bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Nordic region, from emigration to immigration
Authors: Leinonen Johanna 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The migration history of the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden) over the past two hundred years has been characterized by mass emigration in the 19th and early 20th century, followed by a slow transition to becoming immigrant‐receiving nations during and after World War II. During the time of mass emigration, Nordic migrants ventured to different parts of the world: mainly to the United States but also to Canada, Australia, and South America. A larger share of Danes than other Nordic migrants moved to countries outside North America, in particular to Australia and South America. Among all Nordic migrants, sailors were usually the first ones to venture to foreign shores. For example, in the 19th century Finnish sailors could be found in South African gold mines or voyaging in the Congo River Jensen 1931; Koivukangas 2008.
North–South migration
Authors: Odok Godwin Etta 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMigration has been a sphere of interest over time among scholars who have concentrated on the identification of factors to explain the processes by which internal and international destinations attracted people to them (Clark & Souden 1987). The literature demonstrates that unprecedented numbers of people are on the move worldwide and globalization of the world economy is likely to increase migration even further (Kane 1995). From 1980 to 2000, more people have moved from their homes and countries than ever before in history (Indra 1999). Most would prefer to remain where they were, but due to lack of the ability to survive in their communities, more have to move. Scholars have successfully demonstrated how the movement of people in the mass reflected a set of scientific principles concerning poverty, capacity to relocate, and distance (Massey 1999).
Novels and memoirs and migration
Authors: Beus Yifen T. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMigrant literature or literature of migration refers to writings about or by migrants. The United Nations' definition of a migrant or migration relies heavily on the geopolitically defined boundaries to describe human movement (UNESCO, n.d.). In literary studies, however, the concept of a migrant can be broadly conceived to include an individual who moves, voluntarily or not (such as an exile or a refugee), temporarily or permanently, “from one country, locality, place of residence, etc. to settle in another” (OED, n.d.). Although the duration of the migrants' sojourns varies, the lasting impacts on them often invoke sentiments that inspire such writings. Migrant writings often foreground the experiences of migrants during and after their movements and typically reflect the sociopolitical as well as cultural conditions of their countries of origin and of the new host locations. Issues of equality and human rights, cultural and linguistic identity, nostalgia, the notion of a homeland, and even the definition of nation are among topics and themes most frequently treated in migrant literature. This essay will highlight the following issues and characteristics that are central to the study of migrant writing, with a focus on the novel and memoirs: genre definition and boundaries, key literary movements and styles, major themes and motifs, and developing trends.
Palestine, migration 1880 to present
Authors: Pappé Ilan 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe expulsion of the Palestinians from their homeland began in systematic form in 1948. A few thousand Palestinians had been previously evicted from their land in the 1920s and 1930s as a result of Zionist land purchase, but they remained within Palestine. The expulsion in many ways continues in an incremental, at times undetected, manner, through the first decade of the 21st century. The main reason for this uprooting is the internal logic of the Zionist ideology and the consensual vision in Israel of the need to create an exclusive Jewish state in historical Palestine.
Paraguay, migration 19th century to present
Authors: Oddone Hugo 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Paraguay's historic migratory experience is one of paradox. Since the 1860s, colonizers opened the region's doors in an unrestricted way to immigration – but despite these efforts – the country became a nation of emigration. At the close of the Triple Alliance War (1864–1870) during which Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay fought against Paraguay, immigration was announced as a strategic policy in order to repopulate the country, demographically reduced to 30 percent of the prewar population by the military conflict. Immigration was a necessity to reactivate the country's economy, which had been completely destroyed by the war.
Peninsular India and the Bay of Bengal: mobility and travel, 4th century BCE to 8th century CE
Authors: Ray Himanshu 
Published: January 2013

AbstractExtending for 4,671 miles (7,517 km), the Indian coastline is shared by eight of the country's largest states from Gujarat in the west to Bengal in the east. Three of the largest cities, Mumbai, Chennai, and Kolkata, lie on the coast. This maritime orientation of peninsular India has influenced travel and mobility in the region from at least the start of the Iron Age, that is the middle of the 2nd millenniumBCEonward. In this essay, I shall discuss the theme of travel and mobility in three sections, each centered around one of the groups known for its propensity to migrate. I start with the evidence for fishing and sailing communities along the east coast of India and across the Bay of Bengal. The second section deals with overland trade networks of the interior and the extent to which these were linked to coastal centers. Finally, in the last section, I focus on the movements of Buddhist monks and Brahmans across the Indian subcontinent and into Southeast Asia from the 4th centuryBCEto the 8th centuryCE.
Poland, migration 19th century to present
Authors: Burrell Kathy 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Until recently, modern Poland has characteristically been a country of emigration; flows away from the country have not only been significant in scale, but have also had an important influence on the nation's self‐identity, being closely tied to the political and economic fortunes of the country. Polish emigration can broadly be divided into two categories, political and economic. Before considering these, however, there are some complications related to modern‐era emigrations that need to be addressed. Firstly, between 1795 and 1918 Poland did not exist as a nation‐state on the map of Europe, having been partitioned between Russia, Prussia, and Austria. These three zones were markedly different in terms of migration dynamics, making generalizations necessarily unsatisfactory. It was the poorer Russian zone which was most associated with mass emigration, for example, but political migration was also significant from the Austrian territory. Secondly, the partitioned state of Poland also meant that there were difficulties in officially counting Polish emigrants in the reception countries during this period; national residence and ethnicity were not congruent. Who was Polish came down to a commitment to ethnicity above all else.
Portugal: migration 16th century to present
Authors: Borges Marcelo J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
International migration has been a constant in Portuguese history during the last six hundred years. From the early 15th century to the early 19th century, migration occurred mostly within the space of the global Portuguese empire. Beginning in the mid‐19th century, labor migrants from Portugal joined other Europeans in mass transatlantic moves to the Americas and other overseas destinations. The second half of the 20th century marked a shift in direction, from the Americas to northern Europe. At the turn of the 21st century, Portugal became for the first time a country of immigration, but emigration continued, especially within the space of the European Union.
Postcolonial refugee narratives
Authors: Shemak April 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees initially focused primarily on refugees in Europe following World War II, largely ignoring the crises of displacement and forced migration occurring through decolonization in the developing world. There is a growing body of postcolonial literature that represents the experiences of refugees across the postcolonial world after World War II. Postcolonial refugee narratives can be defined as prose narratives (novels, short stories, memoirs) by and about refugees fleeing nations of origin that have a history of European colonialism. In these narratives, the conditions of the nation of origin exist in some form of political and/or economic crisis, sometimes as a direct result of colonial rule, neocolonialism, or decolonization. Postcolonial refugee narratives represent a genre of literature that highlights the human rights issues facing stateless persons. Keeping in mind that refugees are not a monolithic group, but originate from many regions and speak numerous languages, I will address some refugee narratives written in English. Frequently associated with the “masses,” refugees are often portrayed in the media as downtrodden, voiceless victims, thus, it is important to consider how literary narratives attempt to give voice to refugees, and/or mark their exclusion from dominant discourses.
Postcolonial theories of migration
Authors: Nair Parvati 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThis essay explores the relevance of postcolonial theory to migration. In so doing, it begins with the premise that, by definition, the postcolonial must be considered in the light of migration. For, above all, the postcolonial is about dislocation. In turn, if migration is a major issue in many national and regional debates and policies, then this is largely because of the influx of migrants to the West from the less affluent countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America; in other words, from postcolonial nations, whereby issues of class, race, ethnicity, and religion feature prominently, as do questions of national purity and contamination, inside and outside, self and other. Equally, it is important to note that postcolonial theory is not always the sole theoretical inroad to the study of migration: many migrants, especially those who are skilled, economically secure, and welcome in their host countries, do not share the struggle or the deep historical dislocation of the postcolonial. However, those many millions of immigrants who cross borders and live tenuous lives in inhospitable circumstances do share the context of the postcolonial, for, ultimately, this issue is one of class, subjugation, and exploitation. The larger backdrop here is that of the history of globalization, a process whose roots go back to colonial ventures and whose impact at a planetary level is sharply on the increase, with often dire consequences that range from the social to the environmental. The parity between the postcolonial and the migrant brings to light the crucial question of persisting empire in the age of globalization. At the heart of this ongoing process are the ideology and practices of capitalism.
Poverty, development, and migration
Authors: Sørensen Ninna Nyberg 
Published: January 2013

AbstractA basic assumption in classic migration theory is that a search for better – or more secure – livelihoods is the main cause of migration (De Haan 1999; Ellis 2000). Poverty motivates individuals, families, and communities to embark on migratory projects. If successful, such movements may contribute to economic as well as human development. Yet migration and the development of economic and human capacity have been treated as two separate and distinct areas of concern, academically as well as politically. The failure to link migration and development and to study, for example, migration's poverty‐alleviating effects, has been more pronounced in cases of international migration than in studies of population movements within nation‐state boundaries. Over the last 10 years, however, attention to the migration–development nexus and the many links that exist between the two fields has moved to center‐stage (Sørensen et al. 2002; Spaan et al. 2005; Glick Schiller & Faist 2009). This has generated a profusion of academic studies, policy analyses, international fora, and recommendations focused on to how to make migration work for poverty reduction and human development in concrete migration settings. However, the nature of the relationship between migration and development remains contested and the assumed links often entail a number of problems, if not contradictions.
Protohistoric European migrations
Authors: Champion Timothy 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMigrations in protohistoric Europe (1000BCEto 500CEoutside the Classical world of the Mediterranean) fall into three categories: (1) hypothetical migrations invoked to explain observed patterns of similarity in material culture shown by archaeology, or (2) those deduced from the distribution of languages recorded by historical linguistics, or else (3) the migrations and invasions of northern barbarians recorded by Greek and Roman authors. Genetic analysis of modern populations has produced no evidence of significant population movements in this period, while analysis of ancient human remains is still at a preliminary stage. Historical, archaeological, linguistic, and genetic data provide different results, which do not yet offer a unified picture (Sims‐Williams 1998).
Public health and migration
Authors: Hoyez Sarah E. Curtis and Anne Cécile 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Internationally, it has been recognized that “health” comprises more than the absence of disease and should be understood rather in terms of “complete physical, mental and social well‐being” as defined by the World Health Organization (WHO 1948). This definition is reinforced by the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (adopted in 1986) which mentions some preliminary conditions for achieving good health, such as peace, sufficient economic resources, appropriate access to housing and food, a stable ecosystem, sustainable resources, social justice, and equity. These conditions are also major factors associated with international migration processes. The WHO definition of health encourages all public health systems to consider “health” as a fundamental right (WHO 2003) and to provide health care facilities to all people, independently of national, racial, or ethnic origins.
Puerto Rico, migration 1868 to present
Authors: Duany Jorge 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIn 1898, the United States invaded Puerto Rico during the Spanish‐Cuban‐American war. In 1901, the US Supreme Court defined Puerto Rico as “foreign to the United States in a domestic sense,” in other words neither a state of the American union nor an independent country. The Court also ruled that the island was an “unincorporated territory … belonging to … but not a part of” the United States (Downes v. Bidwell1901). The Court later declared that Puerto Ricans were not “aliens” for immigration purposes in the United States (Gonzales v. Williams1904). In 1917, Congress granted US citizenship to all persons born on the island, without extending to them all constitutional rights and duties.
Race and migration
Authors: Gupta Tania Das 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe right to move is a basic human right recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN 1948). As people have interacted, they have developed ideas about themselves and others, noting differences in actual or imaginary physical appearance and habits. Common attributes noted as markers of difference are skin color, language, and religion. This essay discusses the emergence of racial ideologies associated with migrants in societies based in Western Europe, including Canada, Australia, and the US (henceforth referred to as the “West”). Non‐Europeans also have ideas about their others (Miles 1989; Bhatt 2000); however, those are not the focus here.
Railroads and migration
Authors: Hoerder Dirk 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Railroads have generally been considered as facilitating emigrant travel to a port of departure and from a port of arrival. However, building railroad grades required immense amounts of human labor and it was construction rather than individual migration plans which mobilized local, or in some cases, distant earth‐workers. The English navvies, German
Erdarbeiter
, and Hungarian
kubykos
began to follow construction camps, and extended Europe's railways form a mere 330 km in 1831 to more than 300,000 km by 1876. Some would migrate intercontinentally to build the Panama railroad (1855) to shorten migrants' route to California, or, later, dig the Panama Canal or carve railway grades in the Rocky Mountains.
Refugee families and children
Authors: White Allen 
Published: January 2013

AbstractOn January 1, 2010 the global population of refugees, asylum seekers, and those given temporary protection numbered approximately 16.1 million people (UNHCR 2010). Of these 40 percent (or 6.5 million) were children. This global refugee population total represents a drop from a high of 27 million in 1995. The decline in numbers of people of concern to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and in the numbers seeking asylum in the West (Hyndman and Mountz 2007 note, for example, that the numbers seeking asylum in the EU in 2004 were at their lowest since 1997) should not be misinterpreted as indicating greater levels of social and political stability in the world. Quite the opposite, they more accurately reflect the evolution of “regional solutions,” “temporary protection,” and “containment policies” of richer states that seek, through developing “transit processing centers” and safe third‐country agreements and the like, to construct an “architecture of enmity” that excludes and prevents desperate migrants from making claims for asylum (Hyndman and Mountz 2007). To illustrate this point, when one includes “internally displaced” populations in refugee counts, the number increases to 43.1 million people (UNHCR 2010).
Religion and migration
Authors: Connor Phillip 
Published: January 2013

AbstractInternational migration is a global phenomenon currently involving nearly 215 million people, or about 3 percent of the world's population, according to the United Nations (2009). Although traditional receiving countries (e.g. United States, Canada) and more recent receiving countries in Western Europe contain a large share of the world's migrants, international migration is not strictly an American or even a Western issue. This global scale of international migration has consequences in both sending and receiving countries, but, in terms of religion, it is more closely realized by the individual migrant. Therefore, the role of religion within the migration process can be traced from the migratory act to changes in religious practice after migration to religion as an integrative force within the receiving society.
Remittances and international migration
Authors: Julca Alex 
Published: January 2013

AbstractInternational labor migration is a complex multidimensional process, as much as vulnerability and resilience reflects the complex capacities of individuals and groups. As a coping mechanism, migration is directed at reducing environmental and socioeconomic vulnerabilities. In this regard, the nature of the migration stream as well as embedded structures of inequality and immigration policies will affect the chances for reducing vulnerabilities. Considering the different skill levels, highly skilled migrants generally move to improve income and quality of work, while low‐skilled migration is typically driven by the need to reduce economic insecurity. The former would have a better chance of entering destination countries legally and with better prospects for employment, while the latter group would likely be exposed to undocumented migration and low wages in their cities of destination. As a consequence, economic and adaptation processes for both streams will differ.
Remittances, motivation
Authors: Julca Alex 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe literature on immigrant remittances has burgeoned over the past twenty‐five years along with the phenomenon itself, and yet little analysis has focused on what motivates immigrants in unstable economic conditions to send remittances to people in their home countries. Socioeconomic ties between immigrants and their family (kin) and community (kith) back home play a significant role, as much as the living conditions of immigrants at their destinations. This essay argues that remittances are a result of the dynamics between immigrants' socioeconomic structure and labor market conditions. More importantly, remittance patterns end up changing the socioeconomic relations between origins and destinations of kin/kith. Thus, the kind of socioeconomic structure between immigrants and their kin and ethnic group affects remittance flows, whose patterns ultimately transform that structure. This argument can be summarized in the following equation.
Remittances and political economy of migration
Authors: Julca Alex 
Published: January 2013

AbstractEmpirical evidence has revealed that remittances to countries suffering from economic recessions often grow during and after these events. Remittances act as a cushion against these shocks since transfers often soar after disasters, for example Hurricane Mitch in Honduras and Nicaragua, and after earthquakes in Central America and Peru (International Organization of Migration 2004).
Research on migration: an overview
Authors: Hoerder Dirk 
Published: January 2013

AbstractResearch about migration began in the 1880s in Europe and North America, focused on “assimilation” in the US in the 1920s and 1930s, and narrowed from comprehensive societal perspectives to a migration‐and‐ethnicity or nation‐to‐ethnic‐enclave approach in the 1950s. In the 1960s new approaches expanded the field and sophisticated interdisciplinary migration studies emerged. With few exceptions (outlined below), it remained a European and North American field until the 1970s.
Return migration
Authors: Peterson Glen 
Published: January 2013

AbstractPrior to the 1960s, there was hardly any mention at all of return migration in the vast literature on human migration. Studies of migration often proceeded as if the phenomenon of return migration never occurred. Migration was viewed as a one‐way process beginning with “uprooting” at the point of origin and ending with “assimilation” into one's adopted culture and country. This notion of migration as a unidirectional process was greatly influenced by the dominance of nation‐based categories of analysis in which people were identified by the national groupings to which they formally belonged. In fact, return migration is a common feature of most human migrations. For instance, it has been estimated that “at least” one‐third of the 52 million Europeans who emigrated from Europe between 1824 and 1924 eventually returned permanently to their original homelands (Wyman 2005: 16).