bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Work and Freedom in Marcuse and Marx
Authors: Andrew Edward 
Published: November 2009

L'article examine le système de pensée que Marcuse appelle la « rationalité technologique ». Ce système assigne, comme fin à l'histoire, la domination de la nature par la maîtrise de ses forces, dans le monde extérieur comme dans la conscience humaine. D'après les tenants de ce système, les projets historiques alternatifs sont une perte de temps et d'efforts que les hommes rationnels doivent repousser.Marx n'a pas été un adepte de cette théorie, quoique certains éléments de sa pensée, adoptés par les Bolsheviks et Marcuse, y correspondent. Marx n'était pas d'accord avec l'idée défendue par Marcuse que le travail est le legs de la dépendance des hommes à l'endroit de la nature: d'après lui, le travail n'est pas seulement une conséquence fatale des exigences de la subsistance, mais aussi un besoin fondamental qui permet à l'homme de réaliser ses capacités par la production. Le « travail libre » n'y est donc pas une contradiction dans les termes comme chez Marcuse; c'est une possibilité dans la réalité et c'est une possibilité que la révolution socialiste pourrait réaliser.L'idée que le travail est mécanique et oppressif par nature a conduit Marcuse à reviser la théorie marxienne de façon substantielle. Il refuse l'interprétation matérialiste voulant que la modification des moyens et des rapports de production soient à la source des changements sociaux. Il ne croit pas que le contrôle du processus de la production par les travailleurs soient la base de leur émancipation: une production nécessaire est forcément répressive, non-libre, et la liberté n'est possible qu'au-delà de la contrainte production. Les changements techniques ne rendent pas le travail moins mécanique et la participation des travailleurs à la formation des politiques industrielles et aux moyens de les réaliser ne libèrent pas le travail. La liberté étant au-delà du processus de production, l'automation est la condition de la libération humaine. Cette automation sera réalisée le plus efficacement au moyen de la planification centrale et de l'orientation des forces productives existentes par une élite incontrôlée. Aussi une révolution dans la conscience des hommes, une révolution culturelle, est-elle nécessaire pour leur faire admettre le règne des technocrates « rationnels »?Marx n'était pas un adepte de la « rationalité technologique » parce que sa théorie tâchait d'abord de délimiter les conditions de la liberté et du développement de l'homme au sein du processus de la production, et non pas de le libérer de la servitude naturelle du travail. C'est dans l'adoption de la « rationalité technologique » qu'il faut voir, chez Marcuse, la source de son rejet du matérialisme marxien, sa justification de l'exploitation maximale des forces de l'homme et de la nature pour fins d'automation et ses tendances anti-démocratiques.
Dieu – à droite ou à gauche?
Authors: Laponce J. A. 
Published: November 2009

In his study of the spatial symbolism of primitive societies, Robert Hertz noted that the left was the side associated with weakness and evil, the right being on the contrary linked to purity, strength, and religion. The works of I. Wile and V. Fritsch, among others, have confirmed this privileged – though not universal – association of right with the positive side of the dichotomies which together with left-right form symbolic constellations used to interpret the social as well as the physical environment.These studies – based on the comparison of religious rituals, social customs, and languages – have not considered or considered only incidentally the use made of the left-right classification for the ordering of one's political landscape. This article is a partial attempt to do so from the answers of American, French, French-Canadian, and English-Canadian respondents to a questionnaire administered in 1967–8. The respondents were asked to locate selected religious and profane concepts in an extreme left to extreme right visual scale.The hypothesis that the students interviewed, like the primitives studied by Hertz, would see religion on the right was verified for the concepts God, religion, and clergyman but not for Jesus Christ which tended to be located on the left. The deviance of Jesus Christ, rather than taken as ground for rejecting the hypothesis, is explained by the non-religious, the man-like rather than God-like qualities associated with that concept.
Values and the Methodology of Political Science
Authors: Greene Thomas H. 
Published: November 2009

Toutes les sciences sociales et particulièrement la science politique ont pour objet l'étude de phénomènes qui mettent en cause les valeurs conscientes ou inconscientes du chercheur. Le rôle primordial des valeurs en matière de recherche et d'analyse a conduit certains à penser qu'une science politique libre de valeurs implique line philo-sophie nihiliste et entraîne une propension à des structures politiques autoritaires. D'autres croient que les valeurs biaisent nos perceptions et nos jugements scientifiques à portée sociale.Ce genre de critique se méprend sur la nature de la recherche scientifique de l'objet social; elle ne peut fournir d'hypothèse vérifiable dans le cadre de la théorie déductive. Certes, toute théorie est déductive et il importe de distinguer les déductions empiriques pertinentes du processus de déduction lui-même, lequel peut être vérifié par référence au critère de la pure cohérence logique.Les théoriciens des techniques du contrôle des valeurs proposent les méthodes suivantes: (1) l'explicitation préalable des valeurs du chercheur; (2) l'admission des observations réapparaissant au cours d'une recherche ultérieure; (3) limitation de la recherche à l'aspect instrumental, dans un système d'hypothèses proposant des moyens orientés a une fin; (4) neutralisation des valeurs du chercheur par son immersion dans les problèmes de la recherche, via l'observation participée.Aucune de ces techniques n'est satisfaisante en pure logique, ainsi que le fait voir l'examen de lews implications théoriques et de leur application pratique aux problèmes de la recherche. Ces techniques laissent en outre deviner que le problème du contrôle des valeurs a plus été posé en rapport avec les circonstances de leur découverte qu'avec de celles de leur justification.Actuellement, nous contrôlons les valeurs dans la mesure où nos déductions sont vérifiables en regard de phénomènes empiriques. Toutefois, la complexité des phénomènes étudiés par les sciences sociales conduit fréquemment à une théorisation qui n'est pas susceptible de vérification immédiate par l'utilisation de variables décelables (structures, comportements, etc.). L'article propose divers types de déductions empiriques pertinentes d'après les catégories de Merton (théories globales, de portée moyenne, ou spécifiques).
A Reply to J. A. A. Lovink, “On Analysing the Impact of the Electoral System on the Party System in Canada”
Authors: Cairns Alan C. 
Published: November 2009

Analysis of the Canadian political system has suffered from a relative paucity of competing interpretations of the same phenomena. Too many interpretations of our polity have gone unchallenged, probably on the assumption that our scarce academic resources should not be wasted on internecine controversy while virgin fields remain untapped. Professor Lovink's article is a hopeful indication that this stage of disciplinary immaturity is ending. His sophisticated dissection of my previous article is a helpful contribution to the discussion of the effects of the electoral system on the party system. These comments, by concentrating on some of the problems raised by Lovink, are designed to contribute to a further clarification.Initially, it can be noted, that the disagreement between us is not over the data dealing with votes and seats, but with the interpretation to be given the data. It was perhaps in the very nature of a somewhat polemical article attacking the “conventional wisdom” that I stressed the effects as I saw, or deduced, them, and in the nature of Lovink's rejoinder that the possible effects are minimized.This difference is noteworthy in our respective treatment of the electoral system's systematic bias against Conservative Quebec voters. The data indicate that the ratio of 5.6 Liberals to 1 Conservative mp resulted from a ratio of 1.9 Liberals to 1 Conservative voter. This struck me as pregnant with consequences for the party system, some of which I tried to suggest.
Turnover and Tenure in the Canadian House of Commons, 1867–1968
Authors: Casstevens Thomas W. , Denham William A. 
Published: November 2009

This article presents a theoretical analysis of the turnover and tenure of the members of the Canadian House of Commons from 1867 through 1968. Previous studies of such turnover and tenure have been quantitative, but not theoretical, yielding precise measurements but no pattern. A statistical résumé is no substitute for a mathematical model. Both may be accurate, parsimonious, and elegant; but a mathematical theory is distinguished by its generality and its explanatory or predictive power. With the present model, for example, the members’ median and mean continuous service can be logically derived from the mathematical theory; but the converse is not true, that is, the mathematical theory cannot be deduced from the median and/or mean continuous service. Specifically, the theory implies that the median continuous service is approximately 0.693 times the mean continuous service. Despite a plethora of quantitative studies of legislative turnover and tenure, this equation (so far as we know) has not previously been discovered.The process to be modeled can be abstractly characterized as follows: Consider the members of the House of Commons after some particular (zero) general election. These legislators are called theoriginal members, for expository convenience. With the occurrence of deaths, resignations, political defeats, etc., only some of the original members will continue to be members of the House of Commons after the next (first) general election. These survivors are called there-elected members.
Régionalisation et conscience politique régionale: la communauté urbaine de Québec
Authors: Quesnel-Ouellet Louise 
Published: November 2009

Regionalism and Political Consciousness of Local Leaders: The Quebec Urban CommunityThis study focuses on the experimentation of regional government in the province of Quebec. The creation of the Québec Urban Community (QUC) in December 1969 serves as a starting point to analyse the effects of regionalism on the interest and the will to participate of the local political and socio-economic leaders.Two attitudinal dimensions are studied because of their impact on the possibility of action and participation on the part of the municipalities to the decision-making process of the QUC: first the relative weight allocated to each municipality within the council, and secondly the changes to the municipal boundary lines which are considered necessary by the leaders. Significant correlations appear with the locality of residence of the leaders, their preferences as to the modes of urban development, their general attitude towards the QUC, and finally their subjective evaluation of the homogeneity of the local populations.
Le problème de la nation dans le marxisme français
Authors: Vachet André 
Published: November 2009

The problem of the nation in French Marxism gives rise to many difficulties. Most of the Marxist scholars, in spite of all their efforts, have not been able to explain the nation coherently in Marxist terms. Most frequently the attempt is made to integrate the nation into Marxist ideology by equating it to a social class. But this identification is impossible: (1) The nation and the social class are not treated on the same level in Marxist sociology. For Marxism, social class and nation have an unyielding content that prevents the reduction of one to the other. (2) The classes in a society play a dysfunctional role whereas the nation is an integrative factor that overcomes the divisions. (3) Finally, the class struggle, according to Marx, leads to social revolution, while a national struggle can only produce a political revolution. This analysis shows that it is impossible to integrate the nation in Marxist theory, if one grants to the nation an absolute value in the social order.Marxism treats the nation as a secondary reality of the social order. It is the category of “partial-totality” which provides the key to this integration. Society is the totality, but not an empty one. It is a totality which gathers together other totalities linked in an essentially dynamic relationship. Marxism defends the concept of nation as a partial totality, that is as an “historic entity,” but in so doing deprives it of any absolute and definitive character and of formal autonomy. It is as a partial totality simultaneously determined by “the” totality (as goal) and by concrete behaviour or praxis (which constructs totality) that Marxism retains and defends the nation not only as a strategic and momentary element but also as a support for specific values which are integrated into the universalism of the civilization of free men.Thus the French Marxists, faithful to their principles, have not only accepted the nations, but have even defended them as “partial totalities” and as the medium of praxis. It is by a distortion that some French Marxists such as Aragon, Casanova, Cogniot, Leduc, etc., have been able to surround the nation by a halo as if it had an eternal value in itself. More coherent are those who like Henri Lefebvre or Maxime Rodinson have seen in the nation a reality attached to historical development, setting loose in the development of humanity those values which are durable acquisitions in themselves, but whose forms are subject to time and to the renewal of praxis.It is thus that neither the identification, nor even equality, but the simultaneity of national culture and socialist humanism can be explained. The specific can take the form of the universal.
La participation des forces démocratiques à l'expérience française de planification régionale
Authors: Baccigalupo Alain 
Published: November 2009

After briefly pointing out the weakness of participation at the core of the Regional Committees for Economic Expansion (CREE), the author analyses in depth the notion of participation as it has existed in France since the administrative reform of March 14, 1964, within the Commissions of Regional Economic Development (CODER).Having touched on the place occupied by and the role played by these organizations throughout the process of elaboration, execution, and control of the plan at the regional districts level, the author then turns to an examination of the composition and function of these consultative processes.As far as the composition of the CODER is concerned, the article deals with three main features: the tripartite nature of the commissions; the imbalance of forces particularly to the detriment of the trade unions; and the major reforms capable of improving the representativeness of the commission.Regarding the functioning of the CODERs, the author, having described the vast range of duties which are devolved on them by the texts, puts into perspective the extreme weakness of their “powers” in contrast to the unquestionable authority of the regional prefect. Thus, the CODERs are described as bodies directly under prefectorial control, veritable registry offices deeply divided at their centre, without real expertise and without great impact on public opinion.At the end of the study the author recalls the abortive attempt at regional reform on April 27, 1969, and concludes that it will be necessary to set to work on a far-reaching reform in order to get France on the road towards real democratization of the process of regional planning.
Attributes of Ascribed Influence in Local Party Organizations in Canada and the United States
Authors: Kornberg Allan , Smith Joel , Clarke Harold 
Published: November 2009

On tente dans cet article d'établir comment sont perçues la distribution et la localisation de l'influence dans les organisations partisanes de Vancouver, Winnipeg, Seattle et Minneapolis. On présume que la mesure de l'influence peut se faire de façon graduelle en agrégeant selon la méthode « réputationnelle » le nombre de choix que reçoit un individu de la part des autres. L'article tient compte de la remarque de V.O. Key voulant que l'influence dans un parti politique peut appartenir à des individus qui ne se trouvent pas dans l'organisation officielle, et de celle de Samuel J. Eldersveld voulant que le pouvoir et l'influence dans les partis n'appartiennent pas uniquement à ceux qui se trouvent au sommet de la hiérarchie. Toutefois, l'utilisation du coefficient de Gini, visant à mesurer le degré d'inégalité dans la distribution de l'influence, indique que, quel que soit le parti ou le pays, c'est à une petite minorité qu'on attribue de l'influence.Des analyses de régression cherchent à dégager les variables qui sont associées aux variations de l'influence dans les différentes organisations partisanes des deux pays. A peu près toutes les mesures qui sont significatives renvoient à trois facteurs: (1) différents aspects des postes occupés dans le parti et de la façon dont les tâches sont accomplies; (2) l'expérience acquise à des postes gouvernementaux et la « visibilité » de ces postes; (3) différentes composantes du statut personnel. On doit toutefois être prudent dans l'interprétation des résultats de l'analyse de régression, et ce pour deux raisons: la distribution en forme de J de la variable dépendante, et l'incertitude où l'on se trouve quant à savoir si les variations observées réflètent des différences profondes entre les villes étudiées ou plutôt des circonstances particulières affectant les organisations partisanes.
C.B. Macpherson's“Hobbes”: A Critique
Authors: Carmichael D. J. C. 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article is a critique of C. B. Macpherson's interpretation of Hobbes's Leviathan. In reading possessive individualism into Hobbes's work, Macpherson assumes two basic theses: a logical claim, that a specific model of society is required to derive a universal opposition among men's powers; and a textual claim, that this universal opposition is implied by Hobbes as an unstated postulate in chapters 10–11 of Leviathan. These basic claims are both unfounded. Logically, the postulated universal opposition of powers does not require Macpherson's model of society for its derivation. Indeed, on premisses preferred by Macpherson, the two are logically inconsistent. Textually, the postulated universal opposition of powers does not occur in Leviathan: a careful sifting of the text indicates that there is no direct evidence at all for this postulate. Notwithstanding the brilliance of possessive individualism as a contribution to modern political understanding, this theory cannot properly be ascribed to Hobbes.
European Great PowerPacta de Contrahendoand Interstate Imperial War, 1815-1939: Suggestions of Pattern
Authors: Moul William Brian 
Published: November 2009

AbstractA great power in a dispute with a minor state does not require the weight which a coalition with a peer would provide, and may require peer toleration in order to throw its own weight around. An alliance with the rival is a prudent step fora predatory great power. This article examines nondefense alliances among the European great powers and activist wars with minor states during 1815–1939. Weak commitments favour activist war and strong ones induce such warfare. The strength of the commitment varies with the geopolitical location of the target.
La Révolution en plan et le paradigme en cause
Authors: Gingras François-Pierre , Nevitte Neil 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe Quiet Revolution is commonly regarded as the single most important turning point in Quebec's recent history. This article questions the conventional paradigm that the institutional and structural changes in Quebec during the 1960s were merely symptoms of, and secondary to, the essence of the Quiet Revolution, that is, widespread changes of mentality, attitudes and values. The authors argue that the changes encompassed by the Quiet Revolution are not as complete as many have suggested and that the tension between the forces of tradition and the forces of modernity is still an important focus for understanding contemporary Quebec. More specifically, empirical data confirm that the push for secularization in Quebec, secularization being the cutting edge of the Quiet Revolution, has not run its course and that traditional religious values continue to play an important role in Quebec politics.
» Le phénomène bureaucratique « et le Canada français: quelques données empiriques et leur interprétation
Authors: Mercier Jean 
Published: November 2009

AbstractDrawing from the organizational behaviour that is described in Michel Crozier's Bureaucratic Phenomenon, two similar public service organizations, one (anglophone) in Ontario, one (francophone) in Quebec are compared. Even if the type of behaviour found in The Bureaucratic Phenomenon is quite sensitive to noncultural factors (sex, organizational level, type of work), francophones correspond more closely than their anglophone counterparts to certain types of behaviour found in Crozier's descriptions. Data collected are compared to those in other studies, both empirical and historical, and different hypotheses are examined to explain certain similarities that exist between organizational behaviour in French Canada and in continental France.
Hercules and the Legislator: The Problem of Justice in Contemporary Political Philosophy
Authors: Fletcher Joseph F. , Neal Patrick 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThe authors aim to reveal both the potentialities and limitations of recent attempts by Dworkin and Rawls (especially in the latter's work since the publication ofA Theory of Justice) to work out a constructivist conception of right to serve as the groundwork of a rights-based theory of justice. The constructivist conception of right is promising, the authors argue, because it points beyond both teleological naturalism and instrumentalism as conceptions of right. The authors, however, find Dworkin and Rawls's constructivism to be ultimately inadequate, and argue that their project would be furthered through consideration of the constructivist aspects of Rousseau's conception of right as articulated inThe Social Contract.
Great Debates: The Televised Leadership Debates of 1979
Authors: LeDuc Lawrence , Price Richard 
Published: November 2009

AbstractThis article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.