bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Advanced Study Program of the Brookings Institution
Authors: Carroll James D. 
Published: September 2013

The Advanced Study Program of the Brookings Institution may be the largest continuing seminar on public policy in the United States, if not the world.Is the American Constitutional system adequate to the needs of contemporary society?Is the American system of government dominated by “special interests”?Do “limits to growth” threaten to bring about increasing conflict among income groups in the United States?Is the decline in economic productivity a threat to the international security of the United States?What are the strengths and weaknesses of supply side economics?What are the implications of the growth of the service economy for the various regions of the United States?What are the relationships and tradeoffs among energy policy, inflation, environmental objectives, and regulatory policy?What are the ethical implications of major public policies?Each year, these and similar questions are explored in the approximately 100 seminars, conferences, and other educational programs conducted by the Advanced Study Program.
Political Science and the Life Sciences
Authors: Corning Peter , Losco Joseph , Wiegele Thomas C. 
Published: September 2013

At the 1980 APSA meeting in Washington, a group of approximately 25 political scientists and others, out of a much larger network of contributors and sympathizers, agreed to form anAssociation for Politics and the Life Sciencesdedicated to the advancement of an integrated biosocial perspective in our discipline. Although this short article is intended primarily to announce that fact and detail plans for the immediate future, we feel that this might also be an appropriate occasion to review briefly the history and rationale behind this intellectual activity and describe some of the objectives of the Association.The study of the relationship between biology and politics (sometimes called “biobehavioral political science” and sometimes also “biopolitics”) drew its initial impetus in the latter 1960s and early 1970s from emergent developments in a number of other disciplines, particularly (a)ethology(the naturalistic study of animal behavior and adaptation), (b)psychophysiology(specifically, efforts to correlate various physiological characteristics and “indicators” with various mental and behavioral states), (c)psychobiology(including neurological and endocrine influences on social behavior), (d)behavior genetics(involving both human and non-human animal research), (e)psychopharmacology(especially the chemical manipulation of behavioral states), (f)sociobiology(the application of modern Darwinian theory to the explanation of social behaviors), and (g)ecology(the study of the relationships between organisms and their environments, which gained visibility when the so-called “environmental crisis” erupted).
Beyond Economic Disarmament
Authors: Jacobson Harold K. 
Published: September 2013

The volume and value of international trade have grown at exceptional rates in the years since World War II, rates of growth that are significantly higher than those for population or production. In a substantial measure the gains in global welfare that have been achieved during this period are attributable to the growth in international trade. The reduction of barriers to trade, accomplished through the instrumentality of a modest international institution, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), has played a major role in facilitating the growth of international trade. GATT is currently, however, at a critical juncture. The issue that GATT faces is: can the liberalized conditions for international trade that have been achieved through complicated and time-consuming negotiations be maintained and extended or will the world drift—or perhaps even rush—toward protectionism?The trade ministers of GATT's 88 member states meeting in Geneva last November sought to promote further progress toward liberalization or at least to prevent backsliding. Whether or not their efforts will succeed remains to be seen. The obstacles in the way of success are formidable, and the instruments for overcoming them are fragile.
Statistical Packages for Personal Computers
Authors: Grafton Carl , Permaloff Anne 
Published: September 2013

An impressive number of reasonably priced personal computer software packages of interest to political scientists are now on the market. Owners of computers such as the TRS-80 Model III and the Apple II can purchase software for word processing and statistical analysis which can substantially increase their productivity. Scholars trying to meet publication deadlines need no longer be delayed by harried secretaries trying single-handedly to meet the needs of an entire department. A computer/word processor used by a typist of average ability is nearly the equal of a good professional secretary. And those with even fairly large statistical analysis requirements may no longer be tied to the university's hectic “computer center” where they must wait in line for terminals, try to think amid constant movement and never-ending conversation, or suffer errors produced by noise injected between their terminal and the main frame along telephone lines.This is an analysis of statistical packages sold by four companies for use on a variety of low, moderate, and high priced personal computers. Our focus on these packages reflects our statistical needs for research and teaching. We were looking for programs capable of handling relatively large data bases and with the capacity to perform multiple regression and time series analyses. We needed a program that could be used to analyze data generated from small survey samples. This required both frequency distribution and contingency table development and analysis. Finally, we needed a program or programs in an affordable price range.
To Run or Not to Run: Estimates of a Black Contender's Delegate Strength at the 1984 Democratic Convention
Authors: Lengle James I. 
Published: September 2013

The possibility of a black contender for the Democratic presidential nomination has raised many interesting questions. Has the Democratic Party and its past nominees taken the black vote for granted? Can the black community reach a consensus on a black issue agenda? Can it agree on a candidate? Could a black candidate actually hurt black interests by dividing the liberal vote and throwing the nomination to a more conservative Democratic contender? Could the strategy seriously backfire in other less obvious ways? Do the presumed benefits, both symbolic and real, outweigh the potential costs? Could the threat of a candidacy be just as beneficial to black interests as the candidacy itself? Are there other strategies during the nomination process that could enhance black political power even more?Although the debate has covered a wide range of questions, one crucial question has been ignored: how many delegates could a black presidential contender conceivably win in 1984? While few experts believe that a black contender could win a majority of delegates, many argue that, if the contest is close between two other contenders, blacks could be “kingmakers,” crowning the nominee in exchange for major policy concessions, patronage appointments, and, conceivably, the vice-presidency. If the nomination is not close, then a group of black delegates, at a minimum, would increase substantially black influence on important rules and platform decisions. Hopes based on these or any other convention scenario the mind can devise, however, depend on how well a black contender fares in the race for delegates. The larger his delegation, the more power he can potentially wield at the convention. Conversely, the smaller his delegation, the less power he will have.
The Reform of Presidential Selection and Democratic Theory
Authors: Polsby Nelson W. 
Published: September 2013

The political science profession is very far indeed from having pronounced its last word on the subject of the reforms of the presidential nomination process which have so dramatically transformed American elections and the party system. The current wave of reform began over a decade ago, and, more or less on schedule, political scientists have now begun regularly to report findings that suggest that they have been incorporating questions about the consequences of these reforms into their research.Many observers quite rightly have noted that central to debate about party reform among politicians and commentators have been questions of legitimacy that reflect varying conceptions of democratic theory. In this brief essay, I will consider a few of these questions further and speculate about the respects in which the work of political scientists might assist in resolving them.Perhaps the earliest questions arose over the changes that reform seemed to induce in the sorts of people taking part in the national party conventions. Questions arose as to their “representativeness”—and especially in light of two successive Democratic national conventions— 1968 and 1972—at which there were many challenges to the right of delegates to be present. In 1968 the complaints centered on the propriety of seating delegates selected earlier than the election year and selected through processes dominated by state party leaders rather than by the insurgent forces of protest over the war in Vietnam. These complaints were largely ineffective in influencing the outcome of the 1968 nomination, but their impact on subsequent events was substantial. They formed the basis upon which the Democratic party undertook to examine the delegate selection process in its McGovern-Fraser Commission of 1969, and people associated with these complaints staffed the Commission.
Reconciliation 1982: What Happened?
Authors: Peters Jean 
Published: September 2013

Reconciliation was marked by confusion and misunderstanding on Capitol Hill. Still, this unusual procedure permitted the Reagan Administration to have its budget considered and approved as a single package.In 1974, Congress passed a budget act to assert control over the federal budget and free itself from executive dominance over spending plans. In 1981, that act instead provided the Reagan Administration with a tool to put forth its economic program as a single philosophical package and to restructure basic social legislation to reflect that philosophy. The tool is reconciliation.Reconciliation has been slowly ripening on the budgetary vine for several years. The combined adroitness of key Administration budgeteer, David Stockman, who went from Michigan congressman to director of the Office of Management and Budget, along with the current economic climate, provided a unique opportunity for the executive branch to use congressional procedures to bypass normal congressional control over the federal budget.
The Reagan Budget: A Significant Departure from the Past
Authors: Gist John R. 
Published: September 2013

In the aggregate President Reagan's budget does not differ significantly from budget growth during the early 1970s. If the budget is slightly disaggregated, however, it is clear that the Administration is dramatically altering U.S. spending patterns.As part of his program for economic recovery announced last February and March, President Reagan called for $475 billion in budget reductions over fiscal years 1981–86. He also proposed the use of the budget reconciliation process provided for in the 1974 Congressional Budget Act as the vehicle for implementing the first installment of these massive cuts in federal spending. In this paper I will discuss the Reagan budget plan in broad outline, and then compare certain aspects of it with the outcome of the reconciliation process and with some recent budget trends.
The Electoral Connection in the 99th Congress
Authors: Cook Timothy E. 
Published: September 2013

Participant observation has provided some of our most impressive insights into the contemporary Congress. In particular, two scholars relied upon this method for results that must be regarded as shaping our current paradigm on Congress and its members: David Mayhew, who, six years after serving as an APSA Congressional Fellow, published his essay,Congress: The Electoral Connection(1974), and Richard Fenno, who traveled with representatives and senators in order to assess how members of Congress interact with their constituents and the impact of those interactions upon their performances in Washington inHome Style(1978) and its companion volume on the Senate (1982).Despite the influence of these works, some ambiguities remained when I began my stint as a Congressional Fellow in the fall of 1984. For one thing, Mayhew and Fenno had reached different conclusions regarding the impact of the need to run for reelection. Mayhew asserted that congressional behavior and congressional outcomes could be explained solely by the goal of getting reelected; on the other hand, Fenno contended that members could establish separate “home styles” and “Washington styles,” as leeway in the latter increased with more successful presentations of self back home. Likewise, whereas Mayhew made no distinction between the strength of the electoral incentive for representatives and senators, Fenno argued that having longer terms than representatives provided much more temptation for senators to do something besides merely run for reelection. A second ambiguity was that most of Mayhew's and Fenno's fieldwork was accomplished in the early to mid 1970s, before the sea-change in American politics best symbolized by Ronald Reagan's election and the dramatic shifts in policy and in political style that ensued (see especially Edsall, 1984; Chubb and Peterson, 1985). While studies suggest that congressional decision-making has changed only slightly in the Reagan years (e.g., Smith, 1985), the altered electoral environment may have produced far-reaching changes in how the electoral connection shapes Congress.
The Other Side of the Camera: A TV Reporter's Stint as a Congressional Aide
Authors: Warren Larry 
Published: September 2013

On a drizzly late afternoon, soon after the November 1984 elections and well before the start of the 99th Congress, I slogged into the Cannon House Office Building for an interview with a real, live congressman. This was not a new experience. As a television reporter for a decade, I'd interviewed dozens of representatives and senators along the way. This interview was entirely different, however, because this time I was looking for a job, and the member was looking for an APSA Congressional Fellow to help out in his office.After the usual half hour wait in the lobby, I was ushered in to meet the member. It was football season and before settling into the couch, he was bragging about his alma mater's quarterback. Fortunately, my home team had a hot quarterback too, so we debated quarterback's arms instead of the nuclear or conventional variety. I was scheduled for 20 minutes with the member, and half the time expired before the member abruptly turned to the real subject at hand—hockey. About the time I'd run through the last fact in my hockey memory, the member actually picked up my resume and scanned it.One fact leaped from the page and got him even more worked up than his quarterback's passing percentage. “So you're a TV reporter, huh? I've always liked having TV guys around.” By now the 20-minute interview time was up, but it would be another 1½ hours before I got back out into the rain, with my first real insight into politics and TV news, from the other side of the camera.
Biracial Coalition Politics in Los Angeles
Authors: Sonenshein Raphe 
Published: September 2013

In their 1984 bookProtest Is Not EnoughBrowning, Marshall, and Tabb suggest that biracial coalitions are powerful vehicles for achieving minority incorporation in the political life of cities. They argue that black electoral mobilization and subsequent incorporation depend on both the relative size of the black community and white support. Similarly, Hispanic incorporation is a function not only of the percentage of Hispanics in the population but also joint membership with blacks in a liberal coalition (pp. 245–246).Their optimistic view of biracial and multiracial coalitions contrasts strikingly with the more common pessimism about cross-racial politics. Racial polarization in such major cities as New York, Chicago and Philadelphia (as well as in a number of medium and smaller-sized cities) has fed the belief that the black protests and white backlash of the 1960s have doomed biracial politics.Protest Is Not Enoughfocuses on ten small and medium-sized Northern California cities. The largest, San Francisco, is the 16th most populous city in the U.S. But biracial coalition politics has been most advanced in Berkeley, a city of only 103,328 in 1980. Thus the book's argument is vulnerable to the challenge that full-blown biracial politics worked only in a rather small, unusual city and otherwise had a significant impact in cities of only moderate size in the traditionally liberal Bay Area.
Is Anything Enough?
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers 
Published: September 2013

Is anything enough? The authors of this forum are in agreement that the political incorporation of blacks and Hispanics achieved thus far is not enough. Not only is protest not enough: they question whether any of the political arrangements by which members of these groups have been brought into city governments are sufficient to meet the goals of the civil rights movement—political equality and the alleviation of poverty. They have much to say about ways in which the incorporation of blacks and Hispanics falls short and about the conditions that block further strengthening of their position.Is anytheoryenough—the theory ofProtest Is Not Enough, in particular? The answer to the particular question is partly Yes, but the articles of this forum suggest qualifications and additions; we discuss these below. There are two answers to the general question, both of them No. No, because a theory of variations across cities does not fully meet the need for an understanding of possibilities or of leadership, agenda, and strategy over time in a particular city. And No, because the largest cities must be understood on their own terms, as we would seek to understand a nation or a war on its own terms.Nevertheless, a theoretical structure of the sort inProtestis useful to practitioners and researchers because it focuses attention on a limited number of main factors and relationships, permits systematic and standardized comparisons between groups of cities, provides a way to summarize the main structure of causal factors and conditions in a given city, and allows us to estimate the levels of minority mobilization and incorporation and of governmental responsiveness that we should expect in a city on the basis of the experience in other cities.
Democracy and Religion
Authors: Reichley A. James 
Published: September 2013

Relations between American democracy and religion have always been somewhat equivocal.On the one hand, moral and ethical principles derived from the Judeo-Christian tradition have been a major source of democratic values. Religion was an important motivating factor in both the colonization of North America and the American Revolution. The Founding Fathers set such high store by religion that they included its free exercise along with free speech and a free press among the liberties specifically protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. Organized religion played a key role in such drives to perfect democracy as the abolition of slavery, the enactment of woman's suffrage, and the civil rights struggle of the 1960s. Perhaps most important, the so-called Protestant ethic provided the moral bedrock on which republican institutions were built.On the other hand, democratic theorists and much of the general public have been wary of the absolutist social outlook often associated with religion. Practically all religions claim to embody ultimate truths about the nature of the universe and the human condition. At some level, therefore, they can hardly be tolerant of rival beliefs. Religious bodies can avoid social intolerance by acknowledging that human imperfection clouds and corrupts the judgments of all institutions, including the churches, or by limiting their social pronouncement to broad moral directives. In practice, however, individuals or institutions claiming to represent transcendent moral authority are often tempted to attach certainty to their opinions on complex issues in secular politics.
Some Modest Propositions About an Immodest Subject
Authors: Dunn Charles W. 
Published: September 2013

Few subjects arouse emotions like religion and politics. And when combined, few subjects raise more obstacles to balanced and objective scholarly analysis. Many strong and competing biases among both religious and political groups together with a scholar's own ideological and religious views may make it difficult to examine dispassionately the issues raised.Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority on the right and Norman Lear's People for the American Way on the left pose perplexing problems for American democracy. Each group speaks fervently with immodest assurance that its views of American democracy is correct.Comments by Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn and former Yale University President A. Bartlett Giamatti contrast between these polarized positions. Solzhenitsyn in his 1978 Harvard University commencement address charged that humanism “started Western civilization on the dangerous trend of worshipping man and his material needs. … As humanism in its development was becoming more and more materialistic, it also increasingly allowed its concepts to be used first by socialism and then by communism” (Solzhenitsyn, p. 53). Giamatti, on the other hand, has condemned groups like the Moral Majority by saying they “would sweep before them anyone who holds a different opinion” (The New York Times, September 1, 1981, p. 1).
Election Forecasts in 1984: How Accurate Were They?
Authors: Lewis-Beck Michael S. 
Published: September 2013

One autumn out of four, election forecasting surpasses baseball as America's national pastime. Then, everyone wants to know who will win, and everyone has a guess. Now, with the ballots carefully counted, forecasters await their awards. Below, I evaluate the quality of a wide range of 1984 presidential and congressional forecasts. The evaluation proceeds from nonscientific to scientific approaches, although this distinction is sometimes blurred. To lower the level of suspense, I should say that some forecasts turned out to be quite good. By way of conclusion, I offer a set of rules for selecting a high-quality forecasting instrument.Lucky GuessesMany popular election forecasting rules take advantage of chance, which has been working in their favor. Perhaps the most famous is the World Series forecast, which says, “If the American League wins the World Series, then the Republican presidential candidate will win.” This technique was accurate from 1952 to 1976, missed in 1980, but worked again in 1984 with the victory of the Detroit Tigers. A lesser known rule of this type, which is my personal favorite, is based on the Beaujolais wine harvest. Accordingly, “If the Beaujolais vintage looks bad, then the Republican will take the presidency.” This has held post-1960, and continues to do so with the poor 1984 crop (yielding a wine too light, with little color). There are other such rules that relate more directly to the candidates themselves and, in that sense, have more verisimilitude.