bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Fascist Movements
Authors: Reichardt Sven 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Fascism belongs to the “family” of right‐wing authoritarian and radical nationalist movements and regimes. Fascist movements regard the state as an organic whole and omnipotent principle transcending class interests, economic tensions, and ethnic conflicts. Fascism and authoritarianism rejected and repressed Marxist socialism, liberalism, ethnic minorities, and laissez‐faire capitalism. One may distinguish between authoritarian, reactionary, corporatist, and fascist movements and regimes according to the degree of mass support used to mobilize society and the forms of violence and murder used to dominate society.
Friends of the Earth
Authors: Saunders Clare 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Now an international network with chapters in 76 countries uniting 5000 local groups and over two million members, Friends of the Earth (FoE) was first established in the United States in 1969 by David Brower. Brower was motivated by his disenchantment with the more moderate Sierra Club and the Audubon Society, which he considered were co‐opted by corporate interests and weakened by the “wise use” agenda. Consequently, academic commentators have noted that the foundation of FoE marked the beginning of a “second wave” of environmentalism, more politically oriented and anticorporate than the “first wave” conservation organizations that preceded it (Dalton 1994).
Guerrilla Movements
Authors: Wickham‐Crowley Timothy P. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMajor sociopolitical upheavals during the twentieth century brought vividly to our attention the role of guerrilla movements in (near‐)revolutionary settings, and often led to a casual conflation between guerrilla movements, as such, and revolution. The writings, theorizing, and biographies of Marxist revolutionaries often led to such a conceptual admixture, including those of Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong, Vo Nguyen Giap, and Ernesto “Che” Guevara (Guevara, Loveman, & Davies 1997), and Carlos Marighella in his manual for the urban guerrilla. That conflation remains strong, even if we recognize that precisely the same strategy has also been used by fighters of the right to attack left‐wing regimes, notably against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua in the 1980s, but also many other instances of non‐leftist, ethnic irredentist movements scattered around the world.
Health Movements (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Taylor Verta , Zald Mayer 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Health social movements are collective campaigns to bring about change in medical and public health policy, beliefs, research, and practice. In American society, social movements attempt to influence healthcare at many levels. At the macro level, movements historically have mobilized a range of interest groups and moral and political values both to advocate and forestall national health insurance and to modify existing programs, such as Medicare, Medicaid, and Veteran's healthcare benefits. Social movements also develop around alternative specializations and different systems of diagnosis and treatment, seeking to reshape professions, organizations, and modes of service delivery. Health‐related collective action that addresses the way we think about, understand, and experience disease is also pervasive in American society; movements use and create emotions, identities, and ways of framing health issues to politicize the illness experience. Finally, larger social movements in the United States concerned with inequalities of race, gender, ethnicity, class, and sexuality target medical power and authority, campaigning for equal access and health equity.
Human Rights Movements
Authors: Brysk Alison 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Millions of human rights activists around the world have crafted a new way of doing politics, based on bringing principle into practice. These principles are summarized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “All human beings are free and equal in rights and dignity.” It begins by using global communications to capture the hearts and minds of global publics. Coalitions of local and global activists pressure governments “from above and below,” and put new issues on the agenda—from forced disappearance to female genital mutilation. Human rights campaigns provide information on global suffering, affecting images that promote identification with victims, the formation of solidarity networks, and explanations that trace international connections.
Hunger Strikes
Authors: Siméant Johanna 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Hunger strike can be defined as a public fast, combined with a claim aimed at confronting an adversary or an authority that is likely to satisfy this claim. Most of the time it endangers the health, and sometimes the life, of the hunger striker. British suffragettes and Irish nationalists are the two groups who had the most significant input into introducing hunger strikes within the repertoires of contention in modern nation‐states at the beginning of the twentieth century. Although the word appeared only in the nineteenth century, fasting as a form of protest has a longer history, either within the private sphere or in political matters. Significant precedents were the collective fasts of Virginia, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts performed against the United Kingdom before the American War of Independence.
Indigenous Movements inLatinAmerica
Authors: Richards Patricia , Gardner Jeffrey A. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIndigenous resistance has been a central aspect of Latin American history since the Spanish invasion, and in the late twentieth century, indigenous movements emerged as one of the most significant social actors in the region. This was related to the collapse of leftist class‐based politics as well as the use of extreme state violence against the indigenous in the context of civil wars and other struggles. Correspondingly, scholarship on the indigenous has shifted in focus from issues of cultural extinction and survival to the relationship of indigenous movements to nation‐states, transnational networks, issues internal to indigenous movements, and methodological challenges.
NorthernIreland Civil Rights Movement
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIn October 1988,Fortnight, the leading and longstanding current sociopolitical affairs review in Northern Ireland, celebrated 20 years of the regional civil rights movement (hereafter, CRM), by offering a meticulous discussion on the topic. The editorial started like this: “For, warts and all, the Civil Rights Movement was the only moment this century when a politics that was defined by something other than unionism or nationalism seemed suddenly to be possible” (Fortnight, Oct. 1988: 3).
Labor Protest in the
E
uropean
U
nion
Authors: Parks Louisa 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The phenomenon of labor protest targeting the European Union remains relatively rare, yet the institutions of organized labor at the EU level (introduced below) have provided the infrastructure that protest requires—networks for communication (Gorges 1996: 310; Turner 1996: 327; on European Works Councils (EWCs), Erne 2008: 35). These in turn have helped overcome other obstacles to transnational protest (Gajewska 2008: 117; Parks 2009: 263). Imig and Tarrow, working with data from 1984 to 1997, note some increase in protest against the EU, and that 82.1 percent of these protests were by occupational groups (2001: 39), a trend that seems to be continuing.
M
ao
Z
edong (1893–1976)
Authors: Blecher Marc 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
More than any other political figure in history, Mao Zedong led his state in many ways as if it were still a revolutionary social and political movement. And his leadership did indeed kindle such movements as significant social and political forces, promoting genuine “uninterrupted revolution” even after the establishment of the People's Republic of China.
Apocalyptic and Millenarian Movements
Authors: Hall John R. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Scholars invoke the terms “millenarian,” “millennialist,” and “apocalyptic” to refer to movements and sects that embrace ideologies positing the (typically traumatic) end of one era, promising relief from the sufferings of this world and its present age, and purporting to give rise to salvation in a new “golden age,” “heaven on earth,” or realized utopian social order. The strikingly broad range of movements that adopt such ideologies includes peaceful conversionist movements and militant religious social movements undertaking “holy war,” anticolonial movements, agrarian movements, and modern revolutionary political movements. Moreover, movements vary widely in their scale of organization and significance—from those that attract little notice beyond their participants to movements within early Christianity, the Protestant Reformation, and contemporary Islam that have been civilizational, even world‐historical, in their consequences. Despite the ancient Middle Eastern origins of apocalypticism and millennialism, non‐Western religions and ideologies – for example, Buddhism–have on occasion provided independent inspiration for such movements. Sometimes too, non‐Western movements (for example, the nineteenth‐century Tai Ping Rebellion in China) have synthesized local cultural materials with millenarian Christian ideas. In short, as rich veins of case study and comparative research document, millenarian and apocalyptic movements vary in ideology, organizational form, scale, and trajectory. The broad range of cases poses an important theoretical challenge—whether to focus on shared characteristics, or alternatively, to theorize alternative types of such movements.
Moral Panics
Authors: Fillieule Olivier 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The term “moral panics” (MPs) first appeared as an academic term at the beginning of the 1970s, in the well‐established field of sociology of deviance and labeling, along with the emerging sociology of mass media. It was the pioneering studies of Jock Young (1971), on the social meaning of drug use, and of Stanley Cohen (1972), on the media‐inspired confrontations between youths, which developed and effectively launched the concept of MPs to its present status as a central tool of sociological and media analysis, as well as a common phrase in popular discourse. Since then, the conceptualization of moral panics has benefited from several theoretical innovations. The original model drew mainly on symbolic interaction and labeling theory in relation to deviant behavior, but also on other theories, such as those interrogating collective behavior, social problems, and social movements. Ironically, the success of the concept has also resulted in loose or outdated theoretical applications (McRobbie & Thornton 1995; Cornwell & Linders 2002; Garland 2008) and increased questions about its efficacy (Ungar 2001; Hier 2008). However, the concept and theory of MPs retain all their pertinence and still offer us a heuristic analytical tool by which to study social movements.
N
ational
L
iberation
S
andinist
F
ront (
N
icaragua)
Authors: Puig Salvador Martí i 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

In July 1961 a group of young, radicalized Nicaraguans inspired by the experience of Cuba founded a guerrilla organization, the National Liberation Front (FLN), in order to take up arms against the Somoza regime. Later, after the first guerrilla campaigns, Carlos Fonseca, one of its founding leaders, added the epithet “Sandinista” to the organization's name, making it the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), as of 1962. The main inspiration for the FSLN—as was the case with other Latin American guerrilla organizations—was the Cuban Revolution and the foco theory of guerilla warfare (
foquismo
). Yet, in the case of the FSLN, the nationalist and anti‐imperialist tradition started by Augusto César Sandino (1927–1933) also had an important influence.
N
azi Movement (
G
ermany)
Authors: Brustein William I. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Out of the chaos surrounding Germany's collapse at the end of World War I sprang the German Workers' Party. This party, which would eventually become the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), was formed on January 5, 1919, in Munich under the leadership of Anton Drexler and Karl Harrer. One of the party's early recruits was Adolf Hitler. In a short space of time, Hitler made his presence felt, becoming the party's most popular orator. Between 1920 and 1921 Hitler established his complete authority over the party. He added the words “National Socialist” to the party's name and adopted the swastika as the party's symbol and flag, and in February 1920 the party issued its official 25‐point program. It called, among other things, for the union of all Germans within a greater Germany, repeal of the Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain, the establishment of colonies for Germany's surplus population, the exclusion of Jews from citizenship, the appointment of only competent citizens to official posts (without regard to party affiliation), state promotion of the welfare and economic activities of its citizens, an end to non‐German immigration, the improvement of national health and fitness levels through obligatory physical activities, and promotion of the common interest above self‐interest. With regard to economic issues, the party demanded abolition of the “thralldom of interest,” confiscation of war profits, nationalization of syndicates and trusts, introduction of profit sharing in industry, improved old‐age insurance, establishment and protection of a healthy middle class of artisans and merchants, implementation of land reform by means of “confiscation without compensation,” abolition of interest on mortgages, and prohibition of land speculation. The 25th and final point of the program called for the establishment of a powerful central government, along with diets and vocational chambers to implement the laws proclaimed by the Reich and the various German states.
N
eo‐
N
azi Movements in
E
urope and the
U
nited
S
tates
Authors: Simi Pete , Futrell Robert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Neo‐Nazism refers to groups that emerged after World War II advocating for the fascist, nationalist, white supremacist, and anti‐Semitic ideals of Nazi Germany. Neo‐Nazi political activity is now an international phenomenon with groups located in Germany, Russia, France, England, the US, Canada, South Africa, and other countries around the world. Neo‐Nazis embrace traditional Nazi symbolism, such as the swastika, describe themselves as national socialists, revere Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich, and promote eugenics to ensure the existence of a pure Aryan race.
ParisCommune
Authors: Offerlé Michel 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe Paris Commune of the spring of 1871 was essentially an emergent and makeshift government that ruled Paris from late March to May 28, 1871. It emerged largely as the result of a series of interconnected events: the Franco‐Prussian War and France's defeat; the fall of the Second Empire associated with an uprising among discontented French workers and other Parisian residents; the siege of Paris by Prussian forces and their defeat; the attempt to restore order within Paris, which failed on March 18; and the flight of the government to Versailles. Following the March 26 municipal election (with a low participation of 230 000 out of 485 000 registered voters), the Commune assumed control of the city. However, its reign was short lived, as it ended on the afternoon of May 28, with the surrender of the last barricade after one week of fires and street fighting. This week of fighting, known as “La semaine sanglante” (the bloody week), resulted in an estimated 15 000 to 20 000 insurgents killed or summarily executed. The few communes in the provinces lasted but a few days (Gaillard 1971; Aminzade 1993). The 72 days of the Commune's existence have generated several thousands of books and articles (Lissagaray 1876; Le Quillec 2006), and it still generates scholarly inquiry and debate. The word “commune” is ambiguous: it harks back to the basic structure of the local French administration—a municipality (une commune); it evokes the insurrectional Commune of the 1792/1793 French Revolution; and it appears in ideologies of direct government from the 1850s onwards. The aim of the 1871 Commune was not merely governance; it was primarily military: to fight against the Versailles government (les “Versaillais”).
Regionalist Movements
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Research on regionalist social movements lies at the intersection of two fields: studies of ethnic conflicts and studies of social movements. The term “regionalist movements” is used, in a broadly defined sense, to encompass a large spectrum of sociopolitical movements which share the claiming of sovereignty over a particular territory. They include activities that range from small‐scale, sporadic events to well‐developed campaigns that demand territorial rearrangements such as home rule, devolution, separatism, diaspora settlements, independence and/or secession. Cases in point, just to mention a few, are the Basques and the Catalans in Spain, the Welsh, the Scots, and the Northern Irish in Great Britain, the Corsicans and Bretons in France. One of the distinctive characteristics of the regionalist movement family is its internal diversity in relation not only to its goals, but also to its identity, ideology, organizational forms, and the repertoires used (Olzak 2004). Ethnic identity, for example, is not a requirement for regionalist mobilization. Nevertheless, it is usually instrumentally constructed and organized in the process of collective action as it helps to overcome the seemingly natural resistance of individuals to get involved in movement activities (Calhoun 1993; Johnston 1994). Thus many regionalist movements invoke ascribed characteristics such as culture and language, as well as histories of ethnic discrimination and systemic subordination from political and/or economic participation, which can be real or only perceived as such.
R
epublican
R
evolution of 1911 (
C
hina)
Authors: Tian Geng 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The 1911 Republican Revolution ended over 2000 years of imperial rule in China. The revolution came to an end with the abdication of the Qing emperor and the rise of Yuan Shikai as the first president of the Republic of China. Traditional Chinese historiographies tended to highlight the leadership of the republicans in the revolution. However, the fall of the Qing Empire had its deeper roots not in the diffusion of republicanism but in changes upon three political actors: the Qing court, the provincial elites, and the New Armies modeled upon the modern German army after 1895. The 1911 revolution added a decisive blow to a falling empire.
R
ussian
R
evolution
Authors: Moschelkov Yevgenyi , Gubin Oleg 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

In search of new approaches, this entry analyzes the Russian Revolution in terms of grassroots mass mobilization, which—in one year—smashed
samoderzhavia
(the Russian czarist regime), then attempted to create a representative liberal democracy, but culminated in the Bolshevik power seizure. In 1917, the revolutionary social movement took a quite different turn than during the barricade militant uprising and civic unrests of 1905, which advanced Russia towards constitutional monarchy and were followed by economic expansion. World War I disrupted both processes and became a catalyst for the Russian Revolution. The hard core of the Russian Revolution constituted the causal chain of collective actions and events in the year of 1917, from the fall of
samoderzhavia
to the emergence and then Bolshevization of the soviets, to the power duality, and further on to the construction and failure of the liberal democracy, destroyed in the Bolshevik armed rebellion. Our approach differs from conceptualizations of the Russian Revolution as a prolonged process from 1917 to the end of civil war in 1924 (the official Soviet version) and even further on to the mid‐1930s (Fitzpatrick 2008). Also, we break with the idea, perpetuated in Soviet and Western scholarship, of three Russian revolutions: the 1905 Revolution, the February Bourgeoisie‐Democrat Revolution, and the October Socialist Revolution. The Russian Revolution began in February 1917, with the overthrow of
samoderzhavia
, and ended in January 1918, with the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
Citizen Peacebuilding Movements
Authors: Wehrenfennig Daniel 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Citizen peacebuilding movements have been around for centuries but have gone through many transformations. They have had to deal with similar issues to other social movements, such as the challenge of keeping people involved long term and sustainably changing society. However, citizen peacebuilding movements face additional challenges which other social movements may not have to deal with.
Mass Society Theory
Authors: Buechler Steven M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Mass society theory is a complex, multifaceted perspective. As applied to social movements, however, the basic idea is that people who are socially isolated are especially vulnerable to the appeals of extremist movements. The theory resonated with fears of fascist and communist movements in the 1930s and 1940s and reached its apogee in the late 1950s.
Strikes within theEuropean Context
Authors: Richards Andrew J. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractLabor unions have always been, and remain, the principal agents of strike mobilization and organization. However, any assessment of strikes in contemporary Europe has to be placed in the context of the general decline of union power since the 1980s. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the proportion of workers belonging to unions (or union density) fell across Europe, and continued to do so into the twenty‐first century, albeit more slowly. While long‐standing cross‐national differences in union density remained entrenched, the general trend everywhere was downward (table 1).
Tea Party Movement (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Pullum Amanda 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Tea Party is a conservative movement in the US that surfaced in early 2009. Broadly defined, the Tea Party consists of a loose coalition of allied collective efforts aimed at reducing taxation, reining in the federal government's spending (e.g., bailout and stimulus monies), and opposing government involvement in health care and related social activities. However, many Tea Partiers have mobilized around additional conservative concerns, and it is difficult to provide a more precise goal or mission of the Tea Party because national and local Tea Party organizations differ considerably in their stated purposes. There are multiple national organizations, but no group is clearly dominant, and each of the local groups may have weak or no ties to the national organizations.
Transgender Movement
Authors: Stone Amy L. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The transgender movement in the US has been growing since its start in the late 1960s, focusing on issues such as violence, legal recognition, employment discrimination, media coverage, and poverty. “Transgenderist” was a term first used by transvestite pioneer Virginia Prince in 1978 to describe individuals who, like her, lived as a different gender without hormones or surgery (Valentine 2007). Since the late 1980s, “transgender” has come into common use as an umbrella term that includes individuals who identify as a gender other than the one they were assigned at birth or who otherwise vary from culturally conventional gender roles.