinction between public and private realms and between state action and inaction, limiting the Charter's application to the public, governmental sphere of positive legislation and executive conduct. However, the courts have oscillated between this and a postliberal constitutionalism according to which distinctions between public and private and state action and inaction are arbitrary and artificial. This article argues that this clash of constitutionalisms is responsible in large part for the courts' inconsistent and confusing record in interpreting sections 32 and 52 of theConstitution Act, 1982.
Predictable and Unpredictable Policy Windows: Institutional and Exogenous Correlates of Canadian Federal Agenda-Setting
Authors: Howlett Michael 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article addresses the question of the applicability of John Kingdon's theory of agenda-setting to Canadian political life. It examines the extent to which agenda-setting in Canadian governments is routine or discretionary, predictable or unpredictable, and the extent to which it is influenced by events and activities external to itself. The study uses time series data collected on issue mentions related to Native affairs, the constitution, drug abuse, acid rain, the nuclear industry and capital punishment in parliamentary debates and committees between 1977 and 1992. It compares these series to other time series developed from media mentions, violent crime rates, unemployment rates, budget speeches and speeches from the throne, elections and first ministers' conferences over the same period in order to assess the impact of such events on public policy agenda-setting.