bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Orbis Romanus
Authors: Sarti Laury 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
How were Franks related to the Roman world and its heritage? This monograph reassesses the role of the Franks in the early medieval world, their ties to the remaining empire and the imperial heritage by examining the connectivity between the two worlds, the visions of Antiquity, the conceptions of imperium, mutual perceptions and identities, the use and significance attributed to Greek and Latin, the role of the Church and religious controversies, and Roman culture. It argues that the Carolingian world was still conceived to belong to the multiethnic orbis Romanus. However, this Frankish participation was not based on intense connectivity, but on the significance attributed to Roman identities and their imperial heritage. The Byzantines shared this opinion, considering the Franks as a connatural people, and acknowledging that both had emerged from the same Roman world. The Frankish kingdoms had originated from inside the empire, with a large Roman population and continuity on virtually every level of society, including governance, law, the Church, language, and culture. They smoothly transitioned from “Roman” to “Frankish” society by retaining some notable Roman elements as part of a gradually transforming world. Frankish Romanness, defined by the imperial past, the Byzantine present, and genuinely western Roman features belonging to the Carolingian kingdoms, had evolved over the centuries. Still, when Charlemagne rose to the status of emperor, he meant to resurrect the tradition of western emperorship. The idea that the Franks governed the same imperium as the emperor of the east was only abandoned at the time of his successors. Although the Franks never designated themselves as Romans, Romanness had remained a constitutive feature of their Frankish identity and world.
Identity and Distinction
Authors: Sarti Laury 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter studies the mutual perceptions of Romanness related to the Byzantines and the Franks as reflected by relevant designations used to define the self and the other. These identities underwent fundamental processes of change: although the Byzantines considered themselves “Romans,” this identity had become detached from the eponymous capital of Rome. In the eighth century, the west increasingly claimed Roman identity, which was redefined as a reference to ancient and Christian Rome. Western authors distinguished this new notion from the east by labeling the latter Graeci—a designation identifying core features separating both worlds. In addition, the chapter argues that the Byzantine sources are less hostile toward the Franks than vice versa. It begins with a study of Byzantine identities and perceptions of the west, followed by an analysis of the western visions of the Byzantines, and the western notions of Romanness.
Vascular Dementia
Authors: Anderson Nicole D. , Murphy Kelly J. , Troyer Angela K. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Chapter 8 turns the readers’ attention to the second most common form of dementia—vascular dementia—and its possible causes: stroke (both ischemic and hemorrhagic), swelling of brain arteries (vasculitis), and mini-strokes (transient ischemic attacks). The root causes of vascular dementia—cardiovascular and metabolic conditions such as high blood pressure and diabetes—are described. The fact that it is very rare for someone to have only vascular dementia, and not also some Alzheimer’s or Lewy body pathology, is also highlighted. The next section describes the genetics of vascular dementia, including two inherited forms, and other genetic markers that are associated with an increased risk of vascular dementia. Next, the cognitive and behavior changes associated with vascular dementia are described, including differences in how it progresses depending on whether the cause was a stroke or other brain vascular events. Finally, treatment of acute stroke and prevention of vascular dementia are discussed.
Arguments and Reason-Giving
Authors: McKeon Matthew W. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This book has two parts. The first part develops a conception of reason-giving uses of arguments that aims to deepen our understanding of the argument-centric dimension of our practices of reason-giving in everyday contexts. Inference claims play a central role in reason-giving uses of arguments. You use an argument to advance its premises as reasons for believing the conclusion only if you claim that they are such reasons. Taking such reason-giving to be rationally intentional, you believe what you claim. This inference-claim belief is the linking belief associated with your inference that is expressed by your argument. The second part of the book appeals to this conception of reason-giving uses of arguments to shed light on the nature of their persuasive force, the nature of the inferential reasoning that is expressed, argumentative rationality, and intellectual honesty and intellectual integrity.
Conceptions of Fairness
Authors: Pokharel Atul 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter argues that Ostrom’s framework cannot accommodate the empirically observed perception of fairness. It shows how this dominant framework borrows a conception of fairness from Buchanan’s contractarian tradition of Social Contract Theory, which can in turn be traced to Hobbes. Next, it illustrates that this tradition draws too sharp a distinction between the procedural and outcome aspects of fairness. It shows how Ostrom’s framework of variables and their relationships is built on the idea that a fair allocation of burdens and benefits per the rules consists of what the cooperators actually agree to, not in their adherence to an external standard. It then argues that in relation to sustained cooperation, which includes the idea of time, this contractarian idea of fairness must be extended in significant ways, such as from measured inequality alone to perceived outcomes more generally, and based on a different conception of human motivations. It ends by identifying the properties that a usable concept of fairness must have for thinking about fairness over time and proposes a Contractualist philosophical foundation for a new framework.
The Thinkers
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Increasingly, political parties have adopted not only different policies but different sets of facts. The Thinkers examines the role of partisan think tanks in creating these alternate realities. Partisan think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and Center for American Progress have become de facto formal party organizations, serving as close advisors and staff for the Republican and Democratic parties. The book examines their impact on the policy process, polarization, and democracy. It also traces their development during American history, finding a close link between their activities and the growth of polarization in Congress. The book mixes historical analysis, qualitative case studies, and large-N quantitative analysis to examine the causes and consequences of the growth of partisan think tanks and their impact on American party politics.
Introduction
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces the book’s main themes by telling the story of how partisan think tanks helped to create and pass the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA). The Heritage Foundation, Center for American Progress and Center on Budget and Policy Priorities all played a role in its creation and enactment. In this and many other cases, partisan think tanks have become integral to American party politics, serving as the closest policy advisors to American elected officials. However, they are interest groups and not formal party organizations. As they have become more integrated into the policymaking decisions of the Democratic and Republican parties, they have contributed to the polarization of American politics.
The Development of Partisan Knowledge Regimes
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines the history of think tanks in the United States. In the middle of the 20th century, both Republicans and Democrats worked with nonpartisan experts in the government and academic and nonpartisan think tanks to build the modern federal government. This relationship frustrated conservatives, who saw neutral experts push conservative politicians to support a bigger and broader government. In 1973, when two Republican congressional staffers and the heir to a brewing company fortune decided to form the Heritage Foundation, ideological conservatives could finally see their vision for American public policy realized. Progressive Democratic insiders eventually followed in their footsteps to form a think tank modeled on Heritage during the George W. Bush Administration called the Center for American Progress.
Partisan Think Tanks and Polarization across Issues
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
While American politics has growth increasingly polarized, not all issues have polarized at the same rate. This chapter uses variation to further test the relationship between think tanks and polarization. It uses data on think tank reports, lobbying, testimony, and citations by members of Congress to examine think tank activity. The chapter then compares think tank activity to polarization across 20 Comparative Agendas Project policy topics. It finds that in all cases, partisan think tank activity over the long term is closely associated with polarization in Congress.
Polarized Policy Analysis
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter asks if partisan think tanks produce biased policy analysis. It compares predictions made in impact analyses by partisan think tanks to those made by neutral sources, such as academic centers or the Congressional Budget Office. It explores three cases: analysis of the cost of the Affordable Care Act, the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and Biden-Harris Tax Plans on economic growth and the deficit. It finds that partisan think tanks reports tend to produce rosier estimates for their side than nonpartisans, although some think tanks are more rigorous than others. The Heritage Foundation and the Center for American Progress tended to publish estimates farther away from the non-partisan consensus than the American Enterprise Institute and Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.
Green Jobs and Climate Change Denial
Authors: Fagan E.J. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter uses the polarization of the climate change issue as a case study to explore how partisan think tanks impact a party’s positions. Historically, the parties tended to agree more than not on environmental issues. The Republican Party rapidly shifted in the late 2000s from being the leader on regulating air pollution to denying the science of climate change. At the same time, Democrats pushed climate issues to the top of their agenda, proposing to address the Great Recession by creating new industries around renewable energy. Partisan think tanks were key to both shifts, resulting in a deeply polarized party system on the climate issue.
Hybrid Actors
Authors: Petersen Roger D. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores how the collapse of the Iraqi Army, the weakness of the Iraqi state, and the incentives of sectarian and ethnic political actors came together to form a new type of security actor—a “hybrid” actor. Hybrid actors become part of the state apparatus and gain from the state’s resources and legitimacy. They also maintain their own autonomy from the state and pursue their own agenda, often even acting as an agent of a foreign entity. The chapter explains how Iraq’s master cleavage politics work to sustain these hybrid forces and in doing so work to sustain a weak and fragmented state. The emergence of hybrid actors suggests ways in which practitioners must reconceptualize the state in future conflicts and interventions.
Frameworks for Maritime Security Analysis
Authors: Bueger Christian , Edmunds Timothy 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Chapter 3 introduces four frameworks for analyzing maritime security. The authors demonstrate that each of these frameworks provides certain analytical value, but also has strengths and weakness, oversights, and gaps. For the maritime security analyst and professional, the authors suggest that it is important to be familiar with the entire repertoire of frameworks to make informed choices, and to understand which problems might benefit the most from a particular approach. The chapter first considers legal frameworks and the key provisions of the law of the sea. This is followed by a discussion of state-centric perspectives that focus on the role of the state and dynamics of competition and cooperation. Interpretive forms of analysis broaden the focus and center on meanings and practices. Finally the root causes of maritime insecurity are addressed.
New Challenges and a Look to the Future
Authors: Bueger Christian , Edmunds Timothy 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The maritime security agenda is in constant flux. Emerging technologies, novel threats, and the global political context shape the agenda. Chapter 8 explores emerging challenges in maritime security. The authors start with a discussion of automation and cyber security, and the increasingly close link between critical infrastructure protection and maritime security. The chapter then investigates the impact that climate change and biodiversity loss will have on maritime security leading to an expanding spectrum of tasks and more challenging geophysical environments. The chapter concludes with an outlook toward the future. The authors discuss how the rise of planetary thinking and the return of geopolitics shape the maritime security and pull it in divergent directions.
Democracy’s Epistemic Problems
Authors: Benson Jonathan 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 considers the threats posed by the new democratic scepticism and why it requires a robust response. It argues democrats should not dismiss the new sceptics by retreating to the intrinsic or procedural values of democracy but should instead confront their epistemic objections directly and recognize that democracies need to make good decisions. A problem for this view, however, is that people reasonably and persistently disagree about what counts as a good decision in politics. While epistemic democrats struggle with this problem, this chapter offers an alternative view. Just as the handyman requires a set of tools to complete the different tasks they may be set, political institutions require epistemic tools which can achieve the many reasonable conceptions of justice and the common good they may be asked to promote. The chapter then sets out a corresponding approach for understanding and defending the intelligence of democracy.
The Limits of Elections and Markets
Authors: Benson Jonathan 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Chapter 2 introduces pro-market critics of democracy and compares the epistemic abilities of democratic elections and free markets. While epistemic democrats have advocated for the benefits of elections, and Hayekian economists for the benefits of markets, the chapter claims that both institutions face a common set of problems. When it comes to decisions which must account for justice and the common good, elections and markets are argued to face significant incentive and information problems. The reason for this is that both institutions aim to decentralize decision-making to a large number of individuals, as either voters or consumers, and while this has advantages when it comes to self-interested decisions, it creates problems when individuals must consider their impacts on others. Individuals are therefore unlikely to make intelligent decisions about the common good, and the chapter ends by suggesting that this sets up a preliminary case for more collective forms of politics.
The Changing Senate’s Unchanging Rules
Authors: Ritchie Donald A. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The United States Senate underwent dramatic changes over the past half century. The only part of the Senate that has not changed is its standing rules. Cloture, the mechanism for ending debate and permitting a vote, has caused the most anguish and generated the most calls for reform concerns cloture. Majority parties have revised Senate procedures by setting new precedents, most notably the nuclear option, which eliminated filibusters against nominations. While the Senate experienced legislative gridlock during the Trump administration, the nuclear option gave the president notable success in winning confirmation of his judicial nominations. Both parties altered the rules by setting new precedents when they were in the majority and protested them while in the minority. The nuclear option was a culmination rather than a disruption: a begrudging compromise to keep the Senate functioning despite its polarized politics. Similar pressures may eventually limit or abolish filibusters on legislation.
High Stakes Negotiation
Authors: Lee Frances , Poirier Bettina , Bertram Christopher 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States faced one of the worst global economic crises in history. It had to do so amid a divided government, a House and Senate controlled by different parties, and a presidential election year. Despite these challenges, Congress enacted a set of sweeping COVID-aid measures on a wholly bipartisan basis. Contrary to its reputation for gridlock and inaction, Congress put in place the most robust economic response to the COVID-19 pandemic of any advanced democracy. This chapter draws on concepts from scholarship on negotiation to analyze how the Senate, House, and president reached agreement on these massive legislative packages. These expenditures had dramatic policy effects: they prevented a rise in poverty, boosted personal incomes and savings, saved many enterprises from bankruptcy, shored up the health care system, sustained the transportation sector, and rolled out COVID tests and vaccines to the population.
Trump’s Disregard for Senate Norms and Prerogatives
Authors: Lesniewski Niels 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The Senate had no shortage of opportunities to provide a check on President Trump’s use of executive power, but either because of unwillingness or disinterest, often failed to do so. And the ultimate remedy for a president showing disregard for congressional intent, removal from office in a trial of impeachment, was an option made available to the Senate—but in the case of both trials, the result seemed predetermined. The Trump administration’s expansive use of executive actions were not entirely new, but more the latest case of an executive pushing the envelope. The Senate did not totally acquiesce to the president, however. He repeatedly called for Republican senators to eliminate the legislative filibuster, and that effort to curtail the checks and balances between the two chambers went nowhere.
The Role of Human Rights Mechanisms in Shaping International Humanitarian Law
Authors: Spadaro Alessandra 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The influence of international human rights law (IHRL) on the law of armed conflict is well recognized. At the same time, the direct contribution of human rights mechanisms to the development of international humanitarian law (IHL) is less so. This chapter shows that human rights mechanisms have played a role in shaping IHL, most notably as a consequence of the co-application of IHL and IHRL in armed conflict. The chapter goes on to explore new potential avenues for the shaping of IHL by human rights mechanisms, focusing on the role of the mechanisms of the Human Rights Council in shaping the obligations of armed groups parties to non-international armed conflicts.
The Role of Regionalism in the Making and Shaping of the Law of Armed Conflict
Authors: Waschefort Gus 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The dominant narrative casts the law of armed conflict (LOAC) as a legal regime of super universality and homogeneity. Analysis of the development of modern LOAC reveals that this narrative is a more recent account, constructed to subvert the undesirable impact of recently decolonized States in the development of LOAC. The success of developing states in expanding the material scope of international armed conflict during the 1970s was the apex of such impact. This affair was perceived as a significant defeat by Western European States. The super-universality narrative has insulated LOAC from more radical developments but has done so by sacrificing a measure of legitimacy and inhibiting broader buy-in to the regime. Increased accommodation of regional approaches in the development of LOAC can only be achieved by enhancing LOAC expertise globally; mainstreaming LOAC in regions where it is marginalized; ensuring inclusive participation; and being receptive to different approaches and perspectives.
Hayes v. Tilden
Authors: Foley Edward B. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The 1876 presidential election almost caused a second Civil War. President Grant had plans for martial law. The dispute was not resolved until within 48 hours of Inauguration Day. Pistols were drawn on the floor of the House of Representatives the previous day, and the Sergeant-at-Arms was needed to restore order. The Speaker of the House, Samuel Randall, deserves credit for preventing the House from taking the crisis to the point where Congress failed to settle the dispute before Inauguration Day. The “compromise” that caused Republicans to abandon Reconstruction, and with it civil rights for Blacks in the South, also contributed to the settlement. The dispute involved two fundamentally divergent claims of electoral fairness: Republicans felt righteous in opposing the unconstitutional disenfranchisement of southern Blacks, while Democrats cried foul over the vote-counting fraud perpetrated by Republicans. Congress created an Electoral Commission to adjudicate the conflict, but it was poorly structured.
General Introduction
Authors: Antognazza Maria Rosa 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The General Introduction outlines the structure, argument, terminology, and methodology employed in this book. The starting point is the recurrent failure of six decades of effort to rescue the supposedly ‘standard’ conception of knowledge as justified true belief. Part I challenges the crude history of philosophy underlying this entire Gettier paradigm. A survey of ancient, medieval, early modern, and modern epistemology reveals that this allegedly ‘standard’ conception is anything but. For over two millennia, the standard view was rather that knowing and believing are distinct, mutually exclusive mental states, involving different mental faculties, and playing distinct and complementary roles in our cognitive lives. Part II then reframes elements of this age-old consensus in contemporary terms which push ‘knowledge first’ epistemology in a fresh direction. Knowledge is presented as phenomenologically and ontologically prior to belief, and, crucially, is not a kind of belief. In turn, ‘mere believing’ is not ‘a kind of botched knowing’ but a mental state fundamentally different from knowing, with its own crucial and distinctive role in our cognitive life. Contrary to the claim that belief aims at knowledge, the specific contribution of belief to our cognition is that of aiming at truth where and when knowledge is beyond our cognitive reach. Part III then applies this renewed paradigm to a range of controversial issues, including the taxonomy of belief, the role of the will in belief, testimony, collective knowledge, and religious epistemology. This Introduction concludes by clarifying the terminologies and methodologies to be employed in this book.