bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Pharmacology of Chlormethiazole: A Potential Neuroprotective Agent?
Authors: Wilby M. J. , Hutchinson P. J. 
Published: August 2010

ABSTRACTChlormethiazole is a thiazole derivative with a long history of use as a sedative agent. The mode of action of the drug has been partly worked out and has been established with recognition that its mechanism of action involves potentiation of GABA activity, the major intrinsic inhibitory neurotransmitter. Animal models of stroke ranging from rodents to primates have suggested an optimistic role for chlormethiazole in preventing both anatomical and functional deleterious effects of stroke. Phase III clinical trials, therefore, proceeded but unfortunately with very little success. Recently, the animal models have been revisited in an attempt to identify causes for this discrepancy between the results from pre‐clinical and clinical studies. This review studies the pharmacological roots of chlormethiazole from its origin through to its licensed and novel applications. Emphasis is placed on discussing the animal experiments which led to its grooming as a neuroprotective agent and also on the human trials. The review seeks to explain the discrepancies between animal and human studies, which include short survival times of experimental subjects, speed of drug administration and fundamental differences between species. The primate model of stroke perhaps offers the nearest alternative to phase III trials and has recently been used to compare a number of newer neuroprotective agents with greater efficacy than chlormethiazole. In addition, novel approaches involving human neurochemical analyses in vivo are described which may help bridge the gap between animal models and future phase III trials.
Preclinical Neuropharmacology of Naratriptan
Authors: Lambert Geoffrey A. 
Published: August 2010

ABSTRACTThe basic CNS neuropharmacology of naratriptan is reviewed here. Naratriptan is a second‐generation triptan antimigraine drug, developed at a time when CNS activity was thought not to be relevant to its therapeutic effect in migraine. It was, however, developed to be a more lipid‐soluble, more readily absorbed and less readily metabolized variant on preexisting triptans and these variations conferred on it a higher CNS profile. Naratriptan is a 5‐HT1B/1Dreceptor agonist with a highly selective action on migraine pain and nausea, without significant effect on other pain or even other trigeminal pain. Probable sites of therapeutic action of naratriptan include any or all of: the cranial vasculature; the peripheral terminations of trigeminovascular sensory nerves; the first‐order synapses of the trigeminovascular sensory system; the descending pain control system; and the nuclei of the thalamus. Naratriptan may prevent painful dilatation of intracranial vessels or reverse such painful dilatation. Naratriptan can prevent the release of sensory peptides and inhibit painful neurogenic vasodilatation of intracranial blood vessels. At the first order synapse of the trigeminal sensory system, naratriptan can selectively suppress neurotransmission from sensory fibers from dural and vascular tissue, while sparing transmission from other trigeminal fibers, probably through inhibition of neuropeptide transmitter release. In the periaqueductal gray matter and in the nucleus raphe magnus, naratriptan selectively activates inhibitory neurons which project to the trigeminal nucleus and spinal cord and which exert inhibitory influences on trigeminovascular sensory input. Naratriptan has also a therapeutic effect on the nausea of migraine, possibly exerting its action at the level of the nucleus tractus solitarius via the same mechanisms by which it inhibits trigeminovascular nociceptive input. The incidence of naratriptan‐induced adverse effects in the CNS is low and it is not an analgesic for pain other than that of vascular headache. In patients receiving selective serotonin uptake inhibitors (SSRIs) naratriptan may cause serotonin syndrome‐like behavioral side effects. The mechanism of action involved in the production of behavioral and other CNS side effects of naratriptan is unknown.
The OAS Democratic Solidarity Paradigm: Questions of Collective and National Leadership
Authors: Cooper Andrew F. , Legler Thomas 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article examines the prospects for an interamerican “paradigm of democratic solidarity.” Although the region has seen genuine progress in the promotion and defense of democracy, a significant deficit in collective and national leadership hinders the consolidation of hemispheric prodemocracy activism. As illustrated by a number of recent cases, including the controversy over Peru's May 2000 election, these impediments are not only situational but structural. This article concludes with a discussion of ways to move beyond these problems and to buttress the democratic solidarity doctrine.
The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990
Authors: Castiglioni Rossana 
Published: August 2010

AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more limited reform of health care is linked to the actions of a powerful veto player, the professional association of physicians.
Money, Elections, and Democracy in Brazil
Authors: Samuels David 
Published: August 2010

AbstractBrazil’s 1993 law requiring candidates to report their campaign contributions has generated a new source of data to explore the supposition that Brazilian elections are extraordinarily expensive. An examination of these data from Brazil’s 1994 and 1998 general elections reveals that most money for Brazilian electoral campaigns comes from business sources and that leftist candidates have extremely limited access to such financing. The effect on democracy is that Brazil’s largely unregulated campaign finance system tends to decrease the scope of interest representation.
Labor Reform and Dual Transitions in Brazil and the Southern Cone
Authors: Cook María Lorena 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThe sequencing of transitions to democracy and to a market economy shaped the outcome of labor law reform and prospects for expanded labor rights in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Argentina and Brazil experienced democratic transitions before market economic reforms were consolidated in the 1990s. During the transition, unions obtained prolabor reforms and secured rights that were enshrined in labor law. In posttransition democratic governments, market reforms coincided with efforts to reverse earlier labor protections. Unable to block many harmful reforms, organized labor in Argentina and Brazil did conserve core interests linked to organizational survival and hence to future bargaining leverage. In Chile this sequence was reversed. Market economic policies and labor reform were consolidated under military dictatorship. During democratic transition, employers successfully resisted reforms that would expand labor rights. This produced a limited scope of organizational resources for Chilean unions and reduced prospects for future improvements.
From Bullets to Ballots: The Emergence of Popular Support for Hugo Chávez
Authors: Canache Damarys 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThe election of Hugo Chávez as Venezuela's president in 1998, less than seven years after his unsuccessful military coup attempt, marked a pivotal moment in one of the most dramatic political transformations in the nation's history. This article explores public reaction to Chávez's shift, especially the question of why Venezuelans would entrust democratic governance to a man who had once attempted to topple the nation's democratic regime. Two hypotheses are proposed: one of converted militancy and one of democratic ambivalence. Analysis of survey data from 1995 and 1998 demonstrates that Chávez's initial base of support drew heavily on Venezuelans who were ambivalent or hostile toward democracy. By 1998, and consistent with the converted militant hypothesis, Chávez won support from a substantial portion of citizens who valued democracy. Yet democratic ambivalence also contributed to Chávez's winning electoral coalition.
An Illusion of Omnipotence: U.S. Policy Toward Guatemala, 1954–1960
Authors: Brockett Charles D. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractBased primarily on declassified U. S. government documents, this study analyzes the U. S. effort to build a “showcase for democracy” in Guatemala following the U. S.-engineered regime change of 1954. The effort was doomed, for the U.S. government lacked both unity of purpose and the necessary continuous commitment at the top. The documents also demonstrate limited consideration of the sociopolitical constraints that U. S. policy objectives would face. This is clear from examining three key U. S. objectives: to eliminate the “communist threat”; to create a stable, legitimate, democratic government; and to develop a free, independent labor movement. Domination and the limits of power are equally central to understanding the relationship between the Eisenhower administration and Guatemala, a case study that also has more general utility.
The Origins of Security Cooperation in the Southern Cone
Authors: Resende-Santos João 
Published: August 2010

AbstractArgentine-Brazilian relations have undergone a remarkable transformation over the last two decades, from enduring rivalry to cooperation. Dating back to the late 1970s, security cooperation has been a byproduct of two different sets of factors, strategic and military organizational, that propelled the two countries independently but simultaneously toward peaceful settlement. The 1979–80 settlement of disputes over hydroelectric power and nuclear technology not only ended centuries of militarized competition but established the first institutional structures of what is today one of the world's most durable security regimes.
Can Mercosur Survive? Domestic and International Constraints on Mercosur
Authors: Carranza Mario E. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractMercosur has survived several crises by resorting to presidential diplomacy, but it risks becoming an empty shell unless member states work to coordinate macroeconomic policies. Its survival depends on the outcome of domestic political struggles in Brazil and Argentina and on the harmonization of exchange-rate policies between the two countries. This article examines the Argentine-Brazilian “trade wars” provoked by successive devaluations of the Brazilian currency, aggravated in 2001 by the Argentine economic crisis. The social explosion in Argentina in December 2001 showed that domestic actors can successfully challenge proglobalization policies. To consolidate, Mercosur will have to address the democratic deficit while building supranational institutions and an effective dispute-settlement system.
Selling Sustainable Development and Shortchanging Social Ecology in Costa Rican Forest Policy
Authors: Silva Eduardo 
Published: August 2010

Abstract
Costa Ricans have worked hard to weave the norms and principles of sustainable development into their nation's environmental policies, especially with respect to natural renewable resources, such as the forest. As a result, the nation is known as a leader in innovative environmental initiatives. But sustainable development is a complex, evolving concept. This paper analyzes how the emphasis on biodiversity conservation during the 1990s and early 2000s has, rhetoric notwithstanding, neglected the social equality, or livelihood, component of sustainable development. This trend stands in sharp contrast to earlier periods, when decisionmakers crafted policies and institutions that supported social ecology. The article concludes with a few observations on building political will to revive the grassroots development component of sustainable development.
Contradiction without Paradox: Evangelical Political Culture in the 1998 Venezuelan Elections
Authors: Smilde David 
Published: August 2010

AbstractVenezuelan Evangelicals' responses to candidates in that country's 1998 presidential election seem to confirm the view that their political culture is inconsistent, contradictory, and paradoxical. Not only were they just as likely to support nationalist ex–coup leader Hugo Chávez as was the larger population, they also rejected Venezuela's one Evangelical party when it made a clientelist pact with the infamous candidate of Venezuela's discredited Social Democratic party. This article uses concepts from recent cultural theory to analyze qualitative data from these two cases and make sense of the contradictory nature of Evangelical politics.
Radical Change at the Ballot Box: Causes and Consequences of Electoral Behavior in Venezuela's 2000 Elections
Authors: José E. Molina V. , Carmen Pérez B. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis study aims to explain the victory of Hugo Chávez and his party in the 2000 Venezuelan elections, to analyze the factors that made this victory possible, and to examine the consequences for future developments in the Venezuelan political system. The decay of traditional party loyalties without the emergence of new parties deeply rooted in society (dealignment without realignment); underdevelopment; and an institutional setting dominated by a president elected by a plurality electoral system have opened the door to personality-centered politics and weak parties, which are the main features of the current political situation. Compared to the 1993 and 1998 elections, the 2000 elections once again confirm an increase in personality politics and the decay of parties as instruments for articulating interests, representation, and governance. As a consequence, this article argues, instability is likely to remain a feature of Venezuela's party system for some time.
Taming the Tiger: Voting Rights and Political Instability in Latin America
Authors: Colomer Josep M. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article discusses the relationship between certain institutional regulations of voting rights and elections, different levels of electoral participation, and the degree of political instability in several Latin American political experiences. A formal model specifies the hypotheses that sudden enlargements of the electorate may provoke high levels of political instability, especially under plurality and other restrictive electoral rules, while gradual enlargements of the electorate may prevent much electoral and political innovation and help stability. Empirical data illustrate these hypotheses. A historical survey identifies different patterns of political instability and stability in different countries and periods, which can be compared with the adoption of different voting rights regulations and electoral rules either encouraging or depressing turnout.
Insurance for Good Losers and the Survival of Chile's Concertación
Authors: Carey John M. , Siavelis Peter M. 
Published: August 2010

Abstract
In the transition from military rule to democracy, the government of Augusto Pinochet bequeathed to Chile a unique electoral law by which all legislative seats are contested in two-member districts. A key implication of this rule is that in order to secure legislative majorities, coalitions have to put their strongest candidates in the most precarious electoral list positions. This generates a divergence of interests between coalitions and politicians. Chile's largest coalition, the Concertación, has resolved the dilemma by providing appointed posts to unsuccessful congressional candidates who accept personal political risk on the coalition's behalf. This study argues that this insurance system has provided the critical glue to hold the coalition together since Chile's transition to democracy in 1990. Recent changes in the electoral environment could threaten the Concertación's control over the appointed posts that have sustained this informal institution. This could jeopardize the Concertación's cohesion during the process of negotiating coalition candidate lists for the 2005 legislative elections.
U.S. Power and the Politics of Economic Governance in the Americas
Authors: Phillips Nicola 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article examines the nature of the emerging regional economic regime in the Americas and argues that the dominant approach to economic governance is one defined by the assertion of U.S. power in the region and oriented toward distinctively U.S. interests and preferences. This has been clearly evident in the evolution of the Free Trade Area of the Americas but also, with the deceleration and fragmentation of that process during 2002 and 2003, in the growing prioritization of bilateralism. The leverage afforded by the bilateral negotiation of trade agreements acts to situate primary influence in shaping the rules that constitute the regional economic regime, and the primary functions associated with governing in this context, firmly within the agencies of the U.S. state. This essay therefore explores how the hegemonic power of the United States manifests itself in the substance of the hemispheric project and the shape of the economic regime associated with it.
Indictments, Myths, and Citizen Mobilization in Argentina: A Discourse Analysis
Authors: Armony Ariel C. , Armony Victor 
Published: August 2010

AbstractMost accounts of the turmoil that shook Argentina in 2001–2 focused on the harmful impact of the financial environment, imprudent policymaking, and institutional weaknesses. These explanations paid little attention to the cultural frames and cognitive patterns that underlie the connection between civil society and political society. Based on a discourse analysis of Internet forums and presidential speeches, this article argues that the Argentine crisis cannot be fully grasped without considering the link between collective behavior and ingrained conceptions of national identity. The analysis finds that national myths and definitional questions of national purpose are key factors in the way citizens behave in the context of an economic and political crisis.
Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America
Authors: Eaton Kent 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis study challenges the common view of authoritarianism as an unambiguously centralizing experience by investigating the subnational reforms that military governments actually introduced in Latin America. It argues that the decision by military authorities to dismiss democratically elected mayors and governors opened a critical juncture for the subsequent development of subnational institutions. Once they centralized political authority, the generals could contemplate changes that expanded the institutional, administrative, and governing capacity of subnational governments. This article shows how cross-national variation in the content and consistency of the generals' economic goals led to quite distinct subnational changes; in each case, these reforms profoundly shaped the democracies that reemerged in the 1980s and 1990s.
Correlates of Levels of Democracy in Latin America during the 1990s
Authors: McClintock Cynthia , Lebovic James H. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractDoes the conventional wisdom about the relationships between economic, cultural, and political party variables and democracy stand up in the Latin American experience of the 1990s? This study, utilizing new data sets for the region, finds that some traditional hypotheses are upheld better than others. It sustains the conventional wisdom that economic development, economic growth, democratic values, and (with a two-year lead) education correlate positively with the level of democracy. Surprisingly, however, neither social trust nor the number of political parties is significantly correlated with the level of democracy. The study suggests various possible explanations for the weak or nonexistent relationships for social trust and number of parties, in the hope that these surprising results will stimulate further research.
Global Shift: The U.N. System and the New Regionalism in Latin America
Authors: Puntigliano Andrés Rivarola 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis study analyzes Latin America in light of the post–Cold War transformation of the global system. Much of Latin American foreign policy studies traditionally has been concerned with the region's subordinate position to “core” countries (generally, developed states and their ruling elites) and the degree to which these countries' policies constrain Latin American policies and development. While this juxtaposition is still a major topic, it ignores the leverage of new “spheres of authority” (SOAs), where global rules and norms are increasingly sustained. A hypothesis presented here is that the U.N. system is an example of such an SOA, which creates a new context for the insertion of periphery demands in the international agenda. A second hypothesis is that such insertion is increasingly made through the creation of new regional groupings, which are an expression of national development and security demands. Such processes carry both new possibilities and challenges.
The Erosion of Racial Equality in the Context of Cuba's Dual Economy
Authors: Blue Sarah A 
Published: August 2010

AbstractScholars of Cuba have long linked Afro-Cubans' fate to the revolutionary government. As the government's influence on people's daily lives has declined over the past decade, the question arises of whether Afro-Cubans have sustained the gains they achieved in the revolution's first 30 years. This article uses survey data, collected in December 2000 from 334 Cuban families in Havana, to assess the impact of the post-1993 economic reforms on rising racial inequality in Cuba. It asks whether racial inequities occur in accessing dollars through state employment, self-employment, or remittances, and whether educational gains are tied to higher income. Results indicate that the structural means through which racial discrimination was once virtually eliminated through equal access to education and employment, and through which income levels became equalized according to educational level regardless of racial group, has lost its equalizing force in contemporary Cuba.
Liberal and Illiberal Democracy in Latin America
Authors: Smith Peter H. , Ziegler Melissa R. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article examines the incidence of liberal and “illiberal” democracy in Latin America from 1978 through 2004. It demonstrates, first, that illiberal democracy—which combines free and fair elections with systematic constraints on citizens’ rights—became the norm throughout the region. Second, it shows that regime transitions most often ended not in liberal democracy but in illiberal democracy. Third, rare events logit analysis reveals that two variables, hyperinflation and presidential elections, had significant impact on movement toward fuller democracy. As a form of short-term economic shock, hyperinflation generates widespread discontent; given the opportunity to vote, citizens elect reformist opposition candidates who, once in office, remove controls on civil liberties. This scenario substantially increases the likelihood of transition from illiberal to liberal democracy.