bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Gesellschaftsordnungen und öffentliche Kommunikation Forschungsbericht
Authors: Imhof Kurt 
Published: January 2011

ZusammenfassungDieser Forschungsbericht stellt die bald 10jährige interdisziplinäre Forschungslinie “Krise und sozialer Wandel. Untersuchung von Me‐dienereignissen in der Schweiz” vor. Das erkenntnisleitende Interesse bezieht sich auf den Versuch, den sozialen Wandel moderner Gesellschaften durch die systematische Erfassung öffentlicher politischer Kommunikation zu erschliessen. Zu diesem Zweck werden quantitative und qualitative Methoden der Inhaltsanalyse von massenmedialen Quellen erarbeitet und weiterentwickelt. Dieser Forschungsbericht vermittelt einen Einblick in die theoretische Perspektive, die Methodo‐logie, die Datensätze und einen Ausblick auf gegenwärtige und künfti‐ge Forschungsfragen.
L'Europe comme dépassement de l'Etat ?
Authors: Rouban Luc 
Published: January 2011

RésuméLes rapports entre l'Europe et l'Etat ne doivent pas être conçus dans les termes d'une opposition théorique. L'Union européenne ne constitue pas un espace public et valorise la légitimité économique de l'action publique. Mais les réformes managériales comme l'évolution de l'échange politique ont provoqué de profondes transformations dans les Etats membres eux‐mêmes depuis une quinzaine d'années. L'évolution des Etats‐nations et de l'Europe paraît donc convergente et semble produire une nouvelle théorie du pouvoir. Cette évolution commune s'appuie sur des valeurs universalistes et sur la multiplication des réseaux et des corporatismes. Les arrangements contractuels prennent le pas sur l'ordre hiérarchique ou les marchés. Cette évolution ne débouche pas nécessairement sur une gouvernance démocratique. Développant une logique artificialiste, elle suscite l'opposition des partisans des valeurs naturalistes et communautaires. Elle exige également des individus un capital social important.
Citizenship in an Eventual Euro‐Democracy
Authors: Schmitter Philippe C. 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThe European Union is not (yet) a functioning democracy, but it has begun to develop some of the institutions of democracy. Among these is the practice of citizenship. This essay explores this uniquely democ‐ratic status and how it would have to be modified in an eventual Euro‐democracy. The EU's larger scale and limited scope, its more heteroge‐neous socioeconomic composition, its multiplicity of (sub‐)national identities and, above all, its restricted “stateness” make it difficult to develop an effective and significant Euro‐citizenship. I offer six “mod‐est reform proposals” that might help to overcome this difficulty. I conclude that we must not expect too much from Euro‐citizenship. It is definitely not the panacea that will resolve the EU's rising legitimacy problems. What is required if the process of European integration is to shift from a logic of functional interdependencies to one of politicized exchanges is an even broader package of reforms not just in the scope of citizenship, but also in its forms of representation and its rules of decision‐making.
L'Europe comme ambition puis comme espace: histoire d'un modèle victime de son succès?
Authors: Kotek Joël 
Published: January 2011

RésuméOn voit mal comment l'on pourrait refuser d'élargir l'Europe aux ex‐pays de l'Est. Les arguments qui ont plaidé en faveur de la Grande Bretagne, de la Grèce, de l'Espagne et du Portugal doivent s'appliquer aux Etats d'Europe centrale et orientale. Compte tenu du caractère inéluctable des futurs élargissements, il ne saurait être question de renoncer à l'approfondissement et ce, au risque de la désintégration pure et simple de la Communauté. A n'en pas douter, en effet, les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale rejoindront les rangs des partisans de l'Europe minimale, de "l'Europe des patries". S'il s'agit de renoncer au super Etat fédéral pour rester dans le flou d'un système hybride, mélange de supranationalité et de souveraineté, l'objectif reste celui d'une construction politique, certes respectueuse des différences nationales, mais nécessairement plus intégrée et cohérente. Dans le contexte actuel – qui est aussi celui de l'Union économique et monétaire – on peut dès lors se demander si l'on ne devrait pas voir dans le modèle suisse d'unité (fé‐dérale) dans la diversité (nationale) une source d'inspiration.
Changing Governance Models in Higher Education: The Case of the New Managerialism
Authors: Braun Dietmar 
Published: January 2011

AbstractUniversities are subject to profound changes of political management. The article endeavors – from a comparative point of view – to assess to what extent the new managerialism and the new public management respectively have infiltrated governmental strategies and modified existing governance models of higher education. This is done by, first, developing a revised heuristic framework of governance models; second, by assessing the merits and problems of the new managerial governance model in comparison with other governance models; and, third, by using empirical evidence of countries. Political‐institutional factors are discussed in order to explain for variations in strategies and success of implementing the new governance model. It is concluded that there are two dangerous paths of future university development: universities have to learn how to avoid either permanent immobilism or becoming mere market‐driven organizations with calculate frameworks.
Political Institutions and Conservation Outcomes: Wildlife Policy in Zambia
Authors: Gibson Clark C. 
Published: January 2011

Abstract“Messy” democratic political institutions might generate ineffective conservation policy watered down by competing interest groups and rival political parties. A hardcore environmentalist may believe that a pro‐conservation dictatorship would be the type government best able to meet her goals. Such an environmental fantasy became reality in Zambia under President (1972‐1991) Kenneth Kaunda. But despite his dictatorial powers, he did not have much success in curbing the poaching epidemic that swept through Zambia in the 1970s and 80s. The structure of the one‐party state, together with a fall in the price of Zambia's principal export (copper) and a concomitant increase in the value of many wildlife products, created an environment that generated incentives for politicians, bureaucrats, and citizens to disregard Kaunda. This analysis challenges conventional wisdom about the politics of one‐party states. It shows that even in the case of one‐party government, the structure of political institutions remains critical to the extent of a dictator's control.
Politische Regime, politische Stabilität und Wirtschaftswachstum
Authors: Obinger Herbert 
Published: January 2011

ZusammenfassungDieser Aufsatz untersucht den Einfluss politisch‐institutioneller Faktoren auf das langfristige Wirtschaftswachstum zwischen 1960 und 1992, wobei der Fokus auf den Effekt politischer Stabilität und politischer Regime auf die ökonomische Entwicklung gelegt wird. Hinsichtlich der Bedeutung der politischen Stabilität für die ökonomische Entwicklung wird gezeigt, dass schwere inner‐ und zwischenstaatliche Konflikte die ökonomische Entwicklung hemmen, während schwelende und sporadische Konflikte keinen Bremseffekt auf das Wirtschaftswachstum ausüben. Bezüglich des Einflusses politischer Regime auf das Wirtschaftswachstum wird die Hypothese vertreten, dass ein simpler Demokratie‐Diktatur‐Vergleich zu kurz greift. Die empirischen Befunde sprechen vielmehr dafür, dass sowohl Autokratien als auch Demokratien mit langfristigem Wirtschaftswachstum kompatibel sind, sofern wirtschaftliche Eigentums‐ und Verfügungsrechte garantiert werden und diese rechtsstaatlich abgesichert sind. Hält man den Entwicklungsstand dieser Institutionen konstant, zeigt sich ein nichtlinearer Zusammenhang zwischen dem Demokratisierungsniveau und dem langfristigen Wirtschaftswachstum.
Environmental “Voluntary” Agreements: Conditions for Making Them Work
Authors: Skjærseth John Birger 
Published: January 2011

AbstractIn the 1990s, Environmental Voluntary Agreements (EVAs) have received increased attention as an alternative or supplement to traditional policy instruments, such as taxes and legal regulation. Today, there is a tendency in industry and among some countries to consider EVAs as generally viable policy instruments across different sectors and problems. This article points to the risk of viewing EVAs as generally effective by exploring the conditions under which they are likely to affect the behavior of target groups. Three factors are identified: the type of problem to be solved, the political context in which the problem is approached and the type of agreement applied. The argument is that EVAs are most likely to work when problems are "easy" and can be coped with through "no‐regret" measures, when the political context is consensual and when the agreements themselves are advanced. These conditions are then confronted with the comprehensive voluntary program developed in the Netherlands and recent EU initiatives in this field.
Forty Years of "Muddling Through": Some Lessons for the New Institutionalism
Authors: Ross Fiona 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThe relationship between structure and agency in the new institutionalism has attracted considerable attention. Most reviews either make claim to the superiority of one institutionalism on this score or seek to integrate at least two of the three institutionalisms by adjusting the balance between structure and choice. By contrast, this review attends to several additional challenges confronting the bounded rationality new institutionalism – challenges that go beyond infusing this heavily structuralist approach with a source of endogenous dynamism. Importantly, four principal challenges to this institutionalism are a repetition of those that damaged the once‐dominant concept of incrementalism: a surfeit of definitions, a failure to distinguish between mundane and momentous decision‐making, a fusion between analytic processes and outcomes, and the neglect of non‐integrative interactive relationships. Indeed, the bounded rationality institutionalism transfers many of the assumptions, ideas and errors of the incrementalists to the institutional level.
Who, Why and How: Assessing the Legitimacy of Secession
Authors: Baer Josette 
Published: January 2011

AbstractSince the breakdown of bipolarity, the international community had to cope with independence movements spreading in Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. Given the peculiar coercive character of the Soviet and Yugoslav Federations and the Soviet Union's hegemonial rule in Central Europe, the wish for independent statehood can be understood as a sum of single secessionist movements. This article investigates secession as a moral problem of public international law; it also attempts to define normative criteria for the assessment of secessionist legitimacy. What conditions are required for a legitimate secession? On what political, social or historical characteristics should a legitimate secession be based in order to obtain international recognition? The analysis is carried out on three levels: legitimacy of the actors (Who), legitimacy of the secessionist argument (Why) and procedural legiti‐macy (How). The analysis is illustrated by three examples of recent se‐cessionist movements: Slovakia, FYR Macedonia and Chechnya.
La gouvernance de la politique d'assistance aux requérants d'asile en Suisse
Authors: Parini Lorena 
Published: January 2011

RésumeCet article se propose de discuter des principes d'action et des principes démocratiques à la lumière de l'analyse de la gouvernance de la politique d'assistance aux requérants d'asile en Suisse. Basé sur une recherche effectuée sur un échantillon représentatif de cantons, villes et communes suisses, il présente tout d'abord les caractéristiques de la "multi‐level governance" dans ce domaine. Par la suite il cherche à en dégager les principes d'action et à les mettre en perspective avec certains principes démocratiques tels que la légitimité, l'acceptabilité, la légalité, l'efficacité et l'égalité de traitement. Les observations faites sur le terrain montrent une tendance des autorités suisses à gérer la politique d'assistance aux requérants d'asile sur un mode pragmatique qui permet d'associer à la mise en oeuvre différents niveaux (cantons, communes et oeuvres d'entraide).
Mechanismen der Europäisierung: nationale Regulierungsmuster und europäische Integration
Authors: Knill Christoph , Lehmkuhl Dirk 
Published: January 2011

ZusammenfassungDer Schwerpunkt bisheriger Europaforschung konzentriert sich auf die Frage, in welchem Ausmass nationale Bedingungen den Aufbau von Institutionen und die politische Entscheidungsfindung auf der europäischen Ebene beeinflussen. Die Auswirkungen der europäischen Integration auf die Politikgestaltung und institutionelle Strukturen in den Mitgliedstaaten sind hingegen nur wenig erforscht worden. Erst seit kurzem gibt es eine zunehmende Anzahl von Analysen, die sich explizit mit der Europäisierung von nationalen Institutionen beschäftigen. Von besonderem Interesse ist dabei die Frage, in welchem Ausmass die Implementation europäischer Policies mit Veränderungen in bestehenden Regulierungsmustern auf nationaler Ebene einhergeht. Der Beitrag identifiziert drei Mechanismen, um die Wirkungsweise europäischer Policies auf nationale Regulierungsmuster zu charakterisieren. Europäische Politik kann ein konkretes institutionelles Modell für die nationale Umsetzung vorschreiben; sie kann sich auf die Beeinflussung nationaler Opportunity Structures beschränken; oder sie kann primär über die Veränderung nationaler Ideen und Überzeugungen (Framing) wirken.
The New Swiss Employment Puzzle
Authors: Bonoli Giuliano , Mach André 
Published: January 2011

AbstractSwitzerland has traditionally had a better employment performance than most other European countries. In the past, this could be explained with a specific foreign workers policy and to the buffer role women played in the labor market. In the late 1990s, however, foreigners and women occupy a considerably more stable position in the labor force than in the 1970s. Therefore, other factors must explain this good employment performance. International comparisons show that advanced economies tend to perform well in employment creation if, a) there are big wage inequalities (USA), or b) if there is a large public sector (Sweden). We show that Switzerland has none of these features, and that on the basis of prevailing theories of post‐industrial employment creation, it is difficult to account for the Swiss labor market performance in the late 1990s. We put forward and assess a number of possible explanations for this “new puzzle”, and conclude that a successful research strategy in this area should combine elements of welfare regime analysis with a focus on labor market institutions.
Genre, âge et participation politique: les élections fédérales de 1995 dans le canton de Genève
Authors: Sciarini Pascal , Ballmer‐Cao Than‐Huyen , Lachat Romain 
Published: January 2011

RésuméLa présente contribution analyse la participation aux élections fédérales de 1995 dans le canton de Genève selon le genre et l'âge, en utilisant des statistiques électorales disponibles pour la première fois. Les résultats montrent que le moindre taux de participation féminine est avant tout un fait de l'ancienne génération. En sus des effets présumés de l'obtention tardive du droit de vote, la sur‐représentation des états matrimoniaux favorables à la désintégration sociale (séparation, divorce et surtout le veuvage) dans ces tranches d'âge de la population féminine expliquent en partie la différence de participation électorale entre hommes et femmes. A l'inverse, le mariage, mais aussi le célibat, semblent constituer pour certaines catégories d'électrices âgées des “ressources” qui atténuent la tendance à la “démobilisation”. Quelques pistes d'ulilisation de ces données dans le futur sont suggérées.
From Corporatism to Partisan Politics: Social Policy Making under Strain in Switzerland
Authors: Häusermann Silja , Mach André , Papadopoulos Yannis 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThe literature on neo‐corporatist agreements in social and labor market policy in the 1990s points to a decline of concertation in European countries with a long‐standing tradition of corporatist negotiation. This article identifies a similar trend in Switzerland and argues that three destabilizing factors account for it: 1) retrenchment pressure and ideological polarization prevent compromises; 2) the emergence of new social demands and interests challenges the homogeneity and legitimacy of peak organizations and thus their bargaining power; 3) increasing media coverage tends to open up the traditionally confidential and selective sphere of corporatist negotiation and weakens the social partners’ ability to reach agreements. The impact of these factors on neo‐corporatist bargaining is tested in Switzerland, a case where corporatist negotiations used to be particularly decisive in social policy making. Empirical evidence comes from a cross‐time comparison of two major social policies: Unemployment insurance and pension reforms in the 1970s and in the 1990s. In the last decade, the main locus of decision‐making shifted from the sphere of interest groups to partisan politics. In parliament, the political parties were able to draft bills enjoying wide acceptance thanks to compensations offered to groups particularly vulnerable to new social risks.
Schweizer Welten des Sozialkapitals. Empirische Untersuchungen zum sozialen Leben in Regionen und Kantonen
Authors: Freitag Markus 
Published: January 2011

ZusammenfassungTo what extent do the Swiss Regions and Cantons differ with regard to their stock of social capital? Based on the data of the Swiss Household Panel this article presents the first empirical investigation of the accumulation of social capital in Swiss sub‐national units in a comparative perspective. Empirical evidence implies that the cantons of the German speaking region show more social capital than the French and Italian speaking parts of the country measured by the engagement in voluntary associations, or the interaction with colleagues and the neighbourhood. However, the Latin cantons show a greater stock of social interaction among family and close friends. Furthermore, our findings provide evidence for the existence of five Swiss worlds of social capital varying among the various types of social interaction.
Analyses factorielles et choix méthodologiques: réplique à Markus Freitag
Authors: Joye Dominique 
Published: January 2011

RésumeIn this contribution, we discuss the number of factors to consider as well as the consequences of rotation in the case of principal components analysis, a technique belonging to the family of factor analysis. The article by Freitag in this issue, dedicated to the study of social capital in Switzerland, is used as example. This contribution shows the impact of different missing values estimations and, more generally, stresses the importance of looking at different solutions in an exploratory perspective. It underscores also the importance to have access to the data in order to allow a new analysis and, consequently, the possibility of the scientific debate.
From Process to Structure: Developing a Reliable and Valid Tool for Policy Network Comparison
Authors: Serdült Uwe , Hirschi Christian 
Published: January 2011

AbstractOne of the major shortcomings for the use of Social Network Analysis (SNA) in comparative public policy research is the lack of valid, reliable and – maybe most important for people not really familiar with SNA – practical procedures to generate comparable network data. In this research note, we suggest an easy to follow, non‐technical solution for transferring information from decision‐making case studies into policy networks. Focusing on the actors’ participation in decision‐making processes, we visualize in a first step the description of a policy process in an ‘Actor‐Process‐Event Scheme’ (APES). In a second step, the data formalized in the APES can be transformed into two matrices on a) the actors’ event participation and b) the process links between the actors. Joining the two matrices allows us finally to analyze the decision‐making process in the form of a policy network. Furthermore, the generated network data can be used for more formalized comparative methods.
Regime Shift in Japan?Two Decades of Neoliberal Reforms
Authors: Hirashima Kenji 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThis paper uses insights drawn from a paired comparison of Switzerland and Japan to give an account of the changes brought about by neoliberal policy adaptation in Japan over the last two decades. In Switzerland, notwithstanding further liberalization of the traditionally liberal regime prompted by the economic hardships of the 1990s, the referendum system helped the Social Democrats and unions to defend their rights and maintain the welfare schemes belatedly established in the 1980s. By contrast, the Japanese ruling party not only delayed liberalization of the protectionist state, but also aggravated fiscal problems by implementing a series of expansionary macroeconomic policies in the 1990s. Thus, without pursuing coherently such neoliberal policies as fiscal consolidation, privatization, or market deregulation, the Japanese state now faces a serious dilemma between the immediate need for structural reforms and the social unease that would result. Focusing on the reform packages of the Nakasone (1982‐87), Hashimoto (1996‐98), and Koizumi (2001‐) administrations, the paper reviews the sequences of reform policies as an interplay among economic challenges, actors’ aspirations, and institutional constraints, and further develops arguments about the segmented structure, peculiar to the Japanese state, that retards political changes.
Regime Shifts in Japan and Switzerland?
Authors: Kriesi Hanspeter 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThis paper compares the development of the Japanese political economy regime and its repercussions for the party system with the, at least at first sight, contrasting case of Switzerland. Rather than pointing out the differences between the two countries, the comparison emphasizes the similarities: both countries are involved in a comparable regime shift, which has its origins in similar domestic structural and cultural shifts as well as in changes in the world economy. In both countries, the mismatch between the socioeconomic realities and the political configurations has been widening for many years. Since the early nineties, the much needed realignment in the party systems has gotten underway in Japan as well as in Switzerland, but it has not yet reached a new equilibrium. In Switzerland, however, the restructuring of the party system has proceeded more steadily and has gone farther than in Japan
The Problem of Macroeconomic Policy Crossroads:Explaining the Economic Policy Paradox of Switzerland and Japan in the 1990s
Authors: Hiwatari Nabuhiro 
Published: January 2011

AbstractThe 1990s, which can be characterized as a decade of disinflationary growth and austerity policies for most developed market democracies, was the decade of stagnant growth and policy complacency for Switzerland and Japan. Based on a framework that emphasizes the structure of policy choices available to governments at economic crossroads (or crisis), I show Switzerland and Japan are unique in that (a) disinflationary fundamentals spared the countries from speculative or inflationary pressure that required drastic responses and (b) the governments paradoxically maintained conservative economic policies despite room for expansion in order to continue policies based on the compromise between export and domestic sectors. The policy crossroads perspective stresses the importance of endogenous coalitions even in a world of economic globalization to explain concerted politics and conservative policies, and to assess the true impact of international finance on domestic changes.