bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Qui sont nos ennemis? Qui sont nos amis? La presse pakistanaise et ses perceptions des attitudes et politiques de quatre grandes puissance 1958-1965.
Authors: Hassan Ashraful , Burton Bruce , Soderlund W.C. 
Published: July 2012

Utilizing content analysis methodology, this paper studies Pakistani press perceptions of external sources of threat and support covering the Period 1958-1965.
From the literature on Pakistani foreign policy, seven specific hypotheses are extracted
for testing:
1 - during the period 1958-1965, India was perceived to be the major threat to
Pakistan ;
2 - the perception of India as the major threat increased sharply from 1962 onwards;
3 - in 1959 China was perceived to be a greater threat to Pakistan than India was;
4 - the Soviet Union was perceived to be the major threat in 1958, a significant but
secondary threat in 1959, the main threat again in 1960, and an insignificant
threat from 1961 onwards;
5 - at no time during the period 1958-1965 was the United States perceived to be a
threat to Pakistan;
6 - the respective policies of China, the US.S.R., and the U.S. towards South Asia in
general and on the Kashmir issue in particular, played a major part in determining
Pakistan's attitudes toward these states;
7 - U.S. arms aid to India in 1962 resulted in a major Pakistani disillusionment with
the United States and this was accompanied by more positive Pakistani views
toward the US.S.R. and China.
Our data drawn from front page news stores and editorials appearing in a sample of the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, confirm in general terms hypotheses 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7, but fall to confirm hypotheses 3 and 4.
Overall, the data point to the significance of the Sino-Indian border war in the fall of 1962 as a crucial turning point in Pakistan 's foreign policy alignments. Specifically, we see evidence of a turning away from the United States, combined with a movement toward China. Attitudes toward the Soviet Union were ambivalent.
Conciliation ou agression : Un examen de quelques facteurs susceptibles d’influencer la politique étrangère soviétique au cours des années 80.
Authors: Marantz Paul 
Published: July 2012

This paper analyzes the way in which internal forces are likely to affect Soviet foreign policy over the next few years. Four developments are examined: potential Soviet petroleum shortages, the growing Soviet Muslim population, the slowdown in the rate of economic growth in the Soviet Union, and the imminent post-Brezhnev succession struggle. The question is posed: Will these factors soon impel the Soviet Union toward foreign expansion and adventurism?
It is our conclusion that two of these factors, the leveling off of oil production and the rapid growth of Soviet Muslims, are not likely to have a strong influence on Soviet foreign policy. On the other hand, the decline in growth rates and the demise of Brezhnev are likely to have a major impact on future Soviet policies. The Soviet system is not experiencing a terminal crisis, but it is definitely laboring under growing burdens. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that this will necessarily result in foreign expansion. A new, rejuvenated leadership may well seek a relaxation of tensions, as it did upon Stalin’s death in 1953, so as to create favorable conditions for dealing with its pressing problems. The future remains highly uncertain. International developments will be at least as important as domestic factors, and much will depend upon the policies adopted by Western governments.
L’option européenne du Canada dans les années 80
Authors: Pentland Charles 
Published: July 2012

The year 1982 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, creating the EEC, and the tenth anniversary of Canada s Third Option, which aimed in part at using the new Europe as a counterweight to American influence. This article attempts, first to set the last ten year s of Canada s European policy in the context of postwar economic and strategic relationships and, secondly, to evaluate the European aspect of the Third Option and its prospects for the 1980s.
Canada s image of, and policy towards, Western Europe, has always had two distinct elements — economic and strategic - whose interplay describes various phases of the relationship. Until about 1957, the two images were roughly congruent and Canada s economic and military policies mutually reinforcing. A multilateral Atlantic economic community was seen as the underpinning of collective defence. The next fifteen years or so saw the breakup of this patte m, with the emergence of the Community, continued British attempts to join from 1961 on, and the decline in Canadian support for NATO.
The birth of the Third Option and the pursuit of the Framework Agreement with the Community saw the gradual revival of Canada's military relationship with Europe, this time in the service of economic diversification and growth. A variety of factors, however - global, European, North American and domestic Canadian - hampered the development of the new link with the Community. Many of these, especially the structural ones underlying the crisis of the world economy and the stagnation of European integration - are likely to persist through the 1980 s. For the next few year s, then, the European option will probably be (a) less communautaire, (b) a less important focus in trade policy relative to other areas, and (c) once more in the service of military and political ends.
L’industriel automobile et l’alcool : Limite des stratégies multinationales au Brésil
Authors: Duquette Michel 
Published: July 2012

In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry.
In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.
Les pêches de l’URSS dans l’Atlantique du Nord-Est et l’élargissement des zones de pêche exclusive
Authors: Carré François 
Published: July 2012

After the last war, the USSR set it self to increase the development of its ocean fisheries from its two North-East Atlantic seaboards on the Barents Sea and the Baltic. With a modernized fleet and almost complete freedom on the seas, its catch increased six fold between 1950 and 1976, going from 0,4 to 2,5 million tons per year, and Soviet fishermen could be found roaming on all the seas bordering Europe.
However, as from 1977, this expansion was fiercely curtailed when coastal nations, including the USSR, established the 200-mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) or mere exclusive fishing zone (EFZ), each being alloted almost all of its living resource s. More fishing grounds were lost by the USSR than gained, to the point where production suddenly fell in 1977 and it had to turn to fish of lesser quality, often used for industrial purposes, such as the Capelin (Mallotus villosus) and the blue Whiting (Micromesistius poutassou) which today make up to 60 % of all its catch off Northern Europe.
The Soviet authorities reacted with flexibility and diversity, namely by increased fishing in the national exclusive zone, particularly in the Barents Sea, through negotiations leading to access rights to foreign waters, particularly those of Norway and the Faeroe Islands, and through a policy whereby it could purchase unprocessed fish from some members of the EEC. Thus Russian factory ships came to the British coasts to process mackerel delivered to them at sea by English and Scottish fishermen. It is through such a strategy of diversification, various examples of which may be found around the world, that the Soviets have succeeded in regaining grounds lost in 1977 and in reaching an average production of 1,7 million tons from 1977 to 1983 in the North-East Atlantic, this being 3 to 4 % less than that of 1970-76, notwithstanding the few purchases of fish made directly at sea.
Les pêches canadiennes, objet de relations internationales complexes et conflictuelles
Authors: Daneau Marcel 
Published: July 2012

Canada's fisheries have always been the subject of complex and conflicting international relations. Until January 1977, the fishing grounds off the Canadian coasts were there to be exploited by any nation with the means to do so. Interstate competition had a disastrous effect on the stock. With the extension of Canadian responsibilities to 200 miles offshore, a national System was laid down for stock exploitation and appropriation. From 1976 to 1982, Canada set up plans for the strict management of its fisheries, and numerous agreements were signed which allowed for the allocation of surplus stock from the Canadian waters in return for a market for Canadian sea products. From 1982 to 1985, with its stock increasing, Canada's policy appeared more generous since it allowed for the allocation of its non-surplus stock to signatory countries with a growing market for Canadian goods or with lower tarriff barriers. Since 1985, the emphasis in Canada has been mainly on conservation : Non-surplus stocks are allocated to countries who buy Canadian sea products, though especially those who respect the Canadian territorial limits and who respect the quotas, set by the North West Atlantic Fishing Organisation, outside Canada's 200-mile zone in the Atlantic. Due to its proximity to the US and to France (St-Pierre and Miquelon), Canada has sustained relations with those two countries. There are major differences between them regarding the demarcation of maritime boundaries and the sharing of transnational fisheries.
L’expertise stratégique face aux développements de l’intelligence articielle
Authors: Noyer Jean-Max 
Published: July 2012

In the first section of this paper, the author tries to demonstrate how the increasing importance of modelisation/simulation reveals the existence of a crisis in strategic thought, seen as a crisis in the management of complexity, even more so as a crisis regarding the fundamental concepts of strategy, and regarding its claim even (as the " triumph of the means over the end " ) to tell how the world should be managed and what must be its destiny. At the same time, it is suggested that the dominance of " technolanguages " is growing, that the various attempts to overcome this crisis through the use of " artificial intelligence " are extremely promising, provided however that we agree to " a criticism of the strategic time-space ". In the second section, the author deals with the main problems and constraints linked with the conversion of strategic expertise into information processing languages and recommends that research be done along five axes : an update of the " fundamental connectors ", a kind of synapse in the strategic thinking, a study of the " attributes " and a setting up of such elaborate typology as " linguistic atoms ", and finally analyses of " contexts " and " key questions ".
L’importance internationale du développement économique dans les régions arctiques
Authors: Critchley W. Harriet 
Published: July 2012

The economic development of the northern regions of the USSR, United States, Canada, Norway and Denmark (Greenland) is examined with reference to the possible sources and timing of development in each state. The conclusion is that economic development for these Arctic littoral states is extraordinarily dependent upon the development of non-renewable natural resources - especially petroleum hydrocarbons — and, to a lesser extent, certain renewable resources. In addition, current world prices for the relevant resources are sufficiently low that development activity in each state ranges from moderate to modest: as long as prices remain at these levels, the current timing and pace of development is not likely to increase.
A complex mix of factors is involved in estimating the international importance of such economic development, but the current moderate or modest levels of development activity provide a « breathing space » for interstate relations among the Arctic littoral states. This is the opportunity to explore and develop cooperative institutions and mechanisms for further economic development in the face of pressures that might otherwise promote conflict.
Le réexamen des affaires du vol 007 de la Korean Airlines et du RB-50 (Note)
Authors: Ilyashov Anatoli 
Published: July 2012

As revealed by documents in the National Archives in Washington, u.c., the United States routinely and knowingly sent reconnaissance flights over the Soviet Union during the fifties and sixties. The u-2 shootdown of the pilot Francis Gary Powers in 1960 was a manifestation of this dangerous pattern during the Cold War era. The author, the first Fulbright Lecturer to the formerly « closed-to-foreigners » military-industrial city of Nizhny Novgorod, or Gorki, suggests a direct correlation between this pattern of earlier reconnaissance flights and the shoot down of the KAL 007 airliner in 1983. It thus contains implications for current foreign policy in the bold new post-Cold War era, in which the means for surveillance have become more militarily sophisticated and technologically advanced.
Les contrôles américains sur les exportations stratégiques : historique et évolution
Authors: Martel André , Legault Albert 
Published: July 2012

A brief historical survey of the u.s. export controls on strategic goods indicate the importance of the Cold War in achieving these objectives as well as the importance of polycentrism across and within the institutions and agencies concerned. The proliferation of controls has brought about a large area of freedom for the implementation of foreign policy by the executive branch of the Government. After the end of the Cold War, one can surmise that the emphasis mil be felt at three different levels : a greater discretion by national actors in the implementation of export controls policy, a greater harmonization of multilateral efforts designed at promoting the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and greater cleavages between those who want to relax export controls for economic reasons and those who want to strengthen them for security reasons. On the whole, the multiplicity of legislative actions and organizations concerned can only reinforce the freedom of action of the executive branch of the Government.
La désintégration yougoslave : un cadre fertile pour la théorie des dominos ?
Authors: Gagnon Rémy 
Published: July 2012

Undoubtedly, one of the most critical crisis in the post-Cold War ex a, the Yugoslav conflict, due to its nationalist character, nurture the fear that a full scale Balkan War would result. In the very heart of Europe, it threated to spread, and then to slip away from the Occidental power's control. How to explain it, but specially how to prevent this diffusion ? The Domino Theory applied to the Yugoslav conflict proposes a model to answer these core questions. Based on a positive model of spatial diffusion, the analysis which follows investigates in depth the relationships between the « 1989 socialist break-up », the internal situation of Yugoslavia, and the spreading of the conflict. By so doing this analysis sheds light on the circomstantial causes and on the chaine of events which explain the origin of the conflict, as well as its expension. Starting with the postulate that the actions of state, within a given spatial and time framework, have a definite chance of influencing the actions of its neighboring states, we attribute an important mesure of responsibility to the collapse of USSR in the Yugoslav Conflict's release.
Les activités internationales des autochtones du Canada
Authors: Forest Pierre-Gerlier , Rodon Thierry 
Published: July 2012

Aboriginal peoples of Canada have never limited themselves to the national scène in their struggle to obtain the recognition of their collective rights and powers. Since 1974, this phenomenon has increased noticeably and the international activities of Aboriginal peoples can be seen as a major event in Canadian external affairs. However, Aboriginal peoples of Canada are not a homogenous group. Their participation in the international Systems or institutions is as varied as the traditions and the expectations of each aboriginal nation towards political action. Beyond a typology of the external relations of Aboriginal peoples, the approach used in this article offers new perspectives over the extent and the meaning of their international personality : without being a condition of aboriginal self-government, the participation in the international arena is certainly promoting the realization of this ideal.
L'élaboration et le fonctionnement des mécanismes d'arbitrage au sein de I'ALE et de FALENA, du GATT et de l'OMC
Authors: Bastien Frédéric 
Published: July 2012

The increasing importance of international trade explains in great part the role that dispute resolution plays in trade agreement. Diversification, government's intervention in the economy, readiness of interest groups to defend their cause, all these elements make trade negotiations a much more difficult task today thon it used to be fifty years ago. Quarrels and dispute over international trade are therefore more likely to arise and it's impossible today to negotiate international trade agreements without dispute resolution mecanism.
Success or failure of different type of arbitration lies in the definition of the substantive rules of trade agreements. For binding arbitration to work properly, such rules must be clear and precise. But this solution implies that independant countries renounce in part to their sovereignty. To do so, Canada and the United States decided to keep their own trade laws and accepted to submit them to binding arbitration. The same thing was done when free trade was extended to Mexico. At multilateral level, this type of arrangement would be much more difficult to implement.
La gestion de l'incertitude dans une organisation internationale : le cas de I'OACI
Authors: Le Scouarnec François-Pierre 
Published: July 2012

A typology of uncertainty reveals three dimensions: probability, vagueness, and ambiguity. At the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), terrorism has appeared as a threat to the agency's mandate, which is to ensure the harmonious development of civil air transportation. Faced with the probability that a terrorist act may occur, decision-makers in the international civil aviation System have developed an array of institutional responses. In the area of law, several instruments were created as the impact of events and techniques used by terrorists developed. In the area of management, the ICAO created a special unit reporting directly to the Secretary General and reviewed technical standards and procedures for aviation personnel. While new technologies were being deployed to reduce the probability of an illicit act, political responses were elaborated : use of the UN Secretary-Generalship, politicization of the ICAO Council, and international cooperation in the fight against terrorism. Uncertainty can be a vector of organizational development. Perception of uncertainty and the actions it brings about belong to afield of analysis of interest to the school of epistemics.
La complexité de valeurs dans la politique étrangère de l'administration Reagan face à l'Iran
Authors: Lecours André 
Published: July 2012

The formulation of a policy that will satisfy several values and interests more or less compatible is a classic problem of political decision making. This phenomenon by which there can be, in a foreign policy issue for example, several divergent values and interests was named value-complexity by Alexander George. When facing a value complexity problem, a decision maker must choose some values and some interests over others. The choice he makes will not necessarily be the one made by other decision makers. This can result in a serious impediment to the decision making process.
The American foreign policy towards the Middle East faced, for the major part of the Cold War era, a value-complexity problem because it looked to reconcile four hard-to reconcile values and interests. The Reagan government was confronted rather acutely with this problem in the making of its Iranian policies. The administration was split in at least two factions over Iran : one who thought primarily of containing the Soviet Union in the Middle East region and the other for whom the political stability of moderate regimes threatened by revolutionnary Iran should be the most important priority. The existence of these factions, consequence of value-complexity, produced the making and the implementation of two distinct Iranian policies.
Politique commerciale canadienne : d'un protectionnisme pragmatique au système de préférence britannique et à I'ALENA
Authors: Nyahoho Emmanuel 
Published: July 2012

Canadian trade policy is largely one 0} compromise between the interests 0} Us main partners and a constant search for improved access to foreign markets. The establishment 0} GATT permitted the Canadian government to multilaterally pursue the principle of free trade on a basis of non-discrimination. Nevertheless, this policy 0} market diversification conflicted with three economic events, namely : entry of United Kingdom to the EEC, the breakdown of the Bretton Woods System, and the emergence of protectionism in the United States. Canada has decided to sign the FTA in 1989 with the United States, which now is extended to include Mexico. This regional block, similar to the EEC, does not signify the limits of a Worldwide utopia, but is very well a step toward market globalisation.