bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Revitalizing Attitudes Toward Creole Languages
Authors: Bancu Ariana , Peltier Joy P. G. , Bisnath Felicia , Burgess Danielle , Eakins Sophia , Gonzales Wilkinson Daniel Wong , Saltzman Moira , Sedarous Yourdanis , Stevers Alicia , Baptista Marlyse 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter strives to move away from hegemonic paradigms and toward decolonization by revitalizing attitudes toward Creoles: to refresh, reroute, and redefine how these languages are perceived, presented, and discussed, particularly in the Global North. The authors consulted Creole users (language experts) and linguists to better understand these two groups’ representations, characterizations, and ideologies of Creoles. First, they drew upon their personal and professional connections with three Creole-using communities to interview five users each of Cabo Verdean Kriolu, Kwéyòl Donmnik, and Trinidadian English Creole. Second, they surveyed 58 linguists, combining the interview questions with questions about pedagogical approaches to Creoles. Finally, they hosted a workshop bringing together language experts and linguists from several regions to discuss how best to integrate Creole languages into linguistics classrooms. The authors report the outcomes of the research, as well as our recommendations for a revitalized approach to creolistics pedagogy.
Solidarity and Collectivity in Decolonizing Linguistics
Authors: Hudley Anne H. Charity , Mallinson Christine , Martin Kahdeidra Monét , Clemons Aris Moreno , Randolph L. J. , Bucholtz Mary , Calhoun Kendra , Hankerson Shenika , Peltier Joy P. G. , Thomas Jamie A. , McQuitty Deana Lacy , Seidel Kara 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter takes a Black Diasporic perspective on the decolonization of linguistics. The authors interrogate longstanding false institutional and ideological divides within linguistics and related fields while strengthening and fostering scholarly solidarity and collectivity for African, African American, Black, and Diasporic scholars. They share personal and professional insights on centering Blackness as part of decolonizing linguistics from their positionalities and intellectual histories as authors, as Black Diasporic scholars, and as white allies, as well as from recent autobiographical scholarship by prominent Black Diasporic linguists. Based on their findings, they offer recommendations for solidarity and collective action toward adopting transformative changes to expand Black individuals’ and communities’ access to linguistics, challenge the white supremacy that undergirds the discipline’s ignorance about and exclusion of the Black Diaspora, and shift ideological standards for academic and scholarly success within linguistics.
Teaching Strategic Workforce Planning
Authors: Weingarden Steve , Arun, and Nikita , Aiken Juliet R. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
I-O psychology professionals, at some point in their career, may take on a teaching role related to strategic workforce planning (SWP). Often there is little guidance on how to build an effective and impactful SWP course that optimally aligns with program mission, student experience, and long-term success. This chapter offers guidance based on lessons learned by experienced faculty and via feedback from course alumni. Course-building considerations include incorporating skill-building focus around critical and organizational-level thinking, experiential opportunities for applying integrated knowledge and skills, and the cultivation of a professional identity within the subfield. Finally, the authors offer advice and practical tips to SWP professors, students, and early-career professions centered around growth and development throughout the course.
Conclusion A Call to Action for Rethinking Workforce Planning
Authors: Tarulli Beverly , Sokol Marc 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Changes in the workforce and workplace due to global disruptions like the pandemic and the impact of quickly evolving technologies have resulted in a rethinking of what strategic workforce planning is, how it is done, and what impact it can have on individual organizations and beyond. In this chapter, the authors address these trends and expound on the skillsets required to conduct strategic workforce planning (SWP). Industrial-organizational (I-O) psychologists are well suited to conduct SWP by virtue of the knowledge and skills they acquire in their training but they are underrepresented among practitioners. SWP is also generally not taught or researched by academic I-O psychologists. There is significant benefit for both academic and practicing I-O psychologists to collaborate to advance the evidence-based practice of SWP.
Introduction
Authors: Siegel Neil S. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This introduction to The Collective-Action Constitution submits that the primary structural purpose of the US Constitution, both originally and today, is to empower the federal government to solve collective-action problems for the states and to prevent the states from undermining these solutions or causing such problems. This is not the Constitution’s only structural function, and this book will honor the additional purposes of preserving state regulatory authority and separating and mixing federal powers to make the exercise of federal authority safe for state autonomy and individual liberty. Vindicating these purposes requires constitutional and practical limits on federal power, and this book will endorse many of them. But when constitutional meaning is uncertain and there are conflicts among these purposes, the Constitution’s collective-action objective should generally prevail. To a significant extent, the US Constitution is the Collective-Action Constitution—both because a collective-action account possesses significant descriptive power and because it is normatively attractive. The main goal of the Collective-Action Constitution is not to vindicate a conception of economic efficiency but to create and maintain political and economic union. After examining the intellectual history of this basic idea and initially defining three categories of collective-action problems (cooperation, coordination, and cost-benefit problems), this introduction offers a road map of the book, which is divided into three parts and subdivided into eleven numbered chapters and a conclusion.
Foundations
Authors: Siegel Neil S. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 identifies the constitutional arguments that will be used in The Collective-Action Constitution, after which it explains how they relate to different theories of constitutional interpretation. For example, originalist argumentation will frequently appear, but not because the book offers an exclusively originalist account. Rather, original intentions, meanings, and purposes, like structural inferences, customary political-branch practice, and judicial precedent that developed and endured long after ratification of the Constitution, inform how we should understand the Constitution’s purposes, and thus how we should decide interpretive questions when its language is not fully determinate or does not fully cover the case. Chief Justice Marshall used this approach in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the most important structural decision in US constitutional law. Marshall’s pluralist methodology, which he deployed to discern the Constitution’s primary structural purpose identified in this book, is challenged now by the rising influence of originalism, but his approach has always predominated in the United States. Marshall’s methodology provides the interpretive foundation upon which the book will rest. McCulloch provides guidance in additional ways. Marshall develops a theory of the superior democratic legitimacy of the federal government over individual states that justifies federal authority to settle disagreements among states over whether there are collective-action problems in need of solving. He also offers a broad interpretation of the Necessary and Proper Clause that advances the Constitution’s collective-action objectives in several respects. Finally, he identifies an enduring democratic-process failure that justifies constitutional limits on state authority to undermine federal solutions to collective-action problems or cause such problems.
Executive Energy, Judicial Authority, and Federal Supremacy
Authors: Siegel Neil S. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Chapter 7 of The Collective-Action Constitution examines Articles II, III, and VI of the US Constitution, which are also illuminated by collective-action logics. Federal statutes that aim to solve multistate collective-action problems would have little impact without their enforcement against states and private parties that violate or seek to undermine them. Likewise, constitutional or congressional prohibitions on state legislation that undermines federal solutions or causes collective-action problems for the states would be largely meaningless without enforcement of these prohibitions to ensure federal supremacy. Articles II and III create independent executive and judicial branches and authorize them to enforce federal law. Article II also empowers the president to energetically conduct diplomacy and national-security operations—functions that the states and members of Congress could not perform without overcoming daunting collective-action problems. Article III gives the federal judiciary its own responsibilities in foreign relations and national security, as well as domestic peace. By umpiring international or interstate disputes, including when attempts to form interstate compacts fail, federal courts solve or prevent collective-action problems for the states. Federal courts also play this role when they ensure the uniform interpretation of federal law. Article VI’s Supremacy Clause and oath requirement for state officials advance the same supremacy objective as Article III by (1) helping ensure the efficacy of the solutions to collective-action problems provided in the Constitution, federal statutes, and treaties, and by (2) reinforcing the prohibitions on state conduct that compromise such solutions or generate collective-action problems.
Constitutional Rights, Collective Action, and Individual Action
Authors: Siegel Neil S. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Chapter 9 of The Collective-Action Constitution examines a main modern role of the Constitution: protecting individual rights against state governments. Collective-action reasoning helps explain some important rights, including those secured by dormant commerce doctrine and the Full Faith and Credit Clause. This chapter identifies additional rights that both protect individual liberty or equality and prevent states from causing collective-action problems. They are “collective-action rights” because they help prevent collective-action problems for the states; thus, collective-action reasoning helps define their scope. They are the rights protected by the Privileges and Immunities Clause and Republican Form of Government Clause, as well as the right to enter and leave other states. Certain rights in the Bill of Rights must also be protected for Americans to safely exercise the right to travel through sister states. Enforcement of most constitutional rights does not, however, primarily reflect collective-action logics. The main structural achievement of the Reconstruction Amendments was to empower federal courts and Congress to regulate states’ internal policy choices on certain subjects regardless of collective-action problems facing the states. Most constitutional rights are “individual-action rights,” meaning they exist primarily to protect people from unconstitutional individual action by their states, not to prevent states from causing collective-action problems. Although the Collective-Action Constitution cannot offer the primary explanation for most individual-action rights, it helps account for those that protect the democratic process. It also provides a secondary justification for constitutional equality rights, which must be protected to make the right to travel through sister states meaningful for minority groups.
Introduction
Authors: Essert Christopher 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
The Introduction sets out the basic approach of the book to its subject matter through a consideration of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s varying views about property. In the Second Discourse, Rousseau sets out a famous critique of property, but in Social Contract he appears to argue for the importance of property. These views fit together and provide a picture of the argument of Property Law in the Society of Equals: property is required for us to live together as equals on morally acceptable terms, but many institutions of property (including our own) fail to do so in the way that they ought to do, which means they need significant reform, which is justified internally, by the same reasons that call for the creation of the institution in the first place. The Introduction also provides a summary of the rest of the book.
The Problem of Yours and Mine
Authors: Essert Christopher 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces some of the fundamental concepts of the book and sets up its argumentative structure. The idea of yours and mine, the central idea of the book, is the idea that we invoke whenever we govern our conduct according to the idea that some object or space belongs to someone. The basic commitment is the claim that we must create, arrange, and maintain our social and political institutions to ensure that we interact with and relate to each other on terms of equality. The Problem of Yours and Mine arises because we cannot meet the basic commitment without an institution that realizes the idea of yours and mine.
Conclusion
Authors: Essert Christopher 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
The end matter of this book contains a conclusion and a short substantive Appendix. The Conclusion asks what the book accomplished and considers various ways to understand the question, Is property justified? It shows how the book’s account provides a complex understanding of the question, since it argues that property is required but also that our current property institutions are deeply defective and require radical reform (with respect to the right to housing in particular). The Appendix considers a philosophical question about the Problem of Yours and Mine, specifically about the scope of the claim that “we” need property to relate as equals, and explores various ways in which that claim might be understood.
Why Primary Reforms Rarely Work
Authors: Boatright Robert G. 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores two major reasons why contemporary election reforms are doomed to fail. One reason is the faulty assumption that primary electorates are more ideologically extreme than general election electorates. Using data from the 2010, 2014, and 2018 elections, the chapter shows that primary electorates are in fact not sufficiently different from general electorates to be responsible for political polarization. The second reason has to do with our ability to observe changes. The consequences of election reform frequently tend to be swamped by other, larger political trends. Primary election turnout and competition have far more to do with citizens’ attitudes toward the president, for instance, than they do with the sorts of state-specific tweaks to primary rules documented in the early chapters of this book. The chapter shows this using data on competition in congressional elections from 1970 to 2020.
Political space, spatial frames, and sociality forms
Authors: Ferrera Maurizio 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Ideologies have a substantive content, but at the same time they provide cues about the structure of political space. Spatial cues are mental categories which facilitate the framing of intersubjective relationships in terms of directional signposts (left and right, in and out, up and down, close and far, backwards and forwards, and so on). The spatial imagery supplies a distinctive cognitive heuristic for selecting information, locating issues within a topography of sedimented and familiar meanings, identifying commonalities and differences, and promoting position taking. Each spatial polarity generates a specific political logic, it organizes conflict within an overall perceptual scheme. In addition to spatial frames, ideologies contain at least implicit reference to some other ‘primitive’ mental categories regarding social interaction (communal sharing, authority ranking, and so on). Moreover, ideologies tend to nest their ‘partisan’ core within a wider communal frame, i.e., a shared representation of group belonging and togetherness.
Taking Responsibility, Defensiveness, and the Blame Game
Authors: Hieronymi Pamela 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter considers Paulina Sliwa’s fruitful account of ‘taking responsibility’ as ‘owning the normative footprint’ of a wrong. It questions whether the footprint is given with the wrong or whether it must instead be made determinate through subsequent interaction, perhaps through conversation. It then distinguishes two kinds of conversation: a cooperative negotiation and a low-level power struggle. The latter is often part of ‘the blame game.’ The ‘blame’ of the game is then identified as the blame of ordinary life and distinguished from the technical term in the current philosophical literature. The chapter concludes by considering the possibility of owning a generous interpretation of the footprint, something Sliwa discusses. Doing so is one way to opt out of the blame game, and it is sometimes, but not always, virtuous.
What Are We Praiseworthy For?
Authors: King Zoë Johnson 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter suggests that people can be fundamentally praiseworthy for two different types of thing: What we do and what we care about. It then offers two substantive proposals, elaborating on what is required to be praiseworthy for what we do (or, more accurately, for features of our actions) and what is required to be praiseworthy for what we care about (or, more accurately, for our intrinsic motivations and well-derived realizer motivations). The chapter also suggests that these two ways of being praiseworthy are doubly related to one another. Praiseworthy motivations underlie praiseworthy actions, as is already fairly well recognized. What is less well recognized is that praiseworthy actions sometimes causally precede praiseworthy motivations, since the quality of agents’ motivations is not fixed over time but rather is amenable to deliberate improvement through careful work on ourselves.
Naturalism versus Realism in Social Contract Models
Authors: Binmore Ken 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
This chapter addresses the criticism that social contract models based on evolutionary game theory should be rejected on the grounds that they are inadequately realistic. The chapter clarifies the misconception that underlies this criticism and, once understood, shows when it becomes worthwhile to take steps towards greater realism. To this end, the chapter uses Binmore’s (1994 and 1998) social contract model, pointing out where it would be useful to modify this model so that it simplifies human history and psychology less severely. The chapter is particularly critical of the idea that the same evolutionary game theory that has had some success in modeling our sociobiological history can be taken off the peg in attempting to make sense of our circumstances today, both socially and politically. The chapter argues that the internet has changed the game of life so radically that our old social contracts may not be able to survive at all.
Harnessing Diversity, Dynamism, and Discovery
Authors: Muldoon Ryan 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Classic social contract theories focus on the justification of particular ideals of social and institutional arrangements. Such theories suffer from the fact that they are tied to assumed background conditions. This chapter shifts the focus of social contract theory from realizing particular end states toward social discovery. Doing so helps to recover the understanding that liberal societies are fundamentally about channeling the diversity of citizens toward positive ends. By refashioning social contract theory toward a consideration of how best to use diversity to generate discovery and dynamism, the chapter demonstrates the value of liberalism relative to its alternatives. Social contracts need not be, and liberalism is not, about any particular equilibrium of social rules. The social contract framework can help to investigate this more dynamic notion of liberalism directly and, in doing so, obviates the value and necessity of diversity and disagreement for a well-functioning liberal state.
Diversity, Polycentricity, Justice, and the Open Society
Authors: Moehler Michael 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Moral diversity poses significant challenges for normative theory building, because no particular conception of justice may be agreeable to all members of society. Polycentrism offers a potential solution by allowing a plurality of local regulative principles. For deeply morally diverse societies, however, polycentrism fails conceptually. This chapter argues that Moehler’s (2018) multilevel social contract theory can overcome this problem. The theory disposes the quest for justice as the sole and exclusive objective and considers agents’ liberty and peaceful interaction as the primary goals of (new) social contract theory and the basis for an open society. To clarify its nature, the chapter contrasts the vision of the open society provided by Moehler’s theory with the vision provided by Gaus’s (2021) theory. Both theories move beyond polycentrism and offer promising versions of a “new social contract” that shows how diverse societies can progress and become more robust and open in their social fabric.
Can the Liberty of Subjects Protect against Tyranny and Corruption in Government?
Authors: Finkelstein Claire 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
While advanced democracies around the globe are struggling with a rise in autocratic leaders, Hobbes’s political theory, known for advancing an illiberal, antidemocratic political agenda, may seem of little appeal or utility. In particular, Hobbes believed that self-centered and corrupt sovereigns have the absolute right to use their power in any way they please, as nothing they can do to the people could constitute an injury or violation. Hobbes further believed the sovereign owed no duties to the people, and that therefore nothing he did could constitute an injury against them. Even against this background, however, Hobbes still believed that there were ways to counter corrupt or self-serving sovereigns. Most importantly, Hobbes believed in a right of rebellion. This chapter traces some of the implications of the Hobbesian thinking about this question for the current political landscape.
Introduction
Authors: Cormier Ben 
Published: April 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 summarizes the book’s main arguments about Emerging Market (EM) sovereign debt: (1) left-leaning governments are likely to prioritize market instruments when borrowing abroad, reframing discussions about market discipline of partisan politics in sovereign debt flows; and (2) Debt Management Offices cannot apolitically manage external borrowings. These partisan politics and constrained institutions help explain annual government borrowings and thus the evolution of sovereign debt structures across EMs over time. The chapter positions these arguments in international and comparative political economy literature then highlights several implications, with relevance across fields where sovereign debt is a topic of interest. It concludes with an overview of the book’s methodology and organization.