bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Philips Angels Lof der schilder-konst
Authors: Miedema Hessel 
Published: July 2010

AbstractPhilips Angel's Lof der schilder-const (In Praise of Painting, 1642) is one of the few pieces of writing we have as a source of notions on the theory of painting in the Netherlands. Yet it was not intended as an art-theoretical treatise: Angel read the text at a St. Luke's feast as part of the activities that were being undertaken to acquire guild rights for Leiden painters. In order to assess the value of the theoretical notions on which the paper is based, it is therefore necessary to analyse as far as possible the circumstances of its writing. First the Angel family is examined. Orginally from Antwerp, the Angels moved north in the 1590s, probably because of the Eighty Years' War, settling in Middelburg and Leiden. They were fairly prosperous middle-class citizens, mostly schoolteachers, painters and small shopkeepers. Both the Middelburg and Leiden branches produced painters called Philips Angel. The Middelburg Philips, almost certainly identical with a painter called Philips Angel who was active in Haarlem, is known to have produced quite a lot of paitings. Only one small etching by the Leiden Philips has survived; nothing is known of any paintings by him. The Leiden Philips, the author of Lof der schilder-const, had a turbulent career. He joined the painters who pressed for guild rights in Leiden, to which end he held his speech in 1641. As early as 1645, though, he gave up painting and travelled as an employee of the United East-Indian Compary to Indonesia. From there, promoted to the high rank of chief merchant, he was sent to Persia. He was dismissed on grounds of embezzlement, but managed to procure the post of court painter to the Shah. By 1656, however, he was back in Batavia (Jakarta), where he again obtained a number of highly regarded positions. Fired again for mismanagement and defalcation, his end was inglorious. The Lof der Schilder-const shows evident signs of a general tendency among Dutch painters of the mid-seventeenth century to claim a higher status for their profession. The text is duly meant less as a theoretical treatise than as a rhetorical amplificatio of the painter's profession. The author seems to have been reasonably well-read, although by no means scholarly; nor was he very conversant with the Italian art theory of his day. Scrutiny of the text reveals his superficial and undiscerning paraphrases of the few sources at his disposal (mainly Karel van Mander's Schilder-boeck and the Dutch translation of Franciscus Junius' De pictura veterum). Much of his eulogy is a summing-up of the distinguished characteristics a painter ought to have. The remarkable thing is that not one of those characteristics provides specific insight into the professional practise of the Leiden painters around 1641. As far as they are at all relevant to what was being painted in Leiden at that time - take the Leiden 'Precise School' of Gerard Dou's circle -, his remarks provide little more insight than a superficial consideration of the paintings would arouse in any layman.
'de beste Schilders van het gantsche Nederlandt' Karel van Mander en het Haarlemse cultuurbeleid 1603-1606
Authors: Van Bueren Truus 
Published: July 2010

AbstractKarel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck was published in 1604. During this period the Haarlem city council was pursuing an active cultural policy in which painting played a central role. In 1603, the porter at the Prinscnhof was instructed not to refuse admission to people who wanted to view the paintings and other objects of art housed there. That same year Hendrik Goltzius, Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Vroom were commissioned to paint pictures of their own choice to commemmorate their art. The paintings were to hang in the Prinsenhof. In 1605 the council cndcavoured to ensure the city's claim to a number of paintings from the Jansklooster. This monastery, unlike others in Haarlem, had not been seized when the city became Protestant. The monks were allowed to keep their property until the last one died, but not to adopt any more monks. In 1605 the council demanded an inventory of the immovables and of the paintings too. The majority of the paintings in the inventory, which was supplied a year later, proved to be the work of highly esteemed artists. Although by no means all the art in the monasterey was listed, the city council did not protest. The intention had simply been to secure the important paintings with a view to placing in the Prinsenhof when the time came. Karel van Mander and his friends Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Goltzius undoubtedly contributed to the creation of a climate in which such an art policy was feasible. Van Mander had spent years preparing his Schilder-Boeck, and had paid a great deal of attention to Haarlem painting. In his efforts to gather information the had established numerous contacts. He had carefully described he paintings in the Prinsenhof, and had also seen works by Haarlem painters belonging to private individuals. One such man was Gerrit Willemsz. van Schoterbosch, a burgomaster who had been on the council when that body commissioned Cornelis van Haarlem to make four paintings for the Prinsenhof during the last decade of the 16th century, and also during the period discussed here, 1603-1605. What were the aims of the city council in pursuing this cultural policy? There are two possibilities, both of which are encountered in the Schilder-Boeck. Van Mander wanted to elevate painting to a higher status than a craft. In his praise of painting he therefore dwelt at length on art lovers who collected paintings for art's sake. May not the city council have desired to assemble such a collection? If so, something very special was happening in Haarlem. Perhaps there is more to be said for the other possibility, to which Van Mander also refers: the council could have enlisted the Haarlem painters to sing the praises of the city.
Een en ander over Van Mander
Authors: Reznicek E.K.J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractFive drawings by Karel van Mander are discussed. The two early ones were done while he was in Italy. Van Mander's frescos in Terni, including St. Bartholomew's Night, are then compared with Vasari's paintings in the Sala Regia in the Vatican as derivations. This is preceded by a review of the relevant bibliography, notably Noë, Miedema, Melion and Sapori. The article ends by advocating a multilateral, balanced, methodical approach.
Het portret van Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius door Frans Hals
Authors: Van Thiel Pieter J.J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe bust of Jacobus Zaffius (figs. 1 and 2) in Haarlem's Frans Hals Museum was discovered in 1919. Since that time it has been regarded as a fragment of a large portrait of Zaffius painted by Hals in 1611 and believed to be lost. Jan van de Velde made a print of the missing portrait in 1630 (fig. 3). Recently it emerged that the panel on which the bust is painted is bevelled all round, and that the ground and paint continue over the edges. This means that it cannot be a fragment. The theory that Hals himself painted the copy is untenable. The weak design and indifferent pictorial quality suggest that the painting is a contemporary anonymous copy. An attempt to identify the companion portraits of a man and a woman in Birmingham and Chatsworth (figs. 4 and 5), variously dated as 1610/11 and 1617/18, with a view to establishing their true dates, has failed. It was hoped that if discovered to have been painted in or around 1611, they might have served as material for a stylistic comparison. The investigation yielded only a few supplementary heraldic (fig. 6) and genealogical data. Research in the Haarlem municipal archives uncovered new information pertaining to Zaffius' financial capital and family connections. As archdeacon of the diocese of Haarlem and provost of the Haarlem chapter, Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius (Amsterdam 1534-1618 Haarlem) experienced the turbulent history of the Dutch Catholic church during the birth of the Republic. Towards the end of his life he added a few houses to a recently founded bofje of almshouses (fig. 9). Van de Velde's print was made in 1630, when Catholicism had established itself in the Dutch archdiocese and embarked on the documentation of its own history in the form of, among others, portraits of prominent figures of the past.
David de Hooch, een I7de-eeuws landschapschilder
Authors: De Kinkelder Marijke C. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn I990 two paintings turned up - originally constituting one larger panel, cat. 9a and 9b - which might be attributed to a little-known landscape painter: David de Hooch, active in Amsterdam, possibly Utrecht and perhaps The Hague between I639 and I655, as can be deduced from scant archival data and stylistic afflnities. Doubtlessly influenced by Bartholomeus Breenbergh's works of the I630s, De Hooch painted mainly Italianate landscapes, probably without ever having travelled to Italy himself. Most of the works assembled here were known under different and sometimes unlikely attributions such as Breenbergh, his namesakes and possible relatives Charles and Horatius de Hooch, Willem de Poorter, Anthonie van der Croos, Cornelis Decker and even Aelbert Cuyp. Here, eighteen paintings are presented and catalogued in a provisional chronology: five earlier, clearly somewhat inexperienced works, leaning heavily on examples by other painters (cat. I - 5), are followed by six paintings which show the artist gradually developing his own style (cat. 6 - II). The last seven pictures (cat. I2 - I8) most probably date from De Hooch's mature period, in all likelihood the first half of the I650s. Most of these are fairly large formats, on which the artist achieved quite well-constructed, unified compositions with a convincing atmosphere.
Wat bedoelde Rembrandt in zijn derde brief aan Constantijn Huygens over diens huis te zeggen?
Authors: Bruyn J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn Horst Gerson's edition of the seven letters Rembrandt addressed to Constantijn Huygens (notes 1 and 2), part of the last paragraph of the third letter has been misread in the transcription and was consequently rendered incorrectly in the translation. Referring to a painting he wished to present to Huygens, Rembrandt wrote that it 'will be presented to my lord at his house' ('sal mijn heer vereer[t] werden in sijnen Huijsen'). Unfortunately, Rembrandt omitted a t and wrote the words to form a single word. In the transcription an e was added, which resulted in the non-existent word 'vereerweerden'. The passage was then translated, quite imaginatively, as '[the picture] will be worthy of my lord's house'. This version has been generally accepted in English and even in Dutch renderings of the letter (note 5) and has been used as a starting point for speculations on Rembrandt's 'baroque' style and Huygens's 'classicist' taste (note 6). However, it clearly invests Rcmbrandt's words with a programmatic significance which is completely alien to what was merely a practical piece of information.
Nogmaals Pieter Bruegels Nestrover
Authors: Schlüter Lucy , Vinken Pierre 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn The Bird Nester Bruegel combines two proverbs whose respective English translations are: 'He who knows where the nest is, knows it; he who robs it, has it' and 'He who falls from the edge of the ditch into it', which also call transiency and death to mind. The composition of the painting and the symbolic significance of all the carefully chosen elements are bound to have reminded the educated contemporary beholder of the inevitability of death. Every detail in the picture conveys the same message. No more conclusive explanation than that of a memento mori has ever been offered for this mysterious painting.
Een schilderij van Jacopo Palma il Giovane in een vroeg zeventiende-eeuwse Amsterdamse verzameling
Authors: Cohen-Willner Saskia 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn this article a drawing by Palma il Giovane, now owned by the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich, is identified as a study for a painting by the same artist. The present whereabouts of this painting, which early on in the 17th century was in the collection of the Amsterdam merchant and art-lover Hendrick van Os, are unknown. Identification of the drawing was facilitated by the lengthy description of this work in Karel van Mander's biography of Palma Giovane in the Italian Lives of his Schilderboeck (Haarlem 1604). Van Mander describes the painting as showing Venus, Juno and Minerva seated at a table, while the angry Discord has just thrown the apple of discord in their midst. His description of the Van Os painting conforms perfectly, almost down to the smallest detail, with the Munich drawing. Van Mander, during his entire stay in Italy, never visited Venice. For his notion of Venetian painting he relied largely on the information he received from visitors to Venice and its surroundings or on Venetian works he had seen elsewhere, either in other Italian cities or in the Netherlands. For his description of Palma Giovanc's artistic skills Van Mander could rely on his firsthand knowledge of the painting owned by Hendrick van Os.
De Romeinse Panorama's van Jan de Bisschop en Theodoor Matham
Authors: Zwollo AN 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn many cases it is possible to identify the sources from which Jan de Bisschop copied his Italianate landscapes and town views. A Map of Rome, drawn by Jan de Bisschop and engraved by J. Lamsvelt (fig. i), is likewise based on an earlier example, Matteo Gregorio De Rossi's map of I668. One of the items in the exhibition devoted to Jan de Bisschop at the Rembrandthuis, Amsterdam, from December I9 I992 to February 28 I993, was a Panorama of Rome from the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York (fig. 3). The author, Michiel Plomp, asserts that Jan de Bisschop based this work on the Panorama of Rome by Theodoor Matham, who was active in Rome between I633 and I637. Hitherto only two sections of Matham's panorama were known in the Print Room of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (figs.4a and b). For a proper comparison of the two panoramas, Matham's third, right-hand section showing a View of Castel S. Angelo and S. Pietro, should be taken into consideration (figs.2 and 4c). This drawing is kept in the Kennemerland Archive Office at Haarlem. Matham's panorama can be dated to I637-I645, after his return to Amsterdam. In the catalogue of the sale of the Neyman collection planned for late June I776 in Paris, the three sections of Matham's panorama are still listed as a single lot. Compositionally, the two panoramas are very similar. Both extend from the Villa Medici to S. Pietro, and both are seen from two different viewpoints north of the Porta del Popolo. However, a few differences can also be observed. Some of the topographical elements are more distinct in Jan de Bisschop's panorama than in Matham's: the shape of Bernini's belfry, the position of the Obelisco Flaminio on the Piazza del Popolo, and the course of the Tiber. It is therefore highly unlikely that Jan de Bisschop based his panorama on the sections of Theodoor Matham's in Amsterdam and Haarlem. Did Jan de Bisschop perhaps consult Matham's preliminary, on-the-spot sketches? Or are we to assume that a third draughtsman is involved, and that both Matham and De Bisschop based their panoramas on his work?
Vital- Und Supravitalfärbung Verschiedener Organe Und Organsysteme Von Amphioxus Lanceolatus
Authors: Van Weel P.B. 
Published: July 2010

Abstract1. Basische Farbstoffe (Toluidinblau, Neutralrot, Methylenblau, Nilblausulfat) färben in allen Zellen präformierte, teils paraplasmatische Granula und Einschlüsse. Die Lipochondrien, die nicht paraplasmatischer Natur sind, haben in polarisierten Zellen eine überwiegend bestimmte Orientierung, während sie, z.B. in den pigmenthaltenden Zellen der Kiemenspalten, im ganzen Plasma verteilt liegen. 2. Die Darmzellen färben sich im allgemeinen sehr schwer, während die Färbungsbereitschaft verschieden ist, nämlich: A. je nach dem Ernährungszustand, B. je nach dem Arbeitsstadium, c. je nach der Aufnahmebereitschaft der Zellen selbst. Wahrscheinlich reguliert die Basalkornzone die Aufnahme der verschiedenen Stoffe. Die Darmzellen vermögen also das Eindringen basischer Farbstoffe zu wehren. Die anderen untersuchten Zellarten vermögen dies nicht. 3. Mit Janusgrün B färben sich die Mitochondrien in geringerem oder höherem Masse. Sie liegen als kleine Granula-ketten in der Zelle regellos verteilt, in polarisierten Zellen jedoch meistens in der Längsachse. In den Solenocyten sind Mitochondrien vital nicht aufzufinden. 4. Mit sauren Farbstoffen werden nur vorhandene Zelleinschlüsse gefärbt. Neuentstehung gefärbter Granula findet nicht statt. In den Darmzellen werden allgemein nur die Lipochondrien tingiert. Die Zellen des Kiemenkorbs verhalten sich sauren Farbstoffen gegenüber nicht alle gleich. Die Anfärbung der Lipochondrien (und manchmal die diffuse Plasmadurchtränkung) der Solenocyten lässt vermuten, dass diese im Stande sind ausser Wasser auch gelöste Stoffe aufzunehmen und weiterzubefördern. Sie würden dann auch excretionsfähig sein. 5. Die Leukomethylenblauoxydation erscheint zuerst diffus im Grundplasma (diffuse Bläuung). Spezielle Oxydo-Redukase-träger sind also nicht vorhanden. Sekundär wird das Methylenblau von den Lipochondrien gespeichert.
The Influence of Temperature Upon Gas-Exchange in Fish
Authors: Punt A. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractQ00 values are calculated for CO2-output of tench (Tinca tinca L.) and Cichlasoma bimaculatum (L.). For normal tench the Q10 is maximal at temperatures, between 10Â° and 17.5Â°. By accustoming the animal during several weeks to higher temperatures, the maximal value for Q10 is to be found at a higher temperature too. The gas-exchange of Cichlasoma bimaculatum did not show a maximal Q10 within physiological range of temperature.
Reformed Education in Early Modern Europe: a Survey1
Authors: Ehrenpreis Stefan 
Published: July 2010

AbstractReformed education in sixteenth-century Europe shared common aims and methods with the educational models of other confessions, but the Reformed put them into action earlier and with greater force. Reformed educational models were characterized both by the integration of the educational idea into the local parish level and by a utopian concept of universal reform. The Reformed used international networks of scholars and publishers to disseminate their ideas. In the second half of the seventeenth century, Reformed models neglected the new, popular methods of mass instruction and, at the same time, their acceptance declined.
Preaching Practice: Reformed Students' Sermons
Authors: Maag Karin 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThis contribution assesses the ways in which Reformed theology students in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries learned how to preach. Based on Genevan and French sources, as well as a training manual for pastors by Andreas Hyperius, the author argues that although the sermon stood at the center of Reformed worship, the training in homiletics given to future pastors was rather haphazard. Consistency of preparation was also hampered by disputes between various church authorities over the oversight of candidates, and by the candidates' own emphasis on form over substance in their sermons, particularly in the early seventeenth century.
Competing Clerical Efforts To Secure Lay Support in the Flacian Controversy Over Original Sin
Authors: Christman Robert J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn the decades following Luther's death, adherents of the Wittenberg Reformation fought amongst themselves over how to define the reformer's theology. Often such struggles pitted Philippists against Gnesio-Lutherans, but sometimes the controversies took place within these groups themselves. The following article examines the Flacian controversy over original sin as it split the Gnesio-Lutheran pastorate of the central German county of Mansfeld. Rather than focusing on the content of the debate, this study analyzes the two distinct approaches to the laity taken by the pastors on each side of the divide. One side endeavored to present the doctrinal complexities of the disagreement to the parishioners; the other attempted to shield the laity from the intricacies of the dispute. It was, therefore, not only a theological disagreement that divided the pastors, but two distinct and competing visions of ecclesiology and the role of the laity in the church.
Preaching Calvinism in Lutheran Danzig: Jacob Fabritius On the Pastoral Office
Authors: Tode Sven 
Published: July 2010

AbstractJacob Fabritius was the director of the Danzig academy for almost 50 years and therefore determined the confessional identity of Danzig's pastors, who were recruited chiefly from the Latin school over a long period of time. At the same time, Fabritius was a champion of Calvinism in the predominantly Lutheran city of Danzig. This paper analyses Fabritius's programmatic sermon, given on October 24, 1596, in which he developed his understanding of the office and importance of the pastor, urged confessional unity amid the diversity of non-Catholics, and placed the pastors between the commune and the magistrate as apostles sent by God. Analysis of this sermon provides new insights into the relation between clerical and secular authorities and calls attention to the various ways in which sermons can be interpreted. Attention to these ways of interpretation contributes to a wider understanding of the structures of early modern society.
"The Care of Souls Is a Very Grave Burden for [the Pastor]": Professionalization of Clergy in Early Modern Florence, Lucca, and Arezzo
Authors: Comerford Kathleen M. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractCouncils and bishops in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Tuscan dioceses emphasized vocation and the cura animarurn in their efforts to reform the parish clergy after the Council of Trent. The desired criteria for pastoral behavior were relatively simple, yet in many instances conformity was elusive. While synods and visitations clearly articulate a vision of professionalism, and even state penalties for failures to achieve that vision, most parishes display instead a continuation of prior practices in several important areas, including very low levels of conformity with Tridentine and post-Tridentine reglations concerning education of priests and availability of up-to-date service books. Since the penalties were relatively small, and often did not produce any change, historians may conclude that seventeenth-century priests were not able to achieve the level of professionalization desired of them.