bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Missionaries and the Ethnographic Imagination. Reflections on the Legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863–1934)
Authors: Macagno Lorenzo 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThis article consists of a reflection on the ethnographic and political legacy of the protestant missionary Henri-Alexandre Junod. A member of the Swiss Mission, Junod was one of the few missionaries to enjoy the recognition of “professional” anthropologists in his time (among them, Malinowski himself, who praised his pioneering ethnography on the Thonga of southern Africa). But beyond his important ethnographic legacy, his work as a missionary brought him into contact with many perplexities and paradoxes. Besides living and working in the Union of South Africa – present day South Africa – he lived for many years in Mozambique, where at certain times, his presence – and that of the protestant missionaries in general – was not well accepted by Portuguese Colonial Regime. Today, the policies on bilingual education, the process of reinvention of the Shangaan identity, the multicultural dilemmas of post-socialist Mozambique and the role of the Protestant churches in the formation of the civil society, cannot be understood without a systematic and renewed reflection on the legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod. Cet article propose une réflexion sur l'héritage ethnographique et politique du missionnaire protestant Henri-Alexandre Junod. Membre de la Missions Suisse Romande, Junod fut un des rares missionnaires qui fut reconnu de son vivant par les anthropologues "professionnels" (entre autres Malinowski lui-même qui loua son travail ethnographique sur les Thonga d'Afrique australe). Au-delà son héritage ethnographique, le travail de Junod comme missionnaire l'exposa aussi à plusieurs perplexités et paradoxes. En plus de vivre et travailler dans l'Union d'Afrique du Sud – aujourd'hui Afrique du sud – il vécut durant de nombreuses années au Mozambique où, à certains moments, sa présence – et celle des missionnaires protestants en général – ne fut pas bien acceptée par le régime colonial portugais. Aujourd'hui les politiques d'éducation bilingues, le processus de la réinvention de l'identité Shangaan, les dilemmes multiculturels d'un Mozambique postsocialiste et le rôle des églises Protestantes dans la formation d'une société civile ne peuvent pas être compris sans une réflexion systématique et renouvelée de l'héritage d'Henri-Alexandre Junod.
Hoe houdt de stadhouder hof?
Authors: DE CARVALHO-ROOS Trudie Rosa 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn 1808, the Dutch King Lodewijk Napoleon decided upon a major dismantling of the former quarters of the stadtholders at the Binnenhof in The Hague, which he had used as a royal residential palace since 1806. That dismantling resulted in a total clearance of the original 18th-century interiors in Rococo and Neo-classical styles, inclusive of all painted decorations. The records of this operation proved vital for the reconstruction of the interiors of these quarters as they had existed during second half of the 18th century, when stadtholders Willem IV and v had their residence there. Not only did it turn out to be possible to reconstruct the former situation on paper, but also the majority of the then removed paintings could be retraced. Among the refound works are paintings by Dirk van der Aa (1731-1809), Jean Humbert (1734-1794.), Johann Heinrich Keller (1692-1765), Willem Ket (1756-1795), Jean Teissier (1750-1821), Aert Schouman (1710-1792.) and Hendrik Willem Schweickhardt (1746-1799). Also, two chimney-pieces, by Adriaen Hanneman (1601-1671) and Jan Lievens (1607-1674), had been taken down. These are now located in the assembly room of the First Chamber of the States General. For each individual room of the complex, this article provides an insight in the history of its decoration during the period 1747 to 1808, while at the same time the reader is informed about the stadtholders' and their families' lives and tastes in the course of their residence in the apartments at the Binnenhof.
Antonis Rogiersz. uten Broec. Een verluchter uit Utrecht, werkzaam in de Zuidelijke en de Noordelijke Nederlanden
Authors: Van Der Hoek Klaas 
Published: July 2010

AbstractActive in the Southern Netherlands in the mid-fifteenth century was a miniaturist who signed his work twice and who can be identified as Antonis Rogiersz. uten Broec. In addition to his contributions to the two manuscripts in which he included his name, he worked on three other Southern-Netherlandish manuscripts. Antonis' style as manifested in these five manuscripts reemerges in a group of illuminated manuscripts produced in Utrecht in the 1460s. They are attributed to the so-called Master of the Boston City of God. On the basis of stylistic arguments and circumstantial evidence of a codicological nature, I believe that this until now anonymous miniaturist is no one less than Antonis uten Broec. To substantiate this identification, research was conducted in the Utrecht archives on the Antonis uten Broec known from Southern-Netherlandish manuscripts. He appears to have been a member of a family that had been living and working in Utrecht for generations. It can hardly be doubted that Antonis' roots are in Utrecht and it is certain that he was buried there in 1468/'69. No matter how fragmentary, the mentions in Utrecht archival material afford biographical data on one of the generally anonymous miniaturists in the Northern Netherlands. At this point, of these artists, Antonis uten Broec is the best documented and, moreover, pursued his career in both the Northern and Southern Netherlands. This knowledge adds to our insight regarding the mobility and reciprocal influence of artists in both regions.
De vormgeving van de vroege Friese geschiedschrijving
Authors: Miedema Hessel 
Published: July 2010

AbstractBegun in 1568, the revolt of the Netherlands against the Spanish stimulated every Dutch province to strive to attain the greatest possible autonomy and independence from the dominant province of Holland. One of the arguments forwarded for pursuing this independent course was how ancient a region was (laudatio ex vetustate). Incidentally, it was Holland with its Batavian myth that had a strong suit in hand in this matter. To counter this, historiographers were appointed to confirm their region's age. In this capacity, the States of Friesland designated Suffridus Petrus (1527-1597), Bernardus Furmerius (1542-1616) and Pierius Winsemius (1586-1644) consecutively. Relying on traditional accounts, which they believed were ancient, Petrus and Furmerius established a line of legendary Frisian monarchs, beginning with Friso - banished from India - who was said to be a descendant of Noah's son Sem. The results of their scholarly research were published in small-scale, unillustrated books in Latin. Not officially commissioned as a historiographer, around 1597 Martinus Hamconius (c. 1550-1620), wrote an acrostic on the name of Suffridus Petrus, which comprised an ekphrasis with an animated description of the legendary Frisians. In 1606 he also devised a table (fig. i) in which all the characters who played a role in the illustrious history of Friesland are described in Latin. This cast of characters was published again in 1617, this time in Dutch (fig. 2). A lost copy of this edition featured illustrations (fig. 3), which were reused in an edition of Hamconius' Frisia (1620) (figs. 17, 20, 21). The tableau of 1617 includes several old Frisian traditional costumes (fig. 10). All the prints were made by Pieter Feddes of Harlingen. A second set of illustrations of the Frisian princes was etched by Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius around 1617. These prints, known only from Pierius Winsemius' Chronique of 1622 (figs. 15, 18, 19), originally constituted a consecutive series (fig. 13), doubtless intended to illustrate Hamconius' treatise and probably made for his publisher Jan Lamrinck, who (according to the author's hypothesis) could not use it and thus cut down the plates and included them in Winsemius' Chronique, which he also published. A third, incomplete series of illustrations (fig. 14), again by Pieter Feddes, was likewise made to illustrate Hamconius' series, but may have been rejected and likewise used in the Chronique. Some details in four of the figures in both series (figs. 15-23) seem to point to the iconographic tradition of the free Frisian countryman.
'Notitie der Teekeningen van Sybrand Feitama', III*: de verzameling van Sybrand I Feitama (1620-1701) en van Isaac Feitama (1666-1709)
Authors: Broos B.P.J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractSince the earliest sale catalogue of drawings known in which mention is made of artists and titles is that of Philips de Flines of 1701 (Notes I,2), the 'Notes' (see Appendix I) on the drawings of Sybrand I Feitama (1620-1701) can be regarded as unique. This manuscript, compiled in its definitive from by Sybrand II Feitama (1694-1755) between 1746 and 1758, enables us to reconstruct the nucleus of the collection. The earliest notes date from 1685 and 1690 and will have been made by Sybrand I Feitama (Note 3). They in fact constitute a precise and businesslike price list, reminding us that Feitama was a druggist by profession. His collection of 320 drawings was amassed in the 17th century in the house called 'The Golden Spectacles' on Damrak in Amsterdam. As the collection of a connoisseur who was not himself an artist, it was a relatively new phenomenon and it is also striking for its lack of Italian and French drawings (Note 4), especially as non-Dutch art formed the principal component of the holdings of known contemporary collectors like Dirk van Beeresteyn, Philips de Flines, Abraham van Lennep and Jan Six (Note 5). The Feitamas did not even follow the model of collections they knew at first hand, e.g. those of Jan Pietersz. Zomer, who supplied them with drawings for over thirty years (Note 6), and Lambert ten Kate, both of which showed a strong emphasis on art from the south. Sybrand II did not share this predilection, only coming into possession of a Jan Weenix from Ten Kate' estate in 1742 by a roundabout route. Nor do the Feitamas appear to have shared the preference, common among artist collectors, for the art of the past (Notes 8, 9), or that current around 1700 for curiosities such as first states and proofs (Notes 11, 12). Their taste was, then, rather unique. However, in connectio n with a portrait of Sybrand I Feitama the poet Jan Norel did praise his interest in 'Prints after Art' and 'wondrous Rarities' (Note 13). If this is taken literally, it can only be concluded that after that date Feitama abandoned prints and curiosities in favour of a fanatical concentration on mainly contemporary Dutch drawings. He collected almost encyclopedically, artists from A-Z, mostly reasonably priced works that were good value for the money, i.e. watercolours by Adriaen van Ostade rather than scribbles by Rembrandt. All three, generations of Feitamas had a special affection for Ludolf Bakhuizen, Nicolaes Berchem, Allaert van Everdingen, Jacob van Ruisdael and Adriaen van de Velde.
Opnieuw de Nassause tapijten
Authors: Van Der Klooster L.J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe author supplements studies published in the 1969 and 1975 volumes of Oud Holland concerning the Nassau tapestries which Count Henry III of Nassau ordered to be made in 1531 after designs by Barend van Orley. Five of Van Orley's drawings for this series of tapestries with equestrian portraits have been preserved. The inscription in the cartouche on one of these drawings is not consistent with the depicted persons. The author contends that they are Henry III himself and his third wife, the Spanish Mencia de Mendoza, with his first two wives in the background Arguments supporting this hypothesis are based on the resemblance to other portraits of the couple, the insignia of the order of the Golden Fleece on the cuirass and on the count's coat of arms, the countess's garments and the mule on which she alone is scated. The mule should be seen as the mount most commonly ridden by ladies in Spain. Frederick Henry had copies of the original series made in 1632. They hung in the Noordeinde palace first, and later in Breda castle. The name of the maker of these copies was hitherto unknown. However, a pamphlet containing a description of a wedding feast held in February 1638 in the Noordeinde palace states the artist's name: Jan Raes, a Brussels tapestry weaver.
Duidelijkheid over de Amsterdamse St. Lukasfeesten in 1653 en 1654
Authors: Postma Hugo , Blok Marjo 
Published: July 2010

AbstractVarious sources record the St. Luke's Feasts which were held in Amsterdam in 1653 and 1654. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, the two feasts had already become confused with one another in some texts. Twentieth-century expositions drawing on these sources convey an erroneous impression of the actual course of events. This article discusses the possible causes of the confusion. The most important facts pertaining to the festivities are stated in their correct order, and a few new ideas are offered for consideration. All the known source material and relevant secondary literature are subjected to close scrutiny, and some new material is presented. The confusion which has misled so many authors in the past stems from a discussion in literary publications on Vondel in the nineteen-twenties. It is quite conceivable that the debate was fuelled by the form in which certain texts were published in the seventeenth century, and by the incorrect information about the two feasts in Houbrakcn and Wagcnaar. The feasts of 1653 and 1654 evidently differed in character. Although both were St. Luke's banquets, the accents were different. The 1653 celebrations involved painters and poets, whereas in 1654 painters and sculptors were the chief protagonists. There arc also hints that the 1654 festivities were organized on an ambitious scale. Notably the recently discovered handsome first edition of 'Broederschap Der Schilderkunst INGEWYDT Door SCHILDERS, BEELDTHOUWERS En des Zelfs BEGUNSTIGERS; Op den 21 l'an Wynmaent 1654, op St. Joris Doelen. In AMSTERDAM' endorses these suggestions.
'Poeetsche fabrijcken' en andere allegorieën, eind 16de-begin 17de eeuw
Authors: Spies Marijke 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe French poets of the 15th and 16th centuries (the 'rhétoriqueurs') attached importance to 'poetrie' in the sense of fiction- primarily mythological fiction. This view was adopted by rhetoricians in the South Netherlands (De Castelein), where early Renaissance poets subsequently invested mythological 'poetrie' with a neo-platonic theory of inspiration (De Heere). There was however some resistance to this kind of 'poetic' rendering in the North Netherlands, as well as to the allegorical interpretation directly linked with it (Coornhert). There was a twofold reason for this: the Reformatory rejection of allegorical bible interpretation, and the general humanist respect for the literal meaning of texts. Consequently, a different kind of poetry emerged which was more rhetorically argumentative than artistically fictional. Only later Van Mander was to introduce firmly the neo-platonic interpretation of myths, about which he entered into discussion with H. L. Spiegel, a friend of Coornhert's and a leading light in De Eglentier, the Amsterdam chamber of rhetoric.
Bij de balustrade, met gerust gemoed De implicaties van een architectonisch motief in de zeventiende-eeuwse portretkunst
Authors: De Jongh E. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn a fairly large number of seventeenth century Netherlandish portraits a motif can be seen which has hitherto been disregarded in art history. It is the ball on a straight-sided pillar at the end or in the middle of a balustrade. Most of such balls stand on a plinth; some are placed directly on the pillar. The sitters are portrayed in an evident relationship to such balustrade balls, sometimes with a hand on the ball, sometimes pointing demonstratively at it. In the author's opinion this architectural element - the stone ball and its straight-sided support cannot have had a merely decorative function as a rule, at least not when used in portraits. He contends that it was meant as a derivative or a substitute, with respect to both form and content, of a motif which occurs in various guises in emblems and occasionally in kindred literature, consisting of a ball and cube depicted in close proximity. In certain cases, for example in the writings ofPers, Vacnius, Rollenhagen, Oudaan, Boschius and Spinniker, their union is consummated, the ball sitting on the cube (or another straight-sided body) and symbolizing wisdom, virtue in the general sense, patience, steadfastness or more particularly divinely inspired peace of mind. The configuration of the balustrade-ball and straight-sided support bestows these virtues upon the subjects of the portraits, meaning that these persons refer to such ideals or purport to possess these noble qualities already. Their poses and gestures can be extremely eloquent. Even so, these persons and their remarkable attribute supply no more than approximate information. While the virtues in question are always precisely specified and dcscribed in literature, such is naturally not the case in portraiture. Basically, the specific meaning or nuance of meaning embodied in a particular portrait can never be established with certainty. Going by source material, however, we may assume that one of the aforesaid virtues and qualities is alluded to, very likely tranquillitas animi, peace of mind.
De broer van de koning met de dood bedreigd: een 'exemplum iustitiae' in de vijftiende- en zestiende-eeuwse Nederlandse kunst
Authors: Van Der Velden Hugo 
Published: July 2010

AbstractA South Netherlandish panel in the collection of the Ringling Museum of Art, Sarasota, painted around 1475-85, can be identified as one of the few surviving fifteenth-century justice pictures. Bruyn succeeded in tracing the painting's enigmatic iconography to a mediaeval 'exemplum', The King's Brother Threatened with Death, in which elements from The Sword of Damocles and from the story of the trumpet of death in the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat are combined into a single history. In the Gesta Romanorum, under the heading 'De timore extremi iudicii', the tale is told of a wise and righteous king who threatens to have his frivolous brother executed as a means of demonstrating his own state of mind: the thought of the Last Judgement makes it impossible for him to abandon himself to the pleasures of earthly life. In written sources this 'exemplum' is often associated with 'righteousness', becoming more closely interwoven with the practice of secular justice as time passed. In the fourteenth century, for example, it featured in a moralizing discourse on good and righteous government (the Ludus Scaccorum) and in the fifteenth century as a model of god-fearing conduct - even in a code of law (the Wetboek van Den Briel). This development corresponds closely with the literary history of other judgement scenes, such as the Judgement of Cambyses. The cited literary sources stress that judges should be filled with 'Timor Dei' as exemplified by the story of the king and his brother. The tenor of the 'exemplum' is a reminder that the secular judge will eventually have to answer for his actions to the Supreme Judge, an idea which was conveyed in town halls by representations of the Last Jugement. In view of the written tradition it is quite likely that the panel in Sarasota and two other representations of The King's Brother Threatment with Death - a drawing attributed to Lucas van Leyden and a stained-glass window - served as (designs for) a judgement picture. This interpretation is substantiated by sixteenth-century pictorial sources. In both a South German drawing and a print by Theodoor de Bry the story of the king's brother is combined with a number of familiar 'exempla iustitiae'.
Cornelis Ketel en zijn familie: een revisie
Authors: Schulting TO 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn 1964 this journal published an article by J. Schouten with a family tree of the Ketel family of Gouda; most of the archive records consulted by the author for that purpose were already public. His principal theme, however, was the hypothesis of a third painter in the family by the name of Cornelis Ketel. The first Cornelis, who died in 1567, was the now forgotten uncle and teacher of the second, the well-known painter Cornelis Ketel who died in Amsterdam in 1616; the third Cornelis was the first one's son and thus a cousin of the second. Fresh archive research has yielded a corrected and more extensive family trcc of the Ketel family (fig. 1). Another result of this investigation is the untenability of Schouten's hypothesis: a third Cornelis did exist, but died at an early age before 1582, and there are no indications that he was an artist. Consequently, all Gouda archive records post-dating 1582 or thereabouts refer to the Cornclis Ketel who lived in Amsterdam at that time. Although he did live in Gouda for a few years after 1590/91, it was not in a 'Gasthuis' (almshouse), a misunderstanding caused by an incorrcctly transcribed archive record (fig. 6). A number of paintings which an 'old' tradition - much younger, incidentally, than Schouten would have us believe - ascribes to the second Ketel, and which because of their inferior quality arc attributed by Schouten to the third Cornelis, can therefore not be the work of the latter (figs. 7, 8, 9). Nor are they by the well-known Ketel. The addition of 'de Jonge' (the Younger) to the Amsterdam Ketel's name occurs sporadically in a few Gouda records. This suffix was not meant, as Schouten presumed, to distinguish him from his cousin, who in any case was younger than the Amsterdam Ketel, but to distinguish him as a painter from his elder uncle and teacher. Until work by this teacher is discovered, there is no point in dubbing the pupil 'the Younger'. Ketel did not suffer from gout; his brushless painting is a facet of his artistic versatility. As a matter of fact he did paint a number of works with the brush after 1600. A brother of the third Cornelis, the engineer Jacob whom Van Mander mentions in his biography of Ketel, is apparently identical with the painter Jacques Que(s)tel who lived successively in Orleans, Milan and Paris (fig. 2). He probably did not take up painting until after 1602. In 1608 he made decorations for Queen Maria de Medici's ceremonial entrance into Chartres. No work by him has come to light thus far, but a number of engravings after a portrait he painted in 1609 have survived (figs. 3 and 4). Appendix i traces how a legacy of another uncle of Ketel was distributed and passed on to his descendants. Appendix 2 lists a number of archive records pertaining to Jacob Ketel/Jacques Questel.