bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Postmaterialism and Social Movements
Authors: Miller Peter 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Postmaterialism is a general theory of value change, developed in large part by Ronald Inglehart. It describes a shift in individual and societal priorities from survival‐based needs to needs related to self‐expression. Two hypotheses describe the underlying logic of this change in values. First (the
scarcity
hypothesis), an individual's priorities reflect the larger context insofar as the individual places the highest value on those things which are in short supply. Second (the
socialization
hypothesis), there is a time lag between the context and the individual's value priorities, largely because one's basic values reflect the context of one's pre‐adult years (Inglehart 1990: 68). Consider each of these hypotheses. First, scarce resources form, to a large degree, an individual's perspective on the world. Consider the lengths a starving man would go to to acquire food. We would expect him to not be dissuaded by laws banning theft if his life was on the line. However, we would expect a man who has no fear of starvation to have a contrasting view of the world, due to the latter's material security. Second, the shift in priorities is not immediate. Giving a starving man a single loaf of bread will probably not cause the man to turn his attention away from an all‐consuming search for food, but a sustained trajectory toward material security may cause the man to shift his attention away from the search for food. Conversely, reducing one's material security can, over time, lead to a reversal in value priorities away from postmaterial needs for self‐expression. Thus the cultivation of postmaterialist values is dependent upon contextual factors including the level of material security during one's upbringing, but also the economic conditions during the time of a survey measuring the prevalence of postmaterial values (Duch & Taylor 1993).
Public Order Management Systems
Authors: Rafail Patrick 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Public order management systems (POMS) are “the more or less elaborated, more or less permanent organizational forms, their guiding policies and programs, technologies, and standard policing practices that are designed by authorities for supervising protesters' access to public space and managing them in that space” (McCarthy & McPhail 1998: 91). Variations in the features and styles of policing protest have received extensive analyses in recent years, but comparatively little systematic attention has been paid to the organizational structures that institutionalized police practices are embedded within. Three major components of POMS are apparent in contemporary Western democracies: (1) spatial and temporal restrictions on protest, grounded in a widespread adoption of advanced permitting systems; (2) training regimens and technologies designed to help the police more effectively contain and control demonstrations; (3) an emphasis, at least rhetorically, on the police negotiating with key participants and organizing groups before and during events.
Repertoires of Contention
Authors: Della Porta Donatella 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
A repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening. In the definition developed by Charles Tilly, it includes the “whole set of means [a group] has for making claims of different types on different individuals” (1986: 2). Repertoires refers to “claims making routines that apply to the same claimant‐object pairs: bosses and workers, peasants and landlords, rival nationalist factions, and many more” (Tilly & Tarrow 2006: 16). While the first conceptualization of repertoires of action has been criticized for focusing only on public display of disruptive action, in his most recent work Tilly (2008) has talked of broader contentious performances, stressing the constant innovation in the various forms of contentious politics.
Selective Incentives
Authors: Oliver Pamela 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Selective incentives are private goods made available to people on the basis of whether they contribute to a collective good. Selective incentives can either reward participants (or contributors) or punish nonparticipants. The concept of selective incentive is important for focusing attention on the factors besides the group goal that affect people's desire to participate in social movements. Selective incentives can be material, solidary, or purposive. The concept of selective incentive is embedded in a rational choice or cost/benefit approach and originates with Mancur Olson in
The Logic of Collective Action
. Collective or public goods have the property of
nonexcludability
: if they are provided to any member of a group, they cannot be excluded from other group members. Nonexcludability can lead to the
free rider problem
or
collective dilemma
wherein rational individuals should prefer to let others pay for collective goods. “Only a separate and selective incentive will stimulate a rational individual in a latent group to act in a group‐oriented way … The incentive must be ‘selective’ so that those who do not … contribute to the attainment of the group's interest, can be treated differently from those who do” (Olson 1965: 51). Formal theorists since Olson have moved far beyond his original statement to show how the interplay between collective goods and selective incentives can produce complex and even surprising collective action dynamics.
Social Problems and Social Movements
Authors: Best Joel 
Published: January 2013

AbstractBoth the sociology of social movements and the sociology of social problems experienced intellectual revivals that began in the 1970s. The study of social movements shifted from accounting for movements' members' discontent, to an effort to understand why movements succeeded or failed, based on models that emphasized framing, resource mobilization, opportunity structures, and identity politics. Similarly, the study of social problems turned from the analysis of harmful social conditions to an emphasis on the process by which social problems were socially constructed.
Political Socialization and Social Movements
Authors: Fillieule Olivier 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Political socialization (PS) has been defined in various ways in the literature. Among the most frequently encountered definitions is the one that equates PS with mere learning, that is, the state of a person's political knowledge and comprehension. Other definitions focus less on an individual's knowledge inventory than on the developmental sequence by which such knowledge and comprehension are acquired, whereas others focus on the continuity over time of such knowledge and attitudes. However, PS is more and more defined as the gradual development of the individual's own particular and idiosyncratic views of the political world, the process by which a given society's norms and behavior are internalized. This has three main theoretical consequences: primary and secondary socializations are equally important in the socializing process; it follows that not only family and school are central instances of socialization but also many other institutions active in the life spheres of work, affective ties, voluntary work and political engagements; and the political dimension is in play in all socialization processes and doesn't correspond to a specific domain of activity or designated institutions.
State Building and Social Movements
Authors: Hanagan Michael P. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Since at least 1780, consolidating states have been providing an unusually fertile terrain for the development of social movements. Compared with other states, consolidating states are more contiguous, with better‐defined borders and also more centralized, with an increased monopoly over violence. They are better able to identify their population, to protect it, and to serve it (or exploit it) than other states. But the association between states and social movements was typically more complex. Between 1780 and the present, empires formed the major alternative to consolidating states and while social movements originally developed within consolidating states they spread almost worldwide, to land‐based empires, and to colonial empires. As they spread from consolidated states to empires, the tactics of social movements more or less retained their familiar form but profoundly changed their content. In our discussions of nineteenth and twentieth‐century social movements, analysts often consider consolidating states as independent entities, but many consolidating states in the modern era were also metropoles, capitals of colonial empires. This entry looks at: (1) social movements in consolidating states, (2) land‐based empires, and (3) colonial states and empires.
Strategy
Authors: Jasper James M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Derived from the ancient Greek word for a military commander, “strategy” has two common meanings. In business it is a broad plan, and in military terms, similarly, it is what is done before the battle begins (in contrast to the tactics that lower officers use to implement the commander's strategy during the battle). In contrast, as an adjective, strategic and strategic action refer to interactions among players who have both ends and means, and who each realize that the others are also acting strategically to get what they want. In this latter sense, strategy covers almost everything that social movements do.
ACT UP
(
AIDS
Coalition to Unleash Power)
Authors: Stockdill Brett C. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Outraged by the lack of concerted effort to fight the AIDS crisis, queer activists formed the direct‐action AIDS organization, ACT UP, in 1987. They were enraged because tens of thousands of people, disproportionately gay and bisexual men, had died of AIDS, yet governmental, mass media, medical establishment, and other institutional responses were characterized by homophobia and genocidal neglect. Beginning with the first chapter in New York City in March 1987, activists soon established over 80 chapters in the United States, including Puerto Rico, and over 30 elsewhere, including Australia, Canada, and Europe. ACT UP's repertoire of innovative, confrontational tactics was decisive in publicizing myriad aspects of the HIV/AIDS crisis, increasing government HIV/AIDS budgets, preventing new HIV infections, galvanizing research, reshaping clinical drug trials, securing access to services and treatment for people living with HIV/AIDS, and fighting repressive legislation including calls to quarantine people with HIV/AIDS. ACT UP empowered people living with HIV/AIDS and challenged homophobia, racism, sexism, and other inequalities fueling the AIDS crisis. In the process, the organization ignited gay and lesbian pride, cultivating rebellious queer identities and political action that celebrated sexual difference and envisioned a more just and inclusive world. Most ACT UP chapters declined in the early to mid 1990s but a few continue to do vital AIDS activism today.
Agrarian Movements (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Barnes Donna A. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
No comprehensive treatment of social movements would be complete without attention to the rich tradition of agrarian movements throughout American history. Organized by farmers goes back to the 1600s and extends to the present. This entry aims to provide a general overview of the major movements initiated by farmers in the United States, with attention to the commonalities and differences among those movements.
Alinsky, Saul (1909–1972)
Authors: Dillard Maria K. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Saul David Alinsky (January 30, 1909–June 12, 1972) was one of the most influential social reformers in post‐World War II US history. The legacy of his work and his writings are considered to be foundational to modern community organizing in the United States. Alinsky's ideas about organizing for change have come to be known as his own method. Alinsky is the author of
Reveille for Radicals
(1946), in which he details a political philosophy and methodology for radicalism, and
Rules for Radicals
(1971), in which he sets forth principles of community organizing through a call for revolution. Alinsky's contributions, particularly his work with the poor, have earned him international recognition and notoriety.
Amnesty International
Authors: Monforte Pierre 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Amnesty International (AI) is probably the most important international nongovernmental organization acting for human rights. It was founded by a lawyer—Peter Benenson—in London in 1961, for the defense of the “forgotten prisoners” in Portugal and for freedom of expression. Soon, several national sections were created and the organization extended its activities to the fight against torture, disappearances, and the death penalty. Today, Amnesty International has 2.2 million members, supporters, and subscribers active in 150 countries. Its mission is the defense and promotion of “internationally recognized human rights.” It was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977 for its international campaign against torture.
Anti‐Japanese Colonization Resistance (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Chou Wan‐yao 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
There were two stages in the Taiwanese anti‐Japanese colonization resistance. The first stage was armed struggles against Japan's takeover which took place between 1895 and 1915. The second was characterized by nonviolent movements led by intellectuals from 1920 to 1936. In terms of methods, goals, and participants, very few connections existed between these two modes of anticolonial activity.
Antiwitchcraft Movements in
A
frica
Authors: Bonhomme Julien 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Movements aimed at the eradication of witchcraft periodically sweep across Sub‐Saharan Africa. One of the best documented is the Mcape, which has been observed in different parts of Eastern Central Africa throughout the twentieth century by anthropologists such as Audrey Richards, Max Marwick, and Roy Willis. As opposed to witchdoctors who provide individual protection against witchcraft, these movements operate on a larger scale and aim at more radical objectives: they offer protection for the whole community and claim to root out all evil once and for all. Witchcraft is addressed as a general and collective threat, rather than being related to interpersonal conflict stemming from the family. The excessive ambition of antiwitchcraft movements explains their transient and recurrent nature. New movements are constantly emerging, rapidly gaining, then losing popularity when they fail to fulfill their promise, hence paving the way for the next movement to appear on this highly competitive marketplace. Compared to more structured cults, antiwitchcraft movements have little formal organization and rely on their leaders' charisma and reputation. They are deterritorialized movements, often led by itinerant witch‐finders who cross ethnic and national boundaries. Antiwitchcraft movements are centered on mass cleansing (and must therefore be distinguished from more brutal witch‐hunts). When the witch‐finder arrives in a village, he authoritatively lines up all the inhabitants and proceeds to identify the witches by divination. He then asks the alleged witches to confess their evil deeds and surrender their harmful “fetishes” or “medicines.” These paraphernalia are publicly destroyed or piled up at crossroads as a demonstration of the witch‐finder's supremacy. The accused are sometimes “branded” with razors, but are not put to death nor banned from the community. Finally all villagers are administered a witch‐cleansing treatment, which is said to protect the innocent and kill those who will attempt to revert to witchcraft.
ANUC
(Colombian Peasant Movement)
Authors: Zamosc Leon 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

To end the Colombian civil war known as La Violencia (1948–1957), the Conservative and Liberal parties agreed in 1958 to reconcile under the National Front, a 16‐year coalition regime based on administrative power‐sharing and presidential alternation (Kline 1980: 71–72). In 1961 Congress passed an Agrarian Reform Law but, bowing to the landowners' interests, the first two governments of the National Front took no serious steps to redistribute land (Tobón 1972). Determined to implement the reform, the next president, Liberal politician Carlos Lleras (1966–1970), promoted legislation granting land rights to tenants and sharecroppers and boosted the capabilities of INCORA, the Institute of Agrarian Reform. In 1967, he also launched an initiative to establish ANUC, the National Peasant Association of Colombia, as a state‐sponsored organization that would promote peasant involvement in the provision of rural services and in the agrarian reform program (Zamosc 1986: 50–54). From the start, it was clear that Lleras expected that, as a peasant force pushing for land redistribution, ANUC would exert the pressure that was needed to overcome the landowners' opposition and facilitate INCORA's work. In the organizational campaign, promoters from the Ministry of Agriculture scoured the countryside instructing peasants about their rights, forming local and regional peasant associations, and grooming promising activists into a national leadership (Zamosc 1986: 54–60). When ANUC's national congress met in 1970, the number of registered members was about one million. The response had been especially strong in the areas of traditional
haciendas
(large estates), where tenants and sharecroppers wanted land of their own; and in the piedmont forest frontiers, where peasant colonists demanded infrastructure and services (Zamosc 1986: 61–62).
Asylum Rights Protest Campaigns
Authors: Monforte Pierre 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Immigration and asylum are, by definition, global issues which concern transnational actors. However, the definition and implementation of immigration and asylum policies relate to state borders and are therefore traditionally entrenched in national contexts. For this reason, even if social movements mobilizing to defend the rights of migrants and refugees have regularly used international norms to increase their rights at the national level (Soysal 1994; Guiraudon 2000), they have rarely organized collective actions across borders: they have limited their action to the national level and have mainly addressed their demands to state authorities. However, since the mid‐1990s, these movements have increasingly mobilized in order to address international—and in particular European–institutions. Groups and networks have constructed networks, discourses and collective actions which go beyond borders, and they have organized significant and regular transnational campaigns.
Chávez, César Estrada (1937–1992)
Authors: Jenkins J. Craig 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
César Estrada Chávez was a civil rights activist, community organizer, and founder of the United Farm Workers of America (UFWA), the first union to successfully organize agricultural workers in the United States. A self‐educated follower of Gandhi's nonviolent protest strategy and Catholic theories of penance, he began his organizing career in 1952 with the Community Service Organization (CSO), a civil rights organization for urban Mexican Americans in California. In 1958, he became executive director of the CSO but, due to an abiding commitment to organizing farm workers, resigned in 1962 to found the National Farm Workers Association, the predecessor of the UFWA. In August 1966, he became director of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), a merger of the NFWA and the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC/AFL‐CIO), which he led until his death on April 23, 1993. Chávez's major contribution was applying a nonviolent protest strategy to the challenge of organizing farm workers, a group that suffered intense discrimination, little community cohesion, and high levels of poverty, even as they labored in the most profitable sectors of American agribusiness. In 1994 Chávez was posthumously recognized with the Medal of Freedom, the United States' highest civilian honor, for his work on behalf of Mexican‐American civil rights and the rights of farm workers to organize, and in 2003 a US commemorative postal stamp was issued in his honor.
C
hristian
I
dentity Movement
Authors: Aho James 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Christian Identity movement (CI) is the product of a marriage between various marginalized knowledges and British Israelism (BI). The betrothal was consummated in Southern California during the 1930s and 1940s by recently arrived Dust Bowl immigrants carrying with them evangelical Methodist/Baptist enthusiasms. While there are many CI congregations, the most notable is the Church of Jesus Christ Christian (Aryan Nations (AN)). When AN was headquartered in Idaho, it spawned a number of terrorist activities in the decades after the 1980s, most notably those of The Order. The Order was implicated in murders, robberies, armored car heists, and arsons. It ended in a fiery shootout with federal agents in 1985.
Contentious Politics in CurrentChina
Authors: Feng Shizheng , Zhao Dingxin 
Published: January 2013

AbstractBy the time of Mao Zedong's death in 1976, the Chinese economy was on the verge of collapse and the Chinese people were leading very poor lives. In this context, grievances mounted all over China. Facing this dire situation, the Chinese government embarked on market‐oriented reform and an open‐door policy in 1978. During the reform, the Chinese state was quickly transformed from a totalitarian regime to an authoritarian regime with growing toleration toward social diversities. Most Chinese no longer believed in the communist ideology, and the legitimacy of the state relied increasingly on the government's performance, especially in its capacity to deliver a fast‐growing economy and better life to the people (Zhao 2001, 2009). The legacies of the Maoist era and the post‐Mao transformation of the state–society relationship opened up the space for and shaped the development of contentious collective actions (CAs) in post‐Mao China.
Disability Rights Movement (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Greene Kyra R. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Most sources agree that the contemporary disability rights movement began sometime in the 1960s or perhaps the early 1970s (Percy 1989; Stroman 2003). Unlike the African‐American civil rights movement, the disability rights movement has not been characterized by concentrated periods of time where many large‐scale and/or violent protest events occurred (Barnartt & Scotch 2001). Instead, disability activism has tended to come in the form of service provision, lobbying, and other exercises of traditional and institutional political influence. While much disability activism is directed at improving funding and availability of services to the disabled community, it is important to understand that there is often a significant divide, and sometimes even real conflict, between the goals of the community of service providers and those of disability rights movement activists.