bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Les journées des 4 et 5 septembre 1793 à Paris. Un mouvement d'union entre le peuple, la Commune de Paris et la Convention pour un exécutif révolutionnaire
Authors: Ladjouzi Diane 
Published: May 2009

Diane Ladjouzi, The Paris Risings of 4-5 September 1793: a Movement Unifying the People, the Paris Commune and the Convention in favour of a Revolutionary Executive.
The food crisis in Paris during the summer of 1793 was hard on the people who spent long hours queuing in front of bakeries, while the Commune and the Convention prepared land reform legislation recognizing the right to existence. The risings of 4-5 September 1793, set in motion by the people of Paris and joined by the Commune, the Jacobin Club and the Convention, were aimed at rectifying this legislation, and above all getting it implemented and in general enforcing the laws. Thus, in the name of defence and the rule of law, a union was forged between the people, the Commune and the Convention with a view to revolutionizing the organization of executive power.
Les prénoms masculins à Rennes pendant la Révolution (1785-1805)
Authors: Lethuillier Jean-Pierre 
Published: May 2009

Jean-Pierre Lethuillier, Male First Names in Rennes during the Revolution (1 785-1805).
Confining the search to « revolutionary first names » runs the risk of unevenly illuminating the way names react to political events, to the upheavals of Year II, and when they are few, it may give the impression that the corpuses are more or less inert. The author shows there is a need to widen the angle and include the entire stock of forenames. In Rennes, where the register of Christian names offers strong resistance to the years of Revolution, Year II yields an unusual crop of short forenames, as if, conversely, the long forename were « aristocratic ».
Les «Desaix»
Authors: Vidal Philippe-Jean 
Published: May 2009

Philippe VidalL, The Desaix's.
The liberalities bestowed on the Desaix family during the Consulate and Empire (titles, pensions, coats of arms) are a reminder of the moral debt contracted by Bonaparte at Marengo vis-à-vis one of his best generals. They are also in keeping with the practices of the ancien regime, to which generations of the same ligneage had given loyal service, as close scrutiny of the family tree reveals. His conversion to serving the Republic underscores once more Louis Charles Antoine's originality and sense of honour.
Les compagnons d'armes de Desaix
Authors: Bertaud Jean-Paul 
Published: May 2009

Jean-Paul Bertaud, Desaix's Companions in Arms.
Bonaparte, aided among others by Garat, wasted no time in making the most of Desaix's premature fall. Had not the divisional chief, unlike his brethren, rejected emigration and served with great tactical skill in the armies of the Revolution ? His lapses, his brutality in conquest led some of his peers to curtail their pen-sketches or make them sharper. Was he perchance an eccentric in the military hierarchy ? Promoted at an early age, less experienced than many, with a noble ancestry like a third of his colleagues, by no means a dedicated freemason like a quarter of them, he was never fully committed politically, although he turned away from Moreau.
Les mots et les cendres
Authors: Gainot Bernard 
Published: May 2009

Bernard Gainot, Words and Ashes : the Stuff of Heroes at the Birth of the Consulate.
The funeral of Desaix, as that of Lannes, helped bolster up a shaky consular regime, in which Bonaparte required to appear as primus inter pares. He revived a tradition by seeking his legitimacy in laudatory discourse and the acclaim of Chateaubriand, La Harpe, Fontanes. Conferring apotheosis on Desaix, he could rely on the rhetoric of Daunou, Duchesne, Garat, or the paintings of Dutertre and many others, to sing the praise and forge the legend of the glorious deceased, a republican in the antique mould, the philosopher-warrior. The assimilation was taken a step further by prophetically portraying the supreme sacrifice as one made not just for the Republic, but for the sake of Bonaparte himself.
Rigomer Bazin et la Restauration : penser la république dans la monarchie
Authors: Serna Pierre 
Published: May 2009

Le parcours de Rigomer Bazin (1769-1818), permet de mieux saisir les diverses attitudes que les républicains démocrates, fidèles au projet de construction d'une démocratie représentative, doivent adopter durant le Directoire, le Consulat, l'Empire, et la Restauration, face aux divers appareils de censure auxquels ils sont confrontés.
La vie politique de la Restauration jusqu'en 1818, permet au journaliste constitutionnel du Mans, de penser les conditions d'adaptation de la Charte aux idées républicaines. Au cœur de ce projet d'émancipation de l'opinion publique, se trouvent le désir de fondation d'une citoyenneté active et la volonté de réalisation des conditions objectives d'un jeu politique, respectueux des droits de l'opposition par l'alternance des partis au pouvoir. L'histoire et l'éducation doivent constituer les fondements d'un civisme nouveau. Une république confédérale européenne représenterait l'étape suivante de l'union d'un continent pacifié, autour d'un programme politique partagé et discuté en son parlement.
Le décret du 14 frimaire an II sur l'assèchement des étangs : folles espérances et piètres résultats. L'application du décret en Brie
Authors: Derex Jean-Michel 
Published: May 2009

Jean-Michel Derex, The Decree of 14 Frimaire Year II on the Drainage of Ponds : Wild Hopes and Dismal Results. The Implementation of the Decree in Brie.
The decree of 14 Frimaire Year II prescribed the drainage of ponds throughout the Republic. Adopted for circumstantial as much as ideological reasons, the decision needs also to be viewed in the context of the drainage policy pursued since the middle of the eighteenth century. Brutally and hastily conducted, the implementation of the decree gave rise to widespread opposition in the country. It revealed the poor assessment made of hydrological reality by political circles in Paris.
Une nouvelle image des Pays-Bas. L'identité nationale par l'estampe
Authors: Koolhaas-Grosfeld Eveline 
Published: May 2009

Eveline Koolhaas-Grosfeld, A new Image of the Netherlands : the National Identity seen through Prints.
This contribution addresses fashion and more specifically the revamping of national costume. In the 1800s a Dutch editor undertook to publish a set of prints of costumes from the various Batavian provinces. The venture, aimed in part at underlining the ancient origins of these costumes and their absolute « Dutchness », met with a resounding public success. The question is to ascertain to what extent the initiative was an expression of national identity or stirred up national feelings wounded by the traumatic experiences of the Franco-Batavian period.
Marie-Antoinette et son célèbre dire
Authors: Campion-Vincent véronique , Shojaei Kawan Christine 
Published: May 2009

Véronique Campion-Vincent et Christine Shojaei Kawan, Marie-Antoinette and her Famous Dicta : Two Scénographies and Two Centuries of Disorder, Three Levels of Communication and Three Accusatorial Modes.
The authors study the famous saying « Let them have brioche ! » ascribed to Marie- Antoinette, also known as « Let them eat cake. The queen has been told that peasants have no bread » (tale type Aa Th 1446 in Aarne and Thompson's classification) and close to proverbs. They describe the two types of scenery in which it is situated : bread riots and pastoral picnic. Then they set the places and times in which it is attested : 16* Century Germany, Latvia (reccurrently), 18th Century and Revolutionary France. The anecdote is used at the mainstream and folkloric levels of communication but practically absent on the learned level ; it declines three types of accusations : stupidity or ignorance staging women, outrageous cruelty when protagonists are men. Finally the authors give contemporary examples of didactic and political use of the saying, which has become a handy summary of the richs'arrogance and is always very widespread.
Le droit privé de la Révolution : héritage législatif et héritage idéologique
Authors: Halperin Jean-Louis 
Published: May 2009

Jean-Louis Halpérin, Private Law and the Revolution : Legislative Heritage and Ideological Heritage.
The private law of the French Revolution is to-day no longer considered an intermediary law. Yet from a positivist point of view, most of the provisions enacted in this area between 1788 to 1799 were of short duration. Indeed, a large part of revolutionary private law is made up of bills and drafts which were never implemented. This singularity invites us to ponder the legal ideological nature of a law which barely left the drawing-board and its impact in France and abroad.
Le problème de la conscription dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle
Authors: Vandeplas Bernard 
Published: May 2009

Bernard Vandeplas, The Problem of Conscription in the First Half of the XDP Century : a Rejection of National Identity ? The Example of Cantal.
Both in terms of intensity and spread, military refusal in war or peace is characteristic of Auvergne and more especially of the department of Cantal from the Ancien Regime to the end of the Second Republic. What sense should we ascribe to this refusal ? A refusal of « modernity »? An absence of national identity in the countryside ? This seems unlikely.
Indeed, refusal to serve in an area such as the Cantal stems more from an econo- nomic and social problem than from a political or ideological one. In fact, the weight of economic constraints explains in large part the high rate of refusal. Since conscription disturbs a certain economic and social equilibrium, the sacrifice deemed too heavy and destabilizing leads somehow to desertion and insubordination. That this implies a rejection of French national identity is thus by no means certain.
Éléments de la crise de l'Empire ottoman sous Sélim III (I789-I807)
Authors: Lemarchand Guy 
Published: May 2009

Guy Lemarchand, Elements of the Crisis of the Ottoman Empire under Selim III (1789-1807).
The decline of the Ottoman Empire drastically grew worse at the end of the XVllie century with the failure on an unprecedented scale of the reforms instigated by Selim III. They ran up against diverse social forces, from the tax-gatherers to the lower classes of Istambul who thought it to their advantage to prevent change, while governors eager to claim principalities or foreign states intent on seizing new provinces rallied to their support. While foreign war necessitated a restructuring of the state, the innovations themselves were undermined by the unrest they provoked.
La " Convention ambulante "
Authors: Biard Michel 
Published: May 2009

Michel Biard, The «Roving Convention », a Bulwark to Despotic Executive Power ?
Many historians feel that Year II is a prime example of a time when the power of the executive was somehow confiscated by an all-powerful Committee of Public Safety, who exercised a dictatorship of national salvation on behalf of the Convention by relying to the full on the action of the representatives on mission. This article attempts to show the place and role of these deputies, and the confusion of powers implicit in their action. It appears, in effect, that this "roving Convention", which took part in the implementation and defence of the "revolutionary government", never intended to do away with the organs of executive power, nor were the deputies on mission simply stooges of the central power.
Barère, penseur et acteur d'un premier opportunisme républicain face au Directoire exécutif
Authors: Serna Pierre 
Published: May 2009

Pierre Serna, Barère, a Proponent of a New Brand of Republican Opportunism vis-à-vis the Directoire Exécutif
In Year V, shortly before the Germinal elections, Barère while in hiding published his reflections on government and the modus operandi of the Directoire. For one who had been a member of the Committee of Public Safety at the height of the Terror, building a republic required a strong form of government, with a powerful executive arm. This was a constant concern of the Pyrenean deputy who in 1815 was again a member of the House during the Hundred Days and reiterated the need for a clear definition of executive power. This very constancy transcends the debate over the supposed or real chameleon-like behaviour of Barère and reveals a new brand of republican opportunism. The intangible republican was in favour of a republican « golden mean », characterized by a strong and structured executive apparatus, in sharp contrast with a generation of politicians forever wary of the executive. By opting for a republic of the centre, Barère showed he belonged to a current of opinion which, from the summer of 1791 to the autumn of 1799, legitimized the brutal use of the prerogatives of executive power in the promotion and defence of the constitution or the republic. These men, who had followed different roads and were finally united by Bonaparte, were the inventors of what I choose to call the republic of the « extreme centre ».
La Révolution française hors de France : quelques perspectives de recherche sur l'historiographie italienne entre XIXe et XXe siècle
Authors: De Francesco Antonino 
Published: May 2009

Existe-t-il une historiographie italienne sur la Révolution française avant celle de l'après-guerre ? L'article aborde cette question en lisant sous un angle novateur les nombreuses références à l'héritage démocratique transalpin dans la culture politique italienne de gauche entre xixe et xxe siècle. Les lignes interprétatives de la Révolution apparues en Italie vers la fin du xixe siècle proposaient un jugement très négatif sur la Terreur et mettaient en revanche l'accent sur l'importance des mouvements fédératifs à l'occasion de 1793. Cette perspective originale s'est maintenue jusque dans les années 1930 pour ne s'épanouir qu'au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, quand la nouvelle historiographie italienne établit un lien profond entre les jacobins italiens et les jacobins français.
Aujourd'hui, cette perspective est encore largement présente dans l'université italienne, ce qui a provoqué l'effacement total de l'historiographie précédente. C'est pourquoi remonter à la première phase de l'historiographie italienne sur la Révolution permet d'apprécier le poids de la tradition révolutionnaire dans la culture politique de l'Italie moderne.
La révolution au village, avec Saint-Just, d'après le registre des délibérations communales de Blérancourt
Authors: Vinot Bernard 
Published: May 2009

Bernard Vinot, Revolution in the Village, with Saint-Just, based on the Municipal Records of Blérancourt
The rediscovery of the minutes of the municipal deliberations of Blérancourt (Aisne) for the period 1788-1793 sheds light on the pre-revolutionary period and the first four years of the Revolution in this small town of one thousand inhabitants, comprising a manor, a Feuillant monastery and an influential parish. From early 1790, political life found a leader in Saint-Just. He succeeded in motivating about half of the locals (including 15 % of women) in the struggle against the manor and the church, relying on a handful of sansculottes in the town-hall and the national guard, and on the poorest portion of the population. The results were scant from a practical viewpoint, but of great importance in terms of the political development and commitment of the future member of the Convention.
L'influence de la mémoire de la Révolution française et de l'Empire napoléonien dans l'opinion publique française face à la guerre d'Espagne de 1823
Authors: Seigan Kôbô 
Published: May 2009

Kôbô Seigan, Memories of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Empire and their Impact on French Public Opinion at the Time of the Spanish War of 1823
The war against revolutionary Spain enthralled the French press under the Restoration. The liberal newspaper Le Constitutionnel was hostile to the war, while the ultra La Quotidienne was in favour. Both discussed the issue by referring to official texts, private letters, English newspapers and even papers from the opposite camp. Moreover, the war rekindled memories of the French Revolution and the Empire. The Constitutionnels version, however, was ambivalent. It separated the Revolution from the Terror and favoured the former to the detriment of Napoleon, thus doing nothing to encourage Bonapartism. It also dwelt on the importance of forgetting the past. For La Quotidienne, the Napoleonic period was subsumed in the Revolution. Its logic was simple but powerful. Besides, it succeeded in becoming a "mouthpiece" for those who had fallen for the nation and criticized the liberals for being unpatriotic.
Jaurès historien de l'avenir : gestation philosophique d'une « méthode socialiste » dans l'Histoire socialiste de la Révolution française
Authors: Antonini Bruno 
Published: May 2009

Le but de notre article est d'essayer de montrer en quoi l'expérience rédactionnelle et éditoriale de VHistoire socialiste de la Révolution française fut pour Jaurès, hormis le prétexte pédagogique évident pour préparer les dirigeants à l'unité du mouvement socialiste encore divisé et pour éduquer politiquement les militants et le prolétariat, l'occasion d'affiner sa réflexion sur une future « méthode socialiste », à la veille de l'unité de 1905.
Parce que « la Révolution française contient le socialisme tout entier », quels sont donc les événements que Jaurès juge les plus pertinents et les plus féconds pour l'avenir socialiste de la société et de l'État ?
Rappelant le contexte et les conditions de cette grande entreprise, nous nous sommes attachés à retrouver ce qui fonde philosophiquement sa démarche et ses analyses historiques - spécialement au cours du « moment thermidorien » - à partir de sa méthode philosophique adossée à sa métaphysique de l'unité de l'être. Une esquisse, en somme, de l'analyse critique jaurésienne de la « dictature jacobine » et de l'esprit révolutionnaire de Robespierre conditionnant le socialisme réformiste gradualiste de Jaurès.
Tableaux croisés chez Mercier et Rutlidge le peuple de Paris et le plébéien anglais
Authors: Monnier Raymonde 
Published: May 2009

Raymonde Monnier, Cross-Reading Mercier and Rutlidge : the Parisian « Peuple » and the English « Plebeian »
This semantic analysis of the words peuple and plebeian is a twofold comparative exercise : in parallel matrices of the people of Paris and London, Louis Sébastien Mercier and Jean- Jacques Rutlidge, two authors of differing stature and fame, provide contrasting representations of the people of the two capital cities at the close of the old regime. In a chapter of the Tableau de Paris, the semantically unequal parallel between the citizens of London and Paris opposes the English plebeian with the Parisian peuple, a multitude doomed to ignorance and passivity. Rutlidge in Le Babillard intercepts the glances and words exchanged by two Travellers visiting London and Paris in order to dispel prejudice in respect of the two cities. The Letter of the French Traveller, which Mercier took as his source, aims at undermining the idea of English ferocity : by highlighting the advantages of political freedom, he commends the moderation and enlightened patriotism of the people of London. As the age of revolution dawns, the two authors try to construct, each in his own way crossing words and arguments, a reassuring image of the republic.
« Des loups déguisés en agneaux » ? L'accueil des prêtres constitutionnels émigrés dans l'État pontifical (1792-1799)
Authors: Chopelin Paul 
Published: May 2009

Paul Chopelin, « Wolves dressed up as lambs ». The reception of the constitutional priests
emigrating to the pontifical state (1792-1799)
From 1792, several constitutional priests who were civil servants decided to leave France to take refuge abroad, more particularly in the pontifical state. This exile was first the result of the discouragement of some ecclesiastics facing the radicalization of the religious dissension. Then, it was motivated by the involvement of a part of the constitutional clergy in the federalist rebellion which took place in 1793 in Lyon and Toulon. Though this didn't concern a great deal of priests, the Holy See was obliged to establish a procedure for receiving these ecclesiastics who had to retract their oath before being accepted in the pontifical state. Despite this retraction, the other exiled priests and the local authorities, obsessed by the Jansenism contagion, kept a constant watch over the former constitutional priests. These isolation measures were sometimes justified, for some of them hadn't completely given up their revolutionary commitment. Finally this suspicious atmosphere spread in the whole French clergy, especially after the arrival of the Republican troops in the Italian peninsula. This survey contributes to qualify the image of a counter-revolutionary emigrated clergy and following Jacques Godechot's work, focuses on the part played by the exiled priests, either refractors or constitutional ones, in the spreading of the revolutionary ideas in Europe.
The Commonwealth of Oceana de James Harrington : un modèle pour la France révolutionnaire ?
Authors: Hammersley Rachel 
Published: May 2009

Rachel Hammersley, James Harrington's The Commonwealth of Oceana : a model for revolutionary France ?
This article centres on a draft constitution, dated 25 September 1792, which was submitted to the National Assembly by Theodore Le Sueur. The resemblance of the constitution to James Harrington's The Commonwealth of Oceana has long been acknowledged, but no explanation has been offered as to why this was the case, or what the background to the work was. This article seeks to make some sense of the document and in doing so to reveal something about the links between English and French republicanism.
L'impact de la Révolution française et de Napoléon sur l'armée britannique et la Grande-Bretagne en tant que nation armée
Authors: Fedorak Charles John 
Published: May 2009

Charles John Fedorak, The Impact of the French Revolution and Napoleon on the British Army and the British Armed Nation
Britain opposed the French Revolution and Napoleon in the greatest wars in her history to that date. Britain waged extensive, costly and bloody campaigns from 1793 to 1802 and from 1803 to 1815. This essay examines recent studies of the contribution of Britain's army and civil defence forces to this long struggle, looking at works on the nature and scale of the conflict, the recruitment to the professional and part-time forces, the role of the army in various campaigns and the biographies of leading commanders.
Cercles politiques et « salons » du début de la révolution (1789-1795)
Authors: Blanc Olivier 
Published: May 2009

Olivier Blanc, « Cercles politiques » and « salons » at the Beginning of the Revolution (1789-1793)
In this article the author uses original archives and manuscripts from public and private collections, and does not restrict himself to the writings of nineteenth century memoralists. The systematic examination of archival series of police and judicial records has made it possible to establish an exhaustive list of political salons under the first legislatures, which has led to a revaluation of the prominent political role of liberal and royalist women between 1789 and 1793.