bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Orientalism and Nation: Jews and Muslims as Alterity in Southeastern Europe in the Age of Nation-States, 1878–1941
Authors: Müller Dietmar 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe process of assigning the place for Jews in the Romanian nation code and for (Albanian) Muslims in the Serbian one is analyzed as Orientalistic. While the Great Powers served as role models in the Romanian and Serbian identity construction, these principal Others were represented as uncivilized and non-European, preventing the nation-states from their European destiny. This discursive construction of the nation in major debates is identified as a first step which was followed by policy recommendations from intellectuals and actual attempts to fulfill the dream of an ethnically homogenous nation-state. This sequence's latter parts are represented by a number of case studies, such as citizenship regulations in the Constitution and other laws, the possibilities for representing political interests and cultural rights for Jews and Muslims, colonization projects in Kosovo and Dobrudja, and measures to “protect Romanian labor”.
Lemberg (Lwów, L'viv) Architecture, 1772–1918: If Not the Little Vienna of the East, or the National Bastion, What Else?
Authors: Prokopovych Markian 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe historiography on the nineteenth-century architecture of Lemberg—and, for that matter, on Lwów, Lvov, and L'viv—remains a contested field among different national camps. At the same time, these conflicting historiographic traditions have not been able to treat the complex history of this multiethnic city in an adequate manner. On the one hand, there exists a prevailing tendency to view the Habsburg period in the city's history through a national lens, highlighting only those facts and figures that would confirm the city being—or becoming—a bastion of a particular national culture. Consequently, Polish and Ukrainian literature often neglected entire projects and even time periods, assuming that, prior to Lemberg's municipal autonomy of 1867, the entire urban planning achievement by the Austrian German-speaking bureaucracy was insignificant to the city's history and had therefore no consequence for the later fin-de-siècle developments. On the other hand, superficial assumptions of Lemberg serving as “crossroads of civilizations” and “little Vienna of the East” lacked a critical perspective and often overlooked significant local phenomena that evolved independently from Viennese or other influence. In arguing against these simplistic assumptions, this paper suggests an alternative, syncretic approach that combines entangled history and a careful treatment of the ethnic dimension in Lemberg's history.
The Study of the DDR in the USA
Authors: Croan Melvin 
Published: July 2010

AbstractUntil the mid- to late 1960s, East Germany remained a virtual terra incognita to all but the tiniest handful of specialists in the United States. Even today, the discovery of the DDR by wider American publics-both academic and non-academic-can scarcely be regarded as anything like complete. Yet, after surveying the state of American research on the DDR, Peter C. Ludz concluded in 1970 that despite certain problems, its future prospects seemed bright.1 Indeed, he contended that the high level of development of social science techniques in the United States, together with geographic detachment from day-to-day involvement in intra-German politics, might enable American scholars to come to grips with "the basic questions" more readily than their German colleagues.2 Just how well has that optimistic forecast been borne out? Readers are invited to draw their own conclusions from the discussion that follows. Since the present treatment, rather than aspiring to be comprehensive, seeks to depict general trends, identify specific problems, and explore future prospects-all in the author's own disciplinary speciality, political science, several cautionary observations should be recorded at the outset. The study of politics, in the United States no less than elsewhere, must constantly grapple with the fact-value dilemma. I believe there can never be a genuinely wertfrei social science, in the sense in which some Americans have tended, somewhat one-sidedly, I think, to understand Max Weber's scientific aspirations. Similarly, with respect to the sociology of knowledge, Karl Mannheim's postulation of a freischwebende Intelligenz appears, to employ Mannheim's own terminology, to be utopian. If, as I believe, political science must be regarded as "metapolitics," then any treatment of work in the field of political science becomes a kind of "meta-metapolitics."3 Thus, description is inseparable from evaluation, if only because all description necessarily "involves selection, synthesis, and sequence."4 My personal value biases (broadly humanistic) and methodological preferences (I favor choosing the particular research techniques appropriate to specific subject of investigation rather than vice versa and am always distrustful of narrowly positivistic approaches) will be apparent in the account that follows. They will obviously also inform the recommendations for possible directions in future work on the DDR with which the present report concludes.
Population Politics in Poland
Authors: Besemeres J. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThis article attempts briefly to review the main areas in which population trends in post-war Poland have raised or impinged on political issues. It is divided into the following seven subsections: (1) demographic background; (2) evolution of policies on population questions; (3) economic effects; (4) ethnic relations; (5) foreign relations; (6) ideology; and (7) population policy debates and dilemmas. This particular scheme has been adopted in order to facilitate a comparative approach to these problems for the socialist countries of Europe (including the USSR).1 Consequently the neatness of fit tends to vary slightly from item to item and country to country. Thus sections (4) and (5) are included here, though their inherent importance from a narrowly Polish perspective might not strike one as overwhelming. Within the broad and diffuse field of overlap between politics and demography, particular emphasis is concentrated on numerical demographic trends rather than qualitative ones; and the implicit criterion of relevance universally applied is political sensitivity. Thus, for example, fluctuations in manpower supply and discussions of pro-natalism in population policy are given special consideration as being both more "numerical" and politically more sensitive, whereas problems like the stagnation of small towns and the plight of elderly and socially isolated farmers tend to be neglected as being both more qualitative than quantitative (or, perhaps, as more sociological than demographic), and more directly social than political. Insofar as social issues of this type enter into debates on population policy as such, they are reviewed in section (7).
The Impact of the Dual Alliance upon the Slavs of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy: A Centennial Reappraisal
Authors: Winters Stanley B. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe Alliance of 1879 with Germany was one of the truly fateful steps taken by the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the forty years before its demise. The diplomatic and strategic ramifications of this momentous agreement have been discussed in the historical literature for decades, but its impact upon the monarchy's 21-million subjects of Slavic nationality or ethnicity has not.1 This omission can perhaps be explained by the relatively slight influence that Slavic leaders and their followers had upon the makers of the monarchy's foreign policy. Although the seven Slavic nationalities by 1910 constituted 47.2 percent of Austria-Hungary's population, they remained, as they had always been, complete outsiders on foreign policy. To them, as indeed to most subjects of the Emperor Franz Joseph, diplomatic matters and political events abroad were of slight concern, and even if not, information about them was modest among the general public. Still, if the international relationships of the monarchy conveyed little sense of immediacy, this vital function of the state administration ultimately affected the most humble of persons. The intent here is to examine the Dual Alliance not through the eyes of those who arranged and implemented it, but of those who were Slavic outsiders, and to see how the Alliance affected their loyalty and commitment to the monarchy.
East European Models Of Europe's Future
Authors: Povolny Mojmir 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn the second half of the 1960s, the future of Europe began to be a subject of numerous scholarly conferences, books, and articles. In 1972, Pierre Hassner performed a signal service when he published the first comparative and analytical study of the principal work done in the West on the models of the evolution of the European system.1 This essay will attempt to present in a similar manner the East European prognoses of Europe's future.
The GDR Housing Construction Program: Problems and Successes
Authors: Melzer Manfred 
Published: July 2010

AbstractTen years after the announcement of the GDR's extensive housing construction program, the first phase has been successfully concluded and the second phase is now being implemented. The time seems ripe for an interim stock-taking as provided in the following analysis. Housing politics is preeminently regional politics, so that regional aspects will be the major concern of this article. In particular, these questions will be addressed: What achievements have been made in housing, and in which regions? What do regional housing conditions look like today? Are there still striking differences in housing between the several regions? It will also be instructive to consider the housing renovation program of the GDR: What progress has been made? What difficulties are confronted in the renovation of the older part of the housing stock?
The Soviet Style of Power in Eastern Germany: Some Notes On the See1
Authors: Kessler Mario 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe German Democratic Republic (GDR) was "democratic" only in the very specific, Soviet-communist interpretation of that term: So-called "democratic centralism" was in reality more centralist than democratic, a dictatorship from above rather than government consent from below. "But to recognize that the GDR was a dictatorship is not to say very much about the specific character of this dictatorship," as Mary Fulbrook wrote.2 "The focus on repression is not actually very revealing. It does not tell us very much about degrees of political compliance, or acquiescence in their own domination, to be found among the East German population."3 In this essay two methods of rule will be analyzed and the question raised: Can one draw conclusions about the logic of the Soviet style of power in Eastern Germany by considering changes in such a system's methods of rule, particularly their specific blend of repression and tolerance? An examination of the ways that forms of repression and tolerance in the GDR changed over time can offer us insights into Soviet-communist societies both in general terms and in detail. The GDR was unique in having more than 300,000 Soviet troops stationed on its soil; it was also unique in representing the front line of the Cold War.
The Emergence of the Soviet Faction in the Democra Tic People's Republic of Korea, 1945-1955
Authors: Lankov A.N. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractA very important role in the formation of the North Korean state and its early development was played by numerous Soviet Koreans, Soviet citizens of Korean extraction. They were sent to North Korea by the Soviet authorities and occupied various leading positions during the period 1945-60. This article will consider the circumstances of their arrival in North Korea, their activities from 1945 to 1950, and the emergence of the so-called Soviet faction in the North Korean leadership. The article is based on some materials that the author discovered in the Soviet archives, as well interviews with several Soviet Koreans themselves. These interviews were conducted in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when most of these figures were still alive. In this article I have tried to rely more heavily on contemporary sources that I managed to get access to during my research in Russia. Unfortunately, only a fraction of the related documents from the Soviet archives have been de-classified and subjected to study so far. It should be stressed that this work is just a basis for a more detailed study that will be undertaken in the future. Despite its limitations, however, it sheds some light on a period which has hitherto been somewhat shrouded in mystery.
An Attempt Ata Commentary: Two Proposed Texts for Future Publication1
Authors: Pliguzov Andrei I. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractRecently I have started to read my own commentaries to the volume of metropolitans' epistles from the early fourteenth century to the beginning of the sixteenth century. And I found it almost ready for publication. The two texts of commentaries to charters of Metropolitan Iona will present the quality and character of these commentaries.
"And Who Are the Judges?": Mikhail Bulgakov Versus Soviet Censorship, 1926-1936
Authors: Richmond Steven 
Published: July 2010

AbstractMikhail Bulgakov is renowned for his challenge to the dry literary canons of the Soviet regime through his fantstical works of colorful content and unorthodox form, such as Sobach'e serd'tse (Heart of a Dog) and Master i Margarita. But Bulgakov is much mort than an exotic exception to Soviet puritanicalness. His works also include the highly practical and realistic, such as the tragic war-time works "Zapiski iungo vracha" (Notes of a Young Doctor) and Belaia gvardiia (The White Guad). Bulgakov's literary challenge to Soviet censorship also took direct forms. including two works that brazenly satire and examine the utterly taboo subjest of state censorship: the play, Bagrovyi ostrov (The Crimson Island) and Teaal'nyi roman (Theatrical Novel). Bulgakov's challenge to power also extendel to the epistolary, in the form of letters he sent to the Soviet government (and were read by Stalin) that contain attacks against the Soviet censorship bureau. In this real-life drama of Bulgakov versus Soviet censorship, we witness the icredible creativity and bravery of the artist, as well as discover his original and informative theory about how Soviet censorship operated. Let us begin our examina tion of this drama with the censorship bureau itself, how it first functioned and how it came to focus its sights on Bulgakov.
Putin's Presidency and Russian History
Authors: Blank Stephen 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe regime crafted by Vladimir Putin and extended now with the election of Dmitry Medvedev in many ways represents a continuation of the Muscovite paradigm delineated by Professor Hellie in his earlier work. Indeed, we are witnessing the consolidation of a fourth version of the Muscovite service state and in the military a kind of serfdom still reigns. This continuity is not just a question of the autocracy of the Tsar but also of the tenuous situation regarding property rights which are not fully established. Furthermore, it is quite clear that government is still a service state where officials' income, power and status derive from the service they render the Tsar and their ability to provide the state's requirements in key industries. Just as this elite may be considered a rent-seeking elite, so may the state be considered a rent-granting state that grants them rents in the form of office so that they can provide for themselves at the same time as they serve the Tsar.
The Emotional Lives of Moscow Things
Authors: Lemon Alaina 
Published: July 2010

AbstractRichard Hellie's The Economy and Material Culture of Russia richly connects political events, objects, and prices to explore problems of supply, distribution, and quality and to connect those problems to social issues. Recent ethnography in the region has further exposed the complicated ways that capitalism, socialism, and post-socialism have been compared in terms of the quality of their respective goods, especially through the symbolism of branding. This paper works through one case in which Russians (students of theater) depicted objects in ways that differed strikingly from how most people were consuming and exchanging them. Rather than focusing on quality, they endowed things with gendered and conflict-ordered emotional lives in ways that were both anchored to a history of aesthetic techniques and that also reflected more recent worries about events, and about institutional and infrastructural breakdowns and ruptures.
Political Terror or Political Theater: The Raion Show Trials of 1937 and the Mass Operations
Authors: Manning Roberta 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThis essay links and analyzes two hitherto distinct components of Stalin's Great Terror: The Mass Operations, a series of mass arrest campaigns of August 1937-August 1938, directed against particular categories of people, which accounted for half the arrests and executions of the Great Terror of 1934-1939, and the Provincial Show Trials of raion level officials that unfolded simultaneously, creating a climate of hysteria among local officials and ordinary people alike, in which Terror could and did spread.
The Thought and Teachings of Michael Karpovich
Authors: Pereira Norman 
Published: July 2010

AbstractMichael Karpovich taught at Harvard University from 1927 until 1957, during which time he exercised the most profound influence upon the field of Russian studies in North America. His extraordinary cohort of graduate students included virtually all the historians who would dominate the discipline for the rest of the 20 th century and beyond (Malia, Pipes, Haimson, Riasanovsky, Daniels, Raeff, among others). Some directly borrowed and elaborated his ideas and teachings, others rejected or built on them in order to go in different directions, but all benefited from his wisdom, guidance, and generous support. This paper traces the nature of Karpovich's influence, his ideas and Weltanschauung, especially as they related to late imperial Russia and the Revolution of 1917.
1437-1462
Authors: Rakhimzyanov Bulat 
Published: July 2010

AbstractIn this paper I will try to show that the Kasimov khanate was founded in 1445 as a result of an oral agreement between the exiled khan of the Golden Horde Ulug-Muhammad and Muscovite Grand Prince Vasilii II. Its foundation wasn't a voluntary measure of Muscovite rulers. It was founded in close connection with the relations between Rus' and the Golden Horde in general. It could arise only in the atmosphere of hostility and implacability typical for the Muscovite Grand Prince's house under the conditions of the rather frequent change of the Grand Princes. To provide you some historical basis, I will first speak briefly about the historiography of the problem and present my own view based mainly on the data of the “dogovornye gramoty” (treaties between Russian Princes) and “letopisi” (chronicles) afterwards.
Old Muscovite Amnesties: Theory and Practice
Authors: Kleimola A.M. , Dewey H.W. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe modern Russian term for amnesty is amnistiia. Like its English counterpart, it comes from a Greek word meaning "oblivion": a sovereign who grants an amnesty officially "forgets" certain crimes or political offenses committed by his subjects.1 The word amnistiia does not appear in Russian documents of the pre-Petrine era, and some purists even claim that the Muscovites knew no concept of amnesty.2 Yet most of the practices we shall be discussing here-practices which began shortly after Byzantine Christianity came to Rus'-easily fall within modern definitions of amnesty.3 The topic turns out to be so vast that in this short paper we can deal with only a handful of Old Russia's historically-significant "amnesties." We shall briefly examine the circumstances which produced them, the consequences which followed their promulgation, and the tension between lofty principles and practical objectives which accompanied some of the most important amnesties.
Death of a Russian Consul: Macedonia 1903
Authors: Perry Duncan M. 
Published: July 2010

AbstractOn Saturday, 8 August 1903 (n.s.), Aleksandr Arkadievich Rostkovskii was shot and killed on the outskirts of Bitola, in west central Macedonia. Rostkovskii was the Imperial Russian consul posted to that city; his assailant was one Halim, an Ottoman soldier of Albanian origin. The Russian government demanded swift satisfaction. The sultan and his ministers made strenuous efforts to show their sincere grief over the murder and offered substantial reparations. Russia expressed displeasure with the Ottoman response and threateningly dispatched part of its Black Sea fleet to Ottoman waters immediately. Specific demands, including a reform program for Macedonia, were made. With little hesitation the sultan accepted them, and the crisis passed. This contribution examines the events surrounding the Rostkovskii affair and analyzes Russia's behavior during that crisis.
The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia
Authors: Brovkin Vladimir 
Published: July 2010

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.
American Sovietology From 1917-1991: an Attempt At Diagnosis
Authors: Shlapentokh Vladimir 
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe goal of this article is to discuss the evolution of the views of American social scientists, particularly Sovietologists, on the origins and nature of Soviet society. The analysis of the American performance in Soviet studies is particularly interesting because American social science was considered, at least after the Second World War, on the cutting edge in research worldwide. In making such an appraisal we are, at the same time, using American Sovietology as a case study for making a judgement about the potential social science in any country has in claiming to understand developments in a foreign society..
1918-1920
Authors:   Karpenko
Published: July 2010

AbstractThe article is focused on the bureaucracy of generals A. Denikin's and P. Vrangel's military dictatorships during the Russian Civil War (1918–1920). For the first time in Russian historiography it contains analysis of the economic, political and moral factors, which influenced the bureaucracy, its social structure and living conditions, red tape and corruption as the main features of the military dictatorships' governing bodies and the main reasons for their poor performance.