bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Some Protocorinthian Vase-Painters
Authors: Dunbabin T. J. , Robertson M. 
Published: October 2013

Johansen in Vases Sicyoniens and Payne in Necrocorinthia and Protokorinthische Vasenmalerei isolated a number of artistic personalities, but this was, or seemed at that stage, incidental to their main object, the ordering of Protocorinthian and ‘Corinthian’ pottery by phases of chronological development. Payne left further work on painters in manuscript notes, and we and others have done something in the same line, but so far there has been no attempt to see the whole development of the style in terms of artistic personalities influencing one another (which after all it was), as has been done by Beazley for Attic red-figure and blackfigure, and by J. M. Cook for Protoattic. If such a view can be achieved it modifies the necessarily rather schematic (even Procrustean) division into chronological phases, and gives a more organic view of the development. For the ‘Corinthian’ period it is a somewhat dispiriting task, though even there we believe that it would be worth doing, if only to help our understanding of the interrelation of Corinthian and Attic. In this article, however, we are concerned only with Protocorinthian, whose general level is very high, and the principal artists of superlative quality; the isolation of painters here needs no apology.Earlier work on these lines was impeded by the fact that the miniature side of Protocorinthian has been so much better preserved and published than the parallel and contemporary ‘big style’. The balance has recently been partly righted by Kraiker's publication of material from Aigina; and the other most important body of Protocorinthian pottery—the votive deposit from the Temple of Hera Limenia at Perachora—has already been prepared for publication by Dunbabin. We have made full use of the Perachora material in this article, and the substantiation of some of our conclusions will have to await the appearance of Perachora II. There is a third, unpublished, collection of Protocorinthian ‘big style’ vases in Berlin, from Aigina.
Further Excavations at Aetos
Authors: Benton Sylvia , Anderson J. 
Published: October 2013

After the close of Mr. Heurtley's excavations, an attack on the site by illicit diggers showed that the deposit had not been exhausted and that there were still fine vases (e.g. 1023, Plate 22) to be found there. Moreover, some of the conclusions drawn from the facts observed at Aetos merited further investigation.Date of Building 9: Bench mark for both excavations was the threshold of St. George's Church. Heurtley kindly allowed me to use some of his plans, so we uncovered part of Building 9, and were thus able to fit the plans of the two excavations together. I have included Building 9 on my plan (Fig. I ), also the ‘Cairns’ 1, 2, 4, and Wall 6. An undisturbed part of the foundation trench of Building 9 contained sherds of sixth-century Corinthian kotylai, so it cannot be the Protocorinthian temple as Heurtley suggested: no offerings were connected with it.
Letter-Labels in Greek Inscriptions
Authors: Tod Marcus N. 
Published: October 2013

In a recent volume of this Annual (XLV 126 ff.) I discussed the alphabetic numeral system as employed in Attica; in the present article I examine the use of letters in Attica and elsewhere to identify different items, often similar in character and appearance, with a view of facilitating reference and simplifying inventories. For such a purpose letters have certain advantages over other symbols which might be devised; they are brief and familiar and they occur in a recognized order. They thus approach nearly to the use of ordinal numbers (contrasting sharply with acrophonic numerals, which are invariably used to represent cardinal numbers), though it cannot be said that they constitute a numeral system, any more than we could claim that we in English use an alphabetic numeral system because, e.g., a, b, c, d are used on p. 4 below to distinguish four items which might equally well have been numbered 1, 2, 3 and 4. The letters here under consideration were not, and could not be, made the instruments of arithmetical calculation, and the highest number expressed in this way in any inscription known to me is 106 (Inscr. Délos 1432 Aa ii 21; see below, p. 8).Various scholars have dealt briefly with the subject, but the accumulation of a mass of new evidence calls for a fresh treatment, especially of the part played by such letters in inventories. No technical name has, I believe, been given to letters so used, and in this article I call them ‘letter-labels’, a title which emphasizes the function they fulfil in the majority of cases where they occur.
A Topographical and Historical Study of Achaea
Authors: Anderson J. K. 
Published: October 2013

Among the seven nations inhabiting the Peloponnese, Herodotus counts the Achaeans third. They were, he says, natives of the Peloponnese, but no longer living in their own land. Elsewhere he says that the Ionians of Asia Minor were divided into twelve cities because formerly when they lived in the Peloponnese they were divided into twelve parts, which twelve divisions were maintained by the Achaeans who expelled them. This story was certainly believed generally by Ionians and Achaeans alike in the fourth century B.C., and is accepted by Polybius, Strabo, and Pausanias, who add that the Achaean leader was Tisamenos, son of Orestes. Perhaps when the Homeric Catalogue of Ships was composed Achaea was ruled by princes claiming descent from Agamemnon, some of whose followersThe date of Ogyges, named as the last king, is uncertain, but there is no evidence that the land was ruled by kings at the time when the western colonies were founded. The princes named by Pausanias are surely fictitious, but the tradition of a separate dynasty, that of Preugenes and his son Patreus, suggests that Western Achaea, the area not mentioned by Homer, may have formed a separate kingdom.
The Khaniale Tekke Tombs
Authors: Hutchinson R. W. , Boardman John 
Published: October 2013

The material from the Khaniale Tekke tombs was excavated by me in 1940, but most of it had not been photographed, and some vases had been left still unrepaired when the Germans invaded Crete, and they were inaccessible to me when I returned to Crete in 1945.The presence of ‘Geometric’ tombs on this site was first reported to me by the foreman at Knossos, the late Emmanuel Akoumianos, whose eagle eye for ancient remains was noted by Sir Arthur Evans. Immediate excavation was necessary, since the owner, Dr. Hatzakis, who has generously foregone his claims for compensation, was proposing to erect a house there.The first trial trench which I opened on 20th January 1940 disclosed a chamber tomb with a square chamber and a long, narrow dromos cut in the native kouskouras, that white, cretaceous marl which is so prominent a feature of the landscape in Central Crete.
The tribal organization of Chios
Authors: Forrest W. G. 
Published: October 2013

The economic and political development of the Greek states from the eighth century onwards left few, if any, of their tribal organizations unaffected; as these became unworkable or unpopular, the traditional divisions into tribes, phratries, and gene, based in practice, if not in origin, on kinship, were sooner or later replaced or modified. But the factors which led to reform were many; it might be the problem of a subject population, a mixed population, a shifting population, or of synoecism; it might be the need for military reform; or simply a question of political feeling, an attempt to satisfy anti-aristocratic prejudice by destroying the essentially aristocratic kinship system. More than one factor could be involved in any change; each might have a different effect on the result. Consequently the process was not simple or uniform; the new order might be wholly artificial or merely a modification of the old; the old might be discarded or retained alongside the new for some special purpose; old names, proper or generic, might still be used in the new system at the same or even at a different level. In such confusion it is essential to analyse in detail the evidence for each organization on its own before looking for any general pattern or arguing by analogy from one state's system to another.In the case of Chios the relevant documents have often been interpreted in the light of what was known of the gentilicial system of Attica. Tribes, of number unknown, were thought to have been divided into phratries, each composed of several smaller units of two kinds, gene and thiasoi. The comparison is misleading. The constitution of the Attic phratries is far from clear, but, whatever it may have been, these documents from Chios, of which the text is given below, must belong to a very different order.
The Hellenistic inscriptions of Old Paphos
Authors: Mitford T. B. 
Published: October 2013

The ruins of Old Paphos are now occupied by the village of Kouklia, some 10 miles to the south-south-east of (New) Paphos which lies below Ktima in western Cyprus. Since Old Paphos capital of an ancient city-kingdom, was alike the ecumenical centre of Aphrodite-worship and the ἰερόν of New Paphos, capital of Cyprus for the Ptolemies seemingly from the outset of the second century B.C., its Hellenistic inscriptions are relatively abundant. These I first examined in 1936. I have since then repeatedly revisited the site, to add to the unpublished and to rediscover others long lost. Finally, from 1950 to 1955 excavations were conducted in the area of the Aphrodite temple and in the outskirts of Kouklia, to make a notable enlargement of the total. Here into a handlist of the known inscriptions I incorporate the formal publication of the new material and, wherever this may call for fuller treatment, a greater emphasis on the old.It will be seen from the preceding classification of the documents that there is numerically remarkable disproportion between their classes. Whereas the hard local limestones used for the statue-bases could be employed repeatedly as building material, the dice have been heavily weighted against the survival of the fine, white marbles: two lime-kilns which in 1888 were still squatting on the temple site explain the rarity of these.
A chariot larnax from Mycenae
Authors: French Elizabeth 
Published: October 2013

The two unusual fragments illustrated in Plate 14 and Fig. I were found at Mycenae in 1950, but were not identified until 1957, when the pottery from the Cyclopean Terrace Building Area was being restudied for the publication which appears in this volume. They come from the East Trench which ran east-west immediately east of the east wall of the Cyclopean Terrace Building proper and which disclosed the drain marked in the plan. They were found at a depth of more than 2·40 m., i.e. below the level of the drain. It seems likely that the fill of this area dates mainly from the period of the building of the Cyclopean Terrace Building (when the drain also must have been built) in the early part of L.H. IIIB, but the pottery in all layers of this trench was contaminated by stray sherds of later Mycenaean, Geometric, and Hellenistic wares. Therefore, though a date in the period preceding early L.H. IIIB is very likely, it cannot be assured.The pieces, which are 0·02 m. thick, are made of a heavy buff clay with considerable grit and chaff covered with a light wash through which the grit shows, giving the appearance known as ‘oatmeal’. The paint is a semi-lustrous red-brown. This fabric is similar to, though heavier than, that of the stirrup jars from the nearby House of the Wine Merchant. It is clear from the scene on the outside that the two fragments are not adjoining, but come from the opposite sides of the same vessel. The shape, fabric, and schemes of decoration seem to indicate that these are fragments of a bath larnax (FS 1).
Underwater reconnaissance off the island of Chios, 1954
Authors: Garnett Richard , Boardman John 
Published: October 2013

In June and July of 1954 a team often divers spent just over four weeks exploring the east coast of Chios. The team was based on Emporio in the south-east, where the British School was excavating under the direction of M. S. F. Hood and J. Boardman, and was thus able to rely on the archaeologists there for expert guidance. Most of the underwater work took place in this area, but the team was also able to spend some time exploring the north-east coasts of the island, thanks to Mr. Tom Dupree, who put his yacht Kerynia at their disposal.The main diving equipment consisted of three twin-cylinder aqualungs with three spare twin-cylinder air-tanks, and a compressor to recharge them with air, belonging to the British School at Athens. The purchase of this expensive equipment had been made possible by the great generosity of Lord Kelmsley and the Sunday Times newspaper. Miss Dilys Powell, as representative of the Sunday Times, joined the expedition for two weeks and took an active part in the work.
Two dedications from Cyrenaica
Authors: Fraser P. M. 
Published: October 2013

I am grateful to Mr. R. G. Goodchild, Director of Antiquities, Cyrenaica, for permission to publish these two inscriptions, and also for much other assistance during a recent visit to Cyrene.I: Rectangular altar of limestone, complete on all sides with moulding above and below, H. 0·71; W. 0·43; Th. 0·38; letters, of the fourth century B.C. c. 0·050–060. Plate 1 (a).Seen by me, August 1961, at El-Beida.Κωρής: This altar is now on the excavated site of El-Beida, the ancient Balagrai, the centre of an important cult of Asklepios, 16 kilometres west of Cyrene, having been found in the Italian fort at El-Beida a few years ago. It seems likely that it is the stone referred to by Oliverio as having been found at Messa, some 10 kilometres west of El-Beida, where archaeological exploration in 1918 brought to light some dedications to Demeter, Kore, and other deities, and also some rock-cut sanctuaries. It cannot therefore be used as evidence for the pre-Roman period at Balagrai.
Linear B tablets from Knossos
Authors: Chadwick John , Killen J. T. 
Published: October 2013

This article is a continuation of that published in BSA lvii. 46–74, and the same principles have been followed in editing the present series of fragments. The three sections deal with the tablets found during excavations at Knossos in 1961, two small fragments preserved in the British Museum but hitherto unrecorded, and a collection of pieces in Iraklion which had previously been overlooked or thought unworthy of publication. The new numbers assigned run from 8210 to 8332.The system of transcription has been slightly modified to conform to the latest version of the ‘Wingspread Convention’ dated 1962 and published by Professor E. L. Bennett as a supplement to Nestor. The use of hyphens between groups of letters representing Mycenaean signs has been continued, as allowing in some cases a more accurate account to be given of the state of the text. The expansions of the abbreviated names of the ideograms will be found in the index of ideographic signs on p. 88. The comma has been used as the transcription of the word-divider, as it seems inadequate, especially in fragmentary texts, to leave it to be inferred merely from the spacing.
Obsidian in the Aegean
Authors: Renfrew Colin , Cann J. R. , Dixon J. E. 
Published: October 2013

Obsidian to the Greeks was no more than a semi-precious stone, black and shiny, suitable for mirrors or exotic ornaments. But to their predecessors in the Aegean through five millenia it was an important raw material for the manufacture of tools and weapons. Sharper and more abundant than flint, more easily worked and cheaper than copper, it was not displaced entirely even by the use of bronze, which was always an expensive material, there being no source of tin in the Aegean. Only when knowledge of iron-working was brought to the Aegean coasts did obsidian fall from its position as an important raw material to that of a curiosity.Huge quantities of obsidian are to be found lying about the surface of most prehistoric sites in south Greece—any farmer or shepherd will tell of the ‘little razors’ to be found on his land. But its occurrence in nature is very unusual since it is found exclusively in regions of recent volcanic activity, and then only when certain conditions exist, such as a high silica content in the lava of the volcano. Every single piece found in mainland Greece had to be imported from overseas, a process implying competent geological knowledge, skill in sailing and navigation, and perhaps social organization, to a considerable degree. It is the earliest trade in the world for which we have concrete evidence.
A Four-horse Chariot Relief of the Fifth Century B.C.
Authors: Waywell Geoffrey B. 
Published: October 2013

Two fragments of relief, one in the British Museum, the other in the British School at Athens, have been found to adjoin.The first piece is British Museum 814 (Plate 1). Museum Marbles ix (1842) 172 f., pl. 38. 2; A. H. Smith, BMC Sculpt, i (1892) 373; Furtwängler, Sammlung Sabouroff, text to pl. XXVI; Reisch, Griechische Weihgeschenke 50; Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings 177; W. H. Hyde, Olympic Victor Monuments (1921) 268; Rizzo, Bolletino d'Arte viii (1938) 348, fig. 25; C. C. Vermeule III, JHS lxxv (1955) 105, fig. 5.Provenance, Athens. H. 0·70 m., W. 0·82 m., Th. 0·08 m., Depth of relief 0·03 m. Broken left and below. Above and to the right is a narrow frame of peculiar type, which comprises a flat fillet with chamfered inner margin, forming a mitred joint in the upper right corner. The marble is of fine and even crystal with a definite golden-brown patina, and is therefore likely to be Pentelic. The surface is generally very worn, and some higher features, such as the horses' heads, the face of the charioteer, and the nearside of the Nike above, are completely obliterated. Besides this, a calcareous deposit, mentioned in Museum Marbles as having damaged the stone, has at some time been lightly chiselled away. Hence the coarse appearance of, for example, the upper right corner of the frame, the background to the right of the charioteer, and the area in front of Nike's head.The scene shows a four-horse chariot travelling at speed to the left, driven by a charioteer dressed in the usual long, sleeveless chiton, which swirls back in the wind.
A Minoan ‘Goddess’ Idol from Sakhtouria
Authors: Tzedakis Yannis G. 
Published: October 2013

In the Museum at Rethymnon there is a Minoan clay idol (Mus. No. 22) of the type of the goddess with uplifted hands. This comes from the village of Sakhtouria in the eparchy of Ayios Vassilios in the Rethymna nome.The idol is 33·3 cm. high, with the base 9·2 cm. in diameter. The space between the arms at its widest extent measures 33 cm. The left arm and both the hands are missing, together with parts of the chest, neck, jaw, nose, crown of the head, and base. The missing sections have been restored in plaster, except for the hands and parts of the jaw and nose (Plate 41, a, b). The idol is hollow inside, and the lower part of the trunk is tubular with a narrow splayed border round the bottom (Plate 42, a). A splayed base of this type is a regular feature of Late Helladic clay figurines.The eyes are indicated by slight bulges, and the eyebrows by single curving lines in relief which extend down the sides of the cheeks as far as the jaw and strongly emphasize it (Plate 42, b). The ears are represented by means of a boldly rendered nearly circular fillet in relief (Plate 43, a, b). The crown of the head is filletted, but there are no traces of any attachments for ornaments or sacred symbols, and the hair must have been rendered in paint to judge from the traces of black on the back part of the head immediately below the crown. The features of the face are expressed in generalized but vigorous terms. The face is markedly triangular in shape.According to the generally accepted view the type of the goddess with uplifted hands first appeared in Crete at the beginning of the Late Minoan IIIB period. In 1958 Professor Doro Levi excavated a Minoan villa near Gortyna, and came upon a shrine there with idols of this type which he assigned on a basis of the pottery recovered to Late Minoan I. The question of the early appearance of the type was thus revived.
The West Court at Perachora
Authors: Coulton J. J. 
Published: October 2013

About 10 metres south-west of the sixth-century temple of Hera Akraia at Perachora, and nearly due west of the little harbour lies the small courtyard previously known as the ‘Agora’. Since its purpose is not known, it will here be non-committally referred to as the West Court. It was first excavated in 1932, and more fully, under the supervision of J. K. Brock, in 1933, but it was not entirely cleared until 1939, and it was at that time that the Roman house which stood in the middle of the court was demolished. The West Court is discussed briefly (under the name of ‘Agora’) in Perachora 1 and in the preliminary reports of the Perachora excavations. Short supplementary excavations were carried out in 1964 and 1966 to examine certain points of the structure.In shape the West Court is an irregular pentagon, about 24 metres from north to south and the same from east to west (Fig. 1; Plate 91 a, b). It is enclosed on the west, north, and on part, at least, of the east side by a wall of orthostates on an ashlar foundation. For a short distance on either side of the south corner, the court is bounded by a vertically dressed rock face which is extended to the north-east and west by walls of polygonal masonry. At the south-west corner the west orthostate wall butts against the polygonal wall, which continues for about 0·80 m. beyond it and then returns north for about 8 metres behind it.
‘Numerous Years of Joyful Life’ from Mycenae
Authors: Marinatos Sp. 
Published: October 2013

We must bear in mind two fundamental facts, which are basic to the theme of this paper: first, that Egypt more than any other land has influenced the Minoan-Mycenaean civilisation, and second, that the free adaptation and fusion of Egyptian motives is a typical phenomenon of Aegean art and mentality.Something has already been written about Egyptian influence in the art of the Shaft Graves of Mycenae. I hope to show, in a forthcoming paper, that this connection is even greater, extending its influence not only in art (in just that point the influence is not great), but also and especially in material matters and in deep religious and funerary ideas. Here we will discuss a very well known and ‘curious’ object of early Mycenaean art, the gold and silver pin from the Third Shaft Grave (Fig. 1).
Accidental and Intentional Red Glaze on Athenian Vases
Authors: Richter Gisela M. A. 
Published: October 2013

Professor Wace's many distinguished contributions to archaeology have been in a variety of fields. In all, however, he has kept an eye on the technical side of the problem, which so often illuminates our research. I, therefore, offer this investigation in his honour.After Mr. Charles F. Binns had in 1929 published his theory of the firing of Athenian vases successively under oxidising, reducing, and re-oxidising conditions it became clear that the glaze on Greek vases turned red or black according to the conditions of the firing. This theory has recently been endorsed and amplified by Mr. Theodor Schumann, a ceramic chemist, who, at the instigation of the well-known archaeologist Mr. Carl Weickert, conducted during the war a series of experiments in the chemical laboratory of the Schütte Akt. Ges. für Tonindustrie in Heisterholz, Westphalia, and at long last successfully imitated the Attic black glaze. Like Binns, he used as the only ingredients for the glaze a clay that contained iron—i.e. red-burning—and a small quantity of alkali (potash or soda). His important new contribution was the peptising of the clay, whereby he eliminated the heavier particles. By using only the fluid made of the smaller and therefore lighter particles of the clay, he obtained a glaze of remarkable thinness, equal in quality and appearance to the Attic one.