bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Pro‐Life/Pro‐Choice Movements
Authors: Rohlinger Deana A. , Sessions Miriam 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe contemporary pro‐life and pro‐choice movements disagree about the status of legal abortion in the US. The pro‐life movement opposes elective abortion on ethical and moral grounds. Pro‐life advocates argue that an “unborn child” has a right to life and they strive to get these rights legally recognized. The pro‐choice movement contends that women have a constitutionally protected right to abortion and work to keep abortion safe and legal. While contention over abortion has a long history, it did not always center on issues of rights. Initially, abortion was a medical concern and physicians were the arbiters of its administration. This was the result of a campaign by physicians to professionalize medicine. Throughout most of the nineteenth century, there were no licensing laws regulating who could practice medicine. This, coupled with the lack of a traditional guild structure, meant that trained physicians had to compete directly with other medical sects (such as homeopaths) for patients. Physicians saw abortion as an issue through which they could distinguish themselves from other practitioners and push for industry regulation. They claimed that their scientific training gave them superior knowledge regarding if and when a woman should have an abortion. The campaign was a success; all but “therapeutic” abortions were outlawed and licensed professionals were charged with deciding whether an abortion was performed (Mohr 1978; Luker 1984).
Quebec Nationalist Movement (Canada)
Authors: McRoberts Kenneth 
Published: January 2013

AbstractQuebec nationalism is rooted in the French‐speaking population of Quebec, Canada's largest province by territory and second largest by population. Within Canada as a whole, French‐speakers (or Francophones) have long been in the minority; they now constitute 21.4 percent of the Canadian population (based on language used at home). However, in Quebec Francophones have always been in the majority, currently constituting 81.8 percent of the province's population.
R
ed Shirt Anticorruption Movement (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Chang Mau–kuei 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The Red shirt anticorruption movement emerged in mid‐2006 in Taiwan, with mass rallies and mobilizations in September and early October of that year. However, enthusiasm languished very quickly. It was originally called the “one‐million people down
Bian
movement.” The word
Bian
stands for the then president of the country, Chen Shui‐bian, the first pro‐Taiwan independence president representing the Democratic Progressive Party (the DPP). Chen was first elected in 2000, and reelected in 2004. Because of his consecutive victories, the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang, or KMT), which had ruled Taiwan for over 50 years, was forced to yield administrative power to the DPP.
S
an
S
alvador
A
tenco Farmers' Movement (
M
exico)
Authors: Beatriz Zamora Lomelí Carla 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Atenco represents one of the most important contemporary social movements in Mexico, not only because of its historical importance in defense of the collective ownership of the land, but because of the actions that followed this territorial defense. These included conflict with the state, including state repression, growing alliances at regional, national, and international levels, and variation in the structure of political opportunities. The Atenco farmers are defined as collective actors, because of the social and historical particularity of their community, with high social density and communitarian relations in which collective identity is built up, with the land as the axis of the farmers' identity.
Self‐Help Movements
Authors: Lessor Roberta G. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Self‐help groups are a distinctive feature of social life in the US and elsewhere that emerged on the scale of a social movement during the last four decades of the twentieth century. The term “self‐help” applies to a wide variety of groups in which members mutually aid one another, seek personal changes, and in some cases, seek to challenge existing institutions that are not meeting their needs. Self‐help groups can generally be characterized as “lay” versus “professional,” as formed in respect to members' discontent with institutionalized means of dealing with a variety of human physical and mental problems, and as proposing new practices to address these problems. The proposed strategies include the promotion of personal, individual growth and, in some cases, the betterment or improvement of the health or well‐being of an entire affected group. The rapid expansion of self‐help in the 1960s and 1970s coincides with larger human rights movements of the time (the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the women's health movement). “Self‐help” continues to evolve in the twenty‐first century, albeit in new forms and with different emphases.
Slow Food Movement
Authors: Bossy Sophie 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
“Slow Food is a global, grassroots organization with supporters in 150 countries around the world who are linking the pleasure of good food with a commitment to their community and the environment. A non‐profit member‐supported association, Slow Food was founded in 1989 to counter the rise of fast food and fast life, the disappearance of local food traditions and people's dwindling interest in the food they eat, where it comes from, how it tastes and how our food choices affect the rest of the world” (Slow Food 2012).
S
outhern
C
hristian
L
eadership
C
onference (
SCLC
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Arnone Kyle , Bloom Joshua 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) grew out of the Montgomery bus boycott to become one of the leading organizations of the civil rights movement in the US. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested in Montgomery, Alabama, for refusing to relinquish her seat on a public bus to a white person. Local black clergy, activists, and the women's political council called a bus boycott. The boycott organization elected Reverend Dr Martin Luther King, Jr as its president. Tens of thousands participated in the nonviolent campaign, drawing violent reprisals from white supremacists and crippling Montgomery's bus system until they succeeded in integrating it in December 1956. Bayard Rustin wrote a series of working papers proposing a permanent organization to carry the movement to other cities. In January 1957, King, Rustin, Ella Baker, and 60 young black ministers met at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta to form the SCLC. Coupling Christian ethics with activism, their goal was to “redeem the soul of America” through nonviolent resistance to Jim Crow. SCLC intentionally cultivated a principled but pragmatic image of King as a leader, capable of appealing to a wide range of interests. An association of organizations, with no individual members, the SCLC emphasized networking between black churches, supporting local action, and spreading civil rights struggle.
Squatters' Movements
Authors: Owens Lynn 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
To squat is to occupy a space otherwise not in use, without the owner's permission. Squatting takes many forms, from building shantytowns on the outskirts of the megalopolises of the developing world, to claiming unused rural land for food production, to occupying vacant buildings in the city center. Squatting addresses unmet spatial needs, either indirectly, as a protest to draw attention to the vacancy and viability of alternative spaces and force authorities to intervene, or, more directly, by procuring space for the squatters themselves. Boundaries between squatting and squatters' movements are messy. They overlap, but are not the same. While all squatting is at least somewhat political – challenging property regimes and the elites benefiting from them — to squat is not necessarily to participate in a squatters' movement. The vast majority of the world's squatters do not actively take part in squatters' movements; conversely, these movements do not limit themselves simply to housing concerns, and their participants are not necessarily always squatters. When researchers study squatters' movements, these are both narrower and broader than merely squatting. Such movements are almost invariably urban, and usually in Europe. The history of these movements dates from the 1960s, peaking into the 1980s, and continuing in a smaller form to this day. The Netherlands, once numbering over 20 000 active squatters, had the largest and most influential of these movements, but other countries also experienced noteworthy squatting activity, including the UK, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, and Spain. Squatters' movements promote a do‐it‐yourself (DIY) ethic in defending space and lifestyles against the influence of capital and state. Housing issues establish only the stating point for these movements.
Strategies of the
C
hinese Communist Revolution
Authors: Feng Shizheng 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The victory of a revolutionary struggle depends on the effectiveness of the strategies. Mao Zedong argued that the success of the Chinese communist revolution relied on the three grand strategies that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had adopted—party building, armed struggle, and the united front. Mao praised them as the CCP's three magic weapons. Yet, between 1921 and 1935, the CCP was most of the time under the strong influence of the Communist International (Comintern), and its strategy was rather incoherent, to say the least. It was only after 1935, and especially after the 1940s when Mao ascended to become the CCP's paramount leader, that these grand strategies became the guiding principles of the revolution.
Strikes in
US
History
Authors: Stepan‐Norris Judith , Lind Ben 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Strikes occur when activists temporarily and collectively withhold their participation from some crucial activity in order to convey a grievance or to enforce demands. These include food strikes, rent strikes, hunger strikes, culture strikes, prison strikes, student strikes, and labor strikes. By far the most prevalent of these, the focus here, are the latter, also known as walkouts or work stoppages, which occur when workers withhold their labor. The strike is potentially the most injurious action to firms, since production and therefore profits are reduced or stopped altogether (Rubin 1986).
S
tudents for a
D
emocratic
S
ociety (
SDS
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Flacks Richard 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was the leading national organization in the white student movement of the 1960s. SDS originated as the Student League for Industrial Democracy (SLID), whose roots were in the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, founded in 1905. The latter group, founded by such notables as Jack London, Upton Sinclair, and Walter Lippmann, became the League for Industrial Democracy in 1921. SLID was its youth wing, and was part of the burgeoning student Left of the 1930s; it declined in membership and visibility through the 1950s. The mobilization of black students beginning in 1960, and the stirrings then of political interest on the part of some grouplets of white students, provided opportunity for a revitalized organized student Left. Al Haber, seeing that the SLID was an organizational shell with some resources, led an effort to change its name to Students for a Democratic Society, and actively recruited a number of student activist leaders to construct an ideological center for the emerging student movement. One of those he recruited, Tom Hayden, editor of the University of Michigan
Daily
agreed to draft a manifesto for SDS and the wider movement. This draft was debated and adopted, along with a new constitution, at the founding convention of the newly constituted SDS in June 1962, at a United Auto Workers conference center in Port Huron, Michigan. The conference was attended by several dozen students from campuses in the northeast and Midwest. Many of these, like Hayden, were student government leaders and campus activists; a number of leaders of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) came to the Port Huron meeting (Miller 1994; Hayden & Flacks 2002; Hayden 2005).
Suffrage Movement, International
Authors: Mead Rebecca J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Voting is considered an inherent right of citizenship in modern democracies, an idea originating in Enlightenment ideology but not automatically achieved in practice. In the past, proposals to expand the franchise to include nonproperty‐holding white men were quite controversial, so the concept of suffrage for women and people of color was an even more radical suggestion given their putative lack of rational capacities. Dominant gender roles confined women to the domestic sphere while husbands or other male kinfolk represented their political interests, and challenging these ideas was difficult. Even when women gained voting rights, these were frequently partial (allowing participation in some elections but not others), restricted by marital status, education, property qualifications, and race, and did not automatically grant other civil rights. Winning full suffrage required hard work by determined women—it was never a “gift”—and success was the result of multiple factors. These include: (1) educational advances; (2) the growing presence of women in the workforce and trade unions; (3) the increasing political sophistication and mobilization of women in clubs and reform organizations; (4) affiliations between suffragists and progressive reform movements; (5) fluid political environments in territories, provinces, and colonies; (6) the adoption of direct action techniques; and (7) transnational activism, although these relationships could be problematic.
S
endero
L
uminoso/
S
hining
P
ath (
P
eru)
Authors: McClintock Cynthia 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Sendero Luminoso or “Shining Path” was an unforgiving Maoist rebellion that emerged in Peru's remote, impoverished southern highlands and began violent attacks in 1980. Led by Abimael Guzmán, a former philosophy professor in the southern highlands town of Ayacucho, the Shining Path expanded across vast swathes of Peru and by the late 1980s and early 1990s was active in the capital, Lima. The conflict between the Shining Path and Peru's security forces was the most violent in the country's twentieth‐century history; it was estimated that, by 2000, 69 200 people had been killed; 75 percent of the victims spoke the indigenous language, Quechua (CVR 2004).
Temperance Movements
Authors: Oselin Sharon S. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The temperance movement in the US encompassed a long and tumultuous historical period spanning from the 1820s to the passing of National Prohibition in 1919, and, some argue, has reemerged more recently. In studying this movement, scholars are able to examine how a confluence of political and social goals fuels and sustains mobilization. The temperance movement was a morality‐based movement, focused on issues of vice among the American population, which activists felt were indicative of the demise of a collective moral fiber. Wagner 1997 proposed that this perspective underscored a national ideology that was embedded within a specific cultural and political context. Those who comprised this movement were largely upper and middle class Protestants, with a strong base in the Midwest and New England (Gusfield 1986). Through the social construction of actions that constitute vice activities, seen as a “social problem,” powerful groups also designated a target population for the many social ills assumed to be connected to these behaviors. The growing numbers of immigrants—Irish, Germans, and Italians—were held particularly responsible for the pervasiveness of vice practices. They were also groups who were slow to support temperance movement agendas, which further demonized them.
Women's Movements in
I
ndia
Authors: Desai Manisha 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
India has a long history of dynamic and varied women's movements beginning in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Scholar activists (e.g., Gandhi & Shah 1992; Kumar 2002) normally identify two major waves: the first wave from around 1920 to 1945, which coincided with India's independence struggle and whose major aim was suffrage and education for women and later addressing legal inequities in family laws; and the second wave, also called the “autonomous” women's movement, from the early 1970s to the 1990s and whose main focus was violence against women. I identify a third wave, namely the transnational women's movement which, beginning in the mid to late 1990s, has organized across national and regional borders around issues of neoliberal globalization and religious fundamentalism, among others. Each wave consisted of many strands that were often in conversation with each other. And while each period had a main focus, there were many issues and strategies in each wave.
Direct Action
Authors: Moore Kelly , Shepard Benjamin 
Published: January 2013

AbstractDirect action is strategic political activity in which users seek redress by targeting the people, institutions, and practices that they wish to change. In contrast, indirect political action uses intermediaries, such as elected representatives, to effect change. Direct action is not only an instrument to force others to change. Participants in direct action often see themselves as enacting the values that are important to them, such as fellowship and nonhierarchical relations. It is used by revolutionaries, religious groups, and many others. Groups on the left, right, and center of the political spectrum have used direct action. Direct action is most common among groups that are prohibited from or have limited access to legal participation in institutionalized politics. These include, for example, prisoners, members of ethnic, sexual, and religious minorities, women in some places and times, and students and other young people.
Participatory Democracy in Social Movements
Authors: Polletta Francesca 
Published: January 2013

AbstractParticipatory democracy refers to an organizational form in which decision making is decentralized, nonhierarchical, and consensus oriented. It can be contrasted with bureaucracy, in which decision making is centralized, hierarchical, and based on a formal division of labor, as well as with majority vote. Participatory democratic organizations have been a prominent feature of many progressive movements, including radical pacifism, the civil rights movement, the New Left, feminism, environmentalism, antinuclear activism, gay and lesbian movements, and the global justice movement.
Transnational Social Movements
Authors: Smith Jackie 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Modern social movements, generally thought of as political, emerged in tandem with modern nation states, as groups of people organized to alternately resist new claims being made by national authorities (such as taxes or military conscription) or to advance their own claims that states provide a variety of public goods and services (such as education, health care, and various forms of financial assistance). Ongoing competition between authorities and citizen challengers generated new structures—including parliaments, bills of rights, and bureaucratic checks and balances—to routinize public participation in national politics and to otherwise enhance the accountability of political leaders to citizenry (see, e.g., Tilly 1984; Markoff 1996; Tarrow 1998). Today, as states increasingly turn to international political arenas to manage their economies and ecologies and other aspects of social life, social movements are becoming increasingly transnational in their structure and focus.
Nationalist Movements
Authors: Johnston Hank 
Published: January 2013

AbstractNationalist movements are a subtype of social movement that make political, economic, and cultural claims based on definitions of a national group or “nation.” Like other movements, they can include individuals, small groups, formal organizations, and sometimes political parties, depending on their breadth of support and the kind of state in which they occur. Contemporary examples are numerous: the Quebecois nationalist movement against English Canadian governance, Scottish nationalist challenges in the UK, Irish nationalism in Northern Ireland, Palestinian nationalism in the West Bank and Gaza, Basque and Catalan nationalist parties in Spain, Tibetan and Uighur nationalism in China, and the numerous nationalist fronts—Estonian, Lithuanian, Armenian, Chechen, to name just a few—that challenged Russian dominance and contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Nationalist movements can mobilize politically, culturally, and/or militarily in both democratic and nondemocratic states to challenge prevailing patterns of sovereignty, political representation, economic opportunities, civil rights, and resource distribution. A defining characteristic of most nationalist movements is a link between a collective national identity and claims of territorial sovereignty (Hechter 2000).
R
ed
A
rmy
F
action/
B
aader‐
M
einhof
G
roup (
G
ermany)
Authors: Jander Martin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Red Army Faction (RAF) was a terrorist group that was active in the Federal Republic of Germany from 1970 until its dissolution in 1998. It saw itself as an urban guerilla group. But, following Walter Laqueur's distinction between guerillas and terrorism (1977a, 1977b), it is better characterized as a terrorist organization.
Social Media
Authors: Gardner Beth Gharrity 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe implications of social media for social change are fueling incredible debate at the time of this writing. This is being driven by the unprecedented diffusion of social media technologies and services, such as text messaging, e‐mail, blogs, YouTube, Facebook, and the like, over the first decade of this century. For movement scholars, more important than the new digital technologies themselves are their consequences for social movements and protest. To be sure, there is no shortage of fodder for theoretical and empirical questioning. Not only has social media been ascribed a pivotal role in the coordination of rapid, massive, and—in some cases—revolutionary mobilizations in geopolitical contexts as diverse as Iran, Moldova, and Tunisia, but they lend new meaning to the iconic phrasethe whole world is watchingas actors broadcast events in real time to international audiences. Through the variety of available, easy to use designs, social media enable novel forms of one‐to‐many and many‐to‐many communication that reveal surprising contours of an evolving “virtual public sphere” (Langman 2005). By altering the communication landscape these technologies are changing the terrains of contentious politics. They broadly call into question long‐standing assumptions about social movements.
S
outh
K
orean Transnational Fatherhood Movement
Authors: Kim Allen J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The South Korean transnational fatherhood movement, popularly known as “Father School” (FS), addresses men's role and identity as contemporary fathers. In 1995, Duranno Christian Publishing established a Father School in Seoul, South Korea, in response to the growing national epidemic of abusive, ineffective, and absentee fathers. Worldwide, new social expectations for fathering are thought to encourage greater balance between work and family roles and focus on emotional involvement. Having celebrated its 15th anniversary in 2010, political notables, including President Lee Myung Bak, and news outlets internationally have recognized the organization's effort in emphasizing the important role men play in children's lives. Men participate in conference seminars that challenge them to become more expressive, nurturing, and responsible fathers in contrast with traditional Korean patriarchy shaped by Confucianism. From their evangelical optic, “a healthy family begins with the father.”