bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Standardizing through Organization
Authors: Ahrne Göran , Brunsson Nils , Garsten Christina 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter looks at what can be considered as the boundary between standardization and formal organization. Those who want to standardize may create not only standards but also an organization to the members of which the standards apply. This may affect how the standards are spread, who follows them, to what extent they are followed, whether they are changed along the way, and if so, how. Membership in standard-based organizations is based on similarity, and members, whether individuals or organizations, tend to value a certain degree of autonomy. Standard-based organizations are often able to influence only part of their members' activities. Three examples of standard-based organizations are the Association for European Schools of Technology (ASTE), SPUR (Swedish Association of Temporary Work Businesses and Staffing Services), and SIBF (Swedish Floor Ball Federation).
The Demands of the Crown
Authors: Barron Caroline M. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter analyses the different areas in which the Crown made demands upon the City. The most obvious demand was for financial help, but the Crown also sought military aid from the city and pageantry for royal celebrations. On occasion, the Crown attempted to reward royal servants with civic offices. All these demands had to be negotiated and such issues were highlighted when the Crown, as was frequently the case, was in contention, and rival claimants sought the support of the City.
The Economic Infrastructure
Authors: Barron Caroline M. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter examines the ways in which the Londoners attempted to minimise the ‘transaction costs’ of doing business in the city and to attract merchants and traders from abroad and within England. This involved maintaining the Thames waterway and road access, providing civic quays and markets, and ensuring a good food supply and hostelries. The city also developed efficient courts to deal with mercantile disputes and facilities for credit transfers and debt collection. In these ways the citizens created an attractive commercial environment which lengthened London's economic lead over provincial cities.
The Government of London: A Civic Bureaucracy
Authors: Barron Caroline M. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter examines the emergence of the civic bureaucracy or civil service which implemented the decisions taken in the Courts of Aldermen and Common Council. The emergence of the three most important officers — the Recorder, Chamberlain and Common Clerk (responsible respectively for legal , financial and secretarial matters) — is first discussed. This is followed by the charting of the burgeoning of the civil service to include a host of more specialised officers with responsibilities ranging from sanitation to oversight of the river Thames.
Trade and Dependency
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
English contact with India through the East India Company made commercial agents dependent on the patronage of Mughal authorities for the privileges of trade and settlement in restricted enclaves at Surat, Bombay, Madras, and in Bengal. As the Mughal patrimonial empire declined, political relations with the princes of successor states turned on the potential for assistance from a maritime power and the drain on state revenues arising from fiscal and trade concessions to official and private factors. The Company could be supportive or subversive. Fortification of posts affording protection and jurisdiction created beneficiaries among Indian service gentry. By internal trading operations the Company enlisted clients and created a potential cause of local conflict by abuse of privileges in Bengal through open conflict with French factors from the 1740s, when both sides competed in a very ‘Asiatic manner’.
Clients and Brokers
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
In ‘Indian’ India, older techniques won political influence and access to resources for the governments of Madras, Bombay and Surat in Awadh, the Carnatic, the Maratha Deccan, and the states of South India. Military alliances secured Mysore, Travancore, Malabar, and the Coromandel. The practice of stationing Company troops in return for tribute spread. Recovery of debts from subordinate princes resembled a gigantic protection racket in the minor principalities, where rulers were guaranteed subordinate status at a price. When the Maratha chiefdoms refused to pay, military campaigns and treaties dismantled their empire in central India and replaced it with a Company paramountcy that left most of the rulers in Maharashtra and the Punjab under control without annexation. Defining the terms of that paramount control over some six hundred major and minor states in a good third of India occupied the central and provincial governments of the Company and the Raj for the rest of the 19th century.
Morocco
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
By contrast with British attempts to ‘govern through the governors’ in Egypt, the French Protectorate Government of Morocco exercised power through ministries which excluded Moroccan officials. The Sultanate provided little more than legitimacy for the regime. Outside the coastal zone, the French enlisted traditional caids (chieftains) in Central Morocco and the chieftains of the Rif. The Sultanate, although without executive power, maintained a covert support for nationalist opposition and the Istiqlal party from 1944. Consequently, the restoration of King Muhammed ben Yussuf in 1955 marked a period of French concessions to demands for independence led by the monarch. Morocco left the French Union the following year with a Constitution fashioned by the royal house. The Sultanate preserved the balance between the patrimonial rule of a leader of the Islamic community and secular control over ministers, police and army, in a system that placed a high value on allegiance and loyalty, in return for redress of grievances.
East-Central Africa
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
The kingdoms of East-Central Africa provide examples of patrimonial states utilized for the purposes of European over-rule. In societies where political clientage was ubiquitous, the Kingdom of Buganda became the archetype for a chiefly oligarchy with guaranteed status and lands, as well as a surrogate agency for administering segmentary clans in the region. It became difficult later to preserve this legacy of British administration within a unitary state, as Uganda moved towards an elected government in the 1950s. But the Kabaka of Buganda reinforced the patrimonial system of allocating offices and resources; and he became Chief of State, until his kingdom was dismantled by President Obote in 1966. Similar policies of using royal lineages to administer a subordinate peasantry were applied by German and Belgian officials in Rwanda and Burundi. The exacerbation of traditional patron client divisions by administrative patronage had disastrous consequences for relations between Tutsi and Hutu at decolonization in 1962.
Malaya
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
British intervention in the Malay states from 1874 established a form of over-rule through residents. Experience in managing the Malay nobility and district heads within patrimonial systems of state government created a form of dyarchy between sultan's Councils of State and a resident's departmental offices. Malay headmen and district officers acted as brokers between the two lines of authority. In return for legitimizing this method of British control, Malay rulers preserved their line of succession, patrimonial functions, their resources, and their courts and religion. In return, the British gained access to plantation and mining concessions. Although a federal system called this method of government patronage into question in the 1930s, sultans survived to join forces with other political elites and oppose loss of jurisdiction and their State Councils. After independence in 1957, party coalition and the Malayanization of the civil service helped to secure the constitutional position of rulers in the institutions of local government and as Heads of State.
Conclusion
Authors: NEWBURY COLIN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
The relationship between colonial rulers and ruled was a political one. A patron-client model has been applied to the cases surveyed to account for administration better than official prescriptions. The model is one of interaction between hierarchies. Officials constituted one status group; indigenous hierarchies constituted a subordinate form of local and regional government. Both hierarchies continued as ‘co-ordinate units’ to administer laws and courts in parallel. Relations were political, in the sense of determining access to resources, confirmation of status, and were defined by regulations. Disagreement, clash of values, compromise and rewards were part of the business of running empires with the co-operation of the governed, until new elites with different political aims had to be accommodated in government. Application of the model requires qualifications; but chiefs and clientage systems have continued after decolonization.
Formalism and Efficiency
Authors: Collins Hugh 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter draws together the threads of the argument with respect to the question of what kind of regulation of contracts will best support markets. The argument challenges the conventional wisdom that a clear, formal set of rules defining the entitlements of parties to the contract best serves the interests of business. It is argued that the advantages of formalism in legal reasoning are normally overstated, and that calculability of legal entitlements requires rather more open textured roles and other techniques for contextualizing disputes.
Unfair Contracts
Authors: Collins Hugh 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter examines the regulation of unfairness in contracts in the strict sense of an imbalance between the performances required by each party under the contract. It challenges two popular views: that instances of unfairness in contracts are illusory and that effective legal regulation to combat (the supposed non-existent) problem of unfairness is either impossible or counter-productive. The chapter argues that the modern type of regulatory discourse evolving through private law has the capacity to produce effective regulation designed to combat instances of unfairness in contracts.
Syracusan Democracy: ‘Most Like the Athenian’?
Authors: RUTTER N. K. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
The nature of the government of Syracuse in the second half of the 5th century bc has been controversial. H. Wentker (1956) saw the constitution of the later 5th century as an aristocracy, but Peter Brunt (1957: 244) rejected that interpretation, stating flatly that ‘Syracuse was not from 466 to 406 an oligarchy, but as Diodorus xi. 68. 6 and, more important, the contemporary Thucydides say, a democracy’. Who is right? Is either right? At the outset, there are obvious problems of definition, which it is one of the purposes of this volume to clarify: for example, what sort of democracy are we talking about? Wentker wrote of Syracuse: ‘Für eine syrakusische Demokratie nach attischem Muster spricht nichts’ (‘Nothing speaks for a Syracusan democracy on the Athenian model’: 1956: 163 n. 237). That ‘nach attischem Muster’ is an important qualification. Then, regarding the detail of the Syracusan political arrangements during our period, there is a substantial variety of evidence, each element with its own problems of interpretation, and each with its own view of the subject. This chapter introduces this evidence, and provides a short overview of the problems associated with each part of it.
Homeric and Macedonian Kingship
Authors: CARLIER PIERRE 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
It is quite commonplace to say that Homeric and Macedonian institutions resemble each other. According to many historians, they are both examples of the traditional Greek kingship, the basileia, of heroic times described by Aristotle. Some scholars go further: they compare Homeric and Macedonian kings to the kings of the Germanic tribes, and suggest that the Homeric and Macedonian kingships belong to the typically Indo-European form of ‘military kingship’, or Heerk ö nigtum. All these assimilations are very flimsy. Yet most historians assert them in a few sentences, as if theywere obvious. Surprisingly, a systematic comparison between Homeric and Macedonian kingship has never been attempted. This chapter outlines a few observations and hypotheses which are suggested by a comparative examination of the Homeric and Macedonian evidence. It argues that the Homeric kings behave as the poet wants his audience to believe these kings behaved. In other words, even if the poet does not exactly picture any real institution, his description is realistic.
Customs and Excise
Authors: Ashworth William J. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This book traces the growth of customs and excise, and their integral role in shaping the framework of industrial England; including state power, technical advance, and the evolution of a consumer society. Central to this structure was the development of two economies — one legal and one illicit. If there was a unique English pathway of industrialization, it was less a distinct entrepreneurial and techno-centric culture, than one predominantly defined within an institutional framework spearheaded by the excise and a wall of tariffs. This process reached its peak by the end of the 1770s. The structure then quickly started to crumble under the weight of the fiscal-military state, and Pitt's calculated policy of concentrating industrial policy around cotton, potteries, and iron — at the expense of other taxed industries. The breakthrough of the new political economy was the erosion of the illicit economy; the smugglers' free trade now became the state's most powerful weapon in the war against non-legal trade. If at the beginning of the period covered by this book state administration was predominantly deregulated and industry regulated, by the close the reverse was the case.
The Equitable Tax?
Authors: ASHWORTH WILLIAM J. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter shows how parliament enacted a pattern of taxation targeting consumption. Fiscal necessity introduced an inland tax on various home-produced and grown goods along with a levy on certain imports. The poor were now required to pay tax primarily in the shape of excise duties. From the moment the state began taxing the poor during the English Civil War, an added dimension to radical sentiments emerged, which came to play an important role in the discontent that pitted the social landscape over the next two centuries.
‘Simplicity, Uniformity, and Perspicuity’
Authors: ASHWORTH WILLIAM J. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter shows how tax reform was a process that began half a century earlier, with the gradual modelling of the state's administrative structure along the lines of the excise, and the gradual removal of the sinecures and placement that characterized ‘Old Corruption’. Actual tax reform also needed to be presented and seen in the clothes of a new and fairer state, which required the creation of legitimacy via retrenchment and construction of norms of probity and transparency in the management of state finances.
Eupolis in Antiquity
Authors: Storey Ian C. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter examines how popular Eupolis is among famous Old Comedy writers. It tries to evaluate these writers' works, and determines how often they make citations of Eupolis' works into their own writings. It examines how Eupolis was regarded by writers, and how he was often compared with poets like Kratinos and Aristophanes. It determines Eupolis' position in the history of Old Comedy. It also assesses Platonios literary works and compares them with Eupolis'.
Facing the Second World War
Authors: Imlay Talbot C. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
Covering the period from the late 1930s up to the spring of 1940, this book offers the first systematic comparison of how two countries, Britain and France, responded to the possibility and then reality of total war by examining developments in three dimensions: strategic, domestic political, and political economic. To date, studies of French and British policies during this period have focused almost exclusively on diplomatic and military events. Yet because 20th-century war demanded a massive effort on the part of nations and societies, its study requires a broader approach, one that encompasses the political, social, and economic dimensions as well as the links between them. Using a wide array of archival and secondary sources, including the records of government departments, trade unions, business groups, and political parties, this book demonstrates that the British were more successful in managing the strains of modern industrial war than the French. Whereas in France political, economic, and military developments combined to produce a multi-faceted crisis by early 1940, imperilling the war effort against Germany, developments in Britain followed a different course that laid the political and economic foundations for a long war. The book addresses such current historical debates as the nature of the political Right and Left in Europe during the 1930s, the extent of rearmament and economic mobilization, and the causes of France's defeat in 1940. As an extended comparison of how two liberal democracies met the challenge of war, it also addresses debates concerning the relationship between democratic regimes and capabilities for war, the influence of domestic versus systemic factors on national policies, and the nature and relative performance of different types of political economic regimes.
The Strategic Dimension in Britain
Authors: IMLAY TALBOT C. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter argues the British and French strategy developed along similar and increasingly radical lines during the Phoney War, a convergence fostered by the growing inclination of the British to identify with French concerns and fears. Broadly speaking, British strategy in the 1930s tended towards isolation from Europe. However, beginning in 1938, the mounting German threat together with strong French pressure rendered this aloofness from the Continent increasingly untenable. Compelled in 1939 to reaffirm and strengthen Britain's military contribution to the Continental defence, the British soon found themselves conceiving of the balance of power in Continental terms.
The Domestic-Political Dimension in France
Authors: IMLAY TALBOT C. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
Scholars have examined the tempestuous course of French domestic politics between the wars with an eye to explaining what went wrong in the spring of 1940. Two opposing tendencies emerge in literature. The first and oldest leans toward wholesale condemnation of the political system. The second tendency presents a more favourable picture of pre-war and wartime French politics. Scholars argue that following Munich, political divisions gave way to a common determination to resist Germany, if necessary by war. This chapter argues that both tendencies fail to capture the reality of French domestic politics during the late 1930s and 1940s. Political divisions led to France's failure to meet the challenge of war.
The Political-Economic Dimension in Britain
Authors: IMLAY TALBOT C. 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter argues that Britain's pre-war and early wartime economic preparations were notably advanced, especially when compared with those of the French. It examines the subject of economic preparations through the lens of industrial relations — the relationship among organized labour, industry, and government. Unlike France where tense industrial relations fuelled fears about the reliability of workers, industrial cooperation in Britain fostered a sense of national unity and collective effort that offered an antidote to mounting doubts about whether time worked for the Allies.
FeiTQYie Dello Stato (The Italian State Railways): A Vision without Agreement
Authors: Heckscher Charles , Maccoby Michael , Ramirez Rafael , Tixier Pierre-Eric 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter describes an intervention centered on a dynamic and charismatic leader's vision of the transformation of the Italian Railways, which ran into conflicting pressures from major stakeholders inside and outside the organization. In the short run these resistances blocked the effort, though in the longer run the business logic identified by the consultants continued to develop.
Electricite de France: Moving Toward the National Policy Level
Authors: Heckscher Charles , Maccoby Michael , Ramirez Rafael , Tixier Pierre-Eric 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter describes a major transition from monopoly to market at EDF, the French state-owned electricity company that is today's the world's biggest electrical utility firm. It took ten years to persuade managers and unions to sit around a single table to develop a new system of industrial relations. The intervener's role was to help managers understand the effects of their policies towards workers and unions and to help with the negotiation of social agreements.
2 Composition and Purpose
Authors: Holford-Strevens Leofranc 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter examines the implications of Gellius's title and the structure of his work, considering his claim to have compiled it in the same random order as his original notes, which is shown to conceal a great amount of artifice; as in other miscellanies, the disorder is deliberate, reflecting the taste of the time. Next to be considered are the assertions of moral, social, and intellectual utility: understood of a systematic high-minded programme they are easily proved false, but his work affords matter with which to shine on social occasions, and models for conducting oneself at them. Furthermore, readers are meant to think about his statements and quotations for themselves, though their conclusions are not to be supposed his own.
Introduction
Authors: STONE ADRIENNE 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter begins by discussing the main goal of this book, which is to explore the conceptual and moral issues deriving from the expansion of rights discourse, and the institutional mechanisms that may be adopted to protect human rights. It then examines the definition of human rights. It provides a brief discussion of the views of the different researchers regarding human rights. It also mentions how rights are to be protected in democratic legal systems.
Indigenous Rights
Authors: CURRY STEVEN 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter argues that indigenous citizens ought to be accorded a set of special group rights by virtue of their being indigenous and tries to sketch these rights. It explains what method can be deduced and what the full set of rights ought to be. In the process of developing this explanation of indigenous rights, it will also attempt to defend them against serious objections. It clarifies how these rights are compatible with the fundamental moral commitments of a liberal democratic state governed by the rule of law. It talks about ‘successor states’ and defines a post-colonial state as one that has achieved a constitutional settlement between indigenous and colonial civilizations.
Functional Features in Language and Space
Authors: CARLSON LAURA A. , VAN DER ZEE EMILE 
Published: January 2010

Abstract
This chapter begins by laying out the purpose of the book, which is to examine the role of functional features in language and space, and then to explore what functional features might be and why such features might play a role in spatial language. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented, discussing how each chapter addresses the ideas of ‘feature’, ‘function’, and ‘features that are functional’, and its potential impact for spatial language.