bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Politicosis
Authors: Urban Kelly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces the central task of Radical Prescription, which is to analyze the history of tuberculosis control and care in twentieth-century Cuba, bringing the two phenomena of state power and popular pressures into conversation with one another. In doing so, it centers grassroots activism, nuances understandings of republican and revolutionary state-building, and questions traditional chronologies of health care in twentieth-century Cuba. In addition to providing the book’s arguments, historical interventions, and methodology, the chapter includes a theoretical definition of two of the book’s central concepts: hygienic citizenship and health citizenship. It also explains the usefulness of tuberculosis as a historical lens: as a social disease (or a disease of the marginalized), it is a productive site for exploring how the politics of health intersected with authoritarian populism; as an intractable disease (despite major changes such as the therapeutic revolution), it provides a constant variable against which to measure change and continuity across major political ruptures in twentieth-century Cuba, especially the Cuban Revolution.
The Sick Republic
Authors: Urban Kelly 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores how physicians, civic groups, and labor organizers pushed the Machado administration to expand the state’s antituberculosis campaign in the mid-1920s. Machado sought to use tuberculosis programs to build cross-class political support as his rule turned authoritarian, but the campaign’s patchwork nature instead generated demands for more state action and less reliance on charity in the health sector. Many elites balked at these expectations, arguing that disparities in health care emanated from the “unhygienic” behavior of poor Cubans and Afro-Cubans. As politics radicalized and the foundations of Machado’s authoritarian rule weakened, radical pulmonologists, black public intellectuals, mobilized workers, and poor tuberculars rejected the individualizing tenets of hygienic citizenship and articulated the idea of a citizen’s right to health care. Calling for a broad health citizenship, they vehemently insisted that the state intervene to rectify not only limited health services but also socioeconomic inequality, addressing problems such as unhygienic tenement housing. Across the Revolution of 1933, their grassroots health activism spurred institutional growth in the Cuban public health sector and expanded the boundaries of health citizenship.
Self-Interest and Collective Behavior
Authors: Delehanty Jack 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter documents how people faith-based community organizing federations use relational practices like one-to-ones and public storytelling to collectively develop inclusive religious meanings and attach them to their own ambitions and stories. In doing so, they expand their understandings of what religious people are called to do in the world even as they retain core beliefs and commitments they may have already held, providing stability and endowing the reconceptualization of faith that happens in organizing settings with a sense of growth, rather than rupture with one’s past. For many people in ELIJAH, this process creates and continually cements an expanded sense of self-interest, guided by analysis of what it means to be religious in a society plagued by deep inequality and systemic racism. As religious meaning is attached to ideas of community and mutual care, moral citizenship becomes a religious duty.
An Army Afire
Authors: Bailey Beth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
By the late 1960s, what had been widely heralded as the best qualified, best-trained army in US history was descending into crisis as the Vietnam War raged without end. Morale was tanking. AWOL rates were rising. And in August 1968, a group of Black soldiers seized control of the infamous Long Binh Jail, burned buildings, and beat a white inmate to death with a shovel. The days of “same mud, same blood” were over, and a new generation of Black GIs had decisively rejected the slights and institutional racism their forefathers had endured. As Black and white soldiers fought in barracks and bars, with violence spilling into surrounding towns within the US and in West Germany, Vietnam, South Korea, and Japan, army leaders grew convinced that the growing racial crisis undermined the army’s ability to defend the nation. Acclaimed military historian Beth Bailey shows how the US Army tried to solve that racial crisis (in army terms, “the problem of race”). Army leaders were surprisingly creative in confronting demands for racial justice, even willing to challenge fundamental army principles of discipline, order, hierarchy, and authority. Bailey traces a frustrating yet fascinating story, as a massive, conservative institution came to terms with demands for change.
Defining the Problem
Authors: Bailey Beth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter argues that the US Army attempted to define the racial crisis it called “the problem of race” based on its own institutional logic and concerns. Army studies and investigations produced a set of claims and principles that shaped army responses to the racial crisis, including concerns about communication, generational differences, discipline, racial identity and the “New Breed Black,” and problems of leadership. The chapter traces the actions of the US Army and Department of Defense, including those of William Westmoreland, James S. White, Stanley Resor, L. Howard Bennett, Arthur Sussman, and Frank Render.
Culture and Identity
Authors: Bailey Beth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
During the Army’s Vietnam-era racial crisis, complaints from Black soldiers—many of whom were inducted during an era of cultural nationalism—often focused on issues of culture and racial identity. Recognizing that the “color-blind” Army defaulted white, the Post Exchange (PX) created lists of always-in-stock products for Black soldiers and sent Black barber Willie Lee Morrow around the world to train local barbers to cut Afros. But Black soldiers also demanded to use symbols of cultural identity, including Black Power salutes, dapping, and to wear “soul bands” or “slave bands” with their uniforms. These demands presented two problems. First, if some members could display cultural symbols, all must be allowed to, and display of the Confederate Battle flag did not improve race relations on Army installations. Second, visibly claiming an identity other than that of “soldier” undermined the meaning of uniformed service, and Black Power salutes and daps threatened traditional forms of authority. Army experiments demonstrated creativity and flexibility, but in the end the institution reaffirmed traditional practices of uniformity and rank hierarchy.
Military Justice
Authors: Bailey Beth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
During the Vietnam era, enlisted men—Black and white—lost faith in the system of military justice, and both enlisted men and officers understood that concerns about military justice were tied to the racial crisis within the army. Those who addressed military justice as one response to “the problem of race” reached no consensus. Some saw the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ), including Article 15s, as a disciplinary tool necessary to maintain discipline and order in a difficult era; others believed that the administration of the UCMJ fostered racial discontent and embodied institutional racism. Some blamed Project 100,000 for the rise in crime; others criticized the “permissiveness” of American society. External pressure from the naacp and the Congressional Black Caucus fostered internal army reforms, but institutional logic prevailed, as Army leaders endorsed the centrality of order and discipline, insisting that reform must take place within the existing system. This chapter discusses Gen. Michael S. Davison’s approach to the case of the Darmstadt 29 in West Germany; Lewis M. Steel, Nathaniel Jones, and internal conflict in the rotc naacp; and demands for Black judges and lawyers within the army system of military justice.
Reflective Practice
Authors: Mooney-Melvin Patricia 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Patricia Mooney Melvin’s argument is clear from the start: “Reflective practice represents public history’s signature pedagogy that distinguishes it from other curricular design and course structures in the field of history.” Before going through her fall 2019 graduate course “Public History: Method and Theory,” Mooney-Melvin explores the historiography of public history and teaching practice from the late 1970s onward. As a longtime leader within the field and the NCPH, Mooney-Melvin provides a contextual overview of public history education. Connecting this long history to her fall 2019 semester, she explains her department’s relationship with the Rogers Park/West Ridge Historical Society and their class project. She then leads readers through a week-by-week appraisal of class sessions, readings, and goals through the end of the semester.
Digital Restorative Justice in the Public History Classroom
Authors: Mcgrath Jim 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Jim McGrath considers public history pedagogy in the context of digital restorative justice work. With scholar Monica Muñoz Martinez, McGrath co-taught a “Mapping Violence” course for undergraduates at Brown University in the spring of 2020. Instructors and students worked on the Mapping Violence digital public history project begun by Martinez as an extension of her scholarship on racial violence in Texas between 1900 and 1930. McGrath and Martinez intentionally framed the course for students who were not enrolled in public history or public humanities certificates, and throughout the course of the semester, they worked to build a database of incidents of racial violence. The course he and Martinez built charts a path for public historians engaging with the violent legacies we inherent and intentionally or unintentionally perpetuate.
The Real Trick Is Holding On to That Energy and Not Collapsing
Authors: Gautreau Abigail 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Abby Gautreau, an assistant professor of history at Grand Valley State University in Michigan, kept a daily journal of her class sessions for her winter/spring 2020 public history course. This record of her thought process is invaluable as it allows readers to feel her own emotions day-by-day in the course. Gautreau’s writing is honest as she recounts what went well, what bombed, and the quotidian drudgery of managing a class. She pulls aside the curtain to allow readers to experience the hard labor of teaching public history, balancing her public history course load with two other classes on a multi-site campus. Her class partnered with the Lowell Area Historical Museum for a project, but the COVID-19 pandemic cut their collaboration short. Gautreau’s in-depth analysis of these class discussions reveal the difficulty in translating public history topics for student consideration, how they can easily go wrong, but how they also hold tremendous potential to open students’ eyes to the power of public history.
Imaginemos Cosas Chingonas
Authors: Guzmán Romeo 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Romeo Guzmán, an assistant professor of history at Claremont Graduate University, illustrates how the public history of fútbol (soccer) enabled his students to become working public historians. Over the spring semesters of 2018, 2019, and 2020 while working as an assistant professor at California State University, Fresno, Guzmán taught “Fútbol: A Local and Global History of the Beautiful Game.” Guzmán explores his own evolution as a public historian, followed by a detailed map of his course. He then shares how he and his students became part of a special movement to celebrate fútbol through a local professional club in Fresno, while at the same time, using the tools of public history to involve the community in their own regional history. By designing trading cards, staffing tables, organizing events, printing t-shirts, attending games, and playing fútbol, Guzmán engineered a comprehensive public history project that, while not without its challenges, succeeded in bringing together the larger Fresno community.
Fuel Problems
Authors: Elmore Bart 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter shows how in recent history Delta Air Lines has touted improvements in fuel efficiency to show environmentalists and regulators that it is addressing climate change even as its total greenhouse gas emissions have grown enormous over the same period. In other words, it reveals how an obsession with efficiency can exacerbate rather than abate a firm’s fossil fuel dependence. It also reveals how Delta became an owner and operator of massive oil refining infrastructure to provide fuel to its fleet.
The Fight Begins
Authors: Fleegler Robert L. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter shows how Bush initially took a lead by attacking Dukakis over the Massachusetts prison furlough program and his veto of a bill requiring teachers to lead students in the Pledge of Allegiance. In particular, the vice president focused on the case of William Horton, a prison who committed a rape while out on furlough. In advance of the Democratic convention, Dukakis made his decision to name Texas senator Lloyd Bentsen his vice-presidential nominee. The Dukakis campaign also moved to perfect the art of raising “soft money,” unlimited contributions outside the bars imposed by the post-Watergate campaign finance reforms. At the convention, the Democrats debated the issue of Palestinian self-determination, foreshadowing an internal struggle that would grow over the next three decades. And Bill Clinton introduced himself to the nation with a convention speech that went completely awry and nearly destroyed his career. After a successful convention, Dukakis took a 17-point lead in the polls and seemed on his way to the White House.
Coming Out of Reagan’s Shadow
Authors: Fleegler Robert L. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter demonstrates how George H.W. Bush chose Indiana senator Dan Quayle as his vice-presidential nominee and how that decision backfired. The controversy that ensued over the nomination revolved around Quayle’s joining the National Guard during the Vietnam War. Quayle was the first baby boomer on a national ticket and the kerfuffle surrounding his nomination showed that future candidates of that generation would have to explain their behavior vis-a-vis the Vietnam-era draft. At the same time, Bill Clinton recovered from his disastrous speech at the Democratic National Convention with a charismatic appearance on the Tonight Show with Johnny Carson. His successful comeback demonstrated the growing importance of non-traditional media on American politics as the traditional press gatekeepers declined. Finally, despite the controversy over Quayle, Bush employed the post-1968 GOP playbook and hit Dukakis hard on issues of crime and national defense. In the end, the Bush/Quayle ticket seized the advantage and took the lead in the election after the Republican convention and never conceded it.
One Final Charge
Authors: Fleegler Robert L. 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Trailing significantly, Dukakis shifted to a class-based populist message for the final stretch of the campaign. In doing so, he closed some of the polling gap between himself and Bush. Still, he continued to have trouble balancing mobilizing African American voters with regaining the support of Reagan Democrats. Meanwhile, the vice-president’s tactics became the dominant issue in the race, with some believing that his campaign’s message was unprecedently negative. Though Dukakis narrowed the final margin, Bush won the election in landslide fashion. But Dukakis’s closing finish showed Democrats a way to back to victory in the Electoral College, previewing the “Blue Wall” that would allow Democrats to control the White House for the majority of the next three decades.
The Principal People
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Before the arrival of European traders, Cherokee people considered themselves the principal people, the Ani-Yunwiya. Between 1450 and 1700 they practiced a diverse subsistence living structured by gender, clan, and kinship. Large towns were organized around townhouses situated on mounds. Cherokee myths illustrate the primary value of harmony within a community and with all living beings. Anthropologist James Mooney collected Cherokee tales during the late nineteenth century. Key stories about Kanati (the Lucky Hunter) and his wife Selu (Corn), their sons the Thunder Boys, Little Deer, bears, and the Ball Game of the Birds and Animals instruct Cherokees to respect all life, avenge violence, and prioritize community wellbeing above individual wealth.
CCC Transformations
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Civilian Conservation Corps camps were established in the valley at Smokemont, Kephart Prong, Mingus Creek, Round Bottom, and Cherokee in the 1930s. Often led by older Local Experienced Men, enlistees cleaned up debris from the abandoned sawmills; constructed roads, bridges, and trails; repaired Mingus Mill; collected seeds, raised seedlings, and planted trees; established a fish hatchery; and built the Oconaluftee Ranger Station near the Enloe farm. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt attended the park’s dedication in 1940 to acknowledge the labor and achievement of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. After the US entered World War II, the CCC camps closed. Gradually, the few remaining park residents died or moved away. Finally, the commissary in Ravensford closed in 1944, and the store at Smokemont followed in 1949. Park visitation increased after the war ended, and the Enloe farm was developed into the Mountain Farm Museum, near the ranger station and entrance. The Eastern Band avoided land allotment and negotiated a favorable route for the Blue Ridge Parkway to intersect with the park entrance in Cherokee, North Carolina. The Cherokees developed a craft and tourist business, with the outdoor drama Unto These Hills becoming the main attraction.
Citizens of a Stolen Land
Authors: Kantrowitz Stephen 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This concise and revealing history reconsiders the Civil War era by centering one Native American tribe’s encounter with citizenship. In 1837, eleven years before Wisconsin’s admission as a state, representatives of the Ho-Chunk people yielded under immense duress and signed a treaty that ceded their remaining ancestral lands to the US government. Over the four decades that followed, as “free soil” settlement repeatedly demanded their further expulsion, many Ho-Chunk people lived under the US government’s policies of “civilization,” allotment, and citizenship. Others lived as outlaws, evading military campaigns to expel them and adapting their ways of life to new circumstances. After the Civil War, as Reconstruction’s vision of nonracial, national, birthright citizenship excluded most Native Americans, the Ho-Chunk who remained in their Wisconsin homeland understood and exploited this contradiction. Professing eagerness to participate in the postwar nation, they gained the right to remain in Wisconsin as landowners and voters while retaining their language, culture, and identity as a people. This history of Ho-Chunk sovereignty and citizenship offer a bracing new perspective on citizenship’s perils and promises, the way the broader nineteenth-century conflict between “free soil” and slaveholding expansion shaped Indigenous life, and the continuing impact of Native people’s struggles and claims on US politics and society.
Introduction
Authors: Kantrowitz Stephen 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
Between the 1830s and the 1870s, the US government dispossessed the Ho-Chunk people of their ancestral homeland in today’s Wisconsin and Illinois and repeatedly sought to exile them to territories west of the Mississippi River. This project of “Indian Removal,” erasure and replacement, often described today as settler colonialism, unfolded alongside and in close relation to what historians call the Civil War era, involving its struggles over Western lands, wartime military conflict, and Reconstruction battles over citizenship and rights. Histories such as the Ho-Chunks’ have largely disappeared from national narratives because neither nineteenth-century political leaders (including Abraham Lincoln) nor the founders of the modern historical profession (notably Frederick Jackson Turner) could imagine Native Americans as people with a real history or an independent future, even though both men encountered Ho-Chunk people first-hand at pivotal moments in their own development.
To Remain Upon the Land
Authors: Kantrowitz Stephen 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
In the winter of 1873-74 US soldiers, authorized by Congressional legislation, sought to round up and expel the remaining Ho-Chunk population from Wisconsin to the Winnebago Reservation in Nebraska. This campaign brought immense hardship, suffering, and death, but it ultimately failed. Ho-Chunk people sought help from settler allies who preferred that they remain. They bought small parcels of land in the hope that deeds would immunize them from expulsion. And they petitioned the state and federal governments for relief, asserting that they wished to become citizens of the United States under the egalitarian terms of the Reconstruction Constitution. These efforts did not prevent the expulsion from getting under way, but they did bring to their side an anti-Reconstruction Democratic lawmaker. He used the effort of Midwestern Republicans to expel an unwanted nonwhite population to expose Reconstruction itself as a hypocritical, partisan exercise; he succeeded in adding a provision to the removal legislation that made it formally voluntary. The result was that Ho-Chunk people, once expelled, could quickly return to Wisconsin. By 1875 the federal government gave up and enacted what became known as the Indian Homestead Act, formally allowing the Ho-Chunk to take up public lands, including in Wisconsin.
Introduction
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace 
Published: May 2024

Abstract
This chapter frames the book with the story of women’s presence at the 1946 Haitian Constitutional Congress. In a moment of heightened public discourse about the direction of the country, the chapter points to the national and international history of women’s strategies to physically, intellectually, and constitutionally insert themselves in and inform the parameters of Haitian citizenship. Taking women’s rights organizers’ political actions and archival practice as a focus, the chapter situates the book as a methodological invitation to think with women’s intersecting differences in the historical archive and how Haitian women’s theories of feminism germinated from their reflections on difference. Contributing to scholarship in Caribbean, transnational feminist, and African diasporic studies, the chapter establishes the book as an examination of the multiple intersections of women’s thought, practice, and performance as both an entry point to historicize modern Haiti and as a political orientation called political wayfaring. The chapter asks: How did Haitian women study each other? And was there a practice of study formulated between Haitian women?