bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Introduction
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
These pages introduce the Diversity Visa lottery and its importance in facilitating African immigration to the United States in recent decades. While positioning the United States as an appealing destination for immigrants, the lottery’s history reveals much about interconnections between the United States and the world, limits on US generosity, and the endurance of anti-Black racism. The importance of luck at the center of the lottery’s operation is situated in a global context of austerity and restriction speaks to a world that has given up on collective capacities for change. The symbol of the Statue of Liberty, so central to debates about immigration and the creation of the Diversity Visa lottery, evokes powerful ideas about the United States as a “nation of immigrants” and place of liberty, but recent history shows the ambivalence and contradictions in this symbolism.
Getting Legal
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Undocumented Irish immigrants sought to address their plight through legislative action. In the midst of a broader debate about immigration reform and “illegal” immigration, policymakers helped allocate a small number of visas so that the United States could admit “independent immigrants”—those without family or employer sponsors—through a one-time program. The visas, known as Donnelly visas, would be distributed to people from countries “adversely affected” by the Hart-Celler Act—those that had once sent many immigrants to the United States, but that sent far fewer after the 1965 reform.
Immigration Act of 1990
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Key policymakers worked on reforming the legal immigration system, culminating in the Immigration Act of 1990. They included Ted Kennedy, Alan Simpson, Bruce Morrison, Chuck Schumer, and Joe Moakley. In the final legislation a temporary program allocated “Morrison visas” to people from adversely affected countries, reserving the most for the Irish. Although policymakers largely ignored the aspirations of Black immigrants, they also crafted a permanent Diversity Visa lottery, open to countries around the world that sent few immigrants to the United States. This program ultimately facilitated significant immigration from Africa, a region historically excluded from the immigration system.
Winds of Change
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The Morrison visa lottery was popular and inspired large-scale participation, in part because immigrants’ legal status had greater importance in an era of mounting restrictions and enforcement. A new wave of nativism, exemplified by the Proposition 187 ballot initiative in California, took root in US politics, fueling harsh language and harsh policies shaping the treatment of immigrants. Even as the United States prepared to operate the first permanent, global Diversity Visa lottery, a new restrictionist attitude shaped US immigration.
Green Card Lawyers
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The popular appeal of the visa lotteries sparked the interest of enterprising immigration attorneys, who entered the fray even though the lottery was designed to be easy to enter without assistance. Two attorneys, Laurence Canter and Martha Siegel, got into the green card lottery business, and used the burgeoning Internet to try to drum up business. They launched an early example of Internet spam when they posted their commercial advertising about the green card lottery across Usenet, spamming all kinds of discussion groups not remotely interested in immigration issues. Their action violated community norms and drew severe backlash. But it served as a breakthrough moment in which commercial interests came to rule cyberspace and its frontiers.
Luck
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
That the Diversity Visa program was operated as a lottery helped make it easy to enter and popular. The proliferation of lotteries in places like Ghana as well as the United States in the late 20th century spoke to the way states and municipalities were using games of chance to raise public funds in an era shaped by tax cuts, slim public budgets, and veneration of markets. In Ghana, these conditions fueled new ways of imagining emigration, and more people began to believe they needed to seek “greener pastures” abroad in order to thrive. Speaking to the neoliberal moment, enterprising visa entrepreneurs peddled visa-related services, helping fuel interest in the green card lottery.
419 and Scams
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Scams seemed to thrive in the conditions of structural adjustment in West Africa, although no country was more associated with fraud than Nigeria in the 1990s. Advance fee fraud, known as 419 for the section of Nigeria’s criminal code, involved Nigerian princes requesting money up front in exchange for a portion of a much larger fortune later on. The scam thrived in conditions of global inequality, where it seemed plausible that individuals might have amassed a large but inaccessible fortune. Meanwhile emigration took on greater importance for a broad swath of Nigerians. The visa lottery generated some scams and false promises, but as it became clear that the lottery was a real US program, more people played, and more people won.
Coda
Authors: Goodman Carly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
In July 2018, Therese Patricia Okoumou, an immigrant from the Republic of Congo, climbed up the base of the Statue of Liberty to protest cruel immigration policies. Her brave act came in the context of an immigration system that simultaneously increased Black immigration through the Diversity Visa lottery and expanded restrictions and nativism that affected Black immigrants. Although debates about immigration, diversity, and enduring racism were prominent during the 2020 presidential election, President Joseph Biden extended many of the restrictionist policies that preceded him. Such policies flew in the face of how the United States portrayed itself through the lottery, as a “no-man’s land” and place of relative tolerance and diversity. Despite politicians’ efforts to close the gates, the lottery continued to operate, bringing new people to the United States, new dreams, and new chances to see our fates as interconnected.
Tuberculosis as Statecraft
Authors: Urban Kelly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
When Batista began his political career as an authoritarian leader in need of popular support, he strategically expanded the state’s antituberculosis campaign, founding the National Tuberculosis Council (Consejo Nacional de Tuberculosis, or CNT) in 1936. His use of tuberculosis as statecraft constituted a key plank of his populist platform, contributed to state-building, and tightened the link between the disease and national politics throughout the Second Republic. The CNT expanded health citizenship through its growing network of services. Medical professionals, however, expressed frustration over the Batista administration’s unwillingness to confront patronage in the health sector and thus further expand outpatient tuberculosis services through reformed local health units. To explore these processes in depth, this chapter analyzes the CNT’s Tuberculosis Survey of 1937–38 and the activities of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation, which was active in Cuba from the mid-1930s through the mid-1940s. Tuberculars and their allies also voiced critiques of Batista’s CNT, including its narrow medical focus. Although Batista attempted to silence radical forms of health activism that could challenge state power, visions of broad health citizenship circulated among the population at large, a process that intensified in the democratic opening of the early 1940s.
A Shuttered Laboratory
Authors: Urban Kelly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter historicizes the tuberculosis policies implemented in the early years of the Cuban Revolution. The Health Ministry (MINSAP), under the direction of veteran tuberculosis experts like Gustavo Aldereguía, carried out two radical experiments: devolving some power in the antituberculosis campaign to local communities and providing economic subsidies to tuberculars. However, by 1961, as part of the government’s authoritarian turn and in a difficult economic context, the MINSAP shut down these experiments. The chapter also analyzes an important discursive shift, as people began to speak about tuberculosis as a disease of underdevelopment, which relocated blame away from the state and promised that socialism would eventually eradicate the disease’s social roots. At the same time, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), a mass organization tied to the revolutionary government, incorporated local tuberculosis efforts, which removed the spatial and institutional framework for tuberculosis protest. Together these changes depoliticized the disease as a means of critiquing state health policy in the public sphere. A radical tubercular subculture of activism no longer existed, informing the inertia in tuberculosis policy in the 1960s. However, the MINSAP did ease access to health care (e.g., BCG vaccination) and publicized its achievements to consolidate power.
Inside ELIJAH
Authors: Delehanty Jack 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter provides a closer look at ELIJAH, the book’s focal case organization. Weaving rich description with ethnographic vignettes, it walks readers through the organizational structure and cultural contexts of ELIJAH’s work, discussing key attributes and tensions along the way. The analysis demonstrates how faith-based organizers must navigate a range of internal and external dilemmas as they carry out their work. Determining how to balance short-term minor campaigns against more ambitious long-term struggles; broad recruitment against intensive leadership development; sticking to principles against strategic political expediency; and technical political maneuvering against sweeping moral framing is a constant undercurrent to faith-based community organizing.
Crimmigration Entities in North Carolina
Authors: Arriaga Felicia 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 provides an overview of the 287(g) partnership between local law enforcement and ICE in five counties throughout the state. This chapter is organized into two parts. First, it focuses on the process whereby these communities and local law enforcement entities have become crimmigration (criminalization of immigration law and procedure) entities through the use of a specific intergovernmental program, in order to respond to a racialized immigrant threat. Second, it describes the adoption and implementation of one of these intergovernmental agreements across five counties.
Off-Post Discrimination
Authors: Bailey Beth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
During the Vietnam era, Black soldiers often faced discrimination off post, not only in the US South, where Jim Crow segregation was legal well into the 1960s and its practice persisted thereafter, but in West Germany, Korea, and other sites where US soldiers were stationed. In addition, racial violence often spilled into the surrounding communities, sometimes creating international diplomatic incidents. Within the US, based on clearly articulated principles of civil-military relations, the authority of military leaders did not extend to civilian communities; in West Germany, racial discrimination was differently defined and protected in some forms by local laws. This chapter traces the consequences of off-post discrimination in housing, restaurants and bars, and public venues for Black soldiers, as well as the impact of US Army racial conflict and violence in South Korea and West Germany. It analyzes US Army efforts to combat off-post discrimination and the limits of military authority, both domestically and internationally.
Country Capitalism
Authors: Elmore Bart 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The rural roads that led to our planet-changing global economy ran through the American South. That region's impact on the interconnected histories of business and ecological change is narrated here by acclaimed scholar Bart Elmore, who uses the histories of five southern firms—Coca-Cola, Delta Airlines, Walmart, FedEx, and Bank of America—to investigate the environmental impact of our have-it-now, fly-by-night, buy-on-credit economy. Drawing on exclusive interviews with company executives, corporate archives, and other records, Elmore explores the historical, economic, and ecological conditions that gave rise to these five trailblazing corporations. He then considers what each has become: an essential presence in the daily workings of the global economy and an unmistakable contributor to the reshaping of the world's ecosystems. Even as businesses invest in sustainability initiatives and respond to new calls for corporate responsibility, Elmore shows the limits of their efforts to “green” their operations and offers insights on how governments and activists can push corporations to do better. At the root, Elmore reveals a fundamental challenge: Our lives are built around businesses that connect far-flung rural places to urban centers and global destinations. This “country capitalism” that proved successful in the US South has made it possible to satisfy our demands at the click of a button, but each click comes with hidden environmental costs. This book is a must-read for anyone who hopes to create an ecologically sustainable future economy.
I Thought It Would Be Profitable in the Country If I Could Only Get It There
Authors: Elmore Bart 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores the early history of Coca-Cola and shows how business leaders inside that Atlanta soft drink company sought to service the countryside, focusing on rural regions in the American South and beyond by expanding the firm’s extensive soda fountain and bottling network in the late-nineteenth century and early twentieth century. That decision to focus on making cold Coca-Cola “within arm’s reach of desire,” even in rural markets, would have major implications for the firm’s environmental footprint in the years ahead.
Brutal Campaign
Authors: Fleegler Robert L. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
At 8:00 p.m. eastern standard time on election night 1988, NBC news anchor Tom Brokaw informed the country that they would soon know more about the outcome of “one of the longest, bloodiest presidential campaigns that anyone can remember.” It was a landslide victory for George H. W. Bush over Michael Dukakis, and yet Bush would serve only one term, forever overshadowed in history by the man who made him vice president, by the man who defeated him, and even by his own son. The 1988 presidential race quickly receded into history, but it was marked by the beginning of the modern political sex scandals, the first major African American presidential candidacy, the growing power of the religious right, and other key trends that came to define the elections that followed. Bush’s campaign tactics clearly illustrated the strategies and issues that allowed Republicans to control the White House for most of the 1970s and 1980s, and the election set the stage for the national political advent of both Joe Biden and Donald Trump. Robert L. Fleegler’s narrative history of the 1988 election draws from untapped archival sources and revealing oral history interviews to uncover just how consequential this moment was for American politics. Identifying the seeds of political issues to come, Fleegler delivers an engaging review of an election that set a template for the political dynamics that define our lives to this day.
The Stage Is Set 1984–1986
Authors: Fleegler Robert L. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
The Democrats dominated American politics from the 1930s until the 1960s, when the turmoil of that decade broke up the New Deal coalition forged by FDR. As a result, Republicans won the White House in 1968, 1972, and 1980. In 1984, former vice president Walter Mondale tried to move the Democrats back to the center by embracing a message of fiscal responsibility, calling for tax increases to combat the Reagan-era budget deficits. However, this strategy backfired and simply reinforced his identification as a traditional liberal. President Ronald Reagan defeated Mondale by 49 states to 1, marking the GOP’s third victory in the last four elections. Reagan’s successor seemed to be in strong position until the Iran-contra scandal broke in the fall of 1986, potentially damaging Vice President Bush’s path to the GOP nomination and the White House. Meanwhile, former Colorado senator Gary Hart—who finished second to Mondale in 1984—seemed to be the frontrunner to win the Democratic nomination and even led Bush in polls for the general election.
Introduction
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Oconaluftee Valley is located on the North Carolina side of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and includes the Qualla Boundary, which is the land of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians. The valley has offered residents bountiful natural resources and home sites for centuries. The valley’s name is derived from the Cherokee words for “by the river,” which is fitting because the valley surrounds the Oconaluftee River. Though remote, residents of the valley were always engaged with others via trade networks and external events and trends, including political, administrative, economic, and social forces. An account of the valley’s history must include all the people who lived there: white mountain farmers, Cherokees, and enslaved—and, later, emancipated—Black people. Though ethic groups were not integrated, they lived as neighbors and assisted each other in times of crisis.
Circumventing the Trail of Tears
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
In 1835, the Treaty of New Echota committed the Cherokee Nation to move west of the Mississippi River. With William Holland Thomas’ help, the Lufty Cherokees avoided Removal though other North Carolina Cherokees were forced to leave, among them Tsali and his family. This family was captured by US soldiers while hiding in the Smokies; during an escape attempt, two soldiers were killed, and one was injured. Subsequently, Utsala (Euchella), Thomas, and Lufty Cherokees assisted in recapturing Tsali and his family; the men in Tsali’s family were executed by Utsala’s men, an act that enabled Utsala’s group to join the Lufty Cherokees. In the twentieth century, this tale became the central narrative of Unto These Hills, the outdoor drama of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians. The white families and Lufty Cherokees lived separate lives but traded together at Thomas’ store, helped each other through harsh winters, and shared itinerant preachers. Thomas bought land on behalf of the Lufty Cherokees and helped improve their profile in western North Carolina and Washington DC, attempting to secure their share of subsistence funds promised in the Treaty of New Echota. The Cherokees established five towns with councils inside the Qualla Boundary.
Separate Realities
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
In the 1870s and 80s, established white families recovered from the privations of the Civil War, and the community repaired and improved the Oconalufty Turnpike. A wave of new white families moved into the valley, occupying tracts that were upslope and rockier. Individuals emancipated from slavery by the Enloe and Mingus families either stayed as sharecroppers or employees or left the area; their stories are difficult to document completely. After emancipation, Chrisenberry (Berry) Napoleon Haynes Howell worked for the Enloe family until the late 1890s along with his wife Sarah; then they bought a succession of farms in Swain County, raised 14 children and additional foster children, became church leaders, and were able to provide their children land for their own homes. Charles Mingus Sr., the mulatto child of Clarinda Mingus and an enslaved black man, left the valley; joined the US Army; settled in Watts, California; and was the father of renowned 20th-century bassist Charles Mingus, Jr. Harrison Coleman, claimed to be half Cherokee and half black, and repeatedly applied for enrollment in the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians, but was posthumously denied, even though he and his wife Mourning Emaline Gibson and their children lived for decades on land provided by the Eastern Band. With the exception of the white staff at the Cherokee Boarding School and a few lodgers in homes, white, Black, and Cherokee households were not integrated.
From Birdsong to Train Whistle
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Large-scale logging arrived in the 1890s, bringing railroads to facilitate transport. Ravensford, on land once owned by the Enloe family, and Smokemont, on Queen family land, developed into logging towns outfitted with saw mills, stores, schools, and lodging for loggers and their families. Though logging companies were organized and folded constantly, Ravensford Lumber Company and Champion Fibre Company were in business when the national park was authorized in 1925. Removing cut timber via narrow-gage railroads, tram roads, splash dams, steam-powered skidders, and steam-powered log loaders scarred the land, caused erosion, and left brush that created fire hazards. Massive amounts of timber were cut; between 1920 and 1925, Champion Fibre sawed nearly 117 million feet of timber at its Smokemont mill. Private landowners accepted logging and leased land to the companies for rail lines, building sites, and water access. Some local men worked as loggers and mill hands while maintaining their farms and supplying food to logging companies. After logging ended at Ravensford in 1927 and at Smokemont in 1931, residents of the towns left the area, and the Park Service offered farmers buyouts or lifetime leases for their land. Some families lost the money from land sales in banks that failed during the Depression.
Rites of Passage
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Using oral histories, writings of Haitian politicians, US military records, newspapers from the US Black press, and US congressional reports, the chapter traces Haitian women’s physical transformations to account for the different physical and psychological experiences of women in the “occupation generation.” The chapter demonstrates how differently classed women were drawn toward and stood in for one another in both anti-Black and antioccupation political actions. The chapter draws an image of what the occupation felt like (tactile, by touch) and how these feelings rendered literal change and in everyday moments as young women used transient encounters in the variable occupation landscape as a means to clarify assumptions about their identity. The chapter asserts that the violation of Haitian women’s flesh during the occupation marked the nation’s nonsovereignty, relocated women outside of Haitian citizenship, and propelled a postoccupation feminist politics focused on physical safety, social inclusion, and state rights.
A Bridge
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter is a dwelling space that attends to the impact of familial loss on Haitian women’s organizing during and immediately following the United States occupation. Set in the context of activist Georges Sylvain’s death in 1925, the chapter uses reports from the Sylvain funeral events alongside Suzanne Comhaire-Sylvain’s research on death space to consider the affective pull of mourning in women’s political practice in the first years of formal organizing. Considering the publication of texts like Dix années de lutte and essays in La Voix des Femmes as a conceptual wake, the chapter uses the death space to offer a reorientation for the rebirth of women’s politics after the US occupation that was informed by exclusions from the state but propelled by navigations of collective loss, longing, and creative mourning.