bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Les premières statues bouddhiques du Japon entrevues à travers les textes anciens
Authors: Berthier François 
Published: July 2010

Ancient Japanese texts inform us that many Korean Buddhist statuettes were introduced into the archipelago in the VIth century. These testimonies are more or less trustworthy, but the works themselves have disappeared. If one can accept the fact that Koreans coming to settle in Japan brought images of the Buddha from their country, or that Japanese brought back such images from the peninsula, it is nonetheless difficult to state precisely what might have been these first productions which illustrated the continental religion officially adopted by Japan in 538.
These imported productions soon aroused echos : some natives of the continent, who were already japanized, grasped in their turn the sculptor's chisel. Here again little is known about these first attempts to model in matter the forms of the new " gods ".
Deciphering the ancient texts describing these events is both a perilous and a fascinating task. Trying to read between the lines while remaining within the range of truth is practically detective's business. The art historian when he studies Japanese Buddhist sculpture in its beginnings is rather like the author of detective's novels. But he has of course to set bounds to his imagination and constantly refer to the written sources and to any material indication that may help in supporting his theories. He has to avoid slipping from science into fiction.
If one goes carefully through everything that has been written in the course of years on the new art that sprang up in Japan in the VIth century, it is possible to reconstruct, with little risk of error, the beginnings of that artistic period that is one of the glories of Japan.
Information given by the ancient texts cannot be accepted just as it is. One has to understand the sources implicitly, without however falling into excessive extrapolation, to sift the facts through an objective criticism and to compare them strictly with the few certainties in one's possession. Such an approach that involves venturing into the forest of imagination, yet without abandoning reason's paths allows us to catch a glimpse, even through a haze, of the early beginnings of Buddhist sculpture in Japan when that country first opened itself to the continental culture.
Recherches historiques préliminaires sur les Saka du Xinjiang ancien
Authors: Binhua Wang 
Published: July 2010

This article deals with a preliminary historical research on the Saka people in ancient Xinjiang, that has been published in 1985 by the Xinjiang Review of Social Sciences. The author, Pr. Wang Binghua, Institute of Archaeology, Urumqi, Xinjiang, China, is known for his studies on the Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age periods, and on the problem of nomadic populations (Wusun, Xiongnu, Saka) in north-western China.
The principal importance of this paper lies in the fact that it is not only based on the historical, classical littérature, but also on archaeological studies (part II), even when dealing with questions treated by Hanshu concerning the Saka people (part I) . The archaelogical studies in question concern new finds, particulary important for the comparative work in Central Asia, mostly unknown in the West. The author presents three main groups of finds : the first one is the necropolis of Alagou, near Urumqi, where numerous gold objects with animal decorations and some bronzes, such as a pedestal supporting animals, have been found, resembling those found in the Soviet Union ; the second one is a set of bronzes discovered in the Hi, containing a cauldron, a statue of a warrior, a pedestal... ; the third, an ancient copper mine in the region of III, dated around 2500 B.P., contained ingots, slags and stone tools. In part III of this study, Wang Binghua presents comparisons with other finds in Central Asia and gives certain interpretations regarding the ethnical attribution of the archaeological materials to the Saka people. In part IV, the author questions the nature and importance of the information obtained through archaeological research concerning the history of Saka people, such as the geographical repartition, the social and economic way of life (particulary metallurgy and husbandry), the importance of gold, stylistics, relations with the Saka branches in other parts of Central Asia and also with Chinese culture. In part V, he gives two additional examples of vestiges which have been related to the Saka people in Xinjiang : the first one is the necropolis of Xiangbabai in Pamir; the second contains two necropolis in the Lopnor region. Both of these two examples refer to remains attributed to the Saka people, but perhaps to another branch of this population.
The Temple-palace of gTam-zhing as Described by its Founder
Authors: Aris Michael 
Published: July 2010

La description du temple-palais de gTam-zhing par son fondateur
Le présent article sur le temple bouddhique de gTam-zhing dans le Bhoutan central fait suite à celui de Yoshiro Imaeda et Françoise Pommaret, « Le monastère de gTam-zhing (Tam- shing) au Bhoutan central », paru dans Arts Asiatiques, tome XLII-1987, pp. 19-30.
Il se propose d'expliquer et d'interpréter les indications contenues dans l'autobiographie du fondateur du temple, le «découvreur des textes cachés» Padma-gling-pa (1450- 1521).
Cette œuvre donne la rare occasion d'ajouter précision et couleur à la description matérielle d'un temple bouddhique. En particulier elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les ambitions de ce saint, souvent accusé de charlatanisme par ses
porains, qui conçut le temple comme son divin palais, non seulement en y appliquant les dimensions de son propre corps (lui-même perçu comme étant un céleste palais) et pris pour plan modulaire, mais encore en le remplissant de nombreuses formes divines qu'il déclarait avoir redécouvertes dans des manuscrits restés cachés.
Cette autobiographie révèle tout le programme d'exécution des peintures murales du rez-de-chaussée, l'identification de chacun des panneaux et le nom des artistes tibétains qui les ont réalisés. Elle nous donne également un aperçu sur le milieu social qui encouragea la population à contribuer librement par son travail à l'édification du temple.
Un bodhisattva néwar au musée Guimet
Authors: Béguin Gilles , Drilhon France 
Published: July 2010

In May 1987, the Musée Guimet bought in London a rare sculpture of a bodhisattva from Nepal. The piece, made by the lost wax process, is in quite pure copper as many old nepali statuettes. It contains some metal shafts to give more solidity to the figure before and after the cooking. This inside structure appears by radio examination. In the head, its top extremity is scroolled on, in crozier shape. This strange particularity is also present on another sculpture of a bodhisattva in the Guimet collection (MA 3373).
To give a precise iconographical identification of this deity is difficult. The lotus flower, took by the left hand and perhaps supporting some attributes, and disappeared. However, the right hand is depicted in argumentation gesture (vitarka- mudrâ). In the group of eight or sixteen important bodhisattva, only Maitreya and Manjuçrî usually do this mudrâ. In a strict canonical iconography Maitreya, as a bodhisattva, bears a stûpa in his hairdress. It is true that this rule is not strictly used in Nepal. But without any definit argument, it is reasonable to identifie the new bodhisattva of the Musée Guimet as Manjuçrî. The sculpture belongs to the classical style of the XIIe-XIIIe century. Close comparisons with other bronzes give some more similitudes with the imposing figures of the XIIIe century than with the refined pieces of the XIIe century. In the XIVe century, a new taste for affected attitudes and decorative ornaments appears.
La peinture monumentale de l'Asie centrale soviétique : observations techniques
Authors: Lapierre Nathalie 
Published: July 2010

The sum of scientific data on Central Asian Painting recently brought to our attention by Soviet Archaeology is for the moment unequalled in Asia. Each fragment uncovered of mural painting on loess ground is strengthened by polymerisation with PBMA, before being removed from the wall and treated in situ or sent for further examination and restoration to Leningrad or Moscow where some samples from Adzina Tepe, Pendzikent (Tadjikistan), Afrasiab, Dal'verzin Tepe, Fajaz Tepe, Kara Tepe, Halcajan and Toprak Kala (Uzbekistan) and Mansur Depe (Turkmenistan) have been tested by chemical, spectrographic and chromatographic methods to determine the components of the pigments and the binding media of the ground and the paint.
With few exceptions, due to the local particularities resulting from direct hellenistic influences or atmospheric conditions, the uniformity of the ground preparation techniques never allow datation of the murals.
It is clear that the painters knew the prescriptions of the silpas. They apply strictly the four steps described for the execution of the murals: preparation of the ground, drawing, filling in with paint, outline.
Conclusion drawn from these technical experiments challenge some earlier affirmations on Central Asian Painting and record for instance most of the time the lack of indigo and green colour, the use of ultra-marine for the antique period and the continuity of the loess ground or well-prepared subjectile tradition, as well as the presence of a binding medium in a paint always applied a secco.
Le voyage des motifs. I. Le trône aux lions et la porte aux lions
Authors: Berthier François 
Published: July 2010

A Japanese embroidery of the 8th century represents Buddha being seated on a throne with two lions at right and left sides. This buddhist theme is often seen in China and came from India and Gandhāra, where it had appeared about the beginning of our Era. But its origin seems older: a Mesopotamian statue dating from the 3rd millenary and an Anatolian little figure from the 6th millenary represent the Great Goddess on a seat flanked by two lions (or panthers). The small statue from Anatolia is probably the archetype of Cybelia, the Mother- Goddess which was adopted and worshipped by Romans. Therefore the Oriental lions throne was introduced in Europe. At least from the 9th century, it was the seat of kings and saints. In the Middle Age, we can see in Italia bishops chairs adorned with two lions.
The theme of the lions gate appeared in the Near East around the 19th- 18th centuries B. C. Then it passed to Greece and Turkey. From that crossroads, this subject spread towards both East and West. In india, lions couples are guardians of stûpa; in China, they protect tombs, temples and palaces; in Japan, they swarm in shintoist shrines. In Europe, guardians- lions are seen since Roman period. Then they are frequent at the gates of Romanesque churches, in Italia, in France, in Spain and even in Scandinavia. The royal couple stands also in front of secular monuments as Italian villas or French castles. Lastly, the theme of lions gate is not rare in the streets of Paris, at the entrance of buildings dating from 19th and 20th centuries.
Śiva porteur de son propre Liṅga
Authors: Legrand-Rousseau Blandine 
Published: July 2010

This article brings out a set of images of Indian dynasties cālukya, pallava, rāstrakûta and cola.
These representations are spaced out between the VIIth century and the beginning of the Xth century. They show the god Siva in his anthropomorphous aspect carrying his own Linga on his shoulder or in his hand.
An account from the Kotirudrasamhitā of Sivapurāna seems close to the representations mentioned above. Moreover, a late Vîrasaiva text, the Sivatattvaratnâkara bears testimony of ever- lastingness of the theological concept expressed by these ancient pictures.
The genealogical chart made up from the Vàkâtaka inscriptions about the Bhārasiva kings (Vth century) who carried the Linga on their shoulders highlights the kinship between those kings and the great Gupta dynasty. Eventually the documents would seem to prove the existence of a link between a puranic theme, the religious observances of Saiva sects and the representations studied here.
Le Monastère de la Félicité Tranquille, fondation impériale en Mongolie
Authors: Chayet Anne , Jest Corneille 
Published: July 2010

Among the numerous Buddhist temples and monasteries built in Mongolia between 16th and 20th century, Amarbayasgalan, imperial foundation, 278 kilometers in the north-east of Ulan- Bator, is one of the very few to have escaped, at least partly, the destructions of 1937.
It was built in the time of Emperors Yongzheng and Qian- long, between 1727 and 1736, to shelter the reliquary of the First rJe-btsun dam-pa, the highest religious authority among the Qalqa Mongols, and one of the great figures of the history of Buddhism in Mongolia, as well as an important partner in the Emperor Kangxi's policy concerning Tibet and Mongolia.
The general features of the remnant temples are obviously Chinese, but the main temple, the Cogcin, is a very peculiar illustration of the imperial policy, associating some faint Tibetan reminiscences, stronger elements of Mongol tradition and an overwhelming Qing splendour and technicity.
A conservation program is under way with UNESCO support and advice.
Le voyage des motifs. II. La Lune, le Soleil et le Feu
Authors: Berthier François 
Published: July 2010

In Japanese Buddhist sculpture and painting of 7th and 8th centuries, several bodhisattva have their tiara or diadem decorated with a disk cradled by a crescent. This pattern is also seen in Korea and mainly in China where it appeared about the 5th century. Some scholars had shown this disk-and-crescent motif, which is rather frequent in Buddhist paintings of Afghanistan, took its origin from Sasanian kings crowns. But in fact, it is more ancient: we can see it on the rock grave of King Darius (522-486 B.C.) and even on a cylinder-seal from Susa dating from the 3rd millenary. This motif is probably an abbreviated repesentation of the Sumerian astral trinity, that is to say Moon, Sun and Star (planet Venus). On the other hand, the disk-and-crescent pattern is seen too in Egyptian art. For example, the Sun cradled by horns of god-bull Apis and goddess-cow Hathor, or covering the head of Sun-god Amon-Rê's sacred ram. By the way, the theme of solar ram had existed in Northern Africa since the Neolithic period, and is also known to-day in Western Black Africa.
Another pattern in Japanese Buddhist sculpture of the 7th century is flames springing from bodhisattva shoulders. Unknown in Korea, very rare in China, this motif appeared in certain of Gandharan statues. But its origin is older: such flames are spurting out of shoulders of Babylonian Sun-god Shamash, as it is represented on the famous stele of Hammurabi's Code (18th c. B.C.) and also on Mesopotamian cylinders from the 3rd millenary. The fact that this Fire motif had been transmitted to Buddhist statues let suppose relations between Buddha and Light or Sun gods in Middle and Near East, especially Persia. And the golden colour of Buddha's body has perhaps some connection with beliefs of ancient Egypt.
The Moutuo Bronzes : New Perspectives on the Late Bronze Age in Sichuan
Authors: Falkenhausen Lothar 
Published: July 2010

Une centaine de bronzes de styles très divers ont été découverts dans une tombe à cistes et dans trois dépôts funéraires situés à Moutuo, dans le district de Mao (Maoxian) au Sichuan. D'un caractère hétérogène sans précédent, cet assemblage comprend 1) des vases et des cloches provenant des États de la Chine des Zhou — l'un d'eux, un tripode ding dans le style de Chu, porte une inscription — ; 2) des objets provenant d'ateliers situés dans le bassin du fleuve Bleu en dehors de la sphère culturelle des Zhou ; 3) un nombre considérable d'armes de « Ba-Shu » fabriquées dans le bassin du Sichuan ; et 4) un ensemble composé d'armes et d'ornements dont l'origine est difficile à préciser, mais qui montrent des ressemblances particulières à la fois avec des objets relevant des traditions steppiques et avec des bronzes de Dian. L'ensemble de ces bronzes permet de poser de nouvelles questions quant au caractère de la « culture des tombes à cistes » des montagnes du Sichuan occidental à la fin de l'Âge du Bronze, et plus généralement de s'interroger sur les échanges qui s'établissaient avec des régions écartées, situées à la périphérie de la Chine des Zhou.
Avant de poser des questions de portée plus large, il convient d'établir la chronologie de tous ces objets. Cette tâche soulève de nombreux problèmes, en partie parce que la chronologie générale des découvertes archéologiques du Sichuan qui est communément acceptée de nos jours souffre de graves lacunes et présente des contradictions. Comme, dans l'assemblage de Moutuo, aucun vase ni aucune cloche relevant de la sphère culturelle des Zhou ne semble postérieur à la période des Printemps et Automnes (770-481 avant J.-C), on peut penser qu'il en est de même pour le reste du mobilier, bien qu'il soit encore impossible de le définir sur le plan archéologique dans le contexte du bassin du Sichuan. Si cette hypothèse est correcte, il en résulte que : 1) la datation sans distinction de toutes les armes de « Ba-Shu » (et de tout contexte archéologique associé à ce type d'armes) ramenée à la période des Royaumes combattants (481-221 avant J.-C.) ne tient plus aujourd'hui ; 2) les objets difficiles à identifier sur le plan culturel à Moutuo seraient représentatifs de la production métallurgique du Sichuan occidental et formeraient un jalon, en raison aussi bien de leur datation que de la position géographique du site, dans la diffusion souvent postulée — mais qui jusqu'à présent n'avait pu être démontrée faute de sites — d'éléments culturels de la steppe eurasiatique vers le Yunnan au cours de l'Âge du Bronze. Ce phénomène, d'une portée historique importante, annonce la genèse de la culture de Dian.
Art et liturgie : le flabellum et l’ostension de la patène dans le cérémonial de la messe
Authors: Subes Marie-Pasquine 
Published: July 2010

L’iconographie de la messe au Moyen Âge, telle qu’elle apparaît dans la peinture des XIIIe et
XIVe siècles, avec les enluminures de manuscrits hagiographiques (Vie de saint Denis) ou de livres liturgiques, doit être confrontée aux sources écrites de même type qui détaillent les différents moments de la célébration. L’exploitation du livre IV du Rational des divins offices de Guillaume Durand de Mende, écrit à la fin du XIIIe siècle, est à cet égard particulièrement fructueuse: on y trouve non seulement l’explication des attitudes du célébrant et des ministres pendant la messe, mais aussi celle de l’utilisation des objets du culte eucharistique dont la signification allégorique est précisée. L’usage du flabellum apparaît ainsi lié à l’ensevelissement du Christ évoqué dans le canon, et l’ostension de la patène durant cette partie de la messe doit être rapportée à la mise au tombeau et à la résurrection, tout comme le calice voilé par le corporal qui est posé sur l’autel.
Voyageurs et bibliothèques dans l’Italie du XVIIIe siècle : des mirabilia au débat sur l’utilité publique
Authors: Chapron Emmanuelle 
Published: July 2010

La visite de bibliothèques fait encore partie au XVIIIe siècle des étapes obligées du voyage d’Italie, comme en témoignent aussi bien les guides et relations de voyage qu’un riche registre des visiteurs de la bibliothèque Laurentienne de Florence (1771-1807). La pratique des voyageurs est condition- née d’une part par les prescriptions des guides, de l’autre par les procédures mises en place par les bibliothécaires pour canaliser ce public un peu particulier. Tout un imaginaire de la bibliothèque se trouve dès lors confronté aux réalités italiennes, et parfois mis à mal. Les récits des voyageurs témoignent d’autre part de l’évolution de la culture du voyage dans la deuxième moitié du
xviiie siècle. La visite de bibliothèque est parfois remise en cause comme inutile, elle est parfois l’occasion d’un rejet radical de la culture livresque. Mais l’inflexion utilitaire du voyage amène aussi le voyageur à considérer, tout autant que les mirabilia qui lui sont traditionnellement présentés, les composantes de l’ «utilité publique» des bibliothèques (achats, catalogues, horaires). À cette évolution contribuent aussi les transformations internes des bibliothèques italiennes.
Effect of Psoriatic Arthritis According to the Affected Categories of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health
Authors: TAYLOR WILLIAM J. , MEASE PHILIP J. , ADEBAJO ADEWALE , NASH PETER J. , FELETAR MARIE , GLADMAN DAFNA D. 
Published: July 2010

Objective.To determine the categories of the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) checklist and core sets of rheumatoid arthritis and ankylosing spondylitis frequently occurring in people with psoriatic arthritis (PsA) and to compare the number of such categories with scores on self-report measures of participation restrictions and activity limitations.Methods.Data were collected from 94 patients with PsA attending rheumatology clinics in 6 centers. For each ICF category affected by PsA in at least 30% of patients, the percentage of such patients was determined for Body Structures, Body Functions, Activities and Participation, and Environmental Factors. A count of all affected categories by ICF chapter was compared to patient self-report scores on a number of functional and health status instruments using Spearman’s correlation.Results.There were 25 categories in the Body Functions section, 6 categories in the Body Structures section, and 51 categories in the Activities and Participation section that were relevant in at least 30% of participants. Thirteen Environmental Factors were facilitating and 1 Environmental Factor (climate) was a barrier in at least 30% of participants. The number of involved Activities and Participation categories by chapter did not correlate in predictable ways with self-report measures of participation restrictions and activity limitations.Conclusion.PsA is associated with a wide range of impairments, limitations, and restrictions across the ICF categories. People with PsA find environmental factors to be helpful more often than to be barriers. The unexpected pattern of correlation between ICF chapters and self-report measures suggests the need for a better way of quantitatively representing the ICF concepts.