bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Brawls in Taiwan, in Ukraine, and around the World
Authors: Batto Nathan F. , Beaulieu Emily 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter offers descriptive information about brawls and provides context for the rest of the book. In this chapter, the authors attempt to balance the abstract definition of legislative brawling with a concrete description of actual parliamentary brawls. Taiwan and Ukraine are the centerpieces for this book, so the authors briefly sketch the political histories of these two countries, offer information on their current political institutions, and give an overview of parliamentary brawling in each. The chapter then moves outward to look at the rest of the world. It reviews research on parliamentary brawling by Gandrud (2016) and Schmoll and Ting (2023), research that has documented and attempted to explain the global scope of parliamentary brawling. After painting this bird’s-eye view of brawling around the world, the chapter zooms in for a much closer look, offering stories of actual brawls in several different countries.
Who Brawls
Authors: Batto Nathan F. , Beaulieu Emily 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
Which legislators are most likely to brawl? Both individual-level and contextual factors matter. In terms of individual-level factors, legislators who brawl should be those who will benefit most from employing the costly signal. Following from this logic, the authors anticipate that younger legislators and legislators without well-developed political careers and lower levels of seniority in the legislature will be more likely to brawl. In terms of contextual factors, electoral systems that encourage cultivation of personal votes should encourage individuals to brawl. Furthermore, individuals from the political opposition should be more likely to brawl, because the signal they can send in contexts of opposition disruption are unambiguous. Finally, individuals from large parties should be more likely to brawl since they simply have more fellow partisans from which they wish to distinguish themselves. Evidence from Ukraine and Taiwan supports these expectations.
The Audience for Brawls
Authors: Batto Nathan F. , Beaulieu Emily 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter addresses the question of the intended audience for the signals being communicated by individual legislators through brawling. The basic argument is that in strong party systems the intended audience for brawling is likely to be partisan—either party leadership or strong supporters in the electorate. In weak party systems, brawling legislators are often attempting to communicate with either elite sources of funding or small segments of the electorate likely to be receptive to more extreme political tactics. Offering empirical evidence for this part of the authors’ theory requires a certain amount of creativity, as most of the potential audiences for brawling are unlikely to readily identify as such. The authors draw on stories and interviews from a number of different countries, as well as previous survey research they have conducted in Taiwan in the context of an actual brawl.
A Fundamental Change in National Elections, 1952–2020
Authors: Aldrich John H. , Bae Suhyen , Sanders Bailey K. 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter shows just how sharply and dramatically presidential and congressional elections changed from the period before 1984 to afterward. Before 1984 incumbents were able to build their own district-level re-election coalitions, regardless of party. After 1984 that incumbency advantage declined to very low levels. Before 1984 presidential elections were almost always either very close or very one sided, switching back and forth nearly every four years. The last landslide election was 1984. Since then elections have generally been close, with a slow decline toward a 50–50 two-party division. In 1984 nearly half of congressional districts voted for a president of one party and a member of congress of the other party. Those split outcomes are increasingly rare. This leads to the question of what lies behind this very basic change in electoral democracy in America.
The Fundamentals
Authors: Aldrich John H. , Bae Suhyen , Sanders Bailey K. 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
National surveys on what fundamentals existed began in 1952; the ANES has taken the highest quality such surveys continuously since then. At this time voters were thought to be little interested in and informed about politics. Partisan identification was the single fundamental force in voting, essentially all voters knew little about congressional campaigns. TV and other new media enabled both presidential contenders and incumbent members of Congress to break through to the public. Elections were primarily partisan, leavened by the specific candidates contesting them. This began to change by 1984 as the fundamentals increased to include ideology, issues, race, and economic evaluations. This chapter reviews the theoretical and substantive understanding of these five fundamentals and how they were poised to become a much larger set of fundamental forces orienting the voter to elections. It also considers how much political substance these new forces added to partisanship and electoral choices generally.
The Fundamentals Sort and Polarize the Electorate
Authors: Aldrich John H. , Bae Suhyen , Sanders Bailey K. 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
The role of fundamentals has increased substantially over the last forty years because of increasing polarization, which has risen at both the elite and mass levels. This polarization appears to have begun at the elite level before showing up significantly among voters, and it differs at the two levels. The two congressional parties appear to be more homogenous internally but also increasingly extreme and thus more divided externally. The public as a whole is not becoming much more extreme on any of these fundamentals, but partisans are increasingly taking the same side on all of the fundamentals, a process known as sorting. They both tend to agree with their fellow partisans on most matters of political consequence and differ from their opposition on nearly everything. This chapter asks whether sorting has helped generate the increasingly negativity and even hostility partisans show to their opponents, whether in government or among the public.
Introduction
Authors: Anderson Edward T.G. 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
The introduction provides an overview of the book’s central topics and themes. It begins with five short “scenes” which illustrate the striking contemporary influence of Hindu nationalism globally--particularly through Narendra Modi’s BJP government--and the way in which the Indian diaspora appear to be sympathetic to this ideology and movement. The introduction then gives a short summary of the history of the Indian diaspora, to contextualize the book, noting its great diversity and some key features. The chapter’s second half brings in some of the book’s key arguments and identifies key literature. It explains that the book shows how Hindu nationalism in Britain (and elsewhere in the diaspora) has evolved in a complex, layered, and multidirectional relationship with organizations and ideologies in India, which has reshaped political and cultural identity and activism in both countries. In this sense, it provides new insights into our understandings of transnationalism, global networks, diasporic identity, cultural nationalism, and multiculturalism. While the Indian diaspora can be seen as an important aspect of the Hindu nationalist movement as a whole, the book also shows that Hindutva has grown into a significant, dynamic, syncretic, and vernacularized expression of diasporic Hindu identity.
Introduction
Authors: Arnold Lynnette 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
The Introduction lays out an approach for theorizing the complex entanglements of communication and care, bringing together linguistic anthropological understandings of language as a multifunctional form of social action and recent ethnographic theorizations of care practices from medical anthropology. It suggests that communication facilitates other care practices even as it enacts care. Moreover, as language carries out relational care work, it simultaneously makes meanings, signifying what counts as care, to whom. This communicative care framework emerged from a long-term multisited ethnography of communication in transnational Salvadoran families, and this chapter provides the historical and methodological context of the research. In transnational family life, communicative care often shores up gendered, generational, and political-economic inequities, even as it allows families to sustain convivencia (living-together) at a distance.
Making Family Care Political
Authors: Arnold Lynnette 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 examines how public rhetoric about migration constitutes transnational family life as consequential for the nation. Over three decades, state discourses have consistently depicted transnational families in economic terms. Cross-border care simply consists of unidirectional transfers of money from migrants—portrayed as male breadwinners—to their dependent relatives. This imaginary of cross-border care relies on figures of personhood rooted in heteropatriarchal models of family life. Through these discourses, the Salvadoran state seeks to incorporate migrants and their remittances into nation-building projects aligned with structural adjustment policies. Dutiful family provision is thereby converted into relational neoliberal personhood, with transnational family care becoming the ground upon which the nation stands or falls. These dominant imaginaries powerfully shape the ways that families enact transnational care and the forms of resistance they engage.
Conclusion
Authors: Arnold Lynnette 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
The Conclusion synthesizes the insights that emerge from a communicative care perspective, suggesting their broad relevance by pointing out that language undergirds care in many contexts beyond transnational family life. In particular, the chapter draws attention to the materiality of language and its deep entanglements with global regimes of (im)mobility and political-economic structures. The discussion also highlights multifunctionality and temporality, suggesting that these two properties of language make it a particularly forceful tool for transformative work. The book concludes by calling readers to consider how they might take action to support the struggles of transnational families for a world in which ways of living-together are a matter of self-determination rather than exploitation.
I Have a Rich Wife
Authors: Rosenblum Joshua 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter offers a chronicle of some early projects that failed or proved disappointing, including The River (an adaptation of the Rumer Godden novel, with Hal Prince on board as director); How Do You Do, I Love You, starring Phyllis Newman, with a book by Michael Stewart and orchestrations by Jonathan Tunick (“The first rock-and-roll musical,” Maltby claims); and Love Match, the story of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert, which was bound for Broadway but closed out of town in Los Angeles. All three shows involved failed collaborations with directors and librettists but valuable learning experiences, as well as great songs that would later be recycled elsewhere. How Do You Do, I Love You included the showstopping song “One Step,” but it was written for a secondary character, and Newman disliked having to walk into someone else’s applause after the number.
Starting Here, Starting Now
Authors: Rosenblum Joshua 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter takes a look at how Starting Here, Starting Now came together, thanks to Lynne Meadow’s brainstorming and guidance. The chapter describes how the songs, mostly resurrected from failed musicals, somehow combined to form a successful evening of musical theater which, in the process, became “the first bookless book musical.” The production starred Loni Ackerman, Margery Cohen, and George Lee Andrews, with musical director Robert Preston at the piano. Included is a chronicle of the creative process involved in assembling the show, including the composing of additional numbers deemed necessary to complete the evening, and brief analyses of several of the songs, such as “Travel,” “Crossword Puzzle,” and “I Don’t Believe It.” The cast album was produced by Jay David Saks, then a protégé at RCA Records of legendary record producer Thomas Z. Shepard, who had been a classmate of Shire’s at Yale.
He’s the Arbiter, Really
Authors: Rosenblum Joshua 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter looks closely at how the Maltby/Shire songwriting partnership actually works, in their own words. The “head versus heart” dynamic, which is implicit in numerous Maltby/Shire songs, is often at the root of the songwriting process itself. The question of which comes first, the music or the lyrics, is explored. (Answer: the idea.) The discussion illuminates how their collaboration and friendship have managed to endure for more than six decades. A look at an early draft of a passage from “Autumn” shows how back-and-forth between the writers can improve a song. Insights into and illustrations of the team’s writing process are woven throughout the book, but this chapter focuses on that subject exclusively.
Postpartum
Authors: Rosenblum Joshua 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
A 2019 off-Broadway revival of Baby, brought back for a post-pandemic extension in November 2021, offered an updated version of the show that provided diversity in terms of both race and sexuality, with one same-sex and two mixed-race couples. This addressed previous critiques of the show for being both too white and too straight. Additionally, the production, by Out of the Box Theatrics, starred one legally blind and one hearing-impaired performer. The result seemed like a fully contemporary musical rather than a revival of a show from the ’80s. A cast recording of the new production was released on Yellow Sound Label.
From Bottom Up to Top Down in Ecuador
Authors: Schneider Ben Ross 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
Education reform in Ecuador was the most dramatic and profound in the region, and it certainly deserves more attention Reforms to teacher careers started bottom up with a national referendum on education reform that was overwhelmingly approved in the same presidential election won by Rafael Correa. The design and implementation of reforms especially after 2009 was then more top down and technocratic, with little participation by civil society or policy networks. The teacher union, a powerful political machine, initially opposed the career policies, and the Correa government reduced its prerogatives and benefits and ultimately closed it down in 2016.
Top-Down Reform
Authors: Schneider Ben Ross 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
Colombia and Peru have longer tenure of technocratic ministers of education, compared to other countries in Latin America. Technocrats had some support in public opinion and managed to nudge career reforms along because the major potential opponents—clientelist politicians and machine-type teacher unions—were less involved. Weakly institutionalized parties especially reduced political pressures on the education system and gave technocrats more space. Teacher unions either negotiated aspects of the teacher reform (Colombia) or semi-imploded during the implementation phase (Peru). Business, parents, and civil society were weak and not involved. Colombia’s experience shows another way to handle, or circumvent, union opposition. Career reforms began in 2002, but rather than confront the teacher union Fecode (Federación Colombiana de Educadores) head on, the government applied the reform statute only to new hires. The cost of this bypass was lengthy delays.
“Gone into the Ancient Forest”
Authors: Grieve-Carlson Timothy 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores how Hermetic Protestant ideas were distributed in seventeenth-century Pennsylvania, in the years leading up to and following the arrival of Johannes Kelpius in 1693. I explore some of the archival evidence for the sustained popularity of the works of Johann Arndt and Jacob Böhme before tracing the history of the colony in the religious radicalism of William Penn and the early Quakers. This chapter also touches on the colonial relationships with the Lenape and cultural exchange between the Lenape and colonists on matters of religion and environmental knowledge. Focusing on Francis Daniel Pastorius and Daniel Leeds while exploring the general political and cultural forces at work, this chapter shows how Hermetic Protestant environmental thought flourished in early Pennsylvania.
The Threefold Wilderness State
Authors: Grieve-Carlson Timothy 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter is a deep dive into the late theology of Johannes Kelpius through a close reading of a 1706 letter in which he outlines a tripartite system of spiritual development he calls the “Threefold Wilderness State.” This text, which was copied, reprinted and distributed among the more radical scenes of Philadelphia Quakerdom during the eighteenth century, reveals Kelpius’s mature religious thought, the culmination of more than a decade of ascetic labor on the cliff of the Wissahickon, a deeply alchemical and ascetic reading of the Bible, his body, and his environment, with an eye toward spiritual and bodily transformation and eventually self-negation. As the great nineteenth-century scholar of German literature Oswald Seidensticker noted, Kelpius’s late religious thought was at times “more reminiscent of Plotinus than Christianity.”
“Delay Not Longer the Blessed Day”
Authors: Grieve-Carlson Timothy 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This third and final vita describes, as best as the primary sources allow, the circumstances surrounding Kelpius’s death from an unknown illness in 1707. Sources include the dates on his letterbook and his own poems, in which he describes his declining condition and seems to openly yearn for physical death. Kelpius’s fragile health was a matter he referred to repeatedly in his letters. On the front page of his letter book there is a hint of when his decline began. He wrote 1694–1703, before tacking on more years as he added more copies of letters: 1694–1703–4–5–6–7, indicating four years of borrowed time, four sequential years that he did not anticipate living through as his condition worsened and he looked ahead into future that he did not expect to see.
Attunement
Authors: Carnes Natalie 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
Feminist theologians have received the patriarchal inheritance that constitutes the field of Christian theology largely through modes of critique and avoidance, two modes of engagement that have established the field of feminist theology by exposing texts’ and artifacts’ strategies of domination and amplifying more generative voices. This chapter notes the merits of these modes while also describing their limitations in transforming theological discourse. It introduces attunement as an alternative, additional mode of interpretation, illustrating the different possibilities the mode opens and affords by performing feminist readings of Augustine’s Confessions, first in the mode of critique and then in the mode of attunement.
Seeking Stability Amidst Disorder
Authors: Borck Tobias 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
The 2010s were a decade of transformation and conflict in the Middle East, bookended by the Arab Uprisings and the pandemic. Throughout this time, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar—the three Arab states with the most ambitious regional—declared stability to be their main objective. Yet, rather than being a common denominator, this seemingly shared objective of stability obscured the differences between their often-competing agendas. These three Gulf monarchies all agreed that the Middle East descended into unprecedented and dangerous instability following the Arab Uprisings. But their assessments diverged on what characterized and drove the unrest. This led each country to formulate different—and at times contradictory—views of how politics should be organized in and between states in the region, and what role external powers should play to build a stable new order. With no universally accepted definition of stability, this book develops an original analytical framework linking this concept to that of order, and provides a useful lens through which to understand foreign policy in the Gulf. While governments often frame their relations with other states by evoking a joint commitment to stability, the book shows that this does not, in itself, imply strategic alignment.
Saudi Arabia’s Perception
Authors: Borck Tobias 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter establishes how Saudi Arabia made sense of the instability in the MENA during the 2010s; it identifies the Kingdom’s diagnosis, as it were, of the problems in the region that it considered necessary to address to build an order that was more conducive to stability. The chapter argues that Saudi Arabia experienced the 2010s as a decade in which the regional order came undone at various levels. It saw the Arab world, with the Kingdom at its centre, as beset by enemies, and destabilized, betrayed, and abandoned by supposed friends. In this environment, Saudi Arabia felt it necessary to assert itself to protect its national security and regional interests, to prevent the worst outgrowths of instability from taking root, and, eventually, to lead the region into what it considered a more secure future.
The UAE’s Perception
Authors: Borck Tobias 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter analyzes how the UAE made sense of the developments in the MENA during the 2010s. It argues that the UAE experienced the decade as a period of regional turmoil in which many serious threats to its national security and regional interests arose, but also as an affirmation of its own political and socio-economic governance model and an opportunity to expand its regional reach. The UAE viewed the Arab Uprisings as cataclysmic events that revealed the fragility of many Arab states and failures of their governments, as well as the changes underway in the international system that meant that the USA would no longer guarantee security in the MENA. As the decade progressed, the UAE saw the region’s status quo state system and its own development model threatened by an array of destabilising extremist forces, comprising of both Islamist non-state actors and their state-backers, namely Iran, Turkey, and Qatar.
The UAE’s Conception of Stability
Authors: Borck Tobias 
Published: June 2024

Abstract
This chapter analyzes the UAE’s conception of stability in the MENA during the 2010s. The UAE conceived of stability in the MENA as based on strong Arab states led by governments focused both on facilitating socio-economic development and controlling the public sphere in their countries. In a regional order centred around the twin pillars Saudi Arabia and Egypt, both orienting themselves by the UAE’s example and strategic direction, it wanted Arab states to take responsibility for resolving regional crises. Further, Arab states needed to hold at bay political ideologies advocating revolutionary change, whether championed by non-state actors or states with revisionist regional agendas. Finally, it wanted external powers—most of all the USA, but also Russia and China—to enable and support stability in the MENA by reliably upholding the region’s state system and focusing on pursuing their security and economic interests, with the UAE as their primary regional interlocutor.