bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Social Class Segregation in Landskrona
Authors: Brea-Martinez Gabriel , Hedefalk Finn , Nilsson Therese , Souza Maia Vinicius de 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines the evolution of social class segregation in the city of Landskrona during the twentieth century. The city’s population was initially spatially mixed with regards to social class but became more segregated with industrialization. The study reveals that the segregation of higher white-collar workers increased drastically from 1940 to 1960, with a concentration of this group in new residential areas on the outskirts of the city. Other social groups did not exhibit similar self-segregation, possibly due to economic constraints. The findings align with theories of place stratification and residential choice, indicating a desire for higher-status groups to distance themselves from lower-status individuals. The chapter suggests that the city’s spatial organization, with increased separation between residential and work areas, contributed to the observed patterns of segregation. The increase in segregation among higher white-collar workers represents a substantial shift in a relatively short period.
The Gender Revolution
Authors: Quaranta Luciana , Stanfors Maria 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter focuses on industrialization and family behavior during the twentieth century against the backdrop of economic and institutional change. It documents trends regarding marriage and fertility and union dissolution from a gender perspective, and explores the role of socioeconomic status (SES) for these processes. Findings confirm patterns regarding gender and family consistent with that previously indicated at the national level. Throughout the century, Landskrona outpaced the rural parishes in adopting new demographic behavior. The period 1940–1970 was marked by strong family norms, distinct gender roles, and economic conditions enabling family formation for all, irrespective of SES, and at young ages. During this period divorce expanded across the population. In the 1970s, what had been normative became subject to free choice, resulting in increasing cohabitation and single living, while marriage decreased, childbearing was separated from marriage, and divorce became the common way for marriage to end.
The Industrial City and Its People
Authors: Dribe Martin , Nilsson Therese , Tegunimataka Anna 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter presents and discusses the main findings and conclusions of the volume and puts them into a broader perspective. Taken together, the different chapters contribute to closing the gap between historical studies based on parish records and contemporary research based on full-count registers or detailed surveys. The volume thereby fleshes out the narrative of twentieth-century demographic, social, and economic history by focusing on the individual level. This approach has rarely been taken in previous research over such a long period of time due to lack of high-quality micro-level data. The findings demonstrate how the behavior of individuals and families was conditioned by the larger societal transformations of the twentieth century; transformations broadly associated with industrialization, post-industrialization, and the emergence and culmination of the welfare state. The rise and fall of the industrial city had far-reaching effects on some patterns of behavior while leaving few traces in others.
Climate Obstruction in Germany
Authors: Brunnengräber Achim , Neujeffski Moritz , Plehwe Dieter 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
Since the inclusion of ecological considerations in Germany’s social market economy model in the 1990s and the approval of the Renewable Energy Sources Act (RESA) in 2000, the debate on climate policy in Germany has intensified. Opposition to ambitious targets currently focuses on delaying the Energiewende, the ongoing, country- and sector-wide transition to renewable energy. This opposition comprises both climate change deniers and actors who want to preserve Germany’s centralized fossil fuel energy structures. Recent policy adjustments have included the expansion for the building of the infrastructure for liquefied natural gas and weakening of laws mandating decarbonization in heating. Even greater efforts have been made to delay effective carbon reduction strategies, such as advocating carbon offsets and weakening auto emissions standards. This chapter identifies and analyzes German companies’, politicians’, and interest groups’ climate obstruction activities, which centre on using think tanks and nongovernmental organizations to influence public opinion.
Climate Obstruction in the Czech Republic
Authors: Hrubeš Milan , Císař Ondřej 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
Czechia (the Czech Republic) offers an interesting and important case of a post-communist EU member state with a well-rooted and politically established climate obstruction landscape. The issue has been the subject of major policy debates since the mid-1990s, and, more importantly, the articulation of climate obstruction rhetoric has come from top levels of government. This chapter shows how Czechia’s historical context has uniquely shaped climate obstruction there and enabled the dominance of a climate obstruction network composed of political leaders, political parties, think tanks, and prominent individuals. It connects important moments in Czech politics to the emergence and advancement of key actors and activists in this network and demonstrates how they have dominated institutional and discursive spaces over other potentially significant actors. Their influence has contributed to establishing climate obstruction as the mainstream discourse in Czechia, thus obviating the need to promote this position or respond to opposition.
Introduction
Authors: Wright Kate , Scott Martin , Bunce Mel 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This introduction sets out our four main motivations for writing this book. First, we sought to develop a better understanding of how government capture occurred at the Voice of America (VOA) during the time when a Trump appointee, Michael Pack, led the US Agency of Global Media. Second, we use this case to build new theory about how government capture works and its harmful effects on democratic practice. Third, this case enables us to examine why and how VOA staff tried to resist government capture, and to assess the effectiveness of different resistance strategies. Finally, in writing this book, we aim to raise the alarm about how vulnerable VOA still is to government capture, and to explain why this matters in terms of democratic backsliding. This chapter also outlines the context, methodology and structure of the book.
Direct editorial interventions
Authors: Wright Kate , Scott Martin , Bunce Mel 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter now explains how the ambivalent role of the Voice of America (VOA) enabled Pack’s team to intervene in VOA’s editorial affairs. It analyzes how these interventions progressed, discussing Pack’s prioritization of government editorials, the pressure exerted on journalists during the Black Lives Matter protests, and an attempt by one of Pack’s attorneys to access VOA’s election planning files. It also explains how Pack’s team influenced internal disciplinary investigations into anti-Trump “bias,” and removed federal regulation about the firewall three weeks before the election. It demonstrates that these direct interventions combined with the indirect forms of capture discussed previously, to create a “complex system of capture,” which was increasingly difficult for journalists to resist. Finally, it discusses how journalists engaged in varying degrees and kinds of self-censorship, with marked differences occurring between language service staff and their English-language colleagues.
The post-election endgame
Authors: Wright Kate , Scott Martin , Bunce Mel 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
After the election in November 2020, Pack’s team “doubled back and doubled down” on processes of government capture. This chapter shows how they formalized previously informal practices, as well as seemingly planning to integrate all US-funded international media into a single “Voice of America.” It then explains how journalists resisted instructions from the new Director of the Voice of America (VOA) to remove the tagline “A Free Press Matters” from VOA content. But it also shows how the capture of VOA’s disciplinary processes intensified, following a controversial speech by the Secretary of State. It highlights several connections between the capture of VOA and those alleged to have been involved in conspiracies to over-turn the election results. It stresses that we found no evidence that Pack or his team wished to use VOA for anti-democratic purposes, but argues that these connections demonstrate why we need to protect the network better.
Conclusion
Authors: Wright Kate , Scott Martin , Bunce Mel 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
To conclude, this chapter explains why we do not view this case of government capture as the result of a single, pre-meditated conspiracy or “master plan,” let alone one developed and executed by a single person. It summarizes how the Voice of America (VOA) was captured via a much “messier” process, involving the varied interaction of political appointees, White House officials, and right-wing media, as well as explaining the unintended effects of actions taken by the Obama administration. It also explains that government capture in this case was recursive: emerging from, and feeding back into, broader processes of de-democratization occurring in the USA at the time. Finally, it outlines key recommendations for action, detailing proposals that we believe would secure VOA’s long-term future, and other steps that VOA, and other international Public Service Media, could take in the short-term.
The Power of Black Excellence
Authors: Rose Deondra 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
From their founding through the mid-twentieth century, HBCUs educated as many as 90 percent of Black college students in the United States. Today, 101 HBCUs serve 303,000 students—including approximately 9 percent of the nation’s Black college students. Although scholars have recognized the significance of HBCUs for providing Black Americans with valuable higher educational opportunity, political scientists have yet to consider the vital role that they have played in American political development and how they have contributed to the fight for a more inclusive, multiracial democracy. By bringing into view the impact that HBCUs have had on the political landscape, The Power of Black Excellence challenges the conventional wisdom that, prior to the late twentieth century, the federal government took a laissez-faire approach to education. The results of this study enhance our theoretical understanding of the relationship between education and democracy, suggesting that the two are closely intertwined and that higher educational institutions can be crucial partners in democracy work. Policymakers can promote democracy by supporting HBCUs and their unique approach to postsecondary education and empowerment, which includes transmitting politically relevant knowledge, helping to build politically relevant skills, promoting political efficacy, and fostering a commitment to service. HBCUs have been important engines of democracy, and all Americans have a stake in understanding the role they have played in American political development.
An Act of Empowerment
Authors: Rose Deondra 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
Chapter 1 considers the emergence of HBCUs during the nineteenth century, highlighting how the arrival of HBCUs presented a radical and important intervention into existing debates about race, education, and citizenship, which had been shaped by the institution of slavery. During Reconstruction, religious leaders, philanthropists, and politicians—including newly empowered Black leaders—created educational institutions to cultivate the development of newly emancipated Black citizens. Proponents and opponents of Black education debated the propriety of schooling for Black Americans, its purpose, and what it should look like. Lawmakers used federal policies like the Morrill Land-Grant Acts and support for the Freedmen’s Bureau to shape educational institutions. For Black Americans, HBCUs quickly came to represent a principal mechanism for transmitting civil rights, and HBCUs assumed a disproportionate share of the state’s responsibility to habilitate the country’s most marginalized citizens.
Queer Activism in India
Authors: McGarry Aidan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter focuses on LGBTIQ/queer activism in India. The ARC triangle will be applied to this case study to demonstrate how political voice is articulated. The chapter starts by presenting a brief history of LGBTIQ mobilisation in India before sections on autonomy, representation, and constitution develop the concept of political voice. This chapter explores issues of visibility, pride, public space, and political voice for LGBTIQ Indians, drawing on participant observation and interview research conducted at Mumbai and Delhi pride parades in 2019. The chapter examines the significance of autonomy, representation, and constitution for these urban movements and the impact of political voice for this marginalised group. Religion, caste, nationalism, and gender have an impact on the capacity of LGBTIQ people in India to articulate their political voices. Furthermore, the chapter is attentive to discrimination within the LGBTIQ community, forging a collective identity, and the position of hijras (trans people).
Roma Activism in Europe
Authors: McGarry Aidan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines Roma mobilisation across Europe. It begins by providing an overview of the history of Roma in Europe and the multiple intersecting issues they face as the most marginalised and excluded ethnic minority in Europe. The chapter is organised around three sections on autonomy, representation, and constitution as ARC is applied to understand how Roma articulate their political voice. It examines protests by Roma communities to address issues such as housing and education, as well as the struggle against right-wing groups who target Roma. It discusses issues of recognition and establishes how stigma informs how political voice is expressed. This chapter is attentive to the difficulty in building a unified coherent Roma political identity and, by extension, political voice. This chapter draws on long-standing qualitative research with and on Roma communities, including prominent Roma activists across Europe, in order to uncover the political voice of Roma.
The Queen Is Dead
Authors: Doran Susan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
The final illness of Elizabeth I in February 1603 reignited anxieties about the succession.. Before she died, the privy council took measures to ensure a smooth transition to a new dynasty and drafted a proclamation announcing the accession of James VI of Scotland. The reaction to her death was first shock then relief, but ‘strange stories’ soon circulated in London about the state of her corpse. Elizabeth’s funeral procession on 28 April was magnificent and expensive, watched by huge crowds. Printers capitalized on the mourning to produce hundreds of commendatory laments, which also included a homage to their new king. After the funeral, the cultural memory of the queen lived on in a variety of media, but James I found ways to ensure that her commemoration would be understated, even though he exploited her memory when it suited him.
Long Live the King
Authors: Doran Susan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
James’s right to the English throne was dubious, but the proclamation announcing his accession was worded to present him as the hereditary, not elected, successor to Elizabeth. However, immediate reactions outside London revealed doubts about the legality of his title, while printed works expressed confusion about the nature of his right. Moreover, despite the council’s careful management of the accession, uncertainties and anxieties remained over possible changes in policy and personnel under the new king. In Ireland, Catholics mounted demonstrations of their faith in order to propel the new regime into accepting a change in religion. Although James’s progress to London was presented in print as a public relations triumph, it hampered efficient government and gave rise to criticisms. Anna’s progress to London followed a conflict with her husband over the guardianship of their son Henry from which she emerged victorious but at the cost of a miscarriage.
Privy Council and Councillors
Authors: Doran Susan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
James expected his English privy council to assume more responsibilities ingovernment, in particular he required it to carry out routine business without him whenever he was on hunting trips. Like Elizabeth, James appointed privy councillors as high stewards, lord lieutenants, and JPs to enhance royal authority in the regions. However, unlike Elizabeth, James relied on the privy council less in making policy decisions, tending to go his own way or to listen to the advice of the gentlemen of his bedchamber. However, privy councillors did offer advice either individually or as a body about how to handle his finances or manage problems, a risky venture as James often blamed them if things went wrong. Most Elizabethans retained their positions as privy councillors. Additionally, new men—including two Howards and five Scots—were appointed to the council board. Although rivalries certainly existed, councillors generally collaborated for the public good.
Parliament and its Members
Authors: Doran Susan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
The English parliament was the institution which James found most alien during his early years as king of England. From the opening of his first parliament in March 1604 until its dissolution in February 1611, the king and house of commons clashed over a range of issues, including the proposed Anglo-Scottish Union, royal finances, and Puritan grievances. James was often angry at what he saw as an attack on his prerogative, while MPs were defensive at what they experienced as an assault on their house’s privileges. Although important statutes were passed, the king failed to achieve the main legislation he wanted. The most vocal members of the commons were equally frustrated that, in all five sessions of this parliament, they were unable to secure the reforms in Church and state for which they clamoured.
Union and Empire
Authors: Doran Susan 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
James’s attempt to create an Anglo-Scottish Union after 1603 became a major cause of conflict between monarch and parliament during the early years of the reign. Despite its unpopularity, James introduced or encouraged measures to bring his two realms closer together, thereby setting in motion tensions that lasted beyond the reign. The ‘British’ project also had an impact on England’s cultural identity as poets and dramatists conjured up Britain’s ancient past in their characters and stories. Although James had no intention of absorbing Ireland into his political union, he encouraged Scots to settle in the new Ulster plantations after the ‘flight of the earls’ and the rising of Sir Cahir O’Doherty. The birth of a British Empire effectively began under James with the settlement at Jamestown in Virginia. James declared his subjects’ right to settle in territories unoccupied by any Christian prince and granted the Virginia Company its charter.
Introduction
Authors: Anagnostopoulou Elena , Sevdali Christina 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter gives a brief overview of Case theory, including the proposal for the two types of case: abstract Case and morphological case and the challenges that this distinction has faced. It discusses the introduction of quirky case, as well as the proposal for dependent case. It then provides an overview of the three main issues that this book focuses on: Agree vs. dependent case theories, the distinction between structural vs. inherent case in synchrony and diachrony, and issues associated with individual cases, for example accusative, ergative, and dative. In the last section it introduces the contributions of this volume that provide new perspectives on case theory.
On theories of Case and Universal Grammar
Authors: Legate Julie Anne 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter argues that dependent case is insufficient as a universal theory of case; case assignment by a syntactic head must also be recognized. Exemplars include grammatical object passives, Lithuanian active existentials, and Icelandic indirect causatives. Finally, it is demonstrated that dative-nominative constructions in Icelandic, which have long been taken to require a dependent case analysis, are fully compatible with case assignment by a syntactic head. This work is envisioned as a piece in a larger programme arguing that Universal Grammar, the innate component of the faculty of language, does not contain information specific to case. The child learns case assignment rules on the basis of innate knowledge of the hierarchical structure building operation merge, combined with evidence in the input. Since hierarchical relationships between heads and nominals are provided by merge, these relationships can be used by the child to form language-specific case assignment rules.
DOM and ergative as structural oblique cases in an Agree framework
Authors: Manzini M. Rita 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter seeks to account for accusative and ergative alignments in terms of head licensed case, i.e. in terms of Agree, rejecting dependent case approaches. In the accusative alignment, nominative case depends on T agreement and accusative case on v* agreement. In the ergative alignment, nominative/absolutive case depends on T, while ergative is an oblique. Importantly, not all oblique case is inherent—specifically DOM is structural (Sections 6.2–3). This distinction is relevant in approaching ergative case (Sections 6.4–5), in an active language (Punjabi) and in an ergative language proper (Kurmanji Kurdish). Ergative case can be construed as inherent in Punjabi, but must be construed as structural in Kurmanji. Furthermore, DOM and ergative are shown to oscillate between being able to enter Agree, or not. This is imputed to the possibility for them to project either as PPs or as DPs.
The rise of dative subjects: Relative prominence in event structure
Authors: Beck Christin , Butt Miriam 
Published: July 2024

Abstract
This chapter charts the diachrony of dative subjects in Icelandic and Indo-Aryan, where dative subjects can be traced back to originally spatial predications (e.g. ‘fear is at me’). The chapter argues that these locational expressions gave rise to an experiencer interpretation with sentient locations. This in turn led to a flip in core Figure/Ground relations so that the locative object experiencer was reanalysed as a subject, but retained its non-nominative case. In a further development, the dative case in the languages discussed came to be systematically associated with experiencer semantics and other parts of the system were regularized to this effect. The analysis is couched in terms of a newly developed event-based Linking Theory within Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) and takes a lexical semantic approach to case by which a core function of case marking is to express parts of the overall clausal semantics.