bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Myth of Personal Security: Criminal Gangs, Dispute Resolution, and Identity in Rio de Janeiro's Favelas
Authors: Arias Enrique Desmond , Rodrigues Corinne Davis 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article examines the politics of how drug traffickers resolve disputes and maintain order in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. Much popular discourse and some scholarly studies argue that drug traffickers play a major role in controlling crime and minimizing conflicts there. This article shows that traffickers enforce community norms under a variable political calculus in which well-connected and respected residents are less likely to be punished for rule violations than are individuals who are marginal to the life of the community. This allows many favela residents who conform to local norms to feel a degree of control over their own safety, a “myth of personal security” in otherwise violent neighborhoods.
The Transition from Armed Opposition to Electoral Opposition in Central America
Authors: Allison Michael E. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractAfter the third wave of democratization swept much of the world during the late twentieth century, many armed opposition groups disarmed and transformed themselves into political parties. This paper explores the electoral performance of four Central American parties that have roots in armed opposition movements. It finds that the Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front in El Salvador, which achieved the greatest success during their revolutionary periods, have also had the most success in electoral competition. The Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit and the Democratic Unification Party of Honduras, which trace their roots to relatively less successful armed opposition groups, have struggled in elections. Organizational factors, especially the number of combatants and popular support during the conflict, tend to provide a better explanation than institutional factors for the initial success of these groups as political parties.
Macroeconomic Concerns and Intrastate Bargains: Explaining Illiberal Policies in Brazil's Automobile Sector
Authors: Mera Laura Gómez 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article seeks to explain the highly interventionist Brazilian automobile policy of 1995, which drastically departed from the neoliberal principles guiding Brazilian economic policy at the time. This seemingly inconsistent policy stemmed from two overlapping bargains. The first, between the private sector and the government's developmentalist, and hence more permeable elements, shaped the policy's content and design. A second, more crucial intrastate bargain pitted the defenders of the previous development model against the team of neoliberal, technocratic economists who had centralized economic decisionmaking authority since mid-1993. These economists' support for the automobile policy must be understood as a response to the macroeconomic and political challenges they faced in 1995. This study highlights the importance of examining the undisclosed actions of the state and the role of intrastate cleavages in political economy outcomes.
Globalization and Pension Reform in Latin America
Authors: Brooks Sarah M. 
Published: August 2010

Abstract
While financial globalization has created powerful incentives for Latin American governments to privatize old age pension systems, reliance on short-term capital flows has also constrained the ability of cash-strapped governments to enact that reform. Analysis of the technocratic process of pension reform in Argentina and Brazil provides evidence. Instead of simply generating unidirectional pressures for structural pension reform, financial globalization has created a double bind for Latin America's capital-scarce governments, fostering long-term incentives to privatize pension systems while heightening the risk of punishment in the short term.
Difficult Partnerships: The World Bank, States, and NGOs
Authors: Bräutigam Deborah A. , Segarra Monique 
Published: August 2010

AbstractSince the early 1990s, World Bank officials in many countries have pressed their government borrowers to include nongovernmental organizations as development partners. What impact has this new partnership norm had in the bank's borrower countries, and why? This article investigates these questions through longitudinal analysis of three cases: Guatemala, Ecuador, and the Gambia. In their first iteration in the 1990s, these bank-sponsored efforts generally failed to take root; yet by the 2000s, NGOs and state actors were engaged in multiple partnerships. This article suggests that over time, bank officials' repeated efforts to embed these new ideas fostered a social learning process that led NGOs to adopt more strategic partnership practices and government officials to see NGO partners as useful. Several factors may affect this learning process: levels of professionalism and the growth of professional networks, the presence of effective “bridge builders,” and the level of historical conflicts.
The Appointment and Removal Process for Judges in Argentina: The Role of Judicial Councils and Impeachment Juries in Promoting Judicial Independence
Authors: Chávez Rebecca Bill 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article explores the conditions that allow judicial councils and impeachment juries to promote judicial autonomy. In theory, these bodies intervene in the appointment and removal of judges in order to reduce executive control over court composition, thereby promoting judicial independence. Using the case of Argentina at the federal and the subnational levels, this study demonstrates that competitive politics enhances the capacity of judicial councils and impeachment juries to bolster judicial autonomy. Interparty competition provides incentives for the executive to develop a meaningful system of checks and balances, which includes an independent judiciary that can check executive power. In contrast, monolithic party control—defined as a prolonged period of unified government under a highly disciplined party—permits the executive to maintain a monopoly on power and thereby control judicial appointments and removals.
From Thaw to Deluge: Party System Collapse in Venezuela and Peru
Authors: Dietz Henry A. , Myers David J. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractWhat conditions facilitate party system collapse, the farthest-reaching variant of party system change? How does collapse occur? Numerous studies of lesser types of party system change exist, but studies of party system collapse are rare. This study draws on the existing literature and the cases of party system collapse in Venezuela (1988–2000) and Peru (1985–95) to advance some answers to the important questions about the phenomenon. The study posits three conditions that predispose political party systems to collapse: the presence of an acute or sustained crisis that questions the ability of system-sustaining political parties to govern; extremely low or extremely high levels of party system institutionalization; and the emergence of an anti-establishment figure with the desire and personal authority to generate a viable alternative to the established party system. The study also posits a three-election sequential process during which collapse takes place.
The Missionary Politics of Hugo Chávez
Authors: Zúquete José Pedro 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThrough the application of an analytical model categorized as “missionary,” this article examines the cultural and political-religious frames that sustain the leadership of Hugo Chávez. It demonstrates that missionary politics is a forceful presence in today's Venezuela, and should be understood as a form of political religion characterized by a dynamic relationship between a charismatic leader and a moral community that is invested with a mission of salvation against conspiratorial enemies. The leader's verbal and nonverbal discourses play an essential role in the development of such a missionary mode of politics, which seeks to provide the alienated mass of underprivileged citizens with an identity and a sense of active participation in national affairs. This study argues that purely utilitarian and materialistic explanations of Chávez's leadership fail to capture these soteriological dynamics in his movement.
Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?
Authors: Hochstetler Kathryn , Friedman Elisabeth Jay 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation.
Meeting the Challenges of Industrial Restructuring: Labor Reform and Enforcement in Latin America
Authors: Anner Mark 
Published: August 2010

AbstractDespite a strengthening of collective labor rights in Latin America over the last 15 years, most labor movements in the region have lost power because neither the content nor the enforcement mechanisms associated with the labor reforms fully took into consideration the challenges presented by economic restructuring. Reforms facilitating union formation did not strengthen unions but instead increased union fragmentation. Collective bargaining structures did not respond to the exigencies of international outsourcing; and the initial round of reforms in the 1990s did not contemplate the need to strengthen labor law enforcement mechanisms at a time when heightened international competition created a need for greater state vigilance of labor standards. Recent reforms or proposed reforms hold more promise for labor, but truly union-friendly labor relations regimes require deeper changes. A review of several Latin American cases is followed by a closer examination of Brazil and El Salvador.
Welfare Regimes in Latin America: Capturing Constellations of Markets, Families, and Policies
Authors: Franzoni Juliana Martínez 
Published: August 2010

Abstract
This article presents both a theoretical framework and a methodology that attempt to capture the complex interactions among labor markets, families, and public policy that currently constitute Latin American welfare regimes. Drawing on cluster analysis based on available data for 18 countries, the study identifies three welfare regimes. Two are state welfare regimes: protectionist (e.g. Costa Rica) and productivist (e.g. Chile); one is nonstate familiarist (e.g. Ecuador and Nicaragua). In a region where people's well-being is deeply embedded in family relationships, closer scholarly attention to how social structures interact with public policy bears not only academic interest but also policy implications, particularly for adapting particular welfare regimes to the local welfare mix.
Aquí en el Ghetto: Hip-hop in Colombia, Cuba, and Mexico
Authors: Tickner Arlene B. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractHip-hop music has become an important tool worldwide for poor, marginalized youth to reflect on their lived experiences. This article traces the genre's production from its spontaneous origins in the urban ghettos of New York to its commoditization for global consumption and its evolution in three different Latin American settings: Colombia, Cuba, and Mexico. The article explores how hip-hop has been appropriated in each country and has been used to express the performers’ reflections on social, political, and economic problems. It also looks at the interplay between the homogenizing tendencies of global hip-hop and its local reception.
Political Parties and Governors as Determinants of Legislative Behavior in Brazil's Chamber of Deputies, 1988–2006
Authors: Cheibub José Antonio , Figueiredo Argelina , Limongi Fernando 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states' legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.
The Personal Is Political: The Cuban Ethnic Electoral Policy Cycle
Authors: Eckstein Susan 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post–Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles.
Who Participates? Determinants of Political Action in Mexico
Authors: Klesner Joseph L. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractThis article seeks to determine the main predictors of political participation in a newly democratic regime: Mexico. Compared to other nations, Mexico fills a moderate position in terms of the volume of political participation. Following the literature on participation, this study develops a set of participant modes—voting, communal activity, petitioning, direct action, and political organization membership—and then seeks to determine the socioeconomic, demographic, attitudinal, and social capital factors that best explain participation. Distinct resource inequalities limit the participation of the less educated, the poor, women, and workers, although peasant participation is robust. The strongest determinant of political participation of all kinds is involvement in social capital–generating activities: belonging to nonpolitical organizations and engaging in charitable work, activities typically dominated by the middle class. Building social capital is essential to promoting robust rates of political participation in Mexico.
Self-Restraint in Search of Legitimacy: The Reform of the Argentine Supreme Court
Authors: Ruibal Alba M. 
Published: August 2010

AbstractIn 2003, the Argentine executive promoted a process of Supreme Court reform that entailed limiting presidential attributions in the selection of justices. Then the renewed court implemented changes to its internal procedures that increased its own accountability mechanisms. The literature on the politics of institutional judicial independence in Latin America has developed two explanatory models: one presents reforms as an insurance policy, the other as a consequence of divided government. Both perspectives conceive of reforms as a result of political competition and as a way to limit other actors, the future government in the first case, the party in power in the second. This study, by contrast, explains the Argentine reforms as movements of strategic self-restriction, designed to build legitimacy and credibility, for the government and the court, respectively, in a context of social and institutional crisis and pressure from civil society.
Radical Neglect? The “War on Terror” and Latin America
Authors: Emerson R. Guy 
Published: August 2010

Abstract
The rise of leftist governments in the Americas and the adoption of policy initiatives contrary to U.S. interests highlight a disconnect in interamerican relations, which cannot be understood simply as U.S. “neglect” of Latin America. In contrast to arguments that attribute the deteriorating relations to U.S. preoccupation with the Middle East, the article examines whether the “War on Terror” acted as a guiding paradigm for the George W. Bush administration in Latin America. Opposition to this “War on Terror” paradigm was evident following Colombia's 2008 air strike in Ecuador. Justified as a preemptive strike against a terrorist threat, Colombia's action met regional condemnation. The article argues that this Colombia-Latin America division reflects a larger geostrategic disconnect, whereby the “War on Terror” is challenged, causing the increasing marginalization of Washington and resistance to U.S. policy.
Keratoacanthoma: A deficient squamous cell carcinoma? Study of bcl‐2 expression
Authors: Sleater Joseph P. , Beers Betsy B. , Stephens Claudia A. , Hendricks James B. 
Published: August 2010

Ten keratoacanthomas with both proliferative and regressive histologic features along with 10 well‐differentiated squamous cell carcinomas were examined using immunohistochemistry for the expression of bcl‐2, a protooncogene recently recognized to be involved in protecting cells from undergoing apoptosis. The squamous cell carcinomas had a modest but diffuse staining pattern, while the proliferative keratoacanthomas stained only at the basal cells and only rare cells stained positively in the regressive keratoacanthomas. The degree and pattern of staining suggest a loss of bcl‐2 expression with tumor maturity in keratoacanthoma and a possible role in their ultimate involution.Sleater JP, Beers BB, Stephens CA, Hendricks JB. Keratoacanthoma: A deficient squamous cell carcinoma? Study of bcl‐2 expression.
ENZYME HISTOCHEMICAL INVESTIGATIONS ON BONE AND SOFT TISSUE TUMOURS
Authors: BENDIX‐HANSEN KNUD , MYHRE‐JENSEN OLAF 
Published: August 2010

Histochemical staining for three hydrolytic enzymes were performed in 35 bone tumours and 43 soft tissue tumours, malignant as well as benign. Osteosarcoma, intra‐osseous as well as extra‐osseous, revealed characteristic rich staining for alkaline phosphatase, no matter how dedifferentiated the tumour was. Haemangioendothelioma (and normal endothelium), too, showed strong reaction for alkaline phosphatase whereas haemangiopericytoma did not. Alkaline phosphatase furthermore was found in slight to moderate amounts in fibrous proliferations. All other tumours examined were negative.Acid phosphatase was found in almost every tumour investigated except Ewing sarcoma and chondromy‐xoid fibroma. However, high activity was characteristic of giant cell tumours and malignant fibrous histiocytoma. The inhibition of acid phosphatase by tartrate was complete except in osteosarcoma and giant cell tumours, where only a partial inhibition was seen.There were non‐specific esterase reactions in a variety of tumours, but very strong reactions were characteristic of malignant fibrous histiocytoma and giant cell tumours. The reaction could be completely inhibited by the addition of fluoride.In an era of increasing application of immunohistologic techniques in surgical pathology it might be of value to remember that simple enzyme histochemical stainings may provide helpful diagnostic features in the classification of bone and soft tissue tumours.
Legal Adaptation among Vietanmese Refugees in the United States: How International Migrants Litigate Civil Grievances during the Resettlement Process
Authors: Hein Jeremy , Beger Randall R. 
Published: August 2010

This article examines an overlooked dimension of adaptation among international migrants: how they use the host society's legal system to seek redress for grievances that arise during the resettlement process. The article terms this process legal adaptation and focuses on foreign-born plaintiffs in civil litigation. A sample (N=137) of state and federal civil cases with at least one Vietnamese litigant is used to analyze the temporal patterns in legal adaptation among Vietnamese refugees from 1975 to 1994. Several aspects of Vietnamese litigation match their macro-level resettlement process, such as civil rights and intraethnic litigation occurring later than other types of cases. But civil suits with a Vietnamese plaintiff and a native defendant tended to occur earlier than civil suits with a native plaintiff and a Vietnamese defendant. The article identifies the role of legal organizations and international grievances as the sources of Vietnamese refugees' rapid legal adaptation. The best aspects of the American legal system are the appeals process, access to the courts, and especially the court of equity. This concept of equity never existed in Vietnam. We had the Napoleonic Code where everything is written, and if it is not written, it basically does not exist. You know, too, that under the Code you are guilty until proven innocent…I think the biggest problem is with translators. You know, at its worst, justice translated can be justice denied. So much can be lost in the translation, even by a very good translator. So many American legal concepts do not exist in Vietnamese law.
On the Determinants of International Migration in the Philippines: An Empirical Analysis
Authors: Carlos Ma. Reinaruth D. 
Published: August 2010

This article explores the roles of population, average earnings and employment rates in the sending and host countries on international migration. Using a model designed by Schultz (1982) for rural-urban migration, it also tests the validity of two hypotheses, namely, 1) the Harris-Todaro expected earnings hypothesis and 2) the symmetry hypothesis of effects of sending and host area variables on migration. The empirical analysis examines international migration from the Philippines to 26 non-Middle Eastern countries in the period 1981–1995. It uses fixed effects panel data regression method to determine the impact of the economic variables in the sending and host countries. Finally, it looks into the influence of economic transformations in the Philippines and the host countries, as well as the relaxation of migration policies by the host countries on the actual migration of Filipinos in the period 1987–1995.