bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
L'administration publique dans le discours politique au Québec, de Lord Durham à nos jours
Authors: Gow James Iain 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article studies the varied fortunes of public administration in Quebec political discourse. After being the object of both discussion and reforms from 1840 to 1870, the administration was largely neglected for the next 90 years, except in the context of political scandals. Then, after two decades of great attention, the administration fell under attack in the 1980s. After looking at the enduring themes of this discourse, the article concludes that, in addition to the conditions prevailing in all the provinces, in Quebec the apolitical nature of traditional ideology prevented the development of a local theory of the state.
Economic Conditions and the Popularity of the Incumbent Party in Canada
Authors: Carmichael Calum M. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.
Political Revitalization in Canadian Native Indian Societies
Authors: Long J. Anthony 
Published: November 2009

AbstractAt present, the federal government is engaged in community-based self-government negotiations with a number of Indian bands and tribal groups across Canada with the objective of bringing about legislative arrangements for a limited form of self-government outside theIndian Act. An important part of these negotiations involves the federal government's promise to allow the incorporation of “customary or traditional structures,” where desired, into redesigned Indian governments. This article explores the difficulties confronting Indian leaders in their attempts to revitalize traditional governing practices within their respective communities. Through a comparison of traditional and contemporary governing practices in two plains Indian societies, the Blood and Peigan Nations, this article addresses the question of whether present Indian government, which represents an externally imposed form based on theIndian Act, has been institutionalized within these communities. If institutionalization has occurred, then a return to traditional governing practices, the author argues, is effectively precluded. After analyzing traditional and contemporary governing practices the author concludes that strong traditionalist orientations remain within these Indian communities, thus providing the opportunity for political revitalization.
Contracting Out of Rent Control
Authors: Lewis Thomas J. , Muller R. Andrew 
Published: November 2009

AbstractContracting out of rent control is possible if the tenant's right to a controlled tenancy is made legally transferable, thereby allowing the landlord to decontrol the property by purchasing the right to a controlled tenancy. This article outlines the basic features of contracting out and compares three forms of contracting out with vacancy decontrol. It argues that one form of contracting out may be much more politically feasible than other methods of decontrol because of the way it distributes the benefits of decontrol between landlords and sitting tenants.
Facing a Renewed Right: American Feminism and the Reagan/Bush Challenge
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia 
Published: November 2009

AbstractAmerican feminism at the point of Ronald Reagan's first election to the White House in 1980 appeared to merge the mobilizational strengths of social movement activism with the institutional professionalism that comes from interest-group experience. Unlike the British women's movement at the time of Margaret Thatcher's first majority in 1979, or organized feminism in Canada at the point of Brian Mulroney's first majority in 1984, the American movement appeared virtually unassailable. Yet observers who documented the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment, the unravelling of reproductive choice provisions and sustained resistance to affirmative action policies during the Reagan/Bush years would tend to question this assumption. The author evaluates the clash between right-of-centre and feminist interests in the United States, providing one of the first empirical assessments of legislative and judicial decision making in the Reagan/Bush years in key policy areas identified by the American women's movement.
What Kind of Democracy Do Canadians Want?
Authors: Atkinson Michael M. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article analyzes the recent constitutional turmoil in Canada by arguing that disenchantment with political institutions can be traced to confusion and indecision about the kind of democratic regime Canadians want. Using the work of Johan Olsen and James March, the author outlines two models of democratic political institutions, both centred on the concept of popular sovereignty but each offering its own version of how popular rule is to be achieved and legitimated. While the Canadian state was originally established on “integrative” principles and processes, recent years witnessed the rise of “aggregative” ideals. This development has had a profound effect on constitutional politics as well as on “normal” politics. The result is that Canadians now have a different democracy than the one they inherited from their British forebears, one with its own capacity to generate stalemate and disappointment.
Redefining Responsibility: The Politics of Citizenship in the United Kingdom
Authors: Fierlbeck Katherine 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe growing economic liberalization within, and interdependence between, modern states have limited the ability of state administrations effectively to pursue public policies without the “co-operation and self-restraint” of their citizens. The concept of citizenship will thus increasingly be a battlefield in the struggle for ideological hegemony between major political interests who attempt to define citizenship to enhance their respective political agendas. These debates over the nature of citizenship have been articulated most clearly in the United Kingdom, where the Speaker's Commission on Citizenship (report released in September 1990) has been a focal point in the discussion of what citizenship in a modern state entails.
Les hauts fonctionnaires québécois: Paramètres synergiques de puissance et de servitude
Authors: Bourgault Jacques 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article is intended to shed more light on the processes and mechanisms by which the senior civil servants exercise influence and enjoy power. It appears that simultaneously these processes and mechanisms restrain the senior civil servants and therefore limit their range of action and influence. This exchange of resources and constraints results from a complex process of communication between the issuer and the recipient of that influence; the number and diversity of the ways of relaying this communication create the conditions for communication and power strategies. The senior civil servants become and remain as powerful as they are constrained.
Cast in Concrete for All Time? The Negotiation of the Auto Pact
Authors: Keeley James F. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe Canada-United States Automotive Products Trade Agreement of 1965 has been a source of controversy between these two countries, yet has also shown considerable resistance to change. An adequate political understanding of the creation, content and history of the Pact requires an examination of the complexes of issues and goals within which the Canadian and American governments approached its negotiation. These influenced not only what issues were dealt with in the APTA but also how and how successfully. Canada was initially favoured, as is demonstrated by the outcome of the talks. However, the Pact postponed, rather than resolved, the differences between the two governments; subsequent controversies between them over the Pact stem in large part from these unresolved differences.
Trends in Intensity Variation of Palestinian Military Activity: 1967–1978
Authors: Diskin Abraham 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis note reports the results of an attempt to detect a systematic pattern in the development of terrorist activity of the Palestine Liberation Organization during the period 1967-1978. Since its establishment in 1964 the PLO has seen the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as insoluble by political, as distinct from, military means. A quantitative analysis of Palestinian military activities explores a downward trend in the annual frequency of activity in the administered territories and an upward trend in the annual frequency of activity within the pre-1967 lines. Israeli punishment did not work as a deterrent but remained an essentially retaliatory activity despite the apparent intentions of its authors. The changes in the military activity of the PLO were systematic rather than coincidental. The main cause of significant long-term increases in the activity of the Palestinian organizations was the impetus provided by political events for the recovery of operative bases of action and motivation for guerrilla activity. Reinforcement of both organizational and motivational militancy followed the perception by the Palestinian organizations that political victories could not be gained without terrorist activity.
The Political Culture and the Press of Canada
Authors: McCormack Thelma 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe 1981 Kent commission report on newspapers is discussed and contrasted with the MacBride (UNESCO) report. The former assumes that competition is the major safeguard of diversity; the latter, written from the perspective of Third World countries, regards social inequality as the primary obstacle to the free flow of information. Together they reflect contemporary controversies about modernization. Trends toward rationalization, professionalization and autonomy are examined. Neither approach, Kent or MacBride, provides a satisfactory interpretation of Quebec's francophone press. An alternative model based on access is, we suggest, closer to the realities of Canada's changing political culture and class structure.
L'Imagerie politique à la télévision: les derniers jours de la campagne référendaire
Authors: Caron André , Mayrand Chantal , Payne David E. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article presents the results of a content analysis of the late evening television news during the last days of the 1980 Quebec referendum campaign. The analysis seeks to relate the differences in the political imageries broadcast by the four networks studied: SRC, CBC, TVA and CTV. Previous studies, conducted during periods of political activities less intense than those of the referendum, have already underlined differences between the channels according to their language of broadcast and their ownership. The present analysis allows the networks to be differentiated according to these two factors by considering not only the subjects presented but also some nuances in the presentation of the same theme by different networks.
Public Policy as a Determinant of Interest Group Behaviour: The Canadian Labour Congress' Corporatist Initiative, 1976–1978
Authors: McBride Stephen 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe Canadian Labour Congress' abortive corporatist initiative 1976–1978 is examined. Existing interpretations of the episode are reviewed and an alternative posited. CLC policy represented an attempt to extend the existing localized collective bargaining system to the national level in response to the federal government's shift from macro-economic policy management to more direct forms of economic intervention. The initiative's failure is ascribed to a misreading of government intentions and to an inconsistency between proposals for national corporatism and other, noncorporatist, features of the existing collective bargaining system. Emphasis is placed on the state's role, past and present, in shaping interest group behaviour and in establishing or vetoing corporatism.
Valeurs et politiques: considérations théoriques et problèmes pratiques
Authors: Bellavance Michel 
Published: November 2009

AbstractAfter specifying the meanings to be attributed to the analysis of government policies, the author examines in this article the relationships which must exist between the analysis of policies and the analysis of values. Inspired by the works of Rein and Vickers, he concludes that the analysis of policies and of government programmes must necessarily take into account the relationship between the values which underly the collective choices, the instruments reserved for insuring the implementation of these and, finally, the results of applying these instruments. Discussing the particular combination of the decision theories, the author concludes that the policy analyst must consider the rationality of the actor or of the decision-maker within the framework of the steps that the latter takes in order to make choices or reach decisions.
Selective Inducements and the Development of Pressure Groups: The Case of Canadian Teachers’ Associations
Authors: Manzer Ronald 
Published: November 2009

On a proposé deux théories, l'une « sociologique » et l'autre « économique », pour expliquer la formation et le développement des groupes de pression. La théorie « sociologique », que Truman et d'autres ont proposée, explique l'organisation formelle par une plus intense interaction à l'intérieur du groupe, phénomène causé par quelque perturbation dans l'environnement de ce groupe. La théorie « économique » d'Olson distingue entre les bienfaits « sélectifs », qu'on peut refuser aux non-membres, des bienfaits « collectifs » dont ils peuvent jouir. Olson critique l'hypothèse fondamentale de la théorie sociologique selon laquelle un groupe de pression peut se maintenir en ne fournissant que des avantages collectifs. Si le comportement individuel est rationnel et se détermine par un intérêt égoïste(self-directed),Olson déduit qu'un type quelconque d'avantages sélectifs ou de coercition est nécessaire pour qu'un grand groupe de pression puisse durer.Entre 1914 et 1920 dix associations provinciales d'enseignants ont vu le jour et deux autres se sont réorganisées au Canada. Il y avait un rapport général de cohérence entre ce phénomène et les propositions de la théorie sociologique, ce qui n'excluait pas, toutefois, des indices probants à la théorie d'Olson. Les avantages sélectifs provenant des services de protection individuelle, des échanges professionnels et d'incitations sociales diverses attiraient les membres de façon efficace et il en fut de même dans la phase de l'appartenance automatique des membres. Ainsi donc, la théorie d'Olson nous procure une explication convaincante du développement des associations d'enseignants, mais on doit aussi attacher quelque importance au facteur d'attraction des membres par des avantages collectifs. Pourvu qu'on tienne compte de ce dernier facteur, la théorie économique peut incorporer les propositions pertinentes de la théorie sociologique sans abandonner l'hypothése de la nationalité dans les comportements individuels.
Canadian Party Labels: An Essay in Semantics and Anthropology
Authors: Laponce J. A. 
Published: November 2009

Les étiquettes des partis politiques, les termes qu'utilisent les parlementaires pour définir leur affiliation partisanne sont autant d'idéologies, de programmes sous forme concentrée. Etudier l'évolution linguistique de tels termes, c'est étudier l'évolution de tout un ensemble de forces et d'idées politiques. L'avantage de lier l'étude politique à l'étude sémantique consiste à réduire un ensemble de données trop complexes à des proportions réduites, celles du vocabulaire, et surtout à permettre l'application des lois de la sémantique à la mesure de l'évolution politique.Faite à partir d'un échantillonnage systématique (de 10 en 10 ans) duParliamentary Guide,cette étude analyse les termes dont se sont servis législateurs provinciaux et fédéraux, de 1878 à 1968, pour décrire leur parti ou tendance politique; elle mesure ainsi le succès et les transformations linguistiques des principaux symboles politiques utilisés au Canada au cours du siècle dernier.Le succès du terme Libéral, par rapport à ses rivaux, apparait non seulement dans sa dominance historique et géographique mais aussi dans sa résistance à la formation de mots composés et dans son pouvoir de rejeter les qualificatifs qui lui furent attachés. Ce succès est attribué, bien sûr, aux forces politiques qui se sont groupées sous le terme Libéral mais il parait dû aussi à la valeur expressive du mot lui même; mot qui exprime bien les valeurs dominantes de la société canadienne du vingtième siècle; mot qui, de plus, est le seul parmi ses principaux rivaux à passer presque sans tranformation de l'une dans l'autre des deux principales langues de la fédération.Il apparaît ainsi que la simple étude de l'évolution non seulement du sens mais aussi de la forme des mots permet d'identifier et de mesurer l'évolution politique d'une societé.
Quantitative Methods in Foreign Policy Analysis
Authors: Winham Gilbert R. 
Published: November 2009

Cet article avance que les analystes de la politique étrangère pourraient et devraient se servir des techniques quantitatives de recherche. L'auteur examine la valeur opérationnelle de quatre d'entre elles pour des études de cette nature : (1) analyses des opinions de I'élite et de la masse, pouvant soustendre des attitudes générates susceptibles d'influencer cette politique; (2) analyses de faits quantifiables tels que les mouvements de commerce, les pertes de guerre et les budgets gouvernementaux; (3) techniques de simulation et de dynamique de groupes, propres à permettre l'élaboration d'une théorie générale de la décision; (4) analyses de contenu des messages des responsables de la politique étrangére.Il semble que, en matière de politique étrangère, l'analyse de contenu soit la plus fructueuse de ces techniques quantitatives de recherche, parce qu'elle centre I'étude sur la conjoncture de la décision, parce qu'elle permet l'examen de décisions spécifiques et parce qu'elle porte sur des documents d'information dont le volume est relativement abondant. On a utilisé cette technique avec profit dans l'étude des crises internationales; on pourrait se servir de méthodes similaires dans nombre de situations diverses impliquant la politique étrangère. A cet effet, l'analyste doit systématiser le choix des porte-paroles dont il scrute les messages et bâtir une grille complexe d'analyse, lui permettant de coder les thèmes de leur politique.L'article signale trois difficultés inhérentes à la méthode et dont l'importance varie d'après les buts de chaque étude : une information incomplète, l'authenticité de l'information et la signification qu'il faut attribuer à un thème d'après la fréquence d'utilisation par son auteur.
Religion and Electoral Politics in France: Some Recent Observations
Authors: McHale Vincent E. 
Published: November 2009

L'importance de la religion dans la vie politique de la France tient à ce qu'elle a alimenté les divisions du système politique français: la persistance de la controverse politicoreligieuse a accentué l'opposition entre la droite et la gauche et miné les efforts de regroupement du régime des partis. Toutefois, le changement des relations sociopolitiques, issu de la conjoncture contemporaine, a amené la nouvelle génération politique à croire possible la coopération entre les catholiques et la gauche et pourrait modifier considérablement l'alignement des forces politiques dans l'avenir; c'est cette influence actuelle de la pratique religieuse sur le comportement politique que veut préciser la présente étude, à l'aide des idées et des fails mis en lumière par les recherches empiriques en ce domaine.On a trouvé que la pratique religieuse intense influence les choix partisans et conditionne la perception que se font les individus des distances qui séparent les différentes formations politiques. On a trouvé également que dans les régions à forte pratique religieuse la religion demeure un facteur important dans le comportement politique alors que d'autre questions comme l'anti-gaullisme sont reléguées au second plan, contrairement à ce qui a été observé dans les régions où règne l'indifférence religieuse. Il semble que l'anticléricalisme tende à disparaître comme thème politique et qu'il ne soit plus une raison de ralliement à la gauche. L'étude révèle enfin que, dans les régions à faible pratique religieuse, des problèmes tels que l'anti-gaullisme et la modernisation socio-économique ont supplanté la question traditionnelle du cléricalisme.
Children and the Political Community: A Comparison across Racial Lines
Authors: Greenberg Edward S. 
Published: November 2009

L'article analyse l'attitude des enfants noirs et des enfants blancs à l'égard de la communauté politique américaine, à partir d'un sondage effectué à Philadelphie au printemps de 1968. Comme prévu, un clivage significatif a pu être observé, entre les deux races, aussibien dans le développement cognitif que dans l'évolution affective.Alors que tous les enfants se conforment au modèle de développement cognitif allant du centre à la périphérie, les enfants noirs progressent plus lentement et, surtout, perçoivent la communauté locale comme particulièrement importante. L'attitude à l'égard de l'Amérique diffère également selon l'origine raciale : les enfants blancs témoignent d'un soutien également fort d'un grade scolaire à l'autre, tandis que les enfants noirs témoignent d'une désaffection qui s'accroît avec l'âge.Le sondage révèle que, chez l'enfant noir de la troisième à la neuvième année scolaire, la perception cognitive de la communauté politique s'affine, simultanément à une diminution du sentiment d'appartenance : il évolu d'une attitude très favorable, à l'égard d'une communauté vague et diffuse, à une désaffection de plus en plus élevée, à mesure que se précise sa perception des diverses communautés politiques dont il est membre. A l'égard de la communauté politique, connaissance et affection évoluent done chez lui en sens inverse.