bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Outcome analysis of cervical adenosquamous carcinoma compared with adenocarcinoma
Authors: CHEN JENNY LING‐YU , CHENG JASON CHIA‐HSIEN , KUO SUNG‐HSIN , CHEN CHI‐AN , LIN MING‐CHIEH , HUANG CHAO‐YUAN 
Published: April 2012

Abstract Objective. To compare survival between patients with cervical adenocarcinoma (AC) and adenosquamous carcinoma (ASC). Design. Retrospective study. Setting. National Taiwan University Hospital, Taipei, Taiwan. Population. All patients with cervical AC or ASC who received definitive treatment from January 1995 to December 2009. Methods. Medical and histopathological record review. Main outcome measures. Overall and recurrence‐free survival. Results. A total of 170 women received a histological diagnosis of AC and 42 of ASC. The median follow‐up was 56.7 months. There were no significant differences in age, International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics (FIGO) stage, gravidity or treatment modality between women with AC and ASC. Patients with ASC had a higher percentage of poorly differentiated tumors than those with AC (33.3 vs. 15.3%, respectively; p= 0.014). Five year overall and recurrence‐free survival was 66.8 and 58.9%, respectively, for women with AC and 69.5 and 61.9%, respectively, for those with ASC (p= 0.795 and p= 0.892, respectively). Survival outcomes in patients with early or advanced stage disease did not differ between the histological groups. No differences in failure patterns were found between the two groups. The FIGO stage and treatment modality were factors which affected overall and recurrence‐free survival. Conclusions. We did not find evidence to suggest that ASC subtypes indicate worse outcome. Cervical ASC could be categorized as one subtype of AC. The FIGO stage and treatment modalities have greater influence on outcomes than histological subtype.
Dioxinodehydroeckol inhibits melanin synthesis through PI3K/Akt signalling pathway in α‐melanocyte‐stimulating hormone‐treated B16F10 cells
Authors: Lee Min‐Sup , Yoon Ho‐Dong , Kim Jae‐Il , Choi Jae‐Sue , Byun Dae‐Seok , Kim Hyeung‐Rak 
Published: April 2012

AbstractAntimelanogenic activity has previously been reported in ethyl acetate fraction of Ecklonia stolonifera. In this study, using the isolated dioxinodehydroeckol from the fraction, we sought to investigate an antimelanogenic signalling pathway in α‐melanocyte‐stimulating hormone (α‐MSH)–stimulated B16F10 melanoma cells. Treatment with dioxinodehydroeckol inhibited the cellular melanin contents and expression of melanogenesis‐related proteins, including microphthalmia‐associated transcription factor (MITF), tyrosinase and tyrosinase‐related proteins TRP‐1 and TRP‐2. Moreover, dioxinodehydroeckol stimulated phosphorylation of Akt in a dose‐dependent manner without affecting phosphorylation of ERK. These data suggest that dioxinodehydroeckol reduces melanin synthesis through the MITF regulation dependent upon PI3K/Akt signalling pathway.
Role of free radicals and antioxidant defences in oral cavity‐related pathologies
Authors: Iannitti T. , Rottigni V. , Palmieri B. 
Published: April 2012

J Oral Pathol Med (2012) 41: 649–661Free radicals play a key role in the development of several pathological conditions. Therefore, several methods have been developed to measure oxidative stress from bodily fluids including blood, urine and, more recently, saliva. Free radical and antioxidant defences within the oral cavity may play a key role in odontostomatological pathologies. This review provides an update of the literature concerning the association of oxidative stress with pathological conditions associated with the oral cavity. It focuses on the diagnostic and therapeutic importance of the tests based on saliva specimens in a preventive perspective.
Plasma lipid metabolites are associated with gestational age but not bronchopulmonary dysplasia
Authors: Rogers Lynette K , Young Christine M , Pennell Michael L , Tipple Trent E , Leonhart Karen L , Welty Stephen E 
Published: April 2012

AbstractAim:  To test the hypothesis that plasma lipid metabolite levels in premature infants are associated with the development of bronchopulmonary dysplasia (BPD). The studies also tested a secondary hypothesis that plasma lipid metabolite levels were correlated with gestational age.Methods:  Infants born <32 weeks’ gestation were enrolled during the first 72 h of life. Plasma samples were obtained and lipid levels were measured by LC‐MS/MS. Clinical data were collected to determine infant outcomes and BPD diagnosis.Results:  Following adjustment for confounders, lipid levels were not associated with BPD; however, levels of specific lipid metabolites were correlated with gestational age.Conclusion:  Immature lipid metabolism pathways in premature infants may contribute to the pathogenesis of BPD and other diseases.
Antenatal counselling for parents facing an extremely preterm birth: limitations of the medical evidence
Authors: Janvier Annie , Lorenz John M , Lantos John D 
Published: April 2012

AbstractWhen physicians are asked for a consult for women in premature labour, they face a complex set of challenges. Policy statements recommend that women be given detailed information about the risks of various outcomes, including death, long‐term disability and various specific neonatal problems. Both personal narratives and studies suggest that parents also base their decisions on factors other than the probabilistic facts about expected outcomes. Statistics are difficult to understand at any time. Rational decision‐making may be difficult when taking life‐and‐death decisions. Furthermore, the role of emotions is not discussed in peri‐viability guidelines.Conclusion: We argue against trying to tell parents every fact that we think might be relevant to their decision. This may be overwhelming for many parents. Instead, doctors should try to discern, on a case‐by‐case basis, what particular parents want and need. Information and delivery of information should be personalized. Unfortunately, evidence in this area is limited.
The influence of the HLA‐DRB, HLA‐DQB and polymorphic positions of the HLA‐DRβ1 and HLA‐DQβ1 molecules on risk of Iranian type 1 diabetes mellitus patients
Authors: Sayad A. , Akbari M. T. , Pajouhi M. , Mostafavi F. , Zamani M. 
Published: April 2012

SummaryType 1 Diabetes mellitus (T1D) is an autoimmune and multifactorial disease. HLA‐DRB1 and DQB1 loci have the strongest association with T1D. This study aimed at investigating (i) susceptibility or protection of alleles, genotypes and haplotypes of HLA‐DRB1 and DQB1 loci; and (ii) highly polymorphic amino acid residues of HLA‐DRβ1 and DQβ1 in 105 Iranian T1D patients and 100 controls. The results indicated that DRB1*04:01, 03:01, DQB1*03:02, 02:01 alleles, DRB1*03:01/04:01, 03:01/13:03, DQB1*02:01/03:02 genotypes, DRB1*04:01‐DQB1*03:02, DRB1*03:01‐DQB1*02:01, DRB1*07:01‐DQB1*03:03 haplotypes had positive association with T1D. In contrast, HLA‐DRB1*15:01, 13:01, DQB1*03:01, 06:01 alleles, DRB1*11:01/15:01, DQB1*03:01/06:01, 03:01/05:01 genotypes and DRB1*15:01–DQB1*06:01, DRB1*11:01–DQB1*03:01 haplotypes had negative association with T1D. Analysis of amino acid sequence of HLA‐DRβ1 and DQβ1 revealed that DRβ1Lys71+ and DQβ1Asp57− were significantly more frequent in patients than in controls and had a positive effect in the development of T1D. Haplotype analysis demonstrated that HLA‐DRB1Lys71+ allele provided major susceptibility for T1D, and DQβ1Asp57− had an additive effect. We designed an allele‐specific primer to develop an easy, quick and cost‐benefit method to detect the DRβ1Lys71+. This method can identify all 114 DRB1 alleles encoding DRβ1Lys71+ by three PCR reactions. The PcPPV and PcNPV were also calculated to determine the impact of HLA genotype testing at amino acid positions. It showed that the DRβ1Lys71+/+ genotype carrier had 1% absolute risk of developing T1D.
Surveying Teens in School to Assess the Prevalence of Problematic Drug Use
Authors: Falck Russel S. , Nahhas Ramzi W. , Li Linna , Carlson Robert G. 
Published: April 2012

BACKGROUND: Illicit drug use by school‐aged teens can adversely affect their health and academic achievement. This study used a survey administered in schools to assess the prevalence of problematic drug use among teenagers in a Midwestern community.METHODS: Self‐report data were collected from 11th‐ and 12th‐grade students (N = 3974) in 16 school districts in the Dayton, Ohio, area. Students responded to a drug use survey that also included CRAFFT, a brief substance abuse screening instrument. Binomial and zero‐inflated Poisson regressions were used to examine the association between CRAFFT scores and drug use practices, including abstinence.RESULTS: More than one third of students had CRAFFT scores suggestive of problematic use. Of these, 14.1% had scores suggesting drug dependence. Although alcohol, marijuana, and tobacco were the drugs most commonly used, an array of other drugs including opioids, benzodiazepines, stimulants, hallucinogens, and dextromethorphan were also commonly used. Higher CRAFFT scores were associated with a greater number of drugs used (p < .0001). Proportionately more 12th graders than 11th graders had CRAFFT scores indicating problems (p < .0001). Among 12th graders, boys were more likely than girls to have CRAFFT scores indicating dependence (p = .01).CONCLUSIONS: The results suggest that problematic drug use among high school students is more prevalent than has been recognized previously. CRAFFT can be used easily to assess the prevalence of problematic drug use among teenagers in school settings. CRAFFT results can also inform prevention and intervention activities, particularly if the CRAFFT instrument is paired with a drug use survey.
Educating Coaches About Concussion in Sports: Evaluation of the CDC's “Heads Up: Concussion in Youth Sports” Initiative
Authors: Covassin Tracey , Elbin R. J. , Sarmiento Kelly 
Published: April 2012

BACKGROUND: Concussions remain a serious public health concern. It is important that persons involved in youth sports, particularly coaches, be made aware and educated on the signs and symptoms of concussion. This study assessed the perceptions of youth sport coaches who have received the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC's) “Heads Up: Concussion in Youth Sports” materials in preventing, recognizing, and responding to concussions.METHODS: A 22‐item survey was developed with questions pertaining to demographics, awareness of sports‐related concussion, and the usefulness of the CDC's “Heads Up: Concussion in Youth Sports” initiative and materials. A total of 340 youth sport coaches completed the survey, for a response rate of 34.0%.RESULTS: All youth sport coaches reported having the “Heads Up” materials for approximately 6 months before completing the survey. Seventy‐seven percent of youth sports coaches reported being better able to identify athletes who may have a concussion, with 50% reported having learned something new about concussion after reviewing the materials. Sixty‐three percent of youth sport coaches viewed concussions as being more serious, while 72% of coaches reporting that they are now educating others on concussion.CONCLUSION: The “Heads Up” materials demonstrated that youth sports coaches' were able to appropriately prevent, recognize, and respond to sports‐related concussions after reviewing the materials. Future studies should concentrate on evaluating the impact of concussion policies, laws and media coverage on coaches' awareness and prevention, recognition, and response to concussions using a rigorous design including a control group.
The Relationship Among State Laws, District Policies, and Elementary School‐Based Measurement of Children's Body Mass Index
Authors: Sandoval Anna , Turner Lindsey , Nicholson Lisa , Chriqui Jamie , Tortorelli Megan , Chaloupka Frank J. 
Published: April 2012

BACKGROUND: School‐based measurement of children's body mass index (BMI) is a useful tool for tracking childhood obesity rates, and may be an effective intervention strategy for reducing the increasing trends in obesity. This article examines the relationship between state law, district policy, and school‐level BMI measurement practices.METHODS: Data were collected during 3 school years (2006‐2007, 2007‐2008, 2008‐2009) as part of an annual study on health policies and practices in a nationally representative sample of US public elementary schools. Data collected included school‐level data via a mailed questionnaire, and district‐level policies and state laws from publicly available sources. We examined whether state laws and district policies were linked to school‐level BMI measurement, either directly, or via a mediation effect.RESULTS: Schools were most likely to measure student BMI if there was a state law in place (65.0% of schools) than where there was not a state law regarding BMI measurement (38.4% of schools; χ2 = 120.91, p < .001). However, school‐level BMI measurement did not differ by whether the district had a relevant policy or not (49.8% vs. 49.2%, ns). These effects held up in multivariate logistic regression models controlling for relevant school‐level covariates (region, race/ethnicity, location, school size, and socioeconomic status). Schools in the south and those with a majority of White students were most likely to measure students' BMI.CONCLUSION: State laws are associated with school‐level BMI measurement, and therefore may be a helpful tool in monitoring and addressing childhood obesity.
Agenda Setting in the States: How Politics and Policy Needs Shape Gubernatorial Agendas
Authors: HEIDBREDER BRIANNE 
Published: April 2012

This article examines gubernatorial agenda attention to social welfare and health‐care policy, assessing the extent to which liberal agenda attention is a function of state politics and policy needs. Using data collected through content analysis of state of the state speeches from 2000 to 2007 across the 50 states, I show that gubernatorial agenda attention is a function of a number of policy demand indicators, including gubernatorial party identification, state legislative party control, and policy needs as measured using state environmental characteristics. The results also suggest that Democratic and Republican governors react differently to their environments when constructing their agendas. The models of gubernatorial agenda attention show that state‐level agenda setting is a complicated process driven by both demand for public policy, as well as constraints acting against a governor's desire to devote attention to specific policies.Related Articles:“Issue Salience, Party Strength, and the Adoption of Health‐Care Expansion Efforts.” (2012) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00340.x/abstract“The Interpretive Process of Agenda‐Building: A Research Design for Public Policy.” (2002) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2002.tb00632.x/abstract“Agenda Setting at the State Level: The Neutralization of Entrepreneurial Politics in Virginia's Land Use Initiative.” (1994) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1994.tb00343.x/abstractEste artículo examina la atención de la agenda gubernamental a las políticas de seguridad social y cobertura médica, evaluando en qué medida la atención de la agenda liberal está en función de las necesidades de las políticas estatales. Usando datos recolectados mediante el análisis del contenido de discursos estatales del año 2000 al 2007 en los 50 estados, muestro como la atención de la agenda gubernamental está en función de un número de indicadores políticos, incluyendo partido gobernante, control legislativo del partido gobernante, y necesidades políticas tomando como medida el contexto político del estado. Los resultados también sugieren que los gobernadores Demócratas y Republicanos reaccionan de manera diferente al establecer sus agendas. Los modelos de atención gubernamental muestran que la creación de una agenda a nivel estatal es un proceso complicado impulsado por la demanda por políticas públicas, así como las restricciones que sobre los deseos de un gobernador de dedicar atención a políticas específicas.
Political Geography, Direct Democracy, and the Reasoning Voter: Spatial Proximity, Symbolic Politics, and Voting on California's Proposition 83
Authors: DYCK JOSHUA J. , HAGLEY ANNIKA 
Published: April 2012

This article uses relatively novel techniques (geographic information systems, spatial regression) to provide counterevidence to the reasoning voter hypothesis in previous studies of direct democracy. We apply these methods to voting data in relation to the spatial implications of Proposition 83, a 2006 California ballot initiative that set residency restrictions upon felons convicted of sexual offenses to 2,000 feet beyond the boundaries of parks and schools. We apply a theoretical framework that argues that geographic/spatial awareness is often subject to affective responses. Our hypothesis suggests that, in the absence of clear costs/benefits and without explicit cues concerning the complexity of the spatial environment, voters' abilities to place self‐interested votes become more susceptible to affect and symbols. Our models support this idea: partisan, ideological, and affective determinants dominate the model, while geographic self‐interest is unrelated to voting behavior on Proposition 83.Related Articles:“Citizen Trust, Political Corruption, and Voting Behavior.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00267.x/abstract“Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to “New Terrorism.” (2010)http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x/abstract“Moral Values and Vote Choice in the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election.” (2007)http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00058.x/abstractRelated Media: Video Clip: “Jessica's Law Dilemma: Homeless Sex Offenders.” (ABC7News 2010) http://abclocal.go.com/kgo/story?section=news/iteam&id=7245220Este artículo usa técnicas relativamente nuevas (SIG, regresión espacial) para proveer un contraargumento a la hipótesis del elector racional en estudios previos en democracia directa (e.g., Lupia 1994). Aplicamos estos métodos a información electoral en relación a las implicaciones espaciales de la Proposición 83, una iniciativa de California en 2006 que estableció restricciones de residencia para personas sentenciadas por delitos sexuales a mantener una distancia de 600 metros de los límites de parques y escuelas. Aplicamos un marco teórico donde argumentamos que la conciencia geográfica/espacial está sujeta a respuestas afectivas frecuentemente. Nuestra hipótesis sugiere que, en la ausencia de costos/beneficios explícitos y sin una indicación clara acerca de la complejidad espacial del entorno, la habilidad de los electores para votar en su propio interés se vuelve más susceptible a emociones y símbolos. Nuestros modelos apoyan esta idea: determinantes partidistas, ideológicos y afectivos dominan el modelo, mientras que interés individual geográfico no está relacionado al comportamiento electoral en la Proposición 83.
Presidential Power and the Judicialization of Politics as Determinants of Institutional Change in the Judiciary: The Supreme Court of Ecuador (1979‐2009)
Authors: BASABE‐SERRANO SANTIAGO 
Published: April 2012

What explains institutional instability in national judicial institutions? Much extant research focuses on de facto institutional instability, emphasizing political motivations behind irregular changes to high court composition. In contrast, I consider the causes for de jure changes made to the Ecuadorian Supreme Court from 1979 to the present, drawing on qualitative and quantitative analyses. I contend that the judicialization of politics and presidential interest in stacking the courts are central explanatory factors, and that changes to the Supreme Court's institutional framework reflect implicit compromises and political arrangements negotiated by strategic political actors. As such, institutional reforms to national judicial institutions may be adopted to ameliorate conflict in the larger political sphere.Related Articles:“Constitutional Jurisdiction and the Consolidation of Democracy.” (2009) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00159.x/abstract“Political and Economic Liberty in Latin America: Can They Coexist?” (2004) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2004.tb00179.x/abstract“The Impact of Divided Government on the Supreme Court Appointment Process.” (2011) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00325.x/abstract¿Qué factores explican la inestabilidad institucional en los Poderes Judiciales nacionales? Al respecto, la mayoría de investigaciones focalizan en la inestabilidad institucional de facto, enfatizando en las motivaciones políticas que llevan a cambios en la composición de las cortes. En contraste, y recurriendo a un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo, este artículo analiza las causas de los cambios de jure realizados en la Corte Suprema de Justicia del Ecuador desde 1979 hasta la fecha. El artículo propone que la judicialización de la política y el interés de los presidentes por controlar las cortes son los factores clave que explican tales cambios institucionales y que dichas variaciones en la Corte Suprema reflejan compromisos implícitos y acuerdos negociados por actores políticos estratégicos. Por tanto, las reformas institucionales a las cortes se adoptan a fin de aminorar el conflicto político suscitado en una esfera política más amplia.
Aqui No Hay Oportunidades: Latino Segregation and the Keys to Political Participation
Authors: PEARSON‐MERKOWITZ SHANNA 
Published: April 2012

For decades, political scientists, sociologists, and historians have tracked the perils of residential segregation in the African American community. The consensus is clear: segregation has hampered African American socioeconomic mobility and social integration. Given the strong relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation, segregation, therefore, is at least partially responsible for low levels of political participation within the black community. Over the last 20 years, Latinos have started to experience segregation rates similar to African Americans. I argue that the detriments of residential segregation are not isolated to the black community and present similar barriers to Latinos. This finding has important political implications, indicating that Latinos are unlikely to realize their full potential at the ballot box because of the socioeconomic barriers of segregation.Related Articles:“English Proficiency and Latino Participation in U.S. Elections.” (2011) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00302.x/abstract“Racial Self‐Identification and Latino Political Engagement.” (2009) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00220.x/abstract“Boosting Latino and Black Political Participation.” (2005) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2005.tb00803.x/abstract