bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Radicalism
Authors: Cross Remy 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The term “radicalism,” as used within the milieu of political and social movements, can have several different usages. Primarily there are three ways of looking at it: as a process, as a practice, or as a set of beliefs. It is a process in the sense that radicalism, whatever its form, is rarely born whole cloth. Rather, it is usually a journey from a nonradical state towards a more radical state. The practice of radicalism is most commonly associated with a set of tactics and strategies that lie outside the bounds of accepted political or religious protest, often verging on illegality. Radical beliefs, or ideologies, typically hold that the potential for desirable change lies outside the realm of legitimate modes of challenge and expression within the targeted institutional arena.
Social Control Errors
Authors: Gamson William A. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements that are unhappy with the choices of authorities must be handled in some fashion. The most basic distinction in how authorities respond to movement pressure is between (1) changing their decisions and policies, and (2) making some effort to control the social movement. The former response deals with the content of the unhappiness by modifying outcomes; the latter deals with controlling the source of the pressure for change. If social control is successful, there will be no need for outcome modification.
Tactics
Authors: Doherty Brian 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
When we refer to the tactics used by social movements we mean forms of action that have been deliberately chosen with the aim of influencing or coercing one or more of opponents, the general public, and fellow movement activists. These features are so central to the nature of social movements that consideration of movement tactics inevitably entails an understanding of other aspects of social movements, including strategy, the nature of protest, and movement identity, all of which affect how tactics are understood. Yet, as many have noted, while accounts of tactics used in particular protests are ubiquitous, conceptual analysis of tactics per se and especially of how movements choose their tactics is relatively rare (Taylor & Van Dyke 2004; Smithey 2009). There are a number of reasons for this. First, if tactics are deliberate choices made by groups it is often difficult to ascertain who made the choices and how: Activists interviewed after the event may give self‐serving and inaccurate accounts of how decisions emerged. Second, movement tactics are relational in that their effects depend on the response of others outside the movement and they cannot always be sure how their opponents, and, where different, the authorities and even their adherents will react. Particular tactics may be determined by an expectation of their likely impacts on the behavior of others, but these expectations may be misplaced and opponents may counter movement tactics successfully.
Targets
Authors: Martin Andrew 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Most scholarly interest on social movements has been focused on movements themselves; the types of tactics they employ, what resources they use, and how they mobilize rank and file to bring about social change. The actual target of movement activism is less well examined. Generally, in modern democratic societies, the assumption is the state is the primary granter of benefits, and therefore the most logical target of protest, although other institutions also function in that capacity (Snow 2004). Moreover, targets vary in their vulnerabilities to movement pressure; some are more susceptible to challenges than others. In what follows I explore the importance of targets in relation to social movements and protest.
AIDSActivism
Authors: Fillieule Olivier 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe AIDS epidemic first appeared as a public issue in the USA during the summer of 1981. It was then that the first stories were published in medical journals and in the gay press reporting the emergence of mysterious new illnesses among gay men, and it is the gay community, perhaps to a unique degree, which mobilized first and took part in all aspects of the management of the epidemic. This included the provision of social aid and healthcare to people with AIDS, gay or not, the conduct of research, lobbying for funds and other government intervention, the creation of educational programs and negotiations with legislators and health insurers (Altman 1994; Kramer 1994; Fillieule & Duyvendak 1999).
Antinuclear Power Movements (In General)
Authors: Rdig Wolfgang 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Opposition movements against the civil use of nuclear power can be found as early as the late 1950s but it was only in the 1970s and 1980s that mass movements against ambitious nuclear construction programs were mobilizing in many Western democracies. Conflict intensity varied between countries; particularly fierce conflicts involving violence could be found in France and West Germany. By the early 1980s most countries had either abandoned plans for nuclear power or had successfully implemented their construction programs. While the Chernobyl accident of 1986 provided the background for a brief movement revival, the absence of new construction projects had removed the main stimulus behind the movement, and activity specifically targeted against nuclear power had effectively ceased in most countries by the early 1990s.
Antislavery Movement
Authors: King Marissa D. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe movement to abolish slavery and end the slave trade, which began first in Europe and then the United States at the end of the eighteenth century, was one of the first modern social movements. The abolition movements in France and Britain, which sought to end the slave trade among the colonies, and the movement to end slavery in the United States shared critical qualities that set them apart from earlier reform efforts. In the early eighteenth century, social protests were primarily short‐lived outbursts mounted by loosely connected groups that were geographically constrained and emphasized local demands. In contrast, the antislavery movement was sustained, formally organized, transcended disparate geographies, and often directed their claims toward the state. The birth of the modern social movement was defined by a shift in the repertoires of contention—the set of actions activists use to assert their claims—from parochial, bifurcated, and particular to cosmopolitan, modular, and autonomous (Tilly 1995; Tarrow 1998). The antislavery movement's innovative early utilization of the media, religious organizations, and formal organizations in its organizing efforts was key to the movement's ability to develop a sustained geographically dispersed movement that transcended national boundaries and acted as a catalyst for the abolition of slavery, thereby making it one of the most significant modern social movements. Moreover, it was one of the first social movements to transcend national boundaries, making it one of the earliest transnational social movements.
Antiwar and Peace Movements
Authors: Meyer David S. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
War built the modern nation‐state, and the modern nation‐state made the modern social movement possible. To maintain (or extend) borders and wealth, the modern state developed a bureaucratic structure to extract its citizenry's sons and dollars, and that bureaucratic structure provides both a target and an interlocutor for challenging movements. Often, those movements challenge war and preparations for war. Peace and antiwar movements mobilize for a variety of goals, ranging from stopping the prosecution of particular military campaigns to stopping the preparations for war to creating a more just and pacific world through social services and citizen diplomacy. Antiwar and peace movements seek to constrain their own states and often reach outside national borders to cooperate with those who share their beliefs. Although some people are so committed to peace politics that they are virtually constantly mobilized, larger and more social movements emerge only when the costs and threats of war and war preparations become particularly visible.
Bolivarian Revolution (Venezuela)
Authors: Ryan J. Michael 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe Bolivarian Revolution is the name for the democratic social revolution occurring in Venezuela. It is named in honor of Latin American liberator Simón Bolívar and loosely defined is a populist revolution aimed at achieving democratic socialism and offering an alternative to the perceived destructive powers of unbridled imperialistic global capitalism. Since 2005, it is also often referred to as twenty‐first‐century socialism. The Bolivarian Revolution began in Venezuela during the presidency of President Hugo Chávez. Although Chávez is often mistakenly credited as its sole engine, the movement, due to its democratic nature, is powered largely by the people. This is not to say that Chávez has not been its most influential advocate and a necessary (though not sufficient) requisite for its viability so far, but rather that the movement has since taken on an independent nature and is proving to be truly people‐driven.
Contemporary Social and Political Movements in
R
ussia
Authors: Gubin Oleg 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Contemporary Russia appears to have a diverse and pluralistic social and political movement society. According to the Russian State Statistical Committee, there are 119 247 public associations registered with the Ministry of Justice as of January 1, 2010, with 5303 of them registered in 2009. Most of these associations are represented by 54 113 public organizations and 43 542 trade unions. The data also show a continuous growth of social movements, the number of which was 1808, with 117 emerging in 2009. In addition, the state statistics point out the existence of 746 national‐cultural associations, of which 96 came into existence in 2009. These ethnicity‐based groups reflect the complex multi‐ethnic composition of the Russian Federation. And finally, 253 branches of international NGOs operate in Russia, including human rights watch groups (
Russia in Figures 2010
). These data indicate that Russian people actively exercise their constitutional rights on assembly, association, and peaceful joint actions. The Russian Constitution (particularly articles 29, 30, 31) and various federal laws (the Federal Law on Public Associations, the Federal Law on Countering Extremist Activities, the Federal Law on Political Parties, and the Federal Law on Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Processing, and Picketing) grant those rights and provide a legal framework for collective actions. The Federal Law on Public Associations defines social movements in terms of mass public associations that pursue jointly social, political, and other socially useful purposes, supported by the participants of the movements. According to the Law on Public Associations, social movements must have: (a) a governing body in the form of congress, conference, or general meeting; and (b) a permanent governing elected body which, in the case of state registration, shall exercise the rights of a legal entity on behalf of the social movement. The public organization represents the membership‐based voluntary association, established on the basis of joint action to protect the common interests and achieve the statutory goals of the associated people. The law requires a formal registration of the social movement with the Ministry of Justice in order for it to pursue its activities legally. The authorities may ban social movements for extremist activities and for fueling ethnic and racial hostilities. Also, the law requires the permission of local authorities to be gained in order to engage in collective action in public places.
Culture Jamming
Authors: Wettergren Åsa 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Culture jamming is a movement answering to the characteristics of contemporary movements suggested by, among others, Alberto Melucci. It concentrates on symbolic forms of protest and resistance, struggles for personal autonomy and diversity, and is active in a subsystem of a complex global society. Culture jammers are generally organized in networks of small friendship‐ and/or skill‐based groups, or individual “solo” activists. There is a shared cultural framing in the assessment that commercial media and culture support mega‐corporate interests and power by manipulating and subjugating a creative and freedom‐craving human nature, undermine democracy by making people politically disinterested, exploit limited social and natural resources, and colonize public space. The latter includes media space, to which access is largely governed by financial resources. In addition the proliferation of unsubstantial commercial messages such as ads, commercials, and entertainment drowns the voice of politically engaged citizens.
Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (El Salvador)
Authors: Almeida Paul D. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was officially established in El Salvador in October of 1980 as a coalition of five left‐wing political factions—the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance (RN), the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS), the Popular Forces of Liberation (FPL), and the Central American Workers' Party (PRTC). Augustín Farabundo Martí was a communist organizer in the late 1920s and early 1930s. He was executed along with other political leaders in January of 1932 by the regime of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez. Each of the five FMLN political forces maintained their own armed militias by late 1980. With this unification of the armed left in El Salvador, the FMLN launched a general offensive against an unelected military‐civilian junta in January of 1981. The offensive failed to dislodge the prevailing regime after two weeks of heavy fighting on a national scale. However, the FMLN was able to secure rearguards in eastern and northern provinces and garner enough civilian support to sustain an armed conflict against the government until a United Nations‐backed peace accord was signed and put into place in January 1992. The formation of the FMLN and its political existence since the peace accords demonstrate its indispensable relationship to social movement mobilization.
Homeless Protest Movements (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Cress Daniel M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Protest activity by homeless people was arguably the most significant social movement by poor people in the United States over the three decade period, 1980–2010. Newspaper accounts of homeless protests were reported in over 60 cities during the 1980s with more than 500 protest events reported in 17 of those cities between 1984 and 1990 (Cress 2009; Snow, Soule, & Cress 2001). Beyond its empirical importance, homeless protest sheds theoretical insight into social movement activity because of the seemingly unlikely possibility of homeless people being able to sustain ongoing mobilization or achieve significant concessions. This entry examines the emergence, organization, and outcomes of homeless protest and concludes with a discussion of how protest by the homeless influences our understanding of social movements more broadly.
I
rish
R
epublican
M
ovement
Authors: White Robert W. , White Francis K. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Irish Republican Movement has its origins in eighteenth‐century republican political philosophy, which also inspired the American (1776) and French revolutions (1789). In the 1790s, the United Irishmen tried to unite “Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter” and create an Irish Republic independent of England. Unlike their American and French counterparts, the United Irishmen's rebellion of 1798 failed. However, they remained an inspiration for rebellions against the British in 1803, 1848, 1867, and 1916, and insurgent actions by Fenians (including armed campaigns against the British in Canada and a bombing campaign in England) in the 1860s, 1870s, and 1880s. Contemporary Irish Republicanism has organizational antecedents that date from the 1840s: Irish Republicans active as “Young Irelanders” in 1848 became Fenians; Fenians participated in the 1916 Rising and the Irish War of Independence (1919–1923); veterans of 1916–1923 were active in Irish Republican organizations into the twenty‐first century.
Kwang‐Ju Uprising (Korea)
Authors: Kim Sun‐Chul 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAlso known as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju people's struggle (Kwang‐ju minjung hangjaeng), the Kwang‐ju massacre, or officially as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju democratization movement (5.18 Kwang‐ju minjuhwa undong), the Kwang‐ju uprising refers to the Kwang‐ju citizens' ten‐day resistance to the newly emerging military leadership of South Korea from May 18 to 27, 1980. The uprising was first triggered by the military's brutal repression of what might have been an ordinary demonstration, and evolved into an armed resistance and a brief period of self‐governance analogous to the Paris Commune of 1871. In the end, the uprising was put down by special army units, producing many casualties. The Kwang‐ju uprising served as a turning point in the pro‐democracy movement and left a deep imprint on South Korean politics and society. With the establishment of electoral democracy in 1987, the uprising gained official recognition as a democratization movement and is commemorated every year.
L
enin (
V
.
I
.
Y
lianov) (1870–1924)
Authors: Gubin Oleg 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Vladymir Ilyich Ylianov (Lenin), the Russian revolutionary, is generally regarded as the founder of the Bolshevik social movement and the creator of the USSR. He realized Marx and Engels' dream of a socialist revolution that would bring down capitalism and replace it with socialism—a society based, ideally, on the dictatorship of the proletariat, public property, and a centrally planned economy, with greater equality and social justice for working‐class people. Despite the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent collapse of Soviet socialism in the 1990s, many Russians, especially those of 55 years and older, and those aged 18–21, view Lenin's role in Russian history more positively than negatively (леВада‐Центр 2011). Lenin's cremated body remains in his mausoleum on Red Square, and Russian society is divided over its removal and burial according to the Christian Orthodox tradition.
L
ukang
A
nti‐
D
u
P
ont Movement (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Ho Ming‐sho 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Originating as a seaport in the eighteenth century, Lukang is a commercial city and center of religious worship in central Taiwan (DeGlopper 1995). In March 1986, local residents launched a movement against the multinational DuPont company's project to set up a titanium dioxide plant. The investment was welcomed by government officials and viewed as a major boost to stimulate the economy out of a recent recession; however Lukang residents, who knew of the 1984 Bhopal tragedy in India, were worried about the toxic hazard posed by another American chemical company. Under the leadership of a newly elected city mayor, who ran on an anti‐DuPont stance, opponents organized the Changhua County Nuisance Prevention Association and staged a series of protests, including a local demonstration and a petition, in front of the presidential house in Taipei, which was unprecedented because Taiwan was still under the rule of martial law, which prohibited unauthorized mass gatherings. Despite the media campaign to showcase its safety commitment as well as an invited tour for local politicians to visit its US facilities, DuPont failed to win the confidence of the people of Lukang. In March 1987, the company announced the decision to suspend this controversial project. Upon receiving the news, Lukang people celebrated their victory by staging a religious festival to express their gratitude to their patron goddess, Mazu. Two years later, DuPont finally established their delayed plant in northern Taiwan (Reardon‐Anderson 1992).
“Orange” and “Colored” Revolutions in Former
S
oviet
U
nion
Authors: Tescione Sara 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The term Orange revolution refers to the massive protest campaign that characterized the Ukraine in the aftermath of its 2004 presidential elections as a reaction to the manifest falsification of the electoral results by the incumbent authoritarian regime of Leonid Kuchma. Protests began on November 22, prompted by the widespread perception that the results of the vote between the pro‐regime candidate, Viktor Yanukovych and the opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko had been severely rigged in favor of the former. As the suspects of electoral fraud were confirmed by the numerous domestic and international election observers, an increasing number of protesters started to mobilize across the country, engaging in peaceful sit‐ins, strikes, and rallies. Sustained pressure from hundreds of thousands of orange‐clad protesters, who permanently camped at Maidan, Kiev's Independence Square in below‐zero temperatures for several days, led to negotiations between the government and the opposition and eventually to the decision of the Ukrainian Supreme Court to nullify the vote and call for a rerun of the elections. The final results of the internationally monitored second run‐off on December 26 indicated the clear victory of opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who received 52 percent of the votes while 44 percent voted for Yanukovych. On January 23, 2005, following the certification of the results by the Supreme Court, Yushchenko was sworn in, thus becoming Ukraine's third president since the country's independence in 1991.
Otpor
Authors: Nikolayenko Olena 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Otpor (“resistance” in Serbian) is a Serbian social movement that played a prominent role in removing Slobodan Milošević from power in October 2000. The movement articulated three major demands: (1) the depoliticization of universities, (2) freedom of the press, and (3) free and fair elections. More broadly, Otpor called for the turnover of power and the dismantling of Milosevic's regime. Otpor grew from a group of a dozen university students in Belgrade to a nationwide movement with more than 70 000 members and more than 130 cells across Serbia. While young people formed the core of Otpor members, the movement enlisted support of various segments of Serbia's population. In its efforts to undermine the repressive political regime, the social movement employed such methods of nonviolent resistance as graffiti, stickers, rock concerts, and street performances.