bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
La politique culturelle de l'an II : les infortunes de la propagande révolutionnaire au théâtre
Authors: Nadeau Martin 
Published: May 2009

Martin Nadeau, The Cultural Policy of Year II : the Misfortunes of Revolutionary Propaganda on Stage.
The conceptualization of the French Revolution in terms of new practices which enhance politics with symbolic meaning led to this study of the role of the theatre in the revolutionary political arena. The theatre, a dominant cultural practice at this time, was bound to catch the attention of the political authorities. The pendulum swung from freedom of action, with the decree of 13 January 1791, to tight control, with that of 2 August 1793. A comparison of the records of stage productions and the sometimes contradictory preferences of the National Assembly, the Paris Municipality, the insurrectionary Commune, the Committee of Public Safety and the Public Education Committee, highlights the issues at stake in the debate on ways to mediate the general will. As a public cultural practice, the theatre gave expression to a complex and highly unstable discourse, in which actors and actresses, but also the audience, played the role of co-authors in configuring the meaning of a stage production. This was by no means an easy cultural practice to steer from the viewpoint of the political authorities, be it in terms of propaganda or of censorship.
En attendant Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau : la règle pénale au début de la Révolution
Authors: Martucci Roberto 
Published: May 2009

Roberto Maktucci, Awaiting Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau : Penal Provisions in the Early Days of the Revolution.
The Saint-Fargeau Penal Code was the result of a long reform process aimed at counteracting a hypothetical code which would have imposed the death penalty on undefined deviant conduct charged as high treason. The protagonists of this strategy of constitutional codification were the jurist-deputies (Beaumetz, Du Port, Le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau) who were selected to serve on the Criminal Jurisprudence Committee of the National Assembly. The normative product of their efforts was, above all, votes on Articles VII, VIII and IX of the Dec laration of Rights, constitutionally guaranteeing the principle of strict equality. This was followed by the decree of 8 & 9 October 1789 which introduced rite mixte. Moreover, after the adoption of the right to a jury in a criminal trial (Spring 1790), the Committee took it as a matter of urgency to vote a law establishing proceedures in jury trials and a penal code which laid out a system of fixed penalties.
La place de la partie lésée dans le procès pénal révolutionnaire
Authors: Leroy Jacques 
Published: May 2009

Jacques Leroy, The Place of the Injured Party in the Revolutionary System.
What were, during the Revolution, the rights of victims of crimes in the penal system ? The analysis of the relevant legislation permits two observations. First, from the time of the Constituent Assembly, the victim could become an accuser. The revolutionaries rediscovered the virtues of private accusation, and it would take them 10 years to eliminate it in favor of public accusation. One may note that the Old Regime had already arrived at the same conclusion in the Criminal Ordinance of 1670. Second, the Convention inscribes clearly for the first time the definitions of public and civil lawsu its in the 1795 Code of Penalties and Punishments, thereby definitively fixing the claims of injured parties in the repressive process. Whatever the procedural prerogatives at their disposal, victims could only use them for reparatory ends. In this respect, the 1670 Ordinance had already taken the first step. Legislation passed in the wake of the Revolution would confirm the separation of the functions of prosecution and restitution.
Les provinces vues de Paris : des terres de mission (1793-1795)?
Authors: Biard Michel 
Published: May 2009

Michel Biard, The Provinces Viewed by Paris : Missions to Perform (1793-1795) ?
Traditionally perceived as more agents of «centralization» reinforced by the momentum of the « Jacobin » state, the representatives on mission acted rather as cultural and political middle-men (except, of course in the areas affected by large-scale repression). While the provinces as seen by Paris were above all places where missions needed to be performed by delegates supposed to hasten the course of the Revolution, the individual geographical vision of each representative, their activity on the ground, their ability to deal with every subject under the sun turned them into singular « centra- lizers ». It must indeed be recognized that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, there existed a dialectic process between provincial France and Paris, even under the Terror, and the deputies on mission had no small part to play in that process.
La province au crible des rapports des commissaires départementaux du Directoire
Authors: Gainot Bernard 
Published: May 2009

Sous le Directoire, les commissaires du pouvoir exécutif sont tenus de fournir des rapports, mensuels ou décadaires, à leurs autorités hiérarchiques. Les circulaires du ministère de l'Intérieur rappellent cette obligation, tout en normalisant les rubriques. Ainsi, une dizaine de rubriques fournissent les données économiques qui permettent au ministre de dresser le tableau de la République, tandis que la société locale est placée sous le regard permanent des autorités, qui établissent ainsi le baromètre de l'esprit public (surveillance des formes de déviance, adhésion aux rituels et symboles républicains, instruction publique).
Mais les réponses des commissaires départementaux aux sollicitations du pouvoir central sont variables, quoique de mieux en mieux rodées au cours des années. On peut dresser une carte contrastée des départements producteurs d'informations et des départements silencieux, en émettant quelques hypothèses : préparation insuffisante à de lourdes tâches qui requièrent de plus en plus de professionnalisme, stratégies complexes déployées par les commissaires pour mieux asseoir leur pouvoir, à l'interface des réseaux locaux d'influence, et du dialogue avec un pouvoir central instable. Ainsi, le rapport administratif, comme support du dialogue interne à la hiérarchie administrative, témoigne de la complexité des rapports Paris-province dans la période post-révolutionnaire, rapports qu'il serait extrêmement réducteur de traduire simplement en termes de centralisation.
Opinion publique et gouvernement royal au Danemark face à la Révolution française (1789-1799)
Authors: Fumex David 
Published: May 2009

David Fumex, Public Opinion and Royal Government in Denmark Confronted with the French Revolution (1789-1799).
French revolutionary events had their impact on Denmark, an absolute monarchy marked by a fair degree of freedom of expression. The political debate became more lively as a result. But the royal government took pains to contain that debate within seemly limits. Any attack on Danish absolutism became a chargeable offence. At the outset of the French Revolution, the mood that dominated in Copenhagen was one of benevolence in the reforming circles close to the government. More liberal authors succombed to the enthusiasm. The proclamation of the Republic and the execution of Louis XVI led to a split among those sympathetic to the Revolution. The reformers rejected the event completely, while the liberals radicalized their discourse and the polemical talents of M.-C. Bruun and P-A. Heiberg hit their mark. The capital was also affected by popular unrest. Royal justice then came into its own. Finally, the royal government closed the public debate with its ordinance of 27 September 1799 ending freedom of expression.
Le problème religieux
Authors: Caffiero Marina 
Published: May 2009

Marina Caffiero, The Religious Problem
The link between politics and religion during the revolutionary phase has played a central role in Italy but has somehow escaped much scrutiny. The article aims at analyzing this relationship following two research options : first, by examining Catholic reactionary reorganisation in the face of revolutionary rupture ; second, by reviewing the construction of a new civic religion and political theology which offers a key to better understanding the discourse and practice of republican political culture. It is here that the sacred nature and legitimacy of secular power acquire a dimension in which the echo of religious tradition still resounds. In the construction of this new civic religion the political usage of ancient Rome is also at play.
Les élites et le peuple face à l'invasion napoléonienne : pratiques sociales tradition­nelles et politique moderne (1808 - 1812)
Authors: Hocquellet Richard 
Published: May 2009

Richard Hocquellet, The Elites and the People in the Face of Napoleonic Invasion : Traditional Social Practices and Modern Politics (1808 - 1812)
The war of Spanish independence contains a political paradox : the chasm between the highly reactionary patriotic response and the proclamation of the liberal Cadiz constitution by the self-same patriots.
A careful analysis of the 1808 uprising gives us part of the answer and helps to unravel the paradoxes : behind the initiative setting up the insurgency governments known as the juntas, we find the local élites who needed, however, the backing of the people in order to legitimize their resistance. The development of the press created a public sphere unknown before in Spain. It allowed public opinion to surface. When the means of summoning an assembly of armed patriots were discussed, the debate about the definition of the nation, and hence the way it should be convened, gave the advantage to those in favour of political modernity as expressed in revolutionary France.
Crise de l'État et nouvelles autorités : Les juntes lors de la guerre d'indépendance
Authors: Moliner Prada Antonio 
Published: May 2009

Antonio Moliner Prada, The Crisis of State and the New Authorities : the Juntas in the War of Independence
The aim of this article is to review research conducted in recent years on the juntas in order to ascertain the state of the art. Reference to popular revolution is out of place since the people were left out of the juntas. But they cannot be analysed without looking at the popular uprising which preceded their establishment. It needs to be said at the outset how difficult it is to create an interpretative model describing the specific features of the different juntas. No simple linear scheme of explanation suffices. In spite of their ambivalence, the juntas served as the motor of change from the bottom up and the hub of action between the different social classes. In the collective imagination fostered by liberalism, the junta movement of 1808 symbolises the Spanish revolution.
Vulgarisation et diffusion de la médecine pendant la Révolution : l'exemple de la chirurgie
Authors: Rabier Christelle 
Published: May 2009

Christelle Rabier, Vulgarization and Dissemination of Médecine during the Revolution : the Example of Surgery
This study concerns the vulgarization and dissemination of medical knowledge and focuses on the example of surgery. Reviewing the institutional and economic structures of dissemination, it tackles the issue of how the readership of surgical textbooks was constructed and thereby highlights the disciplinary reconfiguration taking place in the second half of the 18th century. Between 1760 and 1799, censorship, then straightforward vetting of institutions gathered momentum, thanks to the policy of state subsidies to scientific publications as from 1795. At the same time, the « public » or explicit addressees of surgical works underwent a change : originally clients and arbiters, they were gradually disqualified by the surgeons who now addresssed their peers and a medical community conceived of as a social entity, from peers to students, a privileged audience by the end of the century.
Un état-civil chargé d'enjeux : Saint-George, 1745-1799
Authors: Nemeth Luc 
Published: May 2009

Luc Nemeth, A certificate of birth, full of stake : Saint-George, 1745-1799 .
The ancient archives of the Baillif, civil parish in Guadeloupe, being incomplete and the illegitimate birth of Saint-George, who was a slave's natural child, account for the vagueness Saint-George's certificate of birth. Indeed he was given three different dates of birth, all being fully-justified. However, concerning his affiliation, living in a society incapable of imagining that a mulatto could be gifted, he was made to be son of an aristocrat. Actually his real father was known in 1972. But there are still attempts to spread confusion.
L'administration locale en temps de crise : le cas de l'Isère en 1814-1815
Authors: Thoral Marie-Cécile 
Published: May 2009

Marie-Cécile Thoral, Local Government in Time of Crisis : the case of the Isère Department in 1814-1815
Part of French territory, including Isère, was twice occupied by the Allies in 1814 and again in 1815. War and occupation had a major impact on local government, in terms of administrative staff and their work, and the relations between the state and its citizens. These crisis conditions provide an opportunity to assess the efficiency of the French administrative model set up by Napoleon on 28 Pluviôse Year VIII and exposed to the wear and tear of the effects of war and occupation. Study of local government in the Isère department during these troubled times shows that administrative continuity was ensured by the action of local officials (especially the mayors) and the participation of citizens, in particular local worthies. The administrative model that proved resilient in time of crisis was not the highly centralized Jacobin model, but rather that of a truly local administration, a model whose ability to weather the storm is proof of its efficiency.
Eleonora de Fonseca Pimentel, le monitore napoletano et le problème de la participation politique
Authors: Rao Anna Maria 
Published: May 2009

Anna Maria Rao, Eleonora de Fonseca Pimentel, the Monitore Napoletano and the Problem of Political Participation.
Whereas in Italy, she is considered a classical heroine, Eléonora de Fonseca Pimentel has remained practically unknown to French historians. Yet this intrepid editor of the Moniteur (February -June 1799), who during the Republic of Naples played a founding role in political journalism — an activity that resulted in her execution — has been the subject of memorable accounts. This article traces the different historiographie moments which according to the preference of their authors, emphasize different aspects of her life. The substance of her political ideas, centered on the dissemination of republican principles, continue the literary writings of women of the Enlightenment so praised by Voltaire. Her silence about the political participation of women remains a subject of debate.
L'opposition militaire autour des sociétés secrètes dans l'armée
Authors: Gainot Bernard 
Published: May 2009

Bernard Gainot, Military opposition : Secret Societies in the Army .
The reliability of sources presents a major obstacle to the history of military opposition. The paucity of direct sources necessitates the use of police archives, or literary reconstructions like that of Charles Nodier. But only a number of historians acknowledge the existence of a « conspiracy novel » -a « fact » that accords too much importance to direct testimony.
To reopen this field of research, I propose using individual case studies-here, the example of the séjour of general Argoud on the island of Oleron in 1802. By comparing the reports of administrative authorities, police sources, the personal dossier of the General, with those of other military figures of the period on the island, one can trace the portrait of an anti-notable, whose traits are negative compared with the social image that the Bonapartist regime tried to mould of the superior officer. This portrait that can be compared with that of other military opponents of the regime raises other questions, most notably that of the nature of the regime being opposed.
Les réminiscences spartiates dans les discours et la politique de Robespierre de 1789 à thermidor
Authors: Rosso Maxime 
Published: May 2009

Maxime Rosso, The allusions to Sparta in the speeches and politics of Robespierre from 1789 to Thermidor.
Ancient Greece is one of the richest sources of Western political thought. The reflections of its philosophers and the institutions of its cities have served as models and supported intellectual constructions from the end of the Ancient World until the twentieth century, when, it is true, the classical references have slightly faded. Two separate systems distinguish themselves from the others, and have sustained attention not only by their historical importance, but by the persistent practice of later authors of contrasting their laws and their respective social rules : Athens and Sparta. One knows rather well the connection between the Ancient Greek city and the idea of democracy. But the heritage of Sparta is more difficult to define, notably in France. Yet until the end of the eighteenth century, in the realm of political ideas, Sparta was ahead of Athens, and nearly the equal of Rome. Maximilien Robespierre is at the end of the line of reflections about the city of Lycurgus ; he offered a synthesis about it, and promoted the Spartan ideal in Revolutionary France. Indeed, he could find examples and answers for his own aspirations in the history of this city. The submission to the law, the devotion to the patrie, or the regeneration of the citizen through education, are so many traits that made up the reputation of Sparta. The revolutionary context was especially propitious to the revival of these values. Robespierre, then, gave meaning to the use of Sparta in France from the Reformation to the Revolution. He illustrated its role in the construction of republican ideas.
Les mesures prises dans l'empire de Russie envers les Français soupçonnés de sympathies révolutionnaires (1792-1799)
Authors: Ollivier Julie 
Published: May 2009

Julie Ollfvier, The Measures adopted in the Russian Empire towards the French suspected of having revolutionary sympathies.
From the beginning of the French Revolution, Catherine II supported the cause of émigré princes, but it was only in the summer of 1792 that she decided to sever all relations with the Revolutionary government. The French community living in Russia composed of nearly 2500 persons found itself under surveillance and held suspect by the Russian power. Some Frenchmen were arrested for having expressed their revolutionary opinions too openly. On 8 Februrary 1793, an oukasse compelled all the French to take an oath of loyalty to the Monarchy and to religion.
But the persecutions did not cease, and numerous persons in the years that followed were expelled from the Empire or deported to Siberia for different crimes. Whether they voiced opinions considered too audacious in favor the Revolution or against Russia, or they violated prohibitions to go to France or communicate with their relatives who remained in the country, or they tried to conceal their identity with false papers, they did not escape Russian justice. Above all, three cases of espionage, only one of them well-founded, showed the severity of the Tsarina. After her death in 1796, this repression continued under her son Paul 1, whose police was exceptionally efficient. While he offered an asylum to Louis XVIII in Mitau, or claimed to serve the Army of Condé, and threw his Empire into a war against France during the Second Coalition, the situation of French residents in Russia remained exceedingly difficult, and every slip up could have grave consequences. It was only at the dawn of a new century, when Paul 1 grew closer to Bonaparte that suspicion about the French declined. But from 1792 to 1799, there were many victims of these measures, whether or not they were true sympathizers with the Revolution.
Arbitrage forcé et justice d'état pendant la Révolution française d'après l'exemple de Montpellier
Authors: Jallamion Carine 
Published: May 2009

Carine Jallamion, « Arbitrage forcé » and State Justice during the French Revolution : the Example of Montpellier.
Because of a certain distrust of State justice, and also because of a faith in this alternative mode of regulating litigation, the Revolutionaries experimented beginning in 1790 with the « arbitrage forcé », made obligatory chiefly in family matters. The law regulated the institution of arbitrage by nature contractual and extrajudicial. Slowly at first, then, more substantially as the Revolution radicalized, arbitrage was applied to more and more fields. At the same time, the very nature of arbitrage evolved in important ways. By nature extrajudicial, it became institutionalized and legal to the point that the legislator appeared to want to substitute it for the traditional justice of the Nation, imposing constraints that ended by making it ressemble ordinary justice completely and with that, altering its very nature.
La justice militaire et les civils sous le Directoire : l'exemple des 24e et 25e divisions militaires
Authors: Rousseaux Xavier 
Published: May 2009

Xavier Rousseaux, Civil and Military Justice and Civilians under the Directory : the Example of the 24th and 25th Military Divisions.
To reestablish public order troubled at once by banditry and by resistance to the Revolution, the Directory resorted to various forms of military jurisdictions. The recourse to these forms of military justice for civilian crimes has received little scholarly attention even for the West and the Midi. This article examines the practice throughout the 24th and 25th military divisions for the Belgian departments united on 9 vendémiaire IV to the French Republic. This study shows that recourse to these jurisdictions, above all to the « conseils de guerre » favored during the repression of the revolt of the year VII, might help to distinguish the treatment of « insurgents » compared with ordinary bandits. To judge civilians by military courts elicited certain reservations from civil and military authorities alike. The theory advanced here is that the experience of the « Belgian » departments contributed to the creation of Special Criminel Courts integrated into the civil judicial order, but composed of civilian and military judges.
Des républiques en armes à la république armée : guerre révolutionnaire, fédéralisme et centralisme au Venezuela et en Nouvelle-Grenade, 1808-1830
Authors: Thibaud Clément 
Published: May 2009

Clément Thibaud, From the republics in arms to the armed Republic: revolutionary war, federalism, and centralism in Venezuela and in Nouvelle-Grenade, 1808-1830
The Spanish Empire understood the concept of the common welfare in its providential form. In its legal dimension, the « respublica Christiana » provided the fundamental organization of the corporate society of the Indes de Castille. When the liberal Spanish Revolution initiated the process of indépendance in Nouvelle-Grenade (present-day Colombia) and in Venezuela, these republican bodies were replaced by republics composed of equal citizens. This article examines the causes and means by which a pluralistic and corporative order is transformed into a sovereign nation. Federalism enabled the varied heritage of the Empire to be expressed in language and in modern practices while the warlike dynamic tended to centralize the government and to permit the formation of a national community.