bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Marx's Theory of Classes: Science and Ideology
Authors: Andrew Edward 
Published: November 2009

Science et idéologie dans la théorie des classes de MarxCet article vise à démontrer l'articulation des principes qui fondent la théorie des classes sociales chez Marx de façon à permettre une meilleure compréhension de la continuité fondamentale qui lie l'humanitarisme du jeune Marx au matérialisme scientifique des œuvres plus mûres. En réponse à ceux qui considèrent l'humanisme « idéologique » des Manuscrits de 1844 comme étant pré-scientifiques ou radicalement différents du matérialisme historique, l'auteur soutient que le concept de classe, qui est au cœur même des écrits considérés comme scientifiques, trouve sa source dans la conception que Marx se faisait de la nature humaine lors de ses premières œuvres. Il suggère de plus que la distinction entre science et idéologie n'est pas aussi évidente que certains le voudraient, Marx étant considéré comme scientifique, non pas en dépit, mais précisément à cause de son engagement partisan et révolutionnaire.
L'action communautaire: diversité et ambiguïté
Authors: Groulx L.H.J. 
Published: November 2009

Community action: diversity and ambiguityThe present article tries to outline the diversity and the internal tensions in community action by examining various forms of community consciousness (revolutionary, radical, defensive, reformist) and various kinds of leadership activity (protest, organizational, pragmatic). The existence of several kinds of leadership combined with multiple possibilities of action produces splintered activity which is reinforced by its dependence in the political arena and by political restraints. Community action in the process of political decision-making has little impact on the determination of the rules of the game, which are controlled by the government, and on the legitimate and public definition of the issues, which are set, in part, by the mass media. Concerted community action is thus held to be a precarious social movement whose particular conditions of origin, situation, and the peripheral position in society of its community agents determine its heterogeneous, critical, and Utopian dimensions.
Party Loyalty in Canada: The Question of Party Identification
Authors: Jenson Jane 
Published: November 2009

In a recent article in this Journal, Paul M. Sniderman, H. D. Forbes, and Ian Melzer challenge the proponents of what they characterize as the “textbook theory” of Canadian parties. They claim that their examination of the 1965 and 1968 Canadian national election studies contradicts the conclusions of almost every analyst of parties and voting in Canada. While a little debunking of long-held interpretations is always valuable in any discipline, one should exercise caution. Conventional wisdom does not usually acquire that status without containing at least some small measure of validity. In this case I must conclude that more confusion has been created than has been cleared away and previous analysts should not be considered to have erred quite as much as the authors of this article would like us to believe. Sniderman et al. argue that, because of “an obsession with national unity” on the part of political parties and a fear of fragmentation which produces undifferentiated politics of accommodation, “Canadian voters tend to lack strong loyalties to the older parties, at least when compared to the Americans and the British. As a consequence, electoral support for the older parties in Canada tends to be unstable.”The first part of this proposition asserts that concern with national unity necessarily produces such similar policy positions that parties are interchangeable, being distinguished only by their leadership. Although this is an interesting proposition, it will not be dealt with here.
Liberalism and Nationality
Authors: Ajzenstat Janet 
Published: November 2009

Les historiens et les politicologues ont généralement déploré la proposition de Lord Durham, dans son rapport de 1839, d'assimiler les francophones du Canada. Dans cet article, on soutient que si on lisait le Rapport non pas comme une formule politique pour le Canada de 1840 on pour le Commonwealth britannique des années subséquentes mais plutôt comme un document dans la tradition de la pensée libérale britannique, la proposition d'assimilation trouverait alors son explication complète et, dans les limites de la pensée libérale, sa justification.Les thèses des commentateurs de Durham et les idées de quelques autres auteurs récents sur la nationalité et l'ethnicité sont évoquées dans l'introduction et la conclusion de cet article. Si on voit Durham comme un représentant du libéralisme primitif et les autres commentateurs comme des porte-parole d'un libéralisme révisé, la comparaison indique alors une évolution significative de la pensée libérale ce qui n'est pas sans intérêt pour ré-examiner notre conception actuelle de la nationalité.
Political Culture and the Politics of Culture
Authors: Meisel John 
Published: November 2009

Culture politique et politique culturelleToute activité non-professionnelle vouée à la poursuite des loisirs possède sa propre culture, laquelle influence la culture politique. La culture des loisirs constitue done un composant important de la formulation des demandes politiques d'une société. De même, les politiques gouvernementales ont un effet sur la culture des loisirs. A l'aide de multiples exemples, l'auteur illustre ces influences mutuelles entre culture des loisirs et culture politique, influences qui s'avèrent être beaucoup plus complexes et étendues qu'on ne le croit.La science politique actuelle, en négligeant aussi bien les aspects « input-output » de la culture des loisirs que ses effets sur la culture politique, en est venue à ignorer l'existence d'une partie essentielle de la réalité politique et sociale. Bien que l'étendue de cette ignorance ne permette pas pour le moment de déterminer jusqu'à quel point il sera nécessaire de reviser le champ d'étude et les méthodes de la science politique, il n'en demeure pas moins que le crucial probléme des dimensions politiques de la culture des loisirs doive reçevoir à court terme une attention toute particulière de la part des chercheurs. Cette tâche est d'autant plus urgente que la culture des loisirs a des implications importantes pour le contrôle de la pensée individuelle et collective.
Foreign Direct Investment and the Provinces: A Study of Elite Attitudes
Authors: Stevenson Garth 
Published: November 2009

Les attitudes des élites provinciales face aux investissements étrangers directsLes politiques fédérates à l'égard des investissements étrangers au Canada ont d'importantes implications pour les relations fédérales-provinciales. Ainsi, il a souvent été suggéré que l'hostilité des gouvernements provinciaux constituait un sérieux obstacle à la volonté du gouvernement fédérate de mettre en œuvre une politique de nationalisme économique en cette matière.Les réponses à un questionnaire posté à tous les membres des législatures provinciales au printemps de 1973 permettent à l'auteur d'analyser leurs opinions concernant les investissements étrangers directs selon leur province, leur identification partisane, leur conception de la croissance des dépenses publiques, leur attitude face à la décentralisation du système fédéral et le niveau moyen des revenus dans les circonscriptions qu'ils représentent. Plus spécifiquement, en ce qui a trait aux investissements étrangers directs, on a recueitli l'opinion des législateurs provinciaux sur la nécessité de contrôler ces investissements même au prix d'une réduction du niveau de vie, sur l'importance qu'ils accordent au caractère canadien de la propriété dans certains secteurs économiques, et sur les différentes formes de contrôle des investissements étrangers directs tel la sélection des entreprises, la création de régie d'Etat et l'obligation de maintenir une majorité de ressortissants canadiens dans les conseils d'administration.L'analyse des résultats démontre que l'affiliation partisane et la province d'origine sont en corrélation significative avec les attitudes à l'égard des investissements étrangers; que les opinions concernant et la croissance des dépenses gouvernementales et la dépendance vis-à-vis des ressources naturelles n'affectent pas directement ces attitudes; qu'il n'y a pas de lien entre la volonté de décentralisation et le nationalisme économique et qu'une majorité des répondants dans plusieurs provinces étaient favorables à une restriction des investissements étrangers directs mais s'opposaient à la création d'une agence de sélection pour atteindre ces fins. L'auteur en conclut que les législateurs provinciaux ne sont généralement pas hostiles au nationalisme économique et que les provinces ne sauraient constituer d'obstacles majeurs aux politiques fédérales en cette matière.
Core Redevelopment, Neighbourhood Revitalization and Municipal Government Motivation: Twenty Years of Urban Renewal in Quebec City
Authors: Filion Pierre 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article investigates the motives behind policy-making at the municipal level. More specifically, it argues that local governments are guided in the formulation of their policies by a need to reconcile fiscal and electoral considerations. On the one hand, by focussing on urban renewal initiatives it shows that an important proportion of municipal policies are primarily devoted to the maintenance or the bolstering of the taxation base. On the other hand, a description of the different guises taken by urban renewal over a 20-year period highlights the influence electoral circumstances have on the configuration of renewal strategies. Urban renewal efforts undertaken by Québec City's municipal administration provides the case study for this article. It identifies the impetus for launching these efforts and identifies the economic and electoral factors that produced a transition from a form of urban renewal involving a redevelopment of the core area, to one assuring the preservation of the built environment of central neighbourhoods.
What do Constitutional Equality Rights Project Canadians Against?
Authors: Knopff Rainer 
Published: November 2009

AbstractIt is frequently argued that section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms should be interpreted to protect Canadians not only against intentional discrimination based on the prohibited grounds, but also against “systemic discrimination.” Since systemic discrimination against one group can always be described as intentional discrimination against another, this approach seems redundant in the context of an open-ended list of prohibited grounds. It may be explained as a way of promoting discrimination against unlisted groups upward on the scale of scrutiny, thus expanding the range of policy-making in inherently contestable areas that is subject to judicial determination or oversight. This article explores the political and institutional ramifications of this interpretation.
La loi et les nombres : le Programme énergétique national et la canadianisation de l'industrie pétrolière
Authors: Niosi Jorge , Duquette Michel 
Published: November 2009

RésuméDe nombreux auteurs, tant du monde universitaire que des affaires et de la politique, ont rendu le Programme énergétique national (PÉN) responsable de la canadianisation de l'industrie pétrolière. Cet article s'oppose à l'interprétation courante et il démontre, chiffres à l'appui, que le déclin du contrôle étranger dans l'industrie pétrolière canadienne a commencé bien avant l'application du PÉN, et qu'il s'est poursuivi après son démantèlement. En réalité, la canadianisation de l'industrie des hydrocarbures peut être interprétée dans le cadre d'un processus plus large, de déclin du pouvoir de négociation des firmes multinationales de cette industrie. Un processus semblable a eu lieu dans d'autres pays, quoique le modèle canadien ait ses propres caractéristiques.
Duverger, Epstein and the Problem of the Mass Party: The Case of the Parti Québécois
Authors: Angell Harold M. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractWith a theoretical framework based on Duverger and Epstein we examine the mass party and compare it to the cadre party. The Parti Québécois fits its criteria. In 1977 it imposed its fund-raising methodology on other Quebec parties by barring donations from moral persons. Only Quebec electors may now donate anything. Only the Quebec Liberal party has adapted. The hypothesis is that a loss in popularity leads to a loss of membership and a financial crisis. This may lead to a crise de conscience and a split in membership, leading to disintegration and defeat. Such a crisis shook the PQ from 1981 to 1985 and the defeat of December 2, 1985, was an inevitable consequence.
Unbridled Constraint: The Macdonald Commission Volumes on Canada and the International Political Economy
Authors: Haglund David G. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article argues that the three volumes of the Macdonald Commission research output devoted to international political economy (vols. 28 to 30) demonstrate a bias toward what might be labeled “neo-realist” analysis. As a result, they nearly all are steeped in a degree of pessimism regarding Canada's place in the evolving international political economy—a pessimism that extends not only to future prospects for the. multilateral trading system, but for the bilateral Canada-US one as well. While this sense of limited options might indeed be justified, this article argues that a serious omission from the set of studies was the relative lack of attention accorded to the security arrangements underpinning the postwar trade and monetary order. That being said, the author finds that the volumes will likely have a lasting significance for scholars, even though their relevance for public policy may not be so great or lasting.
Moral Dimensions of Statecraft: A Plea for an Administrative Theology
Authors: Dwivedi O. P. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe issue of moral dimensions of the state and its statecraft is the focus of this article. The issue is premised on two questions: how do we secure moral responsibility of the state and its functionaries; and what can be done to enhance the sense of mission, dedication and service which used to be the hallmarks of the public service? The concept of “administrative theology” is suggested as a possible answer in our search for a moral government and statecraft. Particular emphasis is placed on the concept of service and the doctrine of vocation. The author concludes by pleading the case of administrative theology as a possible source for a moral government and its statecraft.
The Practice of Politics in Two Settings: Political Transferability Among Recent Immigrants to Canada
Authors: Black Jerome H. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the previous political experiences of immigrants and their subsequent involvement in Canadian politics. A 1983 Toronto-area survey of immigrants of various ethnic origins (British, West Indian, Southern and Eastern European) who had been in Canada for five years or less serves as the study's data base. Two hypotheses derived from the relevant literature are investigated: immigrants will have difficulty “transferring” or making relevant past political experiences; and only those (that is, the British) whose system resembles the new one (Canadian) can accomplish transference. However, a more optimistic perspective is proposed suggesting the likelihood of transference regardless of the system of origin. Test results support this latter view.
Hinterland Politics: The Case of Northwestern Ontario
Authors: Weller G. R. 
Published: November 2009

L'effet des rapports « metropolitan-hinterland » sur la vie politique des « hinterland » a été largement ignorée jusqu'ici. La plupart des analyses du régionalisme au Canada ne traitent pas des sous-régions provinciales. Cet article tente donc de combler partiellement cette lacune en analysant dans le nord-ouest ontarien les différents types de politiques et les facteurs qui les déterminent.Après avoir, analysé les principales caractéristiques de cette région, l'auteur soutient qu'il y a trois différents types de politique qu'il désigne ainsi : la politique de l'Extraction, la politique de la Frustration et l'esprit de clocher. La politique de l'Extraction se compose de deux processus. D'abord, il y a la politique de la futilité constituée par les tentatives faites par les autochtones pour obtenir des changements socioéconomiques majeurs, ou, à tout le moins, le plus de concessions possibles de la métropole. Ensuite, il y a la politique de « gratification » qui consiste pour la métropole à essayer d'extraire les ressources locales au coût le plus bas possible sans avoir à modifier de manière fondamentale la nature de la relation. La politique de la Frustration, tout comme l'esprit de clocher, sont présentés comme les conséquences de la politique d'Extraction. La politique de Frustration se manifeste à la fois par un fort courant de radicalisme et la création de nombreux mouvements marginaux. L'esprit de clocher, pour sa part, se traduit par tin intérêt excessif pour la politique locale et par la domination soit des grandes corporations soit des autorités provinciales sur le gouvernement local. L'auteur appelle ces phénomènes: la politique de sublimation et la politique de dépendance.Il conclut en soutenant que les schémas politiques existants dans le nord-ouest ontarien ne connaitront probablement pas de changement significatif dans un avenir prévisible. Aucun parti politique n'est intéressé à des changements fondamentaux et la région ne dispose pas des ressources politiques, économiques, et sociales suffisantes pour exiger un tel changement.
Justifying Tolerance
Authors: Vernon Richard , LaSelva Samuel V. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractArguments for tolerance, and criticisms of it, regularly produce paradoxes and other kinds of conceptual difficulty. We seek to show that these paradoxes are unnecessary, and that they arise from misconceptions of what a theory of tolerance is required to justify. Imagined as a “virtue,” tolerance is simply confused with other concepts; understood in the framework of a theory of “rights,” the element of choice essential to the concept is wholly neglected; explaining the concept in terms of some theory of fallibilism leads to a confusion of pragmatic with cognitive standards. Moreover, such mistaken approaches often arise from an equation of tolerance with liberalism or pluralism: the authors maintain, however, that justifications of tolerance do not rest on a commitment to any political theory or ideology, but imply only a recognition of the political situation itself.
Le politique, concept mystificateur?
Authors: Bélanger André-J. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractSearching for the meaning of politics is time lost. Introduced by the Ancient Greeks, the concept of politics came to be understood by subsequent authors as the most meaningful of the social sciences. It has been reduced to a secondary status, however, with the growth of sociology. The term has become loaded with meaning, to the level of the inexpressible. Attempts at delimiting it have been fruitless except for nominalist definitions which are evaluated for their heuristic character within a given theoretical discourse. The analyst should look for social relations instead of given social objects.
Women and the Welfare State
Authors: Andrew Caroline 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe article presents a reinterpretation of the welfare state dealing with the role played by women in the development and on-going function of the welfare state. Three roles are emphasized: women's organizing and the role of women's organizations in pressuring for the measures making up the welfare state, women as workers in the welfare state and, finally, women as clients of the welfare state. Having described these roles, the current politics of the welfare state are examined in order to illustrate the importance of understanding the relations between gender and politics.
Pouvoir et conflits dans l'organisation: grandeur et limites du modèle de Michel Crozier
Authors: Dion Stéphane 
Published: November 2009

Power and Conflicts in Organizations: Strengths and Limits of the Model of Michel CrozierBecause of the manner in which they look at inter-organizational conflict and power, none of the main streams of organizational theory has been able to incorporate the three elements which compose the political dimension in an organization: strategic interaction, the integration of behaviour in the collective “system,” and the consideration given to cultural effects.Michel Crozier claims to have solved the problem by having recourse to a systematic and hypothetical-inductive reasoning, and in making power the base for all forms of relationships where one always finds implied some negotiated influence. The different theoretical positions taken regarding the strategicanalysisthat he proposes are examined in this article. The author stresses the advantages of the procedure; suggests an improvement to understand interaction; questions the assumption of the necessity of the systematic integration; and comments on the methodological difficulties of introducing the cultural element in strategic action.
Croissance et répression, la double logique de l'Etat deépendant: le cas du Brésil
Authors: Faucher Philippe 
Published: November 2009

Growth and Repression, the Ambiguous Logic of the Dependent State: The Case of BrazilThe often intuitive association between the army and foreign capitalists alters the analysis of the condition of dependency and the nature of the dependent State. We intend to shed light on the importance of the Brazilian State's autonomy, in the face of foreign domination and local capitalists. This autonomy is strengthened by the fundamental shift noticed between the economic decision-making system and the method of political control. The link between political domination and economic decisions is found in the State; it lies in the association between the army and the civil technocracy. Our study shows that this association is based on a distribution of power within the state, that it is characterized by conflict, and thus that it requires bargaining. The difficulties encountered by the government, led by General Geisel (197479), reflect the contradictions of that association.Our purpose here is not to improve a typology and to advance subtle distinctions that would allow us to measure the present gap between the Brazilian regime and a democratic system, or the slight divergence that distinguishes it from a totalitarian government. Such an exercise appears to be of limited interest. The objectives of this study are to determine the nature of the Brazilian State—by a careful study of its political structure—and to identify social changes resulting from dependent dēvelopment.
Foucault's Triple Murder and the Modern Development of Power
Authors: Thiele Leslie Paul 
Published: November 2009

AbstractMichel Foucault offered his readers an “analytics of power” and later began a “genealogy of the subject.” The two tasks were related, and both were premised on Foucault's rejection of traditional modes of political thought or reason. This article explores Foucault's attack on political rationality, something here called Foucault's triple murder: that is, his rejection of the role played in political thought by the ideas of sovereignty, History (as a predictable evolutionary or revolutionary process) and Man (as a transcendental subject). Foucault's restructuring of political thought is shown to be the foundation of his work.