bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Incremental Value of Clinical Data Beyond Claims Data in Predicting 30-Day Outcomes After Heart Failure Hospitalization
Authors: Hammill Bradley G. , Curtis Lesley H. , Fonarow Gregg C. , Heidenreich Paul A. , Yancy Clyde W. , Peterson Eric D. , Hernandez Adrian F. 
Published: December 2010

Background—
Administrative claims data are used routinely for risk adjustment and hospital profiling for heart failure outcomes. As clinical data become more readily available, the incremental value of adding clinical data to claims-based models of mortality and readmission is unclear.

Methods and Results—

We linked heart failure hospitalizations from the Get With The Guidelines–Heart Failure registry with Medicare claims data for patients discharged between January 1, 2004, and December 31, 2006. We evaluated the performance of claims-only and claims-clinical regression models for 30-day mortality and readmission, and compared hospital rankings from both models. There were 25 766 patients from 308 hospitals in the mortality analysis, and 24 163 patients from 307 hospitals in the readmission analysis. The claims-clinical mortality model (area under the curve [AUC], 0.761; generalized
R
2
=0.172) had better fit than the claims-only mortality model (AUC, 0.718;
R
2
=0.113). The claims-only readmission model (AUC, 0.587;
R
2
=0.025) and the claims-clinical readmission model (AUC, 0.599;
R
2
=0.031) had similar performance. Among hospitals ranked as top or bottom performers by the claims-only mortality model, 12% were not ranked similarly by the claims-clinical model. For the claims-only readmission model, 3% of top or bottom performers were not ranked similarly by the claims-clinical model.

Conclusions—
Adding clinical data to claims data for heart failure hospitalizations significantly improved prediction of mortality, and shifted mortality performance rankings for a substantial proportion of hospitals. Clinical data did not meaningfully improve the discrimination of the readmission model, and had little effect on performance rankings.
Moving the Tipping Point
Authors: Eckman Mark H. , Singer Daniel E. , Rosand Jonathan , Greenberg Steven M. 
Published: December 2010

Background—
The rate of ischemic stroke associated with traditional risk factors for patients with atrial fibrillation has declined over the past 2 decades. Furthermore, new and potentially safer anticoagulants are on the horizon. Thus, the balance between risk factors for stroke and benefit of anticoagulation may be shifting.

Methods and Results—

The Markov state transition decision model was used to analyze the CHADS
2
score, above which anticoagulation is preferred, first using the stroke rate predicted for the CHADS
2
derivation cohort, and then using the stroke rate from the more contemporary AnTicoagulation and Risk Factors In Atrial Fibrillation cohort for any CHADS
2
score. The base case was a 69-year-old man with atrial fibrillation. Interventions included oral anticoagulant therapy with warfarin or a hypothetical “new and safer” anticoagulant (based on dabigatran), no antithrombotic therapy, or aspirin. Warfarin is preferred above a stroke rate of 1.7% per year, whereas aspirin is preferred at lower rates of stroke. Anticoagulation with warfarin is preferred even for a score of 0 using the higher rates of the older CHADS
2
derivation cohort. Using more contemporary and lower estimates of stroke risk raises the threshold for use of warfarin to a CHADS
2
score ≥2. However, anticoagulation with a “new, safer” agent, modeled on the results of the Randomized Evaluation of Long-Term Anticoagulation Therapy trial of dabigatran, leads to a lowering of the threshold for anticoagulation to a stroke rate of 0.9% per year.

Conclusions—

Use of a more contemporary estimate of stroke risk shifts the “tipping point,” such that anticoagulation is preferred at a higher CHADS
2
score, reducing the number of patients for whom anticoagulation is recommended. The introduction of “new, safer” agents, however, would shift the tipping point in the opposite direction.
Development of a direct quantitative detection method for Meloidogyne incognita in sandy soils and its application to sweet potato cultivated fields in Tokushima prefecture, Japan
Authors: Sawada Eiji , Mizuguchi Shoko , Sato Erika , Min Yu Yu , Goto Keita , Abe Naruhito , Toyota Koki , Nakano Akio 
Published: December 2010

AbstractA real-time PCR (quantitative PCR: qPCR)-based detection method of the root-knot nematode Meloidogyne incognita was developed for sandy soils, the major soil type in sweet potato cultivated fields in Tokushima prefecture, Japan. Different numbers (5, 20, 80, 200 and 500) of second-stage juveniles (J2) were artificially added into 20 g of an air-dried sandy soil not containing M. incognita. To make homogenous samples, soil was homogenised by two different ways (ground with either a mortar and pestle or ball mill) and then 0.5 g of the soil was used for DNA extraction. There was a strong negative correlation in each homogenisation method between the cycle threshold number (Ct) and inoculated numbers of M. incognita J2. The Ct values were consistently lower and their variations among replicates were smaller in the samples ground with ball mill, suggesting that grinding with ball mill may be suitable for the preparation of soil for DNA extraction. Sandy soils were collected from sweet potato fields in Tokushima prefecture at the transplanting and harvesting times. Damage to sweet potato caused by M. incognita was also evaluated in some of the fields. At the transplanting time, no M. incognita was extracted in all the soils by the Baermann funnel method, while detection in the qPCR method ranged from zero to 4 210 000 J2 equivalent (20 g soil)–1. Heavy damage was observed in fields with more than 500 equivalent M. incognita J2 (20 g soil)–1. By contrast, very few galls were observed in fields with fewer than four individuals (20 g soil)–1. At harvest, zero to >1000 individuals of M. incognita was counted by the Baermann method and there was a significant correlation in estimated numbers of M. incognita between the two methods. However, the estimated numbers were 15 times higher in the qPCR method than in the Baermann method. These results indicate that direct quantification of M. incognita based on the qPCR method might enable a sensitive diagnosis to predict damage by the nematode.
Xinjiang’s Production and Construction Corps, and the Sinification of Eastern Turkestan
Authors: Seymour James D. 
Published: December 2010

AbstractA major institution for the ethnic Han (Chinese) colonisation of Xinjiang is the Production and Construction Corps. Although quasi-military in origin, its military role is now eclipsed by its economic role. Traditionally it was primarily a collection of state farms, but in recent years its industrial enterprises have expanded. It has also played a role in imprisoning convicts from eastern China. Largely destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, it was actually abolished for a few years beginning in 1975. But the perceived need to project Chinese influence into the area, and to protect against ethnic unrest and Soviet pressures, persuaded the authorities that the Corps should be revived. Today the Corps has 2.8 million members, or 14 percent of Xinjiang’s population, and plays a significant role in the region’s economy.
Four Generations of Uyghurs: The Shift towards Ethno-political Ideologies among Xinjiang’s Youth
Authors: Smith Joanne 
Published: December 2010

AbstractAlthough most Uyghurs in Xinjiang maintain strong Uyghur national identities, not every social group subscribes to the separatist ideologies of the late eighties and nineties. The elderly generation of Uyghurs grew up during the chaotic, unstable years of the Warlord Period. Most are grateful for recent improvements in standards of living and do not want to ‘rock the boat’. Middle-aged Uyghurs suffered persecution during the Cultural Revolution and fear a return of Maoist ideology. Furthermore, they have homes and families to protect. The younger generation, however, has grown up amid the relative freedom of post-1980 conciliatory minority policy. It has known the 1989 pro-democracy movement in China, the collapse of Eastern Europe and the USSR, the subsequent formation of the CIS, and the burgeoning of Islamic fundamentalist movements world-wide. These significant events have provided inspiration for a Uyghur youth that is ever more militant in its aspirations to independence. Unlike their elders, they have both less to fear and less to lose. This paper presents a number of portraits of Uyghur youth, based on fieldwork conducted in Xinjiang during 1995 and 1996. ·öhrat represents the young urban male intellectual, whose aim is to achieve goals for Uyghurs by encouraging the youth to penetrate the Han education system. Ghayrät represents the young petty entrepreneur who hopes to take advantage of domestic turmoil or international conflict to seize the chance to secede from China. Azatgül represents the politicised teenager who listens to radio broadcasts emanating from émigré Uyghur sources in Qazaqstan and claims that Xinjiang separatists are being funded by Muslim countries in a bid for independence. Then there is the next generation: as the grievances of Uyghur parents against Han immigrants in turn rub off on their children, the latter are growing up with an ingrained dislike of the Han Chinese. Are Uyghurs in a transition period? Once the cautious older generation passes away and the young grow up to raise their own children, will Uyghurs finally unite in nationalist spirit?
A Re-examination of the Establishment of the Mongolian People’s Party, Centring on Dogsom’s Memoir
Authors: Futaki Hiroshi 
Published: December 2010

AbstractD. Dogsom’s memoir which was published in Source Materials Related to the History of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (Ulaanbaatar, 1928) should be considered the most comprehensive account of the establishment of the Mongolian People’s Party. This memoir records extremely important facts which were later deliberately excluded from the description of modern Mongolian history, such as the Mongolian nationalists’ approach to the White Russian regime and their religious and ritualistic observance. The comparison of three main source materials, that is, Dogsom’s memoir, Sorokovikov’s accounts and the 1934 edition of the history of the Mongolian revolution, reveals that the hitherto accepted theory of the establishment of the Mongolian People’s Party contains fundamental errors, including the date of the establishment of the party. Additionally ‘the myth of Sükhbaatar’ strongly influenced the 1934 edition of the history of the Mongolian revolution. This edition has been treated as the most reliable source material for the study of the 1921 revolution. It is difficult to agree with the accepted theory that on 25 June 1920 two groups gathered at Danzan’s, adopted the party’s manifesto and united into the Mongolian People’s Party. This paper is intended to show it is very improbable that the meeting and decision took place on 25 June. The meeting at Dogsom’s which was held in the second month of spring using the lunar calendar in 1920 should be regarded as the real turning point for the Mongolian revolutionaries in the development of the Mongolian People’s Party.
An Unknown Russian Memoir by Aagvan Dorjiev
Authors: Andreyev Alexandre 
Published: December 2010

AbstractThis article describes the literature on Aagvan Dorjiev available in various languages (Tibetan, Mongolian, Buryat, Russian and English). It brings to the attention of readers a new short memoir of Dorjiev, written in Russian and hitherto unpublished. This memoir, almost certainly written by Dorjiev himself, gives us an insight into the ‘GreatGame’as seen from someone working within it on the Russian side. Supplying an English translation of the memoir as an Appendix, the article discusses the new information it provides.
Writers at the Crossroads: The Mongolian-Tibetan Authors Tsering Dondup and Jangbu
Authors: Dhondup Yangdon 
Published: December 2010

AbstractThe Mongolian Autonomous county of Henan, known in Tibetan as Malho or Sogpo, raises interesting questions about representation and identity. The paper, by tracing the history of education of this county from 1950 onwards, argues that the Mongols from Henan re-defined their identity through state-sponsored policies and with the active involvement of the elite. As a case study, the paper introduces two authors from this county, Tsering Dondup and Jangbu (Dorje Tsering), who write only in Tibetan language and have made a name with their works. Their identity is, however, a contested issue in the Tibetan literary scene. Even though their works are included in the Tibetan literary canon, remarks concerning their ethnicity and origin are frequent among literary critics. This marginalisation is not only evidenced by these two authors but starts already when Mongol students attend the same classes as Tibetan students.
Tashi Tsering: The Last Mongol Queen of ‘Sogpo’ (Henan)
Authors: Dhondup Yangdon , Diemberger Hildegard 
Published: December 2010

AbstractTashi Tsering was the last qinwang or queen of a Mongolian enclave in southeastern Qinghai called Sogpo or Henan. This outline of her and her family's history illustrates the different roles played by a woman leader during the enforced transition of her community from a traditional to a modern society. As a representative of the traditional local élite she was positioned as a symbol of her nationality within the framework of the emerging Chinese state, and, when the Communists came to power in and ‘liberated’ Henan, she adapted rapidly to the changing social order. She therefore participated in the process of modern state construction, in her case in the effort to transform Henan from a small Mongolian kingdom into a ‘minority nationality autonomous county’ in the Communist era. Like many traditional leaders, she was killed in the Cultural Revolution, to be posthumously reinstated only in the 1980s, when she became seen again as a representative of ‘Mongolness’ in general. She and her daughter, also given high position, worked with the modern nation-state that absorbed them, but as emblems of ethnicity or gender remained constantly vulnerable to larger political forces.
Mongolian Tenggerism and Modern Globalism: A Retrospective Outlook on Globalisation
Authors: Bira SH. 
Published: December 2010

AbstractA study of historical, political and religious thought of the early Mongols undertaken during the last few years has provided a thesis that during the period of their world domination in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, they initiated an original universal concept with the purpose of substantiating and justifying the world's largest land empire. Further, this concept was so developed that it constituted a cohesive theory that can be called Tenggerism or ‘Heavenism’.
Chinggis Khan and the New Shamans
Authors: Merli Laetitia 
Published: December 2010

AbstractSince the mid nineties, several shamanic centres have opened in Ulaanbaatar, capital of Mongolia. These centres are places visited by people consulting shamans with the hope of solving the diverse problems of their lives, and where rituals are organised. Generally, shamanic centres are linked with organisations that claim the promotion and protection of Mongolian culture. They have also become an interesting gathering place for nationalist organisations, more concerned with cultural and identity issues than with questions of individual misfortune. This paper will present examples, through recent rituals, of how new shamans use Chinggis Khan – whose cult was also forbidden – in a system of beliefs and practices where the person and the state; the people and the nation, are treated together to develop the country; echoing the great past of the Mongol Empire.
Hybridity and Nomadology in Inner Asia
Authors: Bulag Uradyn E. 
Published: December 2010

AbstractIdentity, especially modern national identity, entails ideas of authenticity and hybridity. For much of the history of Mongolian studies, authenticity has been a staple of scholarly concern, whereas hybridity or diversity is brushed aside. This is as much an Orientalist imperative as a nationalist quest for the homogeneity of the Mongolian nation/nationality. Every country which has a substantial number of Mongols – Mongolia, China, and the Soviet Union (Russia) – has set their own separate but often mutually conflicting standard of what Mongolness means and where its boundary should lie. In this issue, we publish several important studies about Mongols in China, concerning precisely the issue of hybridity, or Mongols who possess certain qualities or attributes, which are deemed un- Mongol. It is imperative that we realise that hybridity is not only an objective reality but also a product of modernist nationalism that is predicated on such governmentalities as standardisation and categorisation.
Power Struggle in Socialist Mongolia: Review of Two Political Memoirs
Authors: Radchenko Sergey 
Published: December 2010

AbstractB. Nyambuu. Eh Ornoo l Gesen Irgen Bi (‘A citizen of the motherland I am’). Ulaanbaatar: Mongolyn Uls Töriin Helmegdegsediin Holboo. 2004, 260 pages. S. Jalan-Aajav, Tuulsan Zamd Törsön Bodol (‘Thoughts born on the passed road’) 2004. Ulaanbaatar: Sodpress, 144 pages.
Taranchis, Kashgaris, and the ‘Uyghur Question’ in Soviet Central Asia
Authors: Brophy David 
Published: December 2010

AbstractUp till now, the problem of Uyghur identity construction has been studied from an almost exclusively anthropological perspective. Little Western research has been done on the history of the Uyghur community in the Soviet Union during the period of national delimitation, and the process by which a re-invented ‘Uyghur’ identity was fostered among settled Turkicspeakers of East Turkestani origin. In this paper I have set out to trace some of the key events and debates which formed part of that process. In doing so I provide evidence that challenges certain aspects of the standard account of this period, in particular the role of the 1921 Tashkent conference. In 1921 the term ‘Uyghur’ was not used an ethnic designation, but as an umbrella term for various peoples with family roots in Eastern Turkestan. It was not until several years later that the term took its place beside other ethnonyms in the Soviet Union, provoking debate and opposition in the Soviet Uyghur press. This paper is largely based on the recently republished writings of leading Uyghur activists and journalists from the 1920s, and focuses on the role of the Uyghur Communist Abdulla Rozibaqiev. My paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of basing the study of Uyghur history on Uyghur language sources, rather than Russian or Chinese materials alone.
Editorial Introduction
Authors: Humphrey Caroline 
Published: December 2010

AbstractThis issue of Inner Asia ranges over diverse themes in the history and anthropology of Inner Asia. Lewis Mayo’s two-part article on ‘Illness, Threat, and Systems of Authority in Dunhuang’ is a notable contribution to the Journal because it relates history with anthropology in a theoretically innovative way. Medicine and politics,Mayo argues, are both forms of ‘event management’, and with this perspective we can see parallels between the management of disease at different historical periods in the same environment. The history of endemic disease in Dunhuang articulates a threefold linkage between sickness, geography and administrative power, in which each element helps to define and constitute the other. Describing the Dunhuang region involves constructing a history of the diseases to which that region has been prone, and the work that has been done in relation to them. On the one hand, modern public administration gives illness a geographical articulation, one that involves a distinctive local configuration of minerals and microorganisms. The geological and biological particularities of the Dunhuang area manifest themselves in the prevalence of certain kinds of diseases in the region, which public health authorities detect and seek to counteract. On the other, over a thousand years earlier, Dunhuang’s rulers were also scripting methods to keep the area safe from, threat, disease and instability. The battle against disease and misfortune was waged every year in an exorcism ceremony, but through analysis of particular late-9th-century texts Mayo relates an enhanced sense of threat to a specific political and institutional juncture – a particular combination of challenges to authority. In both cases, the prestige of physicians and political leaders rests in their calmness in the face of events, as well as their capacity to anticipate and prevent them. The medical manual, the gazetteer and the ritual guide all promise a mastery of events. Like the notion of the endemic disease, there is a regional profile to suffering, one that Mayo suggests is constituted by and helps constitute the local political order. The historical and anthropological analysis of illness must engage with the systems of authority whose actions and structures seek to regulate and eliminate it. In this sophisticated piece, Mayo argues that if we accept that our sufferings have an institutional form and often an institutional cause, we can grasp how the endless labour of reproducing co-ordination and regulation also generates its own structures of threat.
Gellner, the ‘Saints’ and Central Asia: between Islam and Nationalism
Authors: Abashin Sergei 
Published: December 2010

AbstractThis article assesses the salience for Central Asia of Ernest Gellner’s theories about Islam, modernity and nationalism. Gellner has argued that modernisation homogenises culture and that this process goes together with nationalism and certain changes of emphasis within Islam. In Central Asia, Soviet modernisation did not bring long-lasting cultural or social standardisation. Evidence for this is that the traditional respect given to the status of ‘saintly’ families has not disappeared, as Gellner would have predicted, but has continued, though in different forms in rural and urban societies. People in Central Asia have complex identities that may sometimes cross-cut the city agrarian divide. In this post-colonial modernising environment, nationalism has not swept all before it, but is regarded by many people with some suspicion.