bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Scandinavian Missionaries, Gender and Armenian Refugees during World War I. Crisis and Reshaping of Vocation
Authors: Okkenhaug Inger Marie 
Published: July 2010

AbstractSingle Scandinavian women, professionally trained as nurses or teachers, left for Turkish Armenia with a religious calling to proselytize and work with relief. In practical terms, however, they became part of the Armenian population's fight for survival during war and genocide. Encountering the Ottoman government's war against its Armenian population, Scandinavian mission work was transformed to performing illegal rescue operations. But the missionaries' careers, relief workers and war witnesses in the Ottoman Empire did not only have an effect on their professional lives, the closeness to Armenian society also shaped their private lives. Des femmes scandinaves célibataires, formées comme infirmières ou enseignantes, partirent pour l'Arménie turque en réponse à une vocation religieuse pour aller évangéliser et travailler dans l'aide humanitaire. Pratiquement, toutefois, ces femmes devinrent partie intégrante de la lutte pour la survie de la population arménienne face à la guerre et au génocide. Avec la guerre de l'Empire ottoman contre sa population arménienne, la mission scandinave se mua en une opération illégale de sauvetage. Non seulement la carrière de missionnaires et travailleuses humanitaires de ces femmes ainsi que leur expérience comme témoins de la guerre dans l'Empire ottoman eurent un impact sur leur vie professionnelle, mais leur proximité avec la société arménienne transforma également leur vie privée.
“No More Cookies or Cake Now, 'C'est la guerre' ”: An American Nurse in Turkey, 1919 to 1920
Authors: Sheldon Kathleen 
Published: July 2010

AbstractSylvia Thankful Eddy was a nurse with the Near East Relief in Turkey, based at an American mission hospital at Aintab. She kept a diary during 1919-1920, when she witnessed a conflict between Turkish and French forces and Turkish persecution of Armenians. Her story counters the expectations of a missionary perspective, as she rarely mentions anything religious but frequently reports on sharing social activities with French soldiers. She was awarded the French Croix de Guerre for her actions in saving patients when the hospital was bombarded. Her story illustrates the complicated alliances of an American woman working at the intersection of various conflicting national, ethnic, and religious communities, and demonstrates one woman's route to missionary work. Sylvia Thankful Eddy, infirmière, travailla pour le Near East Relief en Turquie où elle fut basée à Aintab dans un hôpital missionnaire américain. Elle rédigea un journal entre 1919 et 1920 alors qu'elle était témoin du conflit entre les forces turques et françaises et de la persécution des Arméniens par les Turcs. Son histoire ne correspond pas à ce que l'on peut attendre d'une perspective missionnaire dans la mesure où elle ne parle presque pas de religion et qu'elle mentionne au contraire fréquemment les activités sociales qu'elle partage avec des soldats français. Elle reçut la médaille française de la Croix de Guerre pour ce qu'elle entreprit afin de sauver des patients lorsque l'hôpital où elle était fut bombardé. Son histoire illustre les alliances compliquées d'une femme américaine travaillant à l'intersection de diverses communautés nationales, ethniques et religieuses, et elle démontre le parcours singulier d'une femme vers le travail missionnaire.
For the Love of God: Care-giving in the Middle East
Authors: Naguib Nefissa 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn Jerusalem in the 1960s two nuns belonging to the Polish Order of the Sisters of St. Elizabeth experienced a calling to help relieve the suffering among children living around the walls of the old city. With the help of a loan and a 'miracle' Sister Raphaela and Sister Kryspina managed to finance the building of an orphanage 'The Home of Peace' on Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. Today 'The Home of Peace' is managed by fifteen nuns who do the washing, cleaning, feeding, tutoring and caring for approximately thirty children, mostly girls, under the age of eighteen years. This paper sketches aspects of long-term daily charitable giving, rescue, protection, shelter and gestures of kindness which are forgotten aspects in Middle Eastern research. This is an attempt to get at the often neglected story of compassion and care-giving in the Middle East. À Jérusalem, pendant les années 60, deux sœurs de l'ordre polonais des Sœurs de St. Elisabeth ont ressenti la vocation de soulager la souffrance des enfants vivant en dehors des murs de la Ville Sainte. Avec l'aide d'un emprunt et grâce à un « miracle », Sœur Raphaela et Sœur Kryspina ont pu financier la construction d'un orphelinat sur le Mont des Oliviers à Jérusalem, le'Foyer de la paix'. Aujourd'hui le 'Foyer de la paix' est dirigée par 15 sœurs qui nourrissent, lavent, instruisent et prennent soin d'une trentaine d'enfants, pour la plupart des filles de moins de 18 ans. L'article se penche sur des questions souvent laissées de côté dans la recherche sur le Moyen Orient de nos jours telles que le don charitable au quotidien sur la longue durée, le secours, la protection, l'abri et les gestes de gentillesse. Ceci est une tentative d'aborder l'histoire souvent oubliée de la compassion et du soin au Moyen Orient.
Un disciple tardif de Rogier de la Pasture: Maître Johannes (alias Johannes Hoesacker?)
Authors: Martens Didier 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe triptych which has hung above the main altar of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception at Maria-ter-Heide (Brasschaat, near Antwerp) since the nineteenth century unfolds a highly unusual iconographical programme. The representation on the central panel is a 'Holy Kinship' with Saint Anne; the left and right shutters show a 'Tree of Jesse', and the 'Kinship of Effra and Ismeria' respectively. This unusual combination of themes, and the coat of arms of the abbey at Tongerlo on the staff of the kneeling donor on the left shutter, enable us to identify the triptych from an old description, predating 1615, of the art treasures in the abbey at Tongerlo. As early as 1888 canon Van Spilbeek was able to demonstrate on the basis of two entries in the abbey's ledgers that the retable was made around 1513-1515. It was commissioned by the then abbot of Tongerlo, Antonius Tsgrooten. The painter's name appears on both bills of payment of 1513-1515. He was called Johannes, and he was married to Marie Hoesacker. His apparent lack of a surname might intimate that he was a foundling. Hitherto, the triptych in Maria-ter-Heide was the only known work by 'Johannes'. The author suggests that he also painted the monumental triptych with scenes from the lives of Christ and Mary which has been on loan to the museum at Àvila since 1971 from the Provincial Council. In 1968 Karel G. Boon attributed this work to an anonymous North-Netherlandish painter. According to Boon the same artist painted two wings with John the Baptist and Saint Agnes (Paris, private collection) and a 'Baptism of Christ' (Madrid, private collection). 'Johannes' could be the maker of these three works. What is more, the painter of the triptych in Maria-ter-Heide could be credited with two retable wings which have been in the Museo de Santa Cruz in Toledo since the 19608. Their subjects are 'Saint Andrew with Saint Francis' and 'Saint James with Saint Antony of Padua'; on the back of these panels is a 'Visitation'. Judging by the numerous figures he borrowed from Rogier van der Weyden, 'Johannes' seems to have been fascinated by the great Brussels master. His interest in Van der Weyden's art and the fact that he worked for the abbot of Tongerlo suggest that he was active in Brabant. The Dutch elements which Boon claimed to recognise on the Àvila triptych are quite inconspicuous, proving how dangerous it is to determine an artist's provenance solely on the basis of aesthetic impressions. The iconographic programme on the triptychs in Maria-ter-Heide and Avila and the retable wings in Toledo is highly unusual. This indicates that they were not made for the open market on the painter's own initiative, but were ordered specially. Perhaps 'Johannes' ability to convert such iconographic programmes into pictures was one of the reasons for his success a success which, in view of the presence of two of his works in Castile, assumes an international dimension.
De Calvarieberg van Philips Wouwerman herontdekt
Authors: Duparc F.J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractSince the 1993 publication, in this journal, of an article about Philips Wouwerman (1619-1668), little new information about the artist has emerged. There have been some shorter publications and recently a monograph with a catalogue raisonné of Wouwerman. The 1993 article discussed roughly two dozen dated works. In addition there are a few references to dated paintings in old sale catalogues. Among these was a Calvary, known to be dated 1651. This painting has recently been rediscovered (fig. i). It is in excellent condition and forms an important addition to the artist's known work, not only because it is dated, but also because its biblical subject is unusual for the artist. The crucifixion itself is given a relatively modest place in the composition. It is possible that an engraving by Lucas van Leyden inspired Wouwerman when he painted the scene. Stylistically the painting fits with Wouwerman's other works from around 1652. Certain aspects of the composition are reminiscent of his earlier work, but the rendering of landscape and figures, and the use of colour arc characteristic of his canvases from the period 1652-1654, for example Peasants making merry in front of an inn of 1653, now in Minneapolis (fig. 2) and the Peasant wedding in the Samuel Collection at the Mansion House, London. The painting was probably sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1709, together with two other New Testament scenes by Wouwerman, and a Crucifixion of 1661 by Karel du Jardin. Hofstede de Groot noted that the latter work and Wouwerman's Calvary were paintcd in response to a competition announced by the Count of Wassenaar, but this seems untenable. If both pieces were indeed painted for one collector, it seems more likely that this was Jacob Cromhout from Amsterdam. The rediscovery of the Calvary adds important information to our picture of Wouwerman and reminds us that he was not just a successful painter of horse scenes. It also provided a helpful reference point for the chronology of his mostly undated work.
Jozef Israëls en de Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten te Amsterdam Van kwekeling tot gevestigd schilder
Authors: Dekkers Dieuwertje 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThis study of Israels' relations with the Academy not only amends and amplifies Jan Veth's account of the painter's early years (Note 1), but also offers a better insight into the position of young Dutch history painters in the 1840s.
Lambert Sustris in Padua: fresco's en tekeningen
Authors: Meijer Bert W. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe Amsterdam painter Lambert Sustris stayed in Padua in the 1540s. During this period he worked, among other things, on a number of murals in palazzi and ville suburbane, and also in villas outside Padua and near Vicenza. Some of these murals still exist, others have vanished. A few drawings by Sustris associated with lost murals have however survived. In Padua, Sustris first worked in a subordinate position under Domenico Campagnola and Gualterio Padovano; later, having attained an independent status, he collaborated with the latter and with Andrea Schiavone, among others. Most of the buildings and mural decorations were designed to recreate and renew Classical Antiquity. Some were influenced by Raphael and the artistic climate in Rome and Mantua after 1530, in which followers such as Giulio Romano figured so prominently. Before going to Padua, Sustris had very likely been in Rome and perhaps in Mantua as well. His patrons in Padua, men like Alvise Cornaro and Marco Mantova Benavides, were members of the city's humanist circles, which were strongly orientated towards Rome and Classical Antiquity. The Amsterdam artist is largely responsible for the importance of the landscape in these paintings with their air of antiquity, paintings which in the case of the villas represent the earliest phase of villa decoration in the Veneto. Sustris' landscapes and figures alike clearly bear witness to a connection with Titian, whose paintings Sustris had probably furnished with landscapes earlier on. Further influences on Sustris' work during this period were primarily Raphael, Francesco Salviati and Parmigianino. Partly on the basis of the murals and drawings attributed here to Sustris, there are justifiable grounds for concluding that in recent decades the influence and position of Giuseppe Porta Salviati in Venice and Padua has been overestimated, to Sustris' disadvantage. Except for during his Padua period, the Amsterdam artist received few public commissions. He consequently sank into almost total oblivion fairly soon after his death. From as early on as the late sixteenth century some of his paintings, by virtue of their style and high quality, were taken for masterpieces by Titian.
Pieter Bruegels Kruisdraging: een proeve van 'close-reading'
Authors: Falkenburg Reindert L. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe article is a contribution to the iconology of sixteenth-century landscape-painting, and sets out to examine in particular the con nection between the antithethical iconography of the figural clc ment in landscapes by Joachim Patinir, Herri met dc Bles and Jan van Amstel, and Pieter Bruegel's Christ Bearing the Cross in Vienna. Also presented and elucidated is the thesis that in this painting Bruegel anticipated with many details the subjective element in the sixteenth-century beholder's interpretation, and that this subjective element in the reading of the image was anchored in the 'collective' imagery of early sixteenth-century landscape-paint ing. The author endeavours to demonstrate that the manner of reception prompted bv Bruegel's Christ Bearing the Cross is comparable with that required of the beholder of Jan van Amstcl's Landscape with Christ Bearing the Cross in Stuttgart. The uncertainty of the beholder faced with the question of whether a particular subjective interpretation of an individual detail or certain anecdote is 'correct' should not only be seen as a problem for the twentieth-century iconologist but is inherent in the actual painting, and must be judged as a positive element, intended by the painter, in the reception of the image. The beholder's personal insight and judgement in issues of good and evil are the true subject of these paintings.
Een gehistorieerde familiegroep van Ferdinand Bol: twee fragmenten in Dordrecht en Lyon
Authors: Bruyn J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractFor some time it has been thought that Ferdinand Bol's Portrait of a couple in a landscape in the Dordrecht Museum (fig. i) is part of a larger picture (note 3). The cropping of the composition on all four sides and the somewhat nondescript posture of the figures have given rise to this suspicion, which is confirmed by the absence of cusping, revealed by X-rays, along the edges of the canvas. The description of a painting sold at an Amsterdam auction in 1804 makes it clear that the original composition was somewhat taller and considerably wider than the canvas now in Dordrecht, and that it also showed a shepherd resting on the left with some sheep and a ram (notes 3 and 4). A large part of the missing portion can be recognized in a picture in the museum at Lyon (fig. 2), which during restoration in 1989 / 90 was discovered to be a fragment (note 5). It bears a close stylistic resemblance to the Dordrecht painting and contains the shepherd described in 1804 with a number of sheep, some of them fragmented when the composition was cut up. This must have taken place some time between 1804 and 1841, when the Lyon fragment was bequeathed to the museum there as a work by Bol. This attribution is certainly correct, in spite of a short-lived attribution to Lambert Doomer (note 5). Together, the canvases in Lyon and Dordrecht measure only a little less than the work described in 1804. This leaves little room between the two fragments (fig. 3), and one may assume that most of the sheep whose muzzle is only just visible on the right in the Lyon picture was painted on the canvas at Dordrecht and over-painted there with a boulder when there was no more room for the truncated animal. It is quite likely that the original composition was no longer intact even in 1804, as may be inferred from the aforementioned absence of cusping in the Dordrecht fragment. Blankert has suggested that the Dordrecht picture might be identified with a portrait by Bol, described in 1681, of the woman who was later to become his second wife and her first husband in the roles of Isaac and Rebecca. The introduction of a third figure, however, rules out this idea. The figures may well play a biblical role, but it is not clear what characters they are impersonating, and one might also wonder whether they are perhaps portrayed in a 'pastoral' guise.
Het leven van de schilder Aelbert van der Schoor
Authors: Jan Bok Marten 
Published: July 2010

AbstractAelbcrt van der Schoor was born in or before 1603 in Utrecht. He was the oldest son of Laurens Lambertsz. van der Schoor, a gunsmith from 's-Hertogenbosch and his wife Bertgen Jans. The names of Van der Schoor's teachers are not known. Between 1621 and 1641 his name did not occur in any Utrecht documents. In 1652 the banns were posted for his marriage to Elisabeth Jacobs de Blom of Dordrecht. The wedding did not take place because the bride, afraid that the painter was only interested in her money, changed her mind. Van der Schoor sued for breach of promise, taking the case through all the courts. In 1654 the Supreme Court of Holland and Zeeland awarded him financial compensation in lieu of claims. Van der Schoor's last dated work was done in 1662. Shortly afterwards he was committed to the Utrecht house of correction and in 1666 was transferred to the asylum, where he was cared for at the city's expense. The last payment was recorded in September 1672. Van der Schoor must have died after that, but neither the place nor the date of his death is known.
De Meester van de Magdalena-legende en de diptiek van Willem van Bibaut
Authors: De Vrij Marc Rudolf 
Published: July 2010

AbstractWithin the range of works attributed to the Master of the Magdalen Legend are a number of Madonnas generally considered to date back to the last decade of the 15th century. All of these pictures are comparatively small and show a rather chubby type of Madonna with the Child slightly out of proportion. The golden backgrounds are punctuated. All these pictures are by the same hand, and are considered to date from the earliest period of the artist's activity. One of these paintings, now in the Mayer-Van den Bergh Museum in Antwerp, shows the Madonna holding the Child at her left breast. There is a second version of this painting on the left-hand panel of a diptych formerly in the Wetzlar collection in Amsterdam. The right-hand panel bears the portrait of a Carthusian monk, and is inscribed Guilelmus bibaucis primas tot [ius] Ordinis Carthusiemum. 1523.. The sitter has been identified as Willem of Bibaut (1484 1535), who became abbot of the Grand Chartreuse monastery in Grenoble in 1521. The portrait was probably painted to commemorate that event. Given that the stylistically very different paintings belonging to the Magdalen altarpiece which gave the artist his name date from the same period, the Madonnas can no longer be regarded as early paintings by the Master of the Magdalen Legend. Apparently they are the work of another artist.
Vincent van Gogh en Antoine Furnée
Authors: Op De Coul Martha , Tellegen Annet 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe small Van Gogh painting discussed in this article (fig. I) has never been published before. Originally, it belonged to Antoine Philippe Furnée (I86I-I897), whom Vincent had met in I883 in The Hague through Furnée père, the proprietor of a chemist's shop which also sold artists' paint. In the letters (365 (300), 372 (307) and 409 (342)) Furnée is referred to as 'the surveyor'. He was an amateur painter to whom Van Gogh gave advice. The two men would go out into the nearby countryside together to paint landscapes. In April I884 Furnee went to Java, where he remained until I897. He was probably already ailing on his return, for he died a few months later. His property passed to a brother, Antoine Louis Cornelis (I867-I965), a respected pharmacist of The Hague. The little painting, signed 'Vincent' at the bottom left, is done in oil on canvas pasted on cardboard, 30.5 by 23.I cm. Examination under fluorescent light shows it to be covered entirely with old varnish. On the back Furnée the pharmacist wrote: 'Chestnut tree on Broeksloot by Vincent van Gogh. This study was given by Vincent van Gogh to my brother A. Ph. Furnée (the surveyor)'. The gift accounts for the painting's being signed. Like many of the Hague paintings, this early work is of limited artistic merit. The poorly indicated space and forms are however offset by the good rendering of the contrast between light and dark areas. (Compare the paintings F 8a (fig. 3), F I92 (fig. 5) and the watercolour SD I680 (fig. 4).) The authenticity of the painting was established back in I963 in an appraisal by R. W. D. Oxenaar, and again at the Netherlands Institute for Art History by the present authors in I979, the year it was sold by the Furnee family. Two little pictures painted by Furnee on his expeditions with Vincent van Gogh come from the same source (figs. 6 and 7).
Kamerspelers: professionele tegenspelers van de rederijkers
Authors: Hummelen W.M.H. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe author presents forty fragments of texts dating from the period between the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth which are connected with kamerspelers or kamerspel, i.e. professional, itinerant actors who played in private rooms (kamers) for a fee. They performed alone or in small groups, wearing masks which enabled them to play a variety of double roles. In all these aspects they differed emphatically from the rederijkers, amateur actors in the chambers of rhetoric, who in the course of the sixteenth century gradually distanced themselves from the kamerspelers. During that same period the term kamerspel expanded to embrace other forms of entertainment: juggling, animal training, acrobatics and puppetry, the last of which remained closest to the original activity. On stage short, comical pieces were generally played, as well as adaptations of secular and biblical tales. As the Reformation gained ground, farces showing monks or priests in a derogatory light tended to be regarded as criticism and were likely to get the actors in trouble with the authorities. The article ends by examining a few longer texts: an extract from the inventory of a Delft kamerspeler's effects (I608), a report of a performance given by kamerspelers in Ypres, with dancing, marionettes and a farce (I594), and records of a trial against a husband-and-wife team of puppeteers accused of witchcraft in Eppegem (I60I).