bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Argeiphontes in Homer—The Dragon-Slayer
Authors: Davis S. 
Published: July 2013

According to Elliot Smith, the dragon ‘is most intimately associated with the earliest stratum of divinities, for it has been homologized with each of the members of the earliest Trinity, the Great Mother, the Water God, and the Warrior Sun God, both individually and collectively. To add to the complexities of the story, the dragon-slayer is also represented by the same deities, either individually or collectively; and the weapon with which the hero slays the dragon is also homologous both with him and his victim, for it is animated by him who wields it, and its powers of destruction make it a symbol of the same power of evil which it itself destroys.’Wherever it is found the dragon displays a special partiality for water. It dwells in pools or wells or in the clouds on the tops of mountains, or at the bottom of the sea where it guards vast treasures, or even on the top of a high mountain. It has the same characteristics everywhere, for the dragon of the North is essentially the same as that of the South and the East, an evil power, guarding hoards and withholding good things from men. ‘The slaying of a dragon is the achievement of heroes—of Siegmund, of Beowulf, of Sigurd, of Arthur, of Tristram…But if in the West the dragon is usually a “power of evil”, in the far East he is equally emphatically a symbol of beneficence. He is identified with emperors and kings; he is the son of heaven, the bestower of all bounties.’
The Idler's Paradise in Attic Comedy
Authors: Baldry H. C. 
Published: July 2013

This article is chiefly concerned with a well-known passage of that extraordinary miscellany, the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus, in which the author follows his usual habit of illustrating a thesis by quoting from comedy. In the pages considered here (vi. 267e–270a) he draws his examples from a series of plays now lost—the Plutuses of Cratinus, the Beasts of Crates, the Amphictyons of Telecleides, the Miners and Persians attributed to Pherecrates, the Sirens of Nicophon, and the Thurio-Persians of Metagenes. This string of quotations, full of cookery-book vocabulary, constitutes our main evidence about the comic poets' treatment of the theme of the land of Cockaigne, Schlaraffenland, the idler's or glutton's paradise. On the basis of this evidence many sweeping generalizations on this subject have been made, some of them so wide of the mark that it may perhaps be worth while to attempt one more review of a passage already often discussed, in the hope of arriving at a fresh assessment of its true significance.Discussion of such a passage usually involves study of the extracts cited, and leads on to the hazardous business of trying to form some conception of the plays from which they are drawn. But before one follows this well-trodden path there is a more general question to be considered, the answer to which may give some guidance on the way. What is it that Athenaeus' quotations illustrate? The speaker in this part of the symposium, the philosopher Democritus of Nicomedia, has been discoursing about servants, and has already cited the Savages of Pherecrates to show that there was a time when people had no slaves, but did all their own work (263 b).
Doctor and Patient in Classical Greece
Authors: Phillips E. D. 
Published: July 2013

The medical literature of the Greeks from the classical, Hellenistic, and Roman periods is very full and of inexhaustible interest for the history of science, but its public, even among scholars, is small, particularly in Great Britain. On the theoretical and technical side independent study is likely to remain the preoccupation of a few, but on the practical and human side there is abundant material of historical and social interest that deserves to be more widely known. Among that material the present article is concerned only with the evidence from the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., the first age of scientific medicine among the Greeks. Some is to be found in commonly read authors, such as Plato, but for fuller details the only contemporary source of much value is the Corpus Hippocraticum, the mixed collection of medical writings from these centuries which has reached us under the name of Hippocrates, but in fact contains treatises, essays, pamphlets, and notes by the most various authors, as their styles and contents show.For English readers by far the most useful edition of any large part of the Corpus is the four volumes of the Loeb Hippocrates—i, ii, and iv by Dr. W. H. S. Jones, and iii by Dr. E. T. Withington, containing the surgical books. But this is not exhaustive; for the complete Corpus the most recent edition is still the ten volumes of Émile Littré, Œuvres complètes d'Hippocrate (Paris, 1839–61). This, like the Loeb, has translations opposite the text, introductions, and a few illustrations; it is now a rare book and still valuable in spite of its age.
The Conquistadores and the Classics
Authors: Armstrong A. Macc. 
Published: July 2013

The men of the Renaissance looked to classical antiquity for models not only of literary elegance but also of conduct to imitate and outrival. Even Hernán Cortés and his companions were heartened in their struggles by the examples of the classical world, as is clear from the account of one of them, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, who was not a literary man and wrote his True History of the Events of the Conquest of New Spain in protest against the conventional distortions of the professional historians.When Cortés proposed to his followers the burning of their boats, which would prevent anyone from slinking back to Cuba and secure the additional strength of the sailors but at the same time meant throwing off the authority of the Governor of Cuba, he first emphasized that his company must look for aid to God alone and then ‘drew many comparisons with the heroic deeds of the Romans’. They replied in the words of Julius Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon,1 that the die was cast (ch. 59). The comparison with antiquity was later used against Cortés by seven fainthearts who complained that not even the Romans or Alexander of Macedon or any other famous captains whom the world had known had ventured to advance with so small an army against such vast populations. Cortés admitted this, but retorted that with God's help the history books would say far more about them than about their predecessors (ch. 69). His fondness for comparisons with the Romans was parodied when he overcame the forces of Narvaéez sent after him by the Governor, for a negro jester cried out that the Romans had never done such a feat (ch. 122).
Classical Association Jubilee
Authors: Webster T. B. L. 
Published: July 2013

The Classical Association was founded in December 1903 in the Botany Lecture Theatre of University College, London. University College has invited the Association to celebrate its Jubilee there from 7 to 10 April 1954. Invitations have been received from the University, King's College, and Westminster School to hold part of the functions in their buildings and a special exhibition of new books is being arranged by the University Library. In connexion with the Jubilee an appeal is being issued to members with the object of raising a small working capital to avoid the necessity of increasing the subscription, which in spite of growing membership no longer produces enough to cover the increased cost of printing and provides no margin for extra activities.It is hoped that the Hon. Secretary, Professor L. J. D. Richardson, will give the opening lecture on the history of the Association. Headings will clearly be: the foundation of local branches in this country and of parallel associations in the Commonwealth, the establishment of the Association's three journals, the institution of school reading competitions, and the excellent work done by the Education Sub-Committee. During its fifty years of life the Association has endeavoured to fulfil the objects laid down in the rules. Two recent activities are designed particularly ‘to encourage investigation and call attention to new discoveries’ and ‘to create opportunities for friendly intercourse’, viz. participation in the Joint Committee of Greek and Roman Societies, which runs the successful triennial meetings at Oxford and Cambridge, and membership of the International Federation of Classical Studies, whose next conference will be in Copenhagen in August 1954.
Muses on Pindos
Authors: Brown A. D. Fitton 
Published: July 2013

Pindos, the mountain range between Thessaly and Epeiros, is not without renown. It appears first in Pindar (Pythian ix. 15), where in its ‘storied dells’ Kreousa gave birth to Hypseus by the love of the river-god Peneios. It, or more likely the town of the same name in Doris, was known to Pindar (Pythian i. 66) as the home of the Dorians, and it appears in Aeschylus and Sophokles—in the former (Supp. 257) as the north-western boundary of Pelasgos' realm, in the latter (Fr. 249) as the source of the Acheloos. Kallimachos, Theokritos, and Orpheus refer to it, and in Latin it is at least as old as Virgil. We find it in Horace, Propertius, Ovid, Lucan, Silius, and Valerius Flaccus,3 and in the course of antiquity it acquired a reputation as a lofty, wooded mountain which persists in Claudian and through the Dark Ages. Once more it is the setting for an amour of Apollo; Paion's mother, Liagore, receives leech-craft as the price of her favours (Faerie Queene, iii. 4. 41); and the same Spenser praised the whiteness of its snow (Prothalamian, 40). Wordsworth, as he wondered at the torrent at the Devil's Bridge, asked:‘Hath not Pindus fed thee, where the band Of Patriots scoop their freedom out, with hand Desperate as thine?’and it was about the Pindos range that, in 1940, another band of patriots repelled the Italian invasion of their country and won the first Allied victory of World War II.
The Attis of Catullus
Authors: Dale F. R. 
Published: July 2013

I Am offering to readers a version of the Attis, which I read at the Leeds meeting of the Classical Association in 1962. It is composed in the same metre as the Latin, according to the rules (and practice) of quantity in English. The metre is galliambic; the line consists of four ionic metra, the last syncopated or catalectic. The ionic metron, as two shorts and two longs, is familiar in Horace's Neobulemiserarum est neque amori dare ludum neque dulci—but the first and the last syllables of the metron may be either long or short; this admits the anacreontic dimeter, a favourite variant in Greek lyrics—super alta / uectus Attis …Catullus' galliambic consists of two such anacreontics—itaque ut domum Cybelles // tetigeṙe lassulae [pause]. (35.)
The Evolution of the Basilisk
Authors: Alexander R. McN. 
Published: July 2013

Thebasilisk, or cockatrice, is no longer a familiar animal. It was, however, well known in the Middle Ages from St. Isidore's alarming account, which was very widely quoted in the bestiaries:basiliscus graece, latine interpretatur regulus, eo quod rex serpentium sit, adeo ut eum videntes fugiant, quia olfactu suo eos necat; nam et hominem vel si aspiciat interimit. siquidem et eius aspectu nulla avis volans inlaesa transit, sed quam procul sit, eius ore conbusta devoratur. a mustelis tamen vincitur, quas illic homines inferunt cavernis in quibus delitescit; itaque eo visu fugit, quem ilia persequitur et occidit. nihil enim parens ille rerum sine remedio constituit. est autem longitudine semipedalis; albis maculis lineatus. reguli autem, sicut scorpiones, arentia quaeque sectantur, et postquam ad aquas venerint,δροφ⋯ βους et lymphaticos faciunt. sibilus idem est qui et regulus. sibilo enim occidit, antequam mordeat vel exurat.
The Wound of Glaukos
Authors: Williams E. Watson 
Published: July 2013

The standard rendering of the prayer of Glaukos is: ‘For I have this grievous wound and my arm on this side and on that is shot through with sharp pangs.…’In 1. 510 Χείρ is always correctly translated: ‘With his hand [Χειρὶ] he held his arm [βραΧίονχ]’ where he had been wounded, a little below the shoulder (xii. 389). Homer knew a lot about the results of arrow and other wounds. His translators do not. Failing to understand how a wound in the arm can cause pain in the hand, they have attempted to ‘correct’ what was written, and in so doing have destroyed the sense, the explanation why an apparently simple flesh wound was so crippling. This is an excellent description of injury to the median nerve in the (upper) arm, causing (1) sharp pain felt in the area—palm, thumb, and fingers—supplied by that nerve, (2) aching ‘referred’ to the region just below the shoulder supplied by the circumflex nerve (arising from the same spinal segments, cervical 5 and 6), and (3) paralysis of the flexor (‘grasping’) muscles of the wrist and hand. We should therefore translate: ‘For I have this grievous wound and my hand is pierced through with sharp pangs … and my shoulder is made heavy thereby, nor have I power to grasp my spear firmly.’
The Starting-Gate for Chariots a Postscript
Authors: Harris H. A. 
Published: July 2013

Pliny the Elder, enumerating the different varieties of chalk, writes, ‘Vilissima qua circum praeducere ad victoriae notam … instituerunt maiores’ (NH xxxv. 47. 199). The Loeb translator gives: ‘The most inferior kind is the one which our ancestors made it thepractice to use for tracing the line indicating victory in circus-races.’ If Pliny meant no more than ‘to mark out the winning-line in the circus’, he seems to have used a curiously clumsy way of expressing it, ‘to mark out the circus at the winning-line’. Elsewhere he uses praeducere more straightforwardly. When he is describing how channels were constructed in mountainous country to bring water to mines, he says that workmen, hanging in cradles from the top of precipices, ‘lineas itineri praeducunt’, ‘mark lines for the route’. We might then have expected him to write, ‘In circo praeducere victoriae notam’, had that been his meaning. If, however, lanes were marked on the track from the carceres to Cassiodorus' ‘break-line’ (Fig. 1), Pliny's expression is justified, ‘to mark out the circus near the winning-line’. The winning-line may have been the same as the break-line, or it may have been level with the meta (A–B, Fig. 1). Pliny's words are equally suitable in either case, as the lanes were at the same end of the circus as the winning-post and near it.
Horace's Virgil
Authors: Moritz L. A. 
Published: July 2013

This is the somewhat surprising moral drawn by Horace, in the twelfth poem of the fourth book of Odes (lam verts comites), from an idyllic description of spring, which includes the nesting of the unhappy bird that weeps for Itys and goes on to an Arcadian scene of shepherds with their pipes. In this ‘thirsty season’ Vergilius, who is addressed as iuvenum nobilium cliens, is invited to join the poet in broaching a jar of wine (but to earn his drink with a gift of perfume) and to forget for a while his usual preoccupations:verum pone moras et studium lucri,nigrorumque memor dum licet igniummisce stultitiam consiliis brevem:dulce est desipere in loco. (25–8)
The Structure of Juvenal's Eleventh Satire
Authors: McDevitt A. S. 
Published: July 2013

The ostensible subject of this Satire is an invitation to dinner extended by Juvenal to his friend Persicus, with a description of the proposed menu, which gives rise to comments drawing an unfavourable comparison between Juvenal's meal and the prevalent dining habits of his day. In his justly famous study Professor Highet accepts this ostensible subject at its face value as the real subject of the Satire—his chapter on it is entitled ‘Dinner at Home’ (ch. 20)—and on p. 279, note 3, he tabulates the structure of the Satire as follows:(a) lines 1–55: introductory chat.(b) lines 56–63: the invitation.(c) lines 64–89: the food (with reflections on old Roman manners).(d) lines 90–135: the furniture and dishes (with reflections on manners old and new).(e) lines 136–61: the servants and the wine.(f) lines 162–82: the entertainment.(g) lines 183–208: conclusion, the preliminary relaxation and comfortable bath.
Symbolism in Virgil: Skeleton Key or Will-O'-The-Wisp?
Authors: Richmond J. A. 
Published: July 2013

We read in the fourth book of the Aeneid that unhappy Dido, when Anna came to her as she lay dying,ter sese attollens cubitoque adnixa leuauit,ter reuoluta toro est … (Aen. 4. 690–1).
Critical Appreciations III: Tacitus, Histories 3.38–9
Authors: Miller N. P. , Jones P. V. 
Published: July 2013

The following is the third of a series which began in G & R 20 (1973), 38 ff. and 155 ff. and was continued in G & R 21 (1974), 165 ff.38. Nota per eos dies Iunii Blaesi mors et famosa fuit, de qua sic accepimus. gravi corporis morbo aeger Vitellius Servilianis hortis turrim vicino sitam conlucere per noctem crebris luminibus animadvertit. sciscitani causam apud Caecinam Tuscum epulari multos, praecipuum honore Iunium Blaesum nuntiatur; cetera in maius, de apparatu et solutis in lasciviam animis. nee defuere qui ipsum Tuscum et alios, sed criminosius Blaesum incusarent, quod aegro principe laetos dies ageret. ubi asperatum Vitellium et posse Blaesum perverti satis patuit iis qui principum offensas acriter speculantur, datae L. Vitellio delationis partes. ille infensus Blaeso aemulatione prava, quod eum omni dedecore maculosum egregia fama anteibat, cubiculum imperatoris reserat, filium eius sinu complexus et genibus accidens. causam confusionis quaerenti, non se proprio metu nee sui anxium, sed pro fratre, pro liberis fratris preces lacrimasque attulisse. frustra Vespasianum timeri, quem tot Germanicae legiones, tot provinciae virtute ac fide, tantum denique terrarum ac maris immensis spatiis arceat: in urbe ac sinu cavendum hostem, Iunios Antoniosque avos iactantem, qui se stirpe imperatoria comem ac magnificum militibus ostentet. versas illuc omnium mentis, dum Vitellius amicorum inimicorumque neglegens fovet aemulum principis labores e convivio prospectantem. reddendam pro intempestiva laetitia maestam et funebrem noctem, qua sciat et sentiat vivere Vitellium et imperare et, si quid fato accidat, filium habere.
Two Implications of the Trojan Legend
Authors: Gossage A. J. 
Published: July 2013

The second implication of the Trojan legend may be stated briefly by saying that the Romans were descended from the vanquished, and not the victors, in the Trojan war. Most writers completely ignored this implication. Some rode majestically above it and pointed to the contemporary greatness of Rome, which they regarded as Troy's final triumph. Other writers, meditating, as was frequent in the ancient world, on the rise and fall of great cities, contrasted the rise of Trojan Rome with the fall of Greece, as though the balance disturbed by the sack of Troy had been restored by a consequent reversal of fortunes. In certain cases one feels that the author is simply reflecting as a philosopher, and citing Greece and Troy as examples of the fulfilment of a natural law; but usually the tone is not disinterested, and one has the impression that Roman writers are primarily concerned in extolling Rome, while Greeks lament the wretchedness of Greece. Typical of the latter are the poems of the Greek Anthology which speak of the deserted place where Mycenae once stood. Alpheios of Mytilene, for example, writes thus:Ἄργος, Ὁμηρικὲ μῦθε, καὶ Ἑλλάδος ἱερὸν οὖδας,καὶ χρυσέη τὸ πάλαι Περσέος ἀκρόπολι,ἔσβεσαθ' ἡρώων κείνων κλέος οἵ ποτε Τροίηςἤρειψαν κατὰ γῆς θειόδομον στέφανον.ἀλλ' ἡ μὲν κρείσσων ἐστὶν πόλις' αἱ δὲ πεσοῦσαιδείκνυσθ' εὐμύκων αὔλια βουκολίων.
Subsistence Farming in Italy during the Roman Period: A Preliminary Discussion of the Evidence
Authors: Frayn Joan M. 
Published: July 2013

Most modern studies of Roman agriculture have concentrated on the methods used for farming on a large-scale and on a commercial basis. This is not surprising since the classical writers on agriculture in Latin, Cato, Varro, and to a lesser extent Columella and Palladius, are mainly concerned with this aspect. And naturally so, since only the gentleman farmer could read them and profit by their advice. There is, as has been remarked by K. D. White, a serious lack of evidence about the life and work of the peasant farmer. This was, however, considered to be of great importance by the Romans themselves:hanc olim veteres vitam coluere Sabini,hanc Remus et frater, sic fortis Etruria crevit,scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma.
Sleepless Poets: Catullus and Keats
Authors: Woodman A. J. 
Published: July 2013

It is well known that many poets, from Callimachus (Anth. Pal. ix. 507) down to those mentioned by Rosamund Harding on pp. 38—9 of her book An Anatomy of Inspiration (Cambridge, 1942), have preferred to compose their works by night. It is perhaps less well known that some poems are or claim to be the result of involuntary insomnia. One example is Catullus 1. Catullus had spent a day composing poetry in the company of his friend, the brilliant young ‘new’ poet Licinius Calvus (lines 1–16):Hesterno, Licini, die otiosimultum lusimus in meis tabellis,ut convenerat esse delicatos:scribens versiculos uterque nostrumludebat numero modo hoc modo illoc,reddens mutua per iocum atque vinum.
Particle–wall collisions in a viscous fluid
Authors: JOSEPH G. G. , ZENIT R. , HUNT M. L. , ROSENWINKEL A. M. 
Published: July 2013

This paper presents experimental measurements of the approach and rebound of a
particle colliding with a wall in a viscous fluid. The particle's trajectory was controlled
by setting the initial inclination angle of a pendulum immersed in a fluid. The
resulting collisions were monitored using a high-speed video camera. The diameters
of the particles ranged from 3 to 12 mm, and the ratio of the particle density to fluid
density varied from 1.2 to 7.8. The experiments were performed using a thick glass
or Lucite wall with different mixtures of glycerol and water. With these parameters,
the Reynolds number defined using the velocity just prior to impact ranged from 10
to approximately 3000. A coefficient of restitution was defined from the ratio of the
velocity just prior to and after impact.The experiments clearly demonstrate that the rebound velocity depends on the
impact Stokes number (defined from the Reynolds number and the density ratio)
and weakly on the elastic properties of the material. Below a Stokes number of
approximately 10, no rebound of the particle occurred. For impact Stokes number
above 500 the coefficient of restitution appears to asymptote to the values for dry
collisions. The coefficients of restitution were also compared with previous experimental
studies. In addition, the approach of the particle to the wall indicated that the
particle slowed prior to impacting the surface. The distance at which the particle's
trajectory varied due to the presence of the wall was dependent on the impact Stokes
number. The particle surface roughness was found to affect the repeatability of some
measurements, especially for low impact velocities.