bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
“Iron Law of Oligarchy”
Authors: Tolbert Pamela S. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Resource mobilization, a dominant theoretical approach to the study of social movements for many decades, points to social movement organizations (SMOs) as a focal point for efforts to understand the variations in both the impact and fate of social movements. SMOs, like other types of political organizations, are expected to represent members' common preferences for some specified social change, acting to bring about such change by influencing formal political decisions, or the values and behaviors of the members of a polity, or both. In this context, the classic analysis offered by Robert Michels (1962) of typical evolutionary processes in the governance of political organizations, and the impact of such processes on organizations' goals, is very relevant to scholars of social movements. Early studies of social movements often drew heavily on Michels' work (e.g., Messinger 1955; Sills 1957; Zald & Denton 1963; Zald & Ash 1966), documenting and fleshing out the nature of the evolutionary processes he posited, and the transformational consequences for social movements. Concern with movement transformation has been less dominant in contemporary work, despite a lack of evidence that such processes are any less operative in current movement organizations. Below, the key processes involved in what Michels' referred to as the “iron law of oligarchy” are sketched, followed by a brief discussion of some of the implications of this analysis for social movement researchers.
Leadership
Authors: Robnett Belinda 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSurprisingly little is known about leadership in social movements (Morris & Staggenborg 2004). It is not that there are no studies on leaders or leadership. Indeed, nearly all studies of social movements include some acknowledgement or discussion of the role of leadership in relation to, for example, recruitment, mobilization, or the achievement of goals. Rather, the area suffers from weak theoretical development, and a general failure to place leaders and leadership at the center of the analysis. Leadership is often tangential to analyses of social movement development, goals, tactics, and outcomes. Until recently, leadership has been treated as a structurally or socially constituted dependent variable, thus we know little about its independent effect on social movements.
Life History Research and Social Movements
Authors: Corrigall‐Brown Catherine , Ho Mabel 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Life history research is a useful technique in qualitative methodology. This technique is suited for researchers interested in generating rich and textured detail about social processes, understanding the intersection between personal narratives and social structures, and focusing on individual agency and social context. Life history research captures the participants' subjectivities while being aware of potential pitfalls such as generalizations and memory recall problems. Life history research can deepen our understanding of social processes, including social movements. Here we examine what life history research is and when it is used. Through an examination of two social movement studies that employ these techniques, we assess the utility of these methods. We conclude by discussing potential problems associated with this methodology and how to deal with these issues.
M
arxism and Social Movements
Authors: Barker Colin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
One distinctive feature of Marxist thought is that it yokes together three ideas: class struggle, social movements, and social revolution. For Marx and Engels, struggle between classes was both a characteristic of exploitative modes of social production, but also the means by which class society could be abolished. Marxism thus generates a central theoretical and practical question. How can humanity emancipate itself from the toils of existing capitalist society and begin creating a new and different form of society?
Marches
Authors: Walgrave Stefaan 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Marches are part of the classic action repertoire of social movements. They are a form of protest closely connected to rallies and demonstrations. In the case of rallies, marches are the relatively organized means through which an aggregation of individuals gets from point A to point B, coming to assemble in a common space for the purpose of a protest or celebratory rally. Although the terms “marches” and “demonstrations” are often used interchangeably, demonstrations typically encompass a broader set of collective actions, including not only the march but also assemblage and the rally in which economic, political, and social or cultural concerns and demands are voiced.
Modular Protest Forms
Authors: McPhail Clark 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Tarrow's (1993) concept of “modular protest” is an improvisation on Tilly's (1997, 1979) concept of protest repertoire. Tilly frequently compared his concept to the repertoires of jazz musicians and street theater troupes whose players improvise on familiar tunes or stories to produce pleasing sounds or humorous scenarios. Of protest repertoires Tilly argued (1979: 131) “The main point is elementary: within any particular time and place, the array of collective actions that people employ is well defined and quite limited in comparison to the range of actions that are theoretically available to them. In that sense, particular times, places, and populations have their own repertoires of collective action.” Modularity was not yet in Tilly's own published theoretical repertoire.
Motivation and Types of Motives (Instrumental; Identity, Ideological Motives)
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The social psychology of movement participation distinguishes three fundamental reasons why people participate in social movements: people may want to change their circumstances, they may want to act as members of their group, or they may want to express their views. Together these three motives account for most of the reasons why people take part in collective political action. Social movements may supply the opportunity to fulfill these motives and the better they do the more movement participation turns into a satisfying experience. In brief, the literature refers to these three motives as instrumentality, identity, and ideology.
Instrumentality
refers to movement participation as an attempt to influence the social and political environment;
identity
refers to movement participation as an expression of identification with a group; and
ideology
refers to movement participation as an expression of one's views. Different theories are associated with these three angles (Klandermans 1997; Tarrow 1998). Instrumentality is related to resource mobilization and political process theories of social movements and at the psychological level to rational choice theory and expectancy‐value theories; identity is related to sociological approaches that emphasize the collective identity component of social movement participation and with the social psychological social identity theory; and ideology is related to approaches in social movement literature that focus on culture, meaning, narratives, moral reasoning, and emotion and in psychology to theories of social cognition and emotions.
Movement/Countermovement Dynamics
Authors: Dillard Maria K. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Movement/countermovement dynamics refers to the patterns of interaction between the originating social movement and the responding countermovement. A recognition of the importance of this dynamic came about with the concept of countermovements, which arose when scholars recognized that opposition to the movements of the 1960s bore a striking resemblance to social movements in both form and function. Scholars have since identified the interaction of social movement and countermovement as an important aspect of the political context and of democratization. Movement/countermovement dynamics span a range from direct influence of the opposing side to indirect changes to the political context in which the other side operates (Meyer & Staggenborg 1996). Countermovements (CM) and social movements (SM) have been distinguished from one another on several key dimensions, including goals, ideology, tactics, membership, and location in the social structure. SMs and CMs engage with each other on each dimension. Movement/countermovement dynamics include the ways in which SMs contribute to CM emergence, relationships of SM, CM, and the state, and patterns of interaction.
Movements within Institutions/Organizations
Authors: Morrill Calvin , Chiarello Elizabeth 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSocial movement scholars traditionally concern themselves with coordinated and sustained collective action apart from institutional channels that promote or constrain change. Organizational scholars, by contrast, traditionally focus on the strategies and structures embodied in bureaucracy. Zald and Berger (1998) were among the first to systematically articulate the idea that organizations are polities in which members can engage in collective action to change and/or resist official policies. Over the past three decades, scholars began blurring the boundaries of the conventional analytic foci of organizational and social movement research as they recognized that a great deal of social change occurs in organizations via social movements and movement‐like dynamics. As Davis and colleagues (2005) illustrate, these developments led to multiple, interrelated shifts in social movement research, including: investigating the organizational bases of social and institutional change; expanding focal analytic concerns beyond state‐centered authority to address collective challenges to institutionalized authority that operates separately from or in the shadows of state authority; examining collective action that involves both formally organized and tacitly coordinated efforts within and across organizations, markets, and fields.
Movies and Movements
Authors: Andits Petra 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Film has been recognized for its potential social and political impact since its beginning (see, for example, the debate between Walter Benjamin and Theodor Adorno). Therefore, film, and in particular documentary film, can also be seen as an instrumental tool of social movements to bring about social and political change. Although generally ignored by social movement scholars, films can have a wide range of important impact on the public, social movement organizations and policymakers. Social movements continually attempt to create public space for debate of the issues they consider important, and films can become a crucial segment of that struggle as they create a forum in which the public can encounter issues (Whiteman 2003). Activist documentaries may provide a sense of shared identification around the issue at stake and this in turn can mobilize citizens, as was the case after the screenings of
Panama Deception
, a film about the 1989 US invasion of Panama. Activist films may also influence the activist communities themselves. The production process itself can stimulate greater communication among individuals and organizations and can strengthen organizational networks. For example, labor organizations have mobilized their members by educating them about the long history of labor activism in the southeastern US through
The Uprising of '34
(film about the 1934 textile strike). In addition, documentary films have proven to be powerful tools in influencing public policy. For example the documentary
Yes, In My Backyard
, exploring the dependence of one American farming town on the prison industry, helped spark debates about policy and reframe the policy agenda (Whiteman 2003).
Narratives
Authors: Polletta Francesca 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
A narrative or story is an account of a sequence of events in the order in which they occurred to make a point. Formally, narratives are composed of (1) an orientation, which sets the scene; (2) a series of complicating actions (implicit “and then…” clauses) ending with one that serves as dénouement; and (3) an evaluation, which can appear at any point in the story, establishing the importance of the events related (Labov & Waletsky 1967). As a rhetorical form, stories are distinctive in their use of sequence to denote causality, their integration of explanation and moral evaluation, and their reliance on a structure (plot) that is familiar from prior stories.
New Left and Social Movements in Europe
Authors: Kornetis Kostis 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe New Left and the social movements that were born out of it changed for good the way in which movements were conceptualized in Europe. The New Left began in the US as the intellectual offspring of critical sociology, French existentialism, Beat literature, and participatory democracy principles deriving from the civil rights movement. The New Left in Europe shared some of these premises but, according to Carl Oglesby, mainly had to “overcome the memories, the certitudes, and the promises of the Old Left” (Oglesby 1970: 13). On one hand, the advent of a postindustrial age in post‐World War II Europe put into question the centrality of the capital–labor conflict. On the other, the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 exacerbated the disillusionment of certain left‐wing circles with old style communism due to the harshness of repression of the 1956 revolts in Eastern Europe that took place in its aftermath.
Nongovernmental Organizations
Authors: Smith Jackie 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are formal organizations that lie outside formal government structures. They include social movement organizations (SMOs) as well as other organizations that may be potential mobilization structures available to social movements. The term comes from the United Nations, where it is used to distinguish UN member governments from other actors. As it is commonly used in official circles, the term NGO thus can include both national and transnational groups and private, for‐profit actors as well as not‐for‐profit associations of all kinds. Scholars have used the general term to refer to the collection of formal organizations of civil society groups pursuing any collective aims. Thus, social movements and other political advocacy groups are a subset of this larger category, which includes many other nonprofit, voluntary groups.
Outcomes, Cultural
Authors: Earl Jennifer 
Published: January 2013

AbstractWhether and when social movements result in cultural, social, and/or political changes are important questions in social movement scholarship. However, as has been widely reported (e.g., Bosi & Uba 2009), scholars have made less progress on these topics than is desirable. Research that is able to establish a clear causal connection between social movement activity and cultural change has been in particularly short supply (although research showing that culture can affect mobilization, which is a distinct question, has been increasing). This entry examines why this may be the case and provides a brief summary of the literature that is available on the topic.
Policing Protest
Authors: della Porta Donatella 
Published: January 2013

AbstractRelying mainly on protest as a means to put pressure upon decision‐makers, social movements challenge the power of the state to impose a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Taking to the streets, often forcing their presence beyond the legal limits in order to get their voices heard, they directly interact with the police, who are supposed to control public order. In their interventions, the police force therefore has to realize an uneasy balance between the defense of state power through the implementation of law and order and the recognition of demonstration rights. The intervention of the police in the case of violations of law is additionally not automatic: in public order, many minor violations are tolerated in order to avoid major disorders. While sometimes the government gives specific orders (or at least sends signals) about the type of intervention required (or desired) at political demonstrations, the police enjoy broad margins of discretion, at different hierarchical levels, as most decisions are taken on the spot, and are determined by the assessment of the specific situation as well as by interactive dynamics.
Police Autonomy
Authors: Jobard Fabien 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The police usually enjoy a great amount of autonomy, of which two levels can be distinguished. The first level (micro level) is called police discretion, and is used by rank‐and‐file officers. Daily police matters call for quick if not split‐second decisions by individual officers on the beat, like bringing someone to the police station, approaching an apparent source of disorder, or following or abandoning the task given by a superior in order to help someone in trouble. The second level (macro level) is the autonomy exercised by the police as an institution. This autonomy is conceptualized in relation toward the authorities (usually political or judicial authorities), which give the police their mandate.
Political Generation
Authors: Braungart Richard G. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Conflict between the generations is as old as history, as young people periodically challenge and confront those in authority. For centuries, generational conflict was expressed by youthful outbursts of collective behavior (e.g., medieval town‐and‐gown riots, raucous youth festivals, destructive student protests against university officials). In the early nineteenth century, generational conflict took a new form when young people organized full‐fledged political movements that surged throughout European states. The political generation was launched as a dramatic and significant force for societal innovation and disruption.
Political Mediation Model
Authors: Amenta Edwin 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe political mediation model is a theory explaining the influence of movements in politics. This theory builds on a series of ideas scattered throughout sociology and political science about the forms of mobilization, strategies, and political conditions that might account for the various political impacts of movements. It goes beyond them in indicating that specific movement strategies, activities, and forms in combination with specific political contexts will lead to influence for social movements—that social movement collective action is politically mediated (Amenta, Caren, & Olasky 2005; Amenta 2006).
Political Process Theory
Authors: McAdam Doug 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

McAdam used the term “political process model” to designate the theory of movement emergence sketched in his 1982 book,
Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970.
In the book, he posed the theory as an alternative to two other perspectives. The first was what he referred to as the “classical strain model,” at the time best exemplified by the “collective behavior” perspective. But McAdam also critiqued and sought to distinguish his model from the newer resource mobilization framework. Over time the distinction between these two perspectives has been blurred by incorporating elements of both into a more general theoretical synthesis that emphasizes the simultaneous importance of “political opportunities,” “mobilizing ,” and “framing processes.”
Political Science and the Study of Social Movements
Authors: Andretta Massimiliano 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSocial movements have been studied from the perspective of several disciplines—sociology, anthropology, social psychology, economics, and political science. When we conceive of social movements as political phenomena we need to take seriously their relations with the political context in which they act. Clearly, many, if not most, social movements are embedded in political institutions (Tarrow 1994). For this reason, the discipline of political science is of importance in understanding the close link between political institutions and social movements, and how politics matters in shaping social movements in different contexts.
Population Ecology and Social Movements
Authors: Minkoff Debra 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The population ecology of social movements takes as its starting point theories of organizational evolution. First elaborated by Hannan and Freeman (1977, 1989), what came to be known as organizational ecology provides a research paradigm for scholars interested in understanding how diversity in organizational forms develops and changes over time. Drawing on evolutionary models, organizational ecologists focus on competition and environmental selection as the central mechanisms driving the creation and institutionalization of new organizational forms. In addition to competition over scarce resources, processes of legitimation are also important in explaining how new organizational models become established. A central theoretical principle is that the development of organizational populations is “density‐dependent”: early on, increases in the number, or density, of successful organizations improve the legitimacy of the forms and provide a taemplate for action that creates resources and incentives for organizational formation; as the population expands, however, competitive pressures drive down the founding rate and increase the failure rate of existing groups.
Prefigurative Politics
Authors: Leach Darcy K. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe term prefigurative politics refers to a political orientation based on the premise that the ends a social movement achieves are fundamentally shaped by the means it employs, and that movements should therefore do their best to choose means that embody or “prefigure” the kind of society they want to bring about. On one level, this commitment to means–ends consistency reflects what Weber called a “value‐rational” logic of action, in which action is guided by values rather than instrumental efficiency. But a prefigurative orientation is motivated by more than a commitment to moral action in its own right; it has been pursued as an alternative to both vanguardist and structural‐reformist strategies for social change. Rather than looking to a revolutionary vanguard to seize existing power structures and implement revolutionary change on behalf of the masses or to trade unions or political parties to leverage reforms within the existing system, a prefigurative approach seeks to create the new society “in the shell of the old” by developing counterhegemonic institutions and modes of interaction that embody the desired transformation. In this sense, a prefigurative strategy is based on the principle of direct action, of directly implementing the changes one seeks, rather than asking others to make the changes on one's behalf.
Protest Cycles and Waves
Authors: della Porta Donatella 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSocial movement studies have traditionally stressedconflictas a dynamic element in our societies. Social movements are conflictual not only because of their stakes, but also because of their forms of action. Defined in the sociology of social movements as a “resource of the powerless” (Lipsky 1968), protest has been considered as the main repertoire of action—or even the modus operandi—of social movements.