bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Report of the APSA Confidentiality in Social Science Research Data Project
Authors: Carroll James D. , Knerr Charles R. 
Published: September 2013

Does a researcher have a legal right not to reveal the identity of sources or subjects and not to reveal information obtained in confidence in the course of research, when asked to do so by a grand jury or other investigatory body? Should a researcher have such a right? Under what circumstances, if any, does a researcher have an ethical obligation to promise a source of information not to reveal the identity of the source and the content of what is learned? What position should the various social science associations take, if any, on questions of the ethical responsibilities and legal rights of researchers concerning the confidentiality of research sources and information?The above questions, among others, are believed to be of fundamental importance to the social science community. Under the initiative of the American Political Science Association, a research project was conceived to investigate these questions and others, and to recommend alternative solutions. A grant was secured from the Russell-Sage Foundation and co-sponsorship arranged through the Consortium of Social Science Associations, of the various national social science associations, including the American Anthropological Association, the American Economic Association, the American Historical Association, the APSA, the American Psychological Association, the American Sociological Association, the Association of American Law Schools, and the Association of American Geographers. In addition, liaison relationships were established with the American Statistical Association, the American Association for Public Opinion Research, the American Psychiatric Association, and the Oral History Association.
The Status of Women in the Profession: Tokenism
Authors: Jaquette Jane 
Published: September 2013

The woman who is now entering (or contemplating entry) into the political science profession confronts a field that is biased against her (“political science is no place for a woman”) and which admits her only grudgingly and accords her limited status. The following is a summary of the data now available on the status of women in the profession.From the survey conducted by the APSA Committee on the Status of Women (1969, 473 departments responding), we have the following information on female participation:23.2% of undergraduate majors are women17.5% of graduates enrolled are women14.7% of Ph.D. candidates are women8.7% of those receiving the Ph.D. 1960-1968 are women8.6% of assistant professors are women6.7% of associate professors are women; and4.1 % of full professors are women.
Judicial Process and Behavior during the Sixties: A Subfield, Interdisciplinary, and Crosscultural Overview
Authors: Schubert Glendon 
Published: September 2013

Many of the leading contributors to the judicial process and behavior field are persons who completed an LL.B., and then moved on to a doctorate and to teaching in political science; very few persons have gone the opposite route since the end of World War II. One of that tiny minority is the author of a recentPSarticle, “Who is Listening?” in which he observed that “it may be significant that some of the older generation [of traditional public law scholars] wound up teaching in law schools jointly or exclusively.” It may also be significant that it did not occur to him how well the shoe fits.Robert Dixon inappropriately subtitled his essay “Political Science Research in Public Law” — inappropriately because what he thereby denotes is virtually a null category. Even so, his may well prove to have been the last gasp of reactionary legalism, at least in the professional literature of political science.
Policy and Research: A Tough Combination
Authors: Shalala Donna E. 
Published: September 2013

I am deeply touched by your invitation to receive the Pi Sigma Alpha Award. To be added to a list that includes Ernest Giffith, Francis Wilcox and Scotty Campbell is, of course, a great honor.I assume that one of the reasons I have been singled out for this award is because I am on that short list of surviving political scientists in a city dominated at the highest levels by lawyers, economists and engineers.Recently, I read Bruce Adams' article in the November/December 1979Public Administration Reviewtitled, “The Limitations of Muddling Through: Does Anyone in Washington Really Think Anymore?” In the article, Adams suggests that the political decision-making process is characterized by individuals who are “running themselves ragged on a series of marginal, short-run issues and problems.”
Fueling the Black Political Participation Movement: The Joint Center for Political Studies
Authors: Britton John H. 
Published: September 2013

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of “the movement.”Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to “business as usual.”
New Orleans 1973: Scholars as Saints and Sinners
Authors: Edgerton Nancy Boland 
Published: September 2013

In the Winter 1973PS, a few charts and tables, and four paragraphs of dry prose were passed off as a “Report on the 1972 Annual Meeting.” Since no one whoattendedthe meeting in Washington, D.C. would recognize the week in that report, something more descriptive seems in order.For instance, the emphasis on program panel statistics ignores the fact that almost half of the meetings arenotpanels organized by the Program Committee. The Association, through its several committees, sponsored twenty-five meetings; these included the Annual Business Meeting, the Presidential Address by Robert E. Ward, reports of the year's activities of some committees, educational films, panels on political science education, and presentations of federal grant opportunities. Several groups not affiliated with APSA sponsored another some sixty-five meetings. Over twenty of these were cocktail parties. But in addition there were editorial board meetings, special-interest gatherings for political scientists specializing in federal studies, German politics, health politics, international studies, and transactionalism, to mention a few. The Caucus for a New Political Science and the Women's Caucus for Political Science continue to sponsor larger programs of panels and business meetings.
The Democrats
Authors: Browder Glen , Cho Yong Hyo , Cronin Thomas E. , Dubnoff Caren , Jackson John S. , Johnson Donald Bruce , Kahn Bob , Lawrence David , Rakove Milton , Ritt Leonard G. , Simon John W. , Sipress Morton , Williams J. Oliver 
Published: September 2013

I must admit that, after more than a decade of teaching and researching political parties, I found being selected to and participating in the 1980 Democratic National Convention an exhiliarating experience.The Alabama delegate-selection process was a very competitive primary with extensive activity by the Carter and Kennedy organizations and by the individual delegate candidates. In varying degrees, the delegate candidates stumped their constituencies with personal appearances, letters, rallies, sample ballots, newspaper ads, group endorsements, and assorted other campaign gimmicks.The selection process consisted primarily of a statewide primary (1) to allocate Alabama's delegates and alternate delegates among the presidential candidates, and (2) to elect the members of that delegation. Over 500 candidates ran for the 45 delegate and 32 alternate delegate positions in that primary. The primary actually was conducted by congressional district, with 33 candidates running for four delegate and three alternate delegate positions in my CD. The ballot was structured by sex (females listed first) and the voter was instructed to vote for up to four females and up to four males. Delegates were allocated to presidential candidates according to a formula which was roughly proportional; and individual delegates were selected by an equally fair but more complex formula.
Reagan Administration Proposes Sharp Cut-Back in Federal Support for Social Science Research
Authors: Mann Thomas E. 
Published: September 2013

By now most of you are aware of the severe cuts in federal funding for the social and behavioral sciences and for the humanities proposed by the Reagan Administration.At the National Science Foundation, while support for the natural sciences is slated to increase, the proposed budget for the social and economic sciences calls for a 65 percent reduction.At the National Institute of Mental Health (ADAMHA), the Administration proposes toeliminateall social research, which is expected to include research on the family, socialization of children, effects of separation and divorce, evaluation of prevention efforts with children, effects of mass media on behavior of children. In addition, the definition probably will include social policy research, research on race and ethnic relations, studies of community structure and change and studies of social institutions.
Chicago-The City That Works
Authors: Haider Donald 
Published: September 2013

Chicago is Richard J. Daley and Richard J. Daley is Chicago—puckish, often provincial, mostly pragmatic, and above all—fiercely proud. As Len O'Connor observed of the Mayor, “Surely the nation has never seen his like before—nor is it likely to see anyone quite like him again.” The same may be said of Chicago, which Carl Sandburg called, “The City of Big Shoulders.” “Chicago has never been a genteel town,” notes political scientist Milton Rakove, author of the most recent haiography of the city's politics. “It has always been, and still is today, a lusty, brawling, sprawling city.” It is appropriate that political scientists gather in Chicago during our bicentennial celebration. Chicago is not only a significant link to our nation's past, but may well be our window to the future.Where Chicago's toughness, unsophisticated and unreformed demeanor may offend some, the city's abundance of excellent restaurants will quickly disarm even its most vehement critics. The city is unique and perhaps unparalleled among convention cities with respect to culinary offerings—variety, ambiance, price, and accessibility. For those more timid souls whose range of gastronomic inquiry is limited to within eight blocks of thePalmer House, let me suggest three mainstays of downtown dining.Berghoff, 17 W. Adams, is a traditional favorite of convention goers. It is an inexpensive German restaurant and brauhaus which specializes in Hungarian goulash, sauerbraten, and schnitzel.The Blackhawk, 139 N. Wabash, is another favorite of Chicagoans for luncheon and dinner with excellent prime beef and the house specialty, Boston scrod. For greater variety and a touch of French cooking, I suggest you try Binyon's at 327 W. Plymouth Court, located across the street from the Dirksen Federal Office Building.
Continuity and Change, Predictability and Change, in the Politics of Presidential Selection
Authors: Shafer Byron E. 
Published: September 2013

Political scientists are charged with explaining the recurrent elements in the politics of presidential selection. Journalists are charged with explaining the elements of the moment. The best political scientists are nevertheless able to apply their larger analytic framework to the specific developments of the day. Just as the best journalists are able to frame those developments in some larger theoretical context. Political history, however, has been notably unkind to political scientists and journalists alike, when it comes to predicting the specific outcome of contests over presidential nominations—and elections. Inevitably, then, the year 1984 appears as the next challenge to scholarly, and journalistic, interpretation.The principal sources of change in the contemporary politics of presidential selection, those categories of events which are the meat of working journalists, are themselves comparatively stable and would thus seem ideally suited to the investigations of working political scientists as well. These include the institutional framework for the nomination and then the election. They include the field of contenders which begins the chase for a nomination, and narrows in the conflict over final election. They include major public issues, both those which surface with some regularity and those which really are specific to one presidential year. And they include the organized interest groups, recognized constituencies, and rank-and-file individuals who participate at varying levels and in varying mixes from campaign to campaign. In the face of these regularized elements of change, of course, the strategies and tactics of elite contenders and mass participants also reliably shift. For 1984, every one of these categories shows some further evolution, or at least some new, noteworthy twist.
Reagan and the New Deal: Repeal or Replay?
Authors: Smith Bruce L. R. , Carroll James D. 
Published: September 2013

President Reagan's success lies not in the size of federal budget cuts but in that he has been able to make cuts at all. He has a long way to go before the New Deal is repealed or even derailed.The Reagan budget has been viewed as revolutionary, as an unprecedented break in the tradition of modern social policy. According to Russell Baker, “… in the end even the Democrats were agreeable to the death of the New Deal, which took place this week at the Capitol.” Yet this view runs up against the fact that Ronald Reagan cut his political teeth on the New Deal, admired FDR and emulated his political style, was an ardent Democrat and an early labor organizer, and has cast his political appeal to many groups who were raised up by the New Deal to non-poor status. Is the Administration of President Reagan a repeal of the New Deal or a replay? A close look at the budget, and the political context that produced the budget, gives some partial answers.For our purposes, the New Deal is defined as the loose set of principles and policies that has developed from the 1930s to the 1970s and formed the “mainstream” of American domestic politics. For the moment we consider the Great Society to be part of that tradition. President Reagan himself apparently does not share this assumption, viewing the New Deal as having more in common with progressivism than with the Great Society of Lyndon Johnson.
Black and Hispanic Power in City Politics: A Forum
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers 
Published: September 2013

The number of blacks and Hispanics elected to office in American cities has grown dramatically. The media frequently report on their victories in local elections and run features on black and Hispanic mayors. From none in 1960, there are now 27 black and three Hispanic mayors of cities with populations over 50,000 (Joint Center, 1985; National Association of Latino Elected Officials, 1986).The trend is obvious, its significance disputed. Is it likely to continue, or can we already see signs of reversal? How much power do local black and Hispanic officials have? How was it achieved? And what difference does it make in any case? Can blacks and Hispanics in office strike a better bargain with the investors and financial institutions they depend on for development than previous administrations? In a period of fiscal stringency and reduced federal spending, can they carve out a larger piece of the municipal pie for minority populations? Can minority officeholders make any headway against the growing tide of unemployment and poverty, as help from the federal level is dismantled? Although the growing number of minority officials suggests political integration and racial/ethnic succession, do the limited powers of cities in a federal system and a capitalistic society render that apparent gain more symbolic than real?
Rainbow Coalitions in Four Big Cities: San Antonio, Denver, Chicago and Philadelphia
Authors: Muñoz Carlos , Henry Charles 
Published: September 2013

The election of black and Latino mayors in big cities during the past five years has provided the opportunity to critically examine the role of minority mobilization and coalitions. The focus of this study is on the election of four minority mayors, Henry Cisneros in San Antonio in 1981, Federico Peña in Denver, Harold Washington in Chicago, and Wilson Goode in Philadelphia, all in 1983. The pioneering study by Browning, Marshall, and Tabb (1984) highlights the significance of minority mayoral elections in the context of the struggle for political equality. We have placed our analysis in the context of the three central questions underscored in their theory of political incorporation: How open are urban political systems to minorities? How does minority political incorporation occur? Does political incorporation make a difference for minority interests? Although the four cities we examine are different in some respects from the Northern California cities covered by Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, their findings are generally applicable with modifications.ChicagoHow open is the system? Machine politics have dominated Chicago for over fifty years with decidedly mixed results for the city's black population. Black political power remained disproportionally small and subordinate throughout the machine's existence. Thus, Harold Washington's election in 1983 marked a structural transformation of the electoral system as well as a political coming of age for blacks. Washington inherited a city council divided along ideological and racial lines. Although Washington could not command a majority of the city council when he was first elected, the 1986 council races left him with an even split. Of the 50 council seats, 25 represent liberal votes and 25 are identified with the more conservative Democratic party machine, 16 are black and 4 are Latino. Washington, as mayor, holds the deciding vote.
Boston: The Unfinished Agenda
Authors: Travis Toni-Michelle C. 
Published: September 2013

In January 1986 Bruce Boiling, a member of the Boston City Council, became the first black president in the council's 166-year history. Boiling's presidency marks the culmination of the slow, but steadily growing empowerment of blacks in Boston politics. While blacks have always been present in Boston politics they have more often been observers, rather than participants as the Yankees and the Irish have dominated the political stage. In order to understand the role of blacks in Boston it is necessary to have some background knowledge of how Yankee paternalism retarded black political development and how Irish displacement of the Yankees resulted in the exclusion of blacks from Democratic party politics.Historical AntecedentsBoston politics has its roots in the historical relationships among the Yankees, the Irish, and the blacks. Under Yankee domination colonial and pre-Civil War blacks experienced racial harmony in an atmosphere where they could enjoy civil and political rights. Wealthy Yankee traders viewed free blacks paternalistically, as a low income class of people (Lupo, 1977, p. 124). Since Yankees were members of the political and cultural elite they did not perceive blacks as an economic threat to their position. Consequently, blacks could freely operate businesses, buy property, and run for office (Horton, 1979).As slavery became an increasingly important issue in the 1850s free blacks and Yankee abolitionists formed integrated organizations to end slavery. Abolitionist organizations provided an opportunity for free blacks to learn organizational and political skills. Yet, blacks often found that their efforts to become leaders were thwarted by white patrons who expected blacks to work only as obedient followers. A notable case among many was the conflict between white abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass, a former slave, over the crucial issue of the future role of blacks in electoral politics (Quarles, 1969). Frederick Douglass broke with Garrison who felt that blacks should not be encouraged to vote in a political system where the Constitution protected the rights of slaveholders (Horton, 1979, p. 86). Douglass adamantly advocated electoral participation and pulled some black abolitionists from Garrison's ranks. Douglass felt that participation in the electoral process was a necessary step in the political development of blacks. To affirm his convictions Douglass ran on the Liberal ticket for an office in New York state.
Minority Mobilization in an International City: Rivalry and Conflict in Miami
Authors: Warren Christopher L. , Stack John F. , Corbett John G. 
Published: September 2013

On March 20, 1986 many South Florida Hispanics were disappointed yet politically emboldened by the result of a close U.S. House vote on President Reagan's Nicaraguan Contra aid bill. Although the proposal was defeated in a 222–210 vote, the outcome was viewed locally as a Latin victory because Miami's moderately liberal Democratic delegation broke ranks with House leadership by voting three to one in support of the President's proposal. It is apparent that pressure felt from Miami's Cuban and Nicaraguan exile communities, as well as from the Florida Commission on Hispanic Affairs and the Cuban-American National Foundation, was decisive in compelling locally elected Democratic House members to support the President over their party.Two days after the vote, 200 protestors gathered in downtown Miami in a demonstration against Contra aid. Alpha 66, a militant anti-Castro organization, called a counter-demonstration attended by about 2,000 angry Hispanics who threw eggs, rocks, and insults at the smaller group of protestors. Miami riot police escorted the anti-Contra demonstrators away from the scene in buses in order to prevent their injury. The fractious counter-demonstration was broadcast live by a Spanish language radio station and was attended by several local and state officials, including the three Cuban-Americans who constitute a majority on the five-member Miami City Commission. These events underscore an increasingly visible phenomenon in Miami's volatile politics.