bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
La « révolution des prix » et l'effondrement de la production dans le secteur d'État en Pologne, 1990-1991
Authors: Lipowski Adam , Szymkiewicz Krystyna 
Published: December 2010

The « price revolution » and the collapse of production in the state sector in Poland, 1990-1991.
The article offers an explanation of the mechanics of inflation and recession in Poland, as observed during the first two years' implementation of the stabilization programme.
The experience of countries which carried out stabilization programmes prior to Poland has shown that such programmes enable a brake to be put on inflation, but at the same time bring about a more or less serious recession. While the same phenomena are at present evident in Poland, can it be said that they have the same causes, and are of the same nature, as those to be seen in countries with a market economy, or mixed economy countries which follow the rules of the market ?
The authors start of with the argument that the nature of the Polish inflation and recession cannot be analysed without taking account of the status and roles of state enterprises, which continue to be in the majority in Poland. The present analysis, therefore, begins by studying the behaviour of public enterprises in relation to prices. Thus we have a microeconomic approach, which is unusual in studies on this subject which have appeared up till now. The authors consider that such an approach is justified, given the specific nature of an economy which is only just emerging from « real socialism ».
La Treuhandanstalt dans la privatisation de l'agriculture est-allemande
Authors: Petit Benoît , Gerbaud Florent 
Published: December 2010

La responsabilité de la Treuhandanstalt (THA) dans la privatisation de l'agriculture des cinq nouveaux Lânder allemands est ici présentée à partir de son patrimoine et de son organigramme. L'approche de ses priorités est plus complexe car elle renvoit à une politique contestée. Sa « transparence » et ses effets ont donné lieu à de nombreuses critiques (I).
La filiale de la THA, la Société de gestion et d'administration des sols (BWG), mise en place en juin 1992, reprend une partie de ces fonctions pour une plus longue durée (environ 15 ans). L'attribution des terres, par vente ou par bail, est un élément fondamental dans la politique actuelle des autorités de chaque Land et de la Fédération allemande (II). En outre, les syndicats agricoles et les multiples acteurs locaux réagissent pour défendre des intérêts souvent contradictoires dans la gestion de l'espace rural (III).
Les fermes d'État de la Basse Silésie au seuil de la privatisation
Authors: Ferens Izabela , Despiney Zochowska Barbara 
Published: December 2010

State farms of Lower Silesia, on the threshold of privatization.
This article is concerned with the problems arising from the restructuring and privatization of State farms, which in Poland account for 3 459 000 hectares of arable land, or 17,4 % of the total. Following on the process of transforming the Polish economy to a market economy, which was started in mid- 1989, the state farms are now in a critical position. They employ some 400 000 or so workers, who with their families represent a total of 2 million people. Given its social cost, the rationalization of employment in state farms is difficult to implement, although it would bring about increased efficiency in production, and would simplify the restructuring of farming units. It is calculated that employment should be reduced by 40 %.
In March 1992, an Agency for rural ownership was set up under the State Treasury, with the specific purpose of rationalizing employment in the state farms, and getting the process of privatization under way. It is thought that the Agency should be able to clear bottlenecks, and get on with the transfer of property, with the legal means now available to it. It will be in a position not only to guarantee investment credits, but also to participate on its own account in the development of the food and agricultural industry and infrastrusture.
Analyse comparée des investissements directs français et allemands dans le triangle de Visegrad (Hongrie, Tchécoslovaquie, Pologne)
Authors: Boudier-Bensebaa Fabienne 
Published: December 2010

Comparative analysis of direct French and German investments in the Visegrad triangle (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland.
Germany's pre-eminence as an investor in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland, with direct investment flows four or five times higher then that of France, is reflected in significant differences between the two countries as regards the nature of their commitments. Regionally, German investments are mainly directed towards Czechoslovakia, while French direct investments have primarily be channeled to Hungary. In terms of sectors, German investments, above all in manufactures, contrast with the French, which are concentrated in the service sector. And lastly, in terms of structure, the most sizeable concentration of capital invested by the French reflects differences in strategy, with Germany relying on its medium-sized enterprises (« Mittelstand ») to invest in Eastern Europe, while France has recourse mainly to its multinationals.
In addition, analysis of the determining factors in these investments, in terms of comparative advantages of countries, and competitive advantages of firms, must be complemented by a study of determining factors linked to the specific nature of German « Mittelstand » enterprise, which is powerfully aided and supported in its efforts to penetrate Eastern Europe by the public authorities, and by taking account of cultural factors, which operate in favour of" Germany.
Le schisme rénovateur : un mouvement pro-communiste dans l'Église orthodoxe russe
Authors: Gousseff Catherine 
Published: December 2010

The reformist schism : a pro-communist movement in the Russian Church.
The sudden appearance of the renewal movement on the Russian ecclesiastical scene in 1922 coincided with the first major offensive mounted by the government against the Church. This campaign, which culminated in the arrest of the patriarch, made it possible for this movement to take over leadership of the Church, requiring the faithful to declare allegiance to the new leadership, and to recognize the fundamental convergence of the ideals of Christianity with those of the Revolution. This factual, political dimension of the schism, which long dominated the view given of it by the contemporary observers, and later by historians, none the less obscured its strictcly ecclesiastical implications. The diverse nature of the reforms implemented, both in the ecclesiastical and the liturgical context, bore witness to a deliberate will to adapt orthodoxy to modernity.
Le pouvoir soviétique et l'Église orthodoxe de la collectivisation à la Constitution de 1936
Authors: Werth Nicolas 
Published: December 2010

Soviet power and the orthodox Church, from collectivisation to the Constitution of 1936.
Despite the Soviet State's first offensive against the Church in 1922, and in spite of the " reformist " and " right-wing " schisms, the orthodox Church still occupied an important place in society at the close of the 1920's. The year 1929 saw the start of the second great offensive, which fits into broader context of the " Great Turn ", with the introduction of the first Five- Year Plan, the campaign to accelerate industrialization, and the forced collectivization of the peasantry. It developed through several stages, which the author notes, particularly with reference to various OGPU reports from the Church Commission, which he has recently disinterred from the archives. By comparison with the period 1930-1933, the years 1934-1936 seem to show a certain relaxation in the anti-religious policy of the Soviet State. The 1936 Constitution, which was characterized by a juridical front and a finicking legality, guaranteed basic freedoms, including the freedom of worship. But in 1937, during a period of particular political tension (the Moscow show trials), there started the third offensive against the Church, the most violent and deadly of them all.
Le secteur énergétique en Russie depuis 1991
Authors: Guillet Jérôme 
Published: December 2010

The energy sector in Russia since 1991.
Power production in Russia (oil, coal, electricity) has fallen significantly since 1990 ; only that of natural gas is being maintained. On the other hand, there was a marked increase in exports in 1992, reflecting the end of the State monopoly, and the freeing of prices. The victims of these contradictory developments are the other republics of the former USSR, who are experiencing a serious drop in their fuel deliveries. There is, in the present study, a more detailed analysis of the Ukrainian situation, since the Ukraine has some retaliatory powers in dealing with Russia, and has been able to delay, though not entirely to prevent, this development. When it comes to the oil industry in Russia, and its distribution, while extraction is intensely concentrated in the region of Tyumen (Western Siberia), refining follows a pattern of distribution more or less corresponding to its end use. It may be concluded that the distribution network is still functional. On the other hand, prices may differ widely from one region to another. In other respects, the oil industry has a significant effect on the overall standard of living of the regions where it has been established : there is a noticeable correlation between the development of wages in these regions and the level of fuel prices. Thus, we are at present witnessing a large-scale redistribution of resources among the republics of the former USSR, and among the regions or social groups of Russia, consequent upon developments in the energy sector.
Clivages et conflits en période de transition
Authors: Kolarska-Bobinska Lena 
Published: December 2010

Social divisiveness and conflict during transition.
The growth of class distinction is one of the major phenomena of the transition period. Awareness of this state of affairs is accompanied by the feeling that social differentiation does not reward individual effort, but benefits those who have got rich by breaking the law. Moreover, the political leadership who are responsible for introducing the market system into an egalitarian society did not work out an appropriate ideology or normative system which would legitimate the growing splits. Nor were they able to demonstrate that it was possible to accumulate wealth by legal and accessible means.
Despite this, social conflict is seen by the populace in political rather then economic terms. This is probably owing to the fact that these conflicts are viewed as arising from certain kinds of behaviour (strikes, etc.) and not as the result of a social process which is less directly perceivable. At the same time, the citizenry continue to think that the social order depends upon the government and the politicians who, by their decisions, are leading society along the path of social divisiveness. Consequently, it is the political elites rather then other social groups who attract most hostility and criticism.
Le modèle culturel des classes populaires russes face au passage à l'économie de marché
Authors: Bertaux Daniel , Malysheva Marina 
Published: December 2010

The cultural model of the Russian masses, and transition to a market economy.
Of all the State secrets in the keeping of communist régimes, one of the closest guarded was undoubtedly the nature of everyday life, its practical contexts, its ground rules and its long-term effects. It was not simply a matter of preserving the credibility of an official authority, which public revelation of the multiple difficulties of daily life would have shattered, or even of preventing awareness of the widening gap between the official model of meritocratically selected elites and the true rules of the social game, but, even more profoundly, a question of protecting the monopoly which the Party, as the sole legitimate historical Subject, had taken upon itself as director of social change.
How far did the citizens of societies living under those régimes truly internalize this point of view ? Was it possible to live like this, generation after generation ? Alternatively, may one not assume some form of subconscious strategic thinking, which might have impelled individuals, or micro-support groups (e.g. families as the most important) to turn to collective constraints imposed on them to their own best advantage, in order to improve their own living conditions, within the limits of the available resources ? The question having been asked, it remains how best to seek an answer. The authors suggest an empirical approach, which would seek to adapt itself to the nature of the question being addressed. Basing itself on collected experience through the medium of life stories and family history, this approach concentrates on the behaviour patterns of individuals and families as developed over the long term, which is the only way in which one can speak of strategic behaviour. One is left to draw one's own conclusions about the existence and direction of such behaviours by consideration of the relevant social trajectories.
Vers un nouveau Bretton Woods : alternatives à l'ajustement structurel
Authors: Holland Stuard 
Published: December 2010

Towards a new Bretton : Woods : alternatives to structural adjustment.
Since the beginning of the transition to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, it became obvious that the standard approach developed by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank was flawed. This approach had been devised for the developing countries, many of which had had to implement structural adjustment programs since the beginning of the eighties. Moreover, it ignored some crucial needs of the countries in transition, in terms of restructuring and social policies. As regards the developing countries, the outcomes have been disastrous, under the triple D heading : deflation, devaluation and deregulation. In addition, these countries have experienced net negative transfers from the developed countries and the international financial institutions since the mid-eighties. The Fund and the Bank have based their action upon obsolete paradigms and have ignored development needs. There is an urgent need to move toward a new paradigm based upon three R : recovery, restructuring and redistribution. Such a paradigm may meet the needs of the developing countries and of the countries in transition as well.
La décollectivisation des campagnes roumaines : incertitudes et enjeux
Authors: Lhomel Edith 
Published: December 2010

Decollectivization in the Rumanian countryside : risks and uncertainties.
Following on the political and economic upheavals which have been taking place since 1990, Rumania is the only one of the Central and East European countries to have experienced a rise in its gross domestic product in the agricultural sector, as opposed to its industrial production, which fell by almost 50 %. This increase in the contribution of agriculture to the national economy does, however, mask a very contrasting situation, both in respect of the development of agricultural produce and the future of the sector as a whole. Before dealing with the structural changes which are already apparent, and the way (or ways) in which they are likely in time to shape the agricultural landscape and, more broadly, the rural fabric of Rumania, the author touches briefly on the changes affecting this sector after a past which is still, when all is said and done, recent.
L'Asie centrale post-soviétique : entre le colonialisme et la modernité
Authors: Vichnevski Anatoli 
Published: December 2010

Cet article reste dans le cadre de l'ancienne conception "soviétique" très étroite de l'Asie centrale (Srednjaja Azija). La conquête russe du territoire, achevée en 1885, a marqué un double tournant dans la destinée de l'Asie centrale. Sur le plan géographique, elle n'appartenait désormais plus au monde islamique turco-perse dont elle avait constitué la périphérie nord pendant des siècles avant de devenir la périphérie sud de l'Empire russe. A la fin du XIXe siècle, le développement de la Russie s'effectuait à un rythme beaucoup plus rapide que celui des sociétés turque et iranienne, en perte de vitesse, qui prédominaient au sud du pays. Aussi l'entrée dans une nouvelle sphère d'influence signifiait-elle également pour l'Asie centrale un tournant historique, l'adhésion à des processus de modernisation qui, même s'ils se développaient avec difficulté, prenaient racine en Russie.
1985 est l'année du centenaire de la conquête de l'Asie centrale et elle est marquée, par ailleurs, par le début de la perestroïka en U.R.S.S., annonciatrice de changements déterminants. Quel bilan faire aujourd'hui d'un siècle d'influence russe en Asie centrale ? Quel en est l'héritage, au moment où la région amorce un nouveau tournant historique ? Comment les cinq nouveaux Etats nés ici de l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique vont-ils évoluer dans un contexte de modernité inachevée et de traditionalisme renaissant ?
De l'espace démographique soviétique au morcellement contemporain
Authors: Blum Alain , Gousseff Catherine 
Published: December 2010

From Soviet demographic space to contemporary divisions.
The present article examines the relationship which, prior to independence, existed among the various component peoples of the USSR ; a start is made with behavioral demographic patterns, in order to understand how they have influenced the contemporary situation. Two major aspects are examined. The consequences of the Russian presence in Central Asia are studied through changes in fertility rates, beginning with an enquiry on this subject carried out in Uzbekistan in 1992. This enables the authors to highlight the importance of medical and teaching institutions in the shaping of individual attitudes. In the second part, the article considers how the different levels of territorial division and the specific nature of the Soviet territory led to particular alignments of Soviet geographical space which partially anticipated the carving-up into fifteen states. This present study has been carried out by using detailed data from the 1989 census to analyze population movements between place of birth and domicile. In particular, it shows how republican frontiers could already, to some extent, be regarded as national frontiers.
La trajectoire tchèque de transformation économique post-socialiste : une approche par la complexité
Authors: Magnin Éric 
Published: December 2010

The Czech course of post-socialist economic transformation : a complexity-based approach.
The purpose of this article is to offer a stylized description of the course of post- socialist changes in the Czech Republic, using a complexity-based approach. This should make it possible to assemble a coherent body of ideas relating to the study of economic change in Central and Eastern Europe, ideas which in most writings on the subject tend to emerge in isolation, thus : complex system, self-organization, emergence, trajectory, path dependence, lock-in, non-linear dynamics, irreversibility.
Self-reorganization of the four economic sub-systems identified, and of their interrelations, i.e. the system of production, the financial system, the socio-economic compromise and the State, leads to the appearance of hybrid institutional and organizational forms in the post-socialist transitional phase, in particular : a complex form of quasi-private ownership (involving banks, enterprises and the State), original post- socialist organisational bodies, a multiple financial market, an implicit manager/employee social pact, a form of State market paternalism. In the short term, this general configuration appears to underpin a Czech growth model whose dynamic in the middle term is uncertain.
La recomposition du paysage politique est-allemand après 1989
Authors: Perron Catherine 
Published: December 2010

Reconstruction of the political landscape of East Germany post-1989.
The problems involved in the building of a democratic régime, and transition to a market economy, are certainly not specific to East Germany, but their special nature is to be closely bound up with the problems of German reunification. The GDR moved from one camp to the other more speedily than all the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. It underwent transition to a market economy, and the most violent political reforms without the benefit of any degree of gradualism to alleviate the violence of the shock engendered by economic stabilization measures and political changes. In the end, East Germany's problems may not have differed widely from those experienced by other post-communist countries, but they nevertheless differed in intensity, and were compounded by the problems arising from the integration of the GDR into the political, economic, social and administrative system of West Germany. And after all, it is only four years after reunification that, out of the five new German Lander, an original political lanscape, different from that of the West, is taking shape.
What conclusions, then, should be drawn from the emergence of differences on the East German political scene, while the unification of the two parts of the country is proceeding in an orderly fashion in other sectors ? Are we witnessing the ill effects of unhealthy processes, for example the failure of an over-abrupt attempt at reunification, or perhaps we are seeing the reaction of a post-communist society in the effort to adapt, a reaction similar to those met within other former socialist-bloc countries, a reaction which, owing to the fact of reunification, has been displaced in its timing ? A study of the shaping of the political landscape, following on the revolution of Autumn 1989, together with an analysis of the implementation of political unification and its consequences in East Germany, affords valuable insights on the subject.
Essai d'interprétation du nouveau nationalisme post-communiste : le cas yougoslave
Authors: Lutard Catherine 
Published: December 2010

Towards an interpretation of the new post-communist nationalism : the case of Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav case is one of post-communist nationalism, among all the other communist countries which have been unable to resolve the nationalist question, driven by a power-hungry political class. The post-communist nationalism being encountered is a new phenomenon, though still having links with the preceding political system which, through different policies, made it possible. Tito's men prepared the ground for the growth of nationalist ideology. In a confused situation, the active elements in society, in the absence of a State, set about creating a new Nation-State, on new foundations, in an effort to make a clean break with the past. However, finding a definition for the nation remains a thorny problem, leaving the options open to every possible theory. Various common criteria are applied (language, religion, history, territory, etc.), none of them proving entirely satisfactory. The criteria involved are primarily political, the aim being to create an organic entity. Post-communist nationalism is built in opposition to the Other, along regressive lines. The ideology of post-communist nationalism is inherent within all nationalist groups, with fundamentally different power relationships (particularly military) among the various groups in question. There are few grounds for optimism, since extended analysis of this manifestation holds out little hope of any favourable short-term development in the situation in this part of Europe. The absence of special affinities with democracy offers a fair prospect of nationalist hostilities still to come.