bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Confessional Protest
Authors: Young Michael P. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The social movement term “confessional protest” originates in Michael P. Young's work on the rise of national social movements in the United States in the 1830s (Young 2002; Young & Cherry 2005; Young 2007). Young argues that the first sustained and interregional social movements in US history were shaped by a particular form of protest that called Americans to bear witness against particular sins such as slavery and intemperance. He terms this form of religious and political dissent confessional protest, and argues that religious forces, not political institutions, were decisive in the emergence of the national social movement in the United States. Arguing against Tilly's state‐centered explanation of the rise of the national social movement, Young presents a cultural explanation that hinges on the combination of the intensive and extensive evangelical schemas of public confession and special sins (Tilly 1986, 1995; Young 2002). In
Bearing Witness Against Sin
, Young demonstrates how temperance, antislavery, and the beginning of the women's rights movements emerged as evangelicals joined together in this particular form of religious dissent fusing intensive projects of personal redemption with extensive projects of particular national reform. This interlacing of intimate responsibility and far‐flung social problems fueled the first national wave of social movements in the United States. These confessional protests emerged as two religious movements driving the Second Great Awakening started to interact: the “new measure” religious revivals associated most closely with Charles Grandison Finney and an emerging network of national benevolent societies including the American Tract Society and the American Home Missionary Society. Evangelicals closely associated with new measure revivals and the increasingly rationalized work of organized benevolence spearheaded the wave of protest. In the late 1820s and early 1830s, the popular religious revivals of the upstart or populist sects and those influenced by them came into contact with the agencies of benevolent societies centered in the northeastern cities (Hatch 1989). The combination proved radical. As public confessions, the dramatic centerpiece of the populist revival, became central to the specialized campaigns of organized benevolence, a wave of social movements independent of ecclesiastical order broke across the United States. This unprecedented national wave of social movements emerged as hundreds of thousands of Americans joined together bear witness against special sins. Although religious in origin, these movements quickly became secular forces pushing for political reform (Young & Cherry 2005).
Discursive Opportunity Structure
Authors: McCammon Holly 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIn 1999, Koopmans and Statham introduced the term “discursive opportunity structure” (DOS) to identify ideas in the broader political culture believed to be “sensible,” “realistic,” and “legitimate” and whose presence would thus facilitate reception of specific forms of collective action framing—forms, that is, that would align well with these pre‐existing ideational elements (1999: 228). The notion of DOS, therefore, provides social movement scholars with a conceptual tool to understand which social movement frames are likely to have the greatest capacity to mobilize existing and new recruits, to convince the public of a movement's demands, and to persuade authorities to alter policy and practices in line with the movement's agenda. The conceptualization of discursive opportunities synthesizes theories of social movement framing and political opportunity structure. Framing theory by itself is limited in its ability to explain why some collective action frames are more successful than others. Political opportunity theory, while drawing our attention to political‐institutional opportunities for successful movement mobilization, tends to neglect cultural dynamics that also play a pivotal role in movement outcomes. Discursive opportunity structures reveal that cultural elements in the broader environment facilitate and constrain successful social movement framing.
Ecological Conditions/Determinants
Authors: Zhao Dingxin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Human activities are always undertaken in certain places. The natures and the spatial configurations of those places, either as built or natural environments, will shape the ways in which the places are used and understood. More specifically, they shape the spatial activities of the people who live in or use the place, pattern the ways in which information is transmitted and people are encountered, and affect the feeling and understanding of people toward the places. We may call the patterns of interaction between humans and the physical (built or natural) environment, as well as the patterns of interactions among humans under a certain physical environment, ecological determinants.
Electronic Protest
Authors: Carty Victoria 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Over the past decade there has been an explosion of user‐friendly, high‐speed, and low cost opportunities for electronic protest via new technologies. E‐mail, web sites, chat rooms, blogs, and bulletin boards enable efficient new forms of communication, organization, and mobilization, and low operating costs enable people to support causes they may not be willing or able to do offline (Bimber 1998; Earl & Kimport 2008). Electronic activism, sometimes referred to as cyberactivism or e‐activism, assists in the mobilization of social movement actors to either sustain efforts of ongoing groups or to create new groups and/or campaigns. In some cases the purpose is to promote activism exclusively online (e‐movements), in others it is to encourage locally based disruptive tactics on the ground, and in others to enhance social movement organizations (SMOs) with an online presence through consciousness raising and advocacy (Veigh 2003).
Europeanization and Social Movements
Authors: della Porta Donatella 
Published: January 2013

AbstractEuropeanization indicates not only the construction of the institutions of the European Union (EU), but also the changes in the politics and policies of the member states. Studies of Europeanization look at the impact of the European Union on the national systems of the member states, addressing processes of resistance, transformation, and adaptation to EU policies and norms in member states, shifting attention from the supranational level to multi‐level governance. Linked to this is the notion that public policies are produced in a complex system where several norms and implementing agencies interact.
Free Rider Problem
Authors: Oliver Pamela 
Published: January 2013

AbstractA free rider is someone who gains the benefit of a collective or public good without contributing to the cost of its provision. The term was introduced to social scientists by Mancur Olson'sThe Logic of Collective Action, which argued that the problem of motivating collective action is equivalent to the problem of motivating private contributions to a public or shared good. Olson's use of the term is structural: a person is a free rider if they benefit from a public good without contributing to it, regardless of their awareness of the possibility of contributing. A more restricted meaning refers to conscious free‐riding, in which a person prefers to benefit from the actions of others.
Geography and Social Movements
Authors: Routledge Paul 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

During the 1970s, and drawing from Marxism and feminism, the discipline of geography inquired into socio‐spatially constituted inequalities and injustices. However, it was not until the early 1990s that a direct and sustained engagement with the geographies of social movements began (e.g., Routledge 1993; Miller 2000; Nicholls 2007). Although engaging with the theoretical traditions of resource mobilization and political process (e.g., Miller 2000; Nicholls 2007), and new social movements (e.g., Routledge 2000), geographers have been concerned with the
lack
of engagement with geography in social movement studies, arguing that geographical (spatial) understandings of social movement practice are crucial to the interpretation of contentious action. Movements act from space, politically mobilizing from the material conditions of their (local) spaces; movements act on space appropriating it with a group identity; movements act in space, such as taking to the streets for protests, or occupying land; and movements make space: creating conditions to expand public political involvement, for example through the creation of solidaristic alliances (Dikeç 2001). As I will discuss below, social movements negotiate multiple spatialities in their prosecution of conflict. These include the politics of place and socio‐spatial positionality, spatial inequalities, the politics of scale and networking (Nicholls 2007; Leitner, Sheppard, & Sziarto 2008).
High and Low Risk/Cost Activism
Authors: McAdam Doug 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Lost in the generic concept “social movement” is the extraordinary diversity of types of movements (e.g., revolution, terrorism, religious revivals, peasant insurrections, cults, etc.). Similarly movement activism comes in a dizzying variety of forms. While the term “movement activist” tends to conjure up images of marchers in the street or maybe even suicide bombers, the concept applies equally well to someone who signs an online petition in support of a movement initiative or makes a $10 donation to the Sierra Club.
Identity Fields
Authors: Benford Robert D. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The term identity fields merges two influential social movement concepts: movement framing processes and collective identities. A fundamental and ubiquitous aspect of social movement framing processes involves the avowal and imputation of characteristics relevant to at least three generic sets of actors within the
multiorganizational field
that comprises a particular social movement arena: protagonists, antagonists, and audiences. Hunt, Benford, and Snow (1994) refer to the clustering of these socially constructed movement actor categories as
identity fields
. Identity fields are constructed throughout the life‐course of a social movement as its participants identify a problem and attribute blame or causality (Snow & Benford 1988), as they seek to mobilize support for their cause by employing various frame alignment strategies (Snow et al. 1986), as they respond to criticisms and other attacks from countermovements, the media, and targets of change (Benford & Hunt 2003), and as they talk with one another to reflect on and redefine movement successes and failures (Hunt & Benford 1994).
Identity Work Processes
Authors: Einwohner Rachel L. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The study of identity and social movements has been heavily influenced by the symbolic interactionist perspective, which stresses the active construction of meaning in human interaction. Thus, scholars recognize that the identities that are relevant to social movements are not simply pre‐existing sets of characteristics that individuals bring with them to the mass march or meeting hall; instead, these identities are actively created, debated, and sometimes even unmade and established anew in the course of collective action. Of course, all of this activity takes work. The concept of
identity work
in social movements therefore refers to all the work involved in creating, displaying, and managing the identities that are relevant to collective action. The term is borrowed from Snow and Anderson's (1987) discussion of identity work among the homeless, which demonstrates the ways in which homeless people construct and maintain positive personal identities that are distinct from the negative labels assigned to them by the public. It is also related to Hochschild's (1979, 1983) concept of “emotion work,” which references the management of emotion in accordance with social norms about the situationally appropriate display of feelings.
Interest Groups and Social Movements
Authors: Csíař Ondřej 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
This entry elaborates the conceptual similarities and differences between interest groups, social movements, and social movement organizations (SMOs). First, two views of their relationship are presented, followed by an abbreviated description of the main contributions to their conceptualization. Although, according to an important part of the available scholarship, contemporary SMOs and interest groups share many common features, the entry concludes by summarizing differences between the two concepts.
Media and Social Movements
Authors: Rohlinger Deana , Vaccaro Christian 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Mass media refer to any medium used to diffuse mass communication. Generally speaking, mass media include eight mediums: radio, television, newspapers, magazines, books, recordings, movies, and the Internet. Mass media are relevant to the study of social movements because they carry movement ideas to a broad audience and give activists leverage in institutional and political processes. More specifically, mass media are important to social movements because they legitimate movement issues, provide social movements an opportunity to shape public understandings of political problems, and mobilize a broader public to action. Mass media coverage legitimates movement issues and claims. News media, for instance, set the public agenda by, first, choosing what events and social problems are relevant to the citizenry and, then, focusing public attention on these events and problems. Media coverage of social movement ideas and organizations is legitimizing because it indicates to the broader public that a movement represents credible claims. A publication of a book can have a similar affect. Ralph Nader's book,
Unsafe at Any Speed,
exposed the reluctance of car manufacturers to spend money on safety features (such as seat belts) and supported Nader's efforts to mobilize a consumer rights movement. Mass media offer frameworks for understanding the causes of and solutions to political problems (Gamson 1992; Benford & Snow 2000). Social movements, then, that garner media attention have an opportunity to shape public perceptions of political problems and affect broader debate. Mass media can also mobilize a broader population to action. Social movement frameworks disseminated via mass media identify motivations for and targets of collective action. For example, radio played an important role in strike campaigns of textile workers between 1929 and 1934. Music broadcast throughout the South articulated the concerns of textile workers (such as low wages and family subsistence) and identified the root causes of these problems (i.e., exploitative owners and domineering managers). This music and Franklin Roosevelt's “Fireside Chats,” which indicated support for industrial workers and improved working conditions, helped mobilize workers (Roscigno & Danaher 2001).
Multiculturalism and Social Movements
Authors: Rojas Fabio 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMulticulturalism is a movement advocating the representation of multiple cultures in education, government, and other institutional settings. Multiculturalists are motivated by ethical and practical considerations. Ethically, multiculturalists believe that it is unjust that social institutions only recognize a single cultural group. States, for example, have an obligation to recognize all citizens and their traditions, not merely those that have traditionally controlled the state. Multiculturalists also believe that individuals and groups benefit when they are exposed to multiple cultures. Individuals may become more tolerant if they know about ethnic groups aside from their own. Groups that have been historically repressed may benefit from having their voices heard in schools or government, and thus decrease the stigma associated with being from a particular group. It is also argued that recognition of multiple cultures reduces conflict because nondominant groups are not forced to completely assimilate the dominant culture.
Multiorganizational Fields
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Movement organizations are embedded in multiorganizational fields (Curtis & Zurcher 1973; Klandermans 1992). Multiorganizational fields can be defined as the total possible number of organizations with which the movement organization might establish specific links. A social movement organization's multiorganizational field can be broken down into sectors that are supportive, antagonistic, or indifferent. The first is described as the movement organization's alliance system, consisting of groups and organizations that support it; the second as the organization's conflict system, consisting of groups and organizations that oppose it—including countermovement organizations. Alliance systems provide resources and create political opportunities; conflict systems drain resources and restrict opportunities. The boundaries between the two systems remain fluid and may change in the course of events. Organizations that try to keep aloof from the controversy may choose or be forced to take sides. Coalitions can fall apart and former allies can become opponents.
New Left and Social Movements
Authors: Flacks Richard 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The term “New Left” came into use in the late 1950s, when it was adopted by British intellectuals who came together after the Khruschev revelations about Stalin and the Soviet invasion of Hungary and the British invasion of Suez. Politically, this group shared a rejection of both Stalinism and the rightward drift of social democracy and a determination to oppose the political framework defined by the cold war.
Organizations, Congregation‐Based
Authors: Walker Edward T. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Congregation‐based community organizations (CBCOs) are local organizations active in low‐ or moderate‐income communities that build upon the existing infrastructures of diverse religious congregations in order to develop the civic and political power of local residents. Typically, individuals may only participate in a CBCO by virtue of being a member of a participating congregation. Although such groups represent only one of the two dominant models for organizing local communities (McCarthy & Walker 2004), CBCOs are a major force in local (and, increasingly, state and national) civic and political discourse. Indeed, it is worth noting that current US president Barack Obama was trained as a South Side Chicago community organizer through the faith‐based Gamaliel Foundation.
Police Riots
Authors: Peterson Abby 
Published: January 2013

AbstractResearchers remind us that most political acts of protest do not result in violence. However, when violence does break out authorities, protesters, and the general public alike are eager to place the blame on some party to the events. But it is often difficult to determine who was “responsible” for the violence when it does occur, or who lay behind its escalation. Responsibility is most readily assigned to protesters. However, activists are not the sole actors in riots, however instrumental to its outbreak they may be. Violence arises out of an interaction between protesters and responding authorities. Research since the 1960s suggests that police authorities often bear a major part of the responsibility (e.g., Waddington 1991; Skolnick & Fyfe 1993; della Porta 1998).
Political Alignments and Cleavages
Authors: Damen Marie‐Louise 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
In social sciences, cleavages are a way to describe the political landscape along the fault lines of society. Cleavages structure the organizational field and its constituency, creating a supply and demand for politics (Lipset & Rokkan 1967). Cleavage theory occupies a central place in literature on conventional political participation, but is remarkably absent in literature on unconventional political participation (but see Kriesi et al. 1995). In explanations of conventional political behavior, cleavages supposedly affect party politics and citizens' political beliefs and attitudes (Bartolini & Mair 1990; Deegan‐Krause 2006; Lipset & Rokkan 1967). Transposed to unconventional political behavior, cleavages shape mobilization potential, or the “demand‐side” of protest, and mobilizing structures, or the “supply‐side” of protest (Klandermans 2004; Klandermans & Van Stekelenburg 2010). Thus, cleavages can be found in both conventional and unconventional politics. In order to understand political conflicts, we have to study cleavages in both conventional and unconventional politics.
Political Economy and Social Movements
Authors: Stanley Jason 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The analysis of the interplay of capitalism and politics—in other words, political economy—played an extremely important role in many of the seminal, English‐language studies of social movements and revolutions written by social scientists during the 1970s and 1980s (e.g., Paige 1975; Schwartz 1976; Piven & Cloward 1977; McAdam 1999). These studies had the effect of radically reorienting the academic study of movements, revolutions, and political conflict generally. The field moved away from primarily psychological and social‐psychological treatments of political protest—studies that often cast a very negative light on protest—to more sympathetic analyses that emphasized the importance of resources, power, solidarities, and opportunities for movements. But all this is now common wisdom among students of movements. What has been largely forgotten is that these same studies tended to emphasize the effects of capitalism on movements. The dynamics of capitalism figure prominently in these studies, sometimes constraining and sometimes inciting or enabling disruptive collective action. By capitalism, these authors generally mean a mode of production in which a class that owns the means of production (capitalists) employs a class that must sell its labor power in exchange for a wage or salary (workers), and in which market competition among capitalists leads them to reinvest part of the surplus (or profits) in the production process (i.e., capital accumulation). The dynamics of capitalism that these authors emphasize include processes directly linked to market competition and capital accumulation, especially the proletarianization (or commodification) of labor, the commodification of productive forces generally, the concentration and centralization of capital, and periodic crises.
Politicized Identity
Authors: van Stekelenburg Jacquelien 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Politicization of identities is key to the dynamics of contention. Protest movements are built on politicized identities and they are populated by people with politicized identities. Politicization of identities is simultaneously a characteristic of collectivities
and
people. There exists a division of labor between students of politicization of identities. Sociologists tend to study politicization at the collective level on the supply side of contentious politics, while social psychologists typically focus on the individual level of politicization at the demand side of politics (cf. Klandermans 2004). The politicization of the supply side of protest refers to the characteristics of protest movements. Is it a movement people can identify with? Is the movement able to frame personal problems into political claims? The politicization of demand refers to the potential of protestors in a society. It relates to the problems people perceive in a society and whether people attach political meaning to these problems. In order to understand how the division of labor conceptually and empirically affects the study of this phenomenon, we will briefly elaborate on the concept of identity.