bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Pairing and superfluidity of nucleons in neutron stars
Authors: Gezerlis A. , Pethick C. J. , Schwenk A. 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
This chapter surveys the current status of understanding of pairing and superfluidity of neutrons and protons in neutron stars from a theoretical perspective, with emphasis on basic physical properties. During the past two decades, the blossoming of the field of ultracold atomic gases and the development of quantum Monte Carlo methods for solving the many-body problem have been two important sources of inspiration, and the chapter describes how these have given insight into neutron pairing gaps. The equilibrium properties and collective oscillations of the inner crust of neutron stars, where neutrons paired in a 1S0 state coexist with a lattice of neutron-rich nuclei, are also described. While pairing gaps are well understood at densities less than one tenth of the nuclear saturation density, significant uncertainties exist at higher densities due to the complicated nature of nucleon–nucleon interactions, the difficulty of solving the many-body problem under these conditions, and the increasing importance of many-nucleon interactions. The chapter touches more briefly on the subject of pairing of neutrons in other angular momentum states, specifically the 3P2 state, as well as pairing of protons.
Four-dimensional variational data assimilation
Authors: Lorenc A. C. 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
In this chapter, four-dimensional variational data assimilation (4D-VAR) is discussed in the context of numerical weather prediction (NWP). The analysis step in an NWP data assimilation cycle combines observations with a background forecast. Plausible models of error distributions involve transforms and statistics to describe the structure of errors at one time, plus a forecast model constraining the time evolution. They allow a Bayesian derivation of equations for the optimal analysis, by minimizing a 4D-Var penalty function using an adjoint model. Difficulties with the deterministic best fit of a nonlinear NWP model are discussed and a statistical approach to 4D-VAR based on the extended Kalman filter is presented. Advanced extensions to 4D-VAR can allow for nonlinearities and non-Gaussian distributions, arising from the physical limits to humidity, and from the possibility of erroneous observations. Ensembles provide useful information about likely background errors, which can be used in hybrid ensemble–variational data assimilation.
Error dynamics in ensemble Kalman-filter systems
Authors: Houtekamer P. 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
In this chapter, an experimental environment built around the Lorenz III toy model is used to demonstrate some points concerning localization. In an ensemble Kalman filter, localization is almost always necessary because of restrictions on the size of the ensembles. In fact, localization is the key technique that makes the ensemble approximation to the Kalman filter computationally feasible. How localization is best applied depends on aspects of the model dynamics and the observational network. A reasonable choice often leads to a substantial improvement in performance. Fortunately, as shown in this chapter, the statistics from the ensemble itself can provide guidance in the selection of a reasonable localization method.
Error dynamics in ensemble Kalman filter systems
Authors: Houtekamer P. 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
This chapter compares results from the Canadian global ensemble Kalman filter (EnKF) with observations. This inevitably leads to discrepancies between the observed real atmosphere and its modelled equivalent. These discrepancies originate from system error. In a system simulation experiment, an attempt is made to obtain a coherent picture of the error evolution of a system. Errors can be due to things as different as an inappropriate closure assumption in a forecast model and inaccurate observations of surface pressure. This chapter first describes Monte Carlo methods in general to arrive at a definition of ‘system error’. This is followed by an elimination procedure. First, medium-range ensemble forecasts are used to quantify the understanding of weaknesses of the forecast model. Subsequently, consideration turns to the data-assimilation context to see what additional error sources must be present. The chapter ends with some speculation on the types of errors that should be included.
An introduction to inverse modelling and parameter estimation for atmosphere and ocean sciences
Authors: Bocquet M. 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
This chapter is a short survey of the inverse modelling and parameter estimation methods currently used in the atmosphere and ocean sciences. The focus is on the estimation of model parameters. This can go as far as large parameter fields such as forcing fields that may drive or constrain a model. Future efficient data assimilation systems will probably incorporate these fields as part of control space. This overview of inverse modelling techniques describes regularization, information processing, Bayesian, and maximum entropy on the mean approaches, and estimation of the regularization parameters. Each concept introduced in this overview is illustrated using the concrete example of the inversion of the Chernobyl radionuclides source term with the help of a three-dimensional dispersion model.
Dynamically evolving networks
Authors: Grindrod CBE Peter 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
This chapter considers centrality measures for static and evolving networks of various different types. In particular it considers networks that evolve both discretely and continuously in time. In each case it shows how the notion of centrality may be extended to such situations so as to identify influential broadcasters and listeners. The chapter considers how this might relate to the fragility of networks and to problems of discounting old information and updating in real time. This exploits matrix algebra and matrix valued functions. Presented are examples of mobile phone social networks and corporate email networks.
The Large Hadron Collider
Authors: Evans Lyndon 
Published: March 2015

Abstract
This chapter discusses the design principles of the LHC, which gives access to the TeV energy scale for the first time. To achieve this, a number of technological innovations have been necessary. Two counter-rotating proton beams are guided and focused by superconducting magnets with a two-in-one structure allowing the machine to be installed in an existing tunnel. The very high field (&gt;8 T) in the dipoles can only be achieved by cooling them below the superfluid transition temperature of liquid helium. More than 80 tons of superfluid helium is needed to cool the machine. In its first year of operation, the LHC has behaved very reliably and predictably. Single-bunch currents 30% above the design value have already been achieved, and the luminosity has increased by five orders of magnitude in the first 200 days of operation. Some of the results of commissioning and first operation are also discussed.
External Arguments in Transitivity Alternations
Authors: Alexiadou Artemis , Anagnostopoulou Elena , Schäfer Florian 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThis book is an exploration of the syntax of external arguments in transitivity alternations from a cross-linguistic perspective. The empirical focus is the causative/anticausative alternation and the formation of (adjectival) Passives. The bulk of the discussion, couched within Distributed Morphology, is devoted to the properties of the (anti-)causative alternation, which the text takes to be a Voice alternation. It offers a detailed discussion of the morphological realization of anticausatives across languages, and argues that marked anticausatives involve expletive Voice and are not reflexive predicates. In the discussion of Passives, the book argues that the fact that Passives in German and English—unlike their counterparts in Greek, where Passives are syncretic with anticausatives—are morphologically unique reflects the fact that they are also structurally unique. Passives in English and German involve Passive Voice, while they involve Middle Voice in Greek. The text furthermore shows that the distinction between target and resultant state participles is an important one in order to understand the contribution of Voice in adjectival Passives. Importantly, the study provided tools to probe into the morpho-syntactic structure of verbs and participles, and to identify the properties of verbal alternations across languages.
Event decomposition and the causative alternation
Authors: Alexiadou Artemis , Anagnostopoulou Elena , Schäfer Florian 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThis chapter provides evidence that while indeed anticausative predicates lack agentivity, they do involve a cause component. Importantly, causatives and anticausatives do not differ in terms of event complexity or event decomposition, but only in the absence vs. presence of the layer introducing the external argument, which is assumed to be VoiceP, following Kratzer (1996). It further discusses a number of diagnostics that can be used to identify the presence of a cause layer within anticausatives, and their cross-linguistic distribution. These include causer PPs and oblique causers, as well as the behavior of roll verbs across languages. The final section discusses in detail the question of how to determine which verbs alternate within a language and across languages.
Adjectival passives and Voice
Authors: Alexiadou Artemis , Anagnostopoulou Elena , Schäfer Florian 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThis chapter discusses adjectival passives and specifically the question of whether or not Voice is present. Looking into the properties of adjectival passives in general, and systematically in English, Greek, and German, is an integral part of the discussion, as these have been claimed to differ from verbal passives in lacking Voice. First, it is shown that German and English participles may contain Voice. Second, negated participles in English, German, and Greek will be argued to also provide evidence for the presence of Voice, a fact entailing that they cannot be treated as lexical and must be phrasal. And third, new data from Greek will lead to the conclusion that Greek target state participles may contain Voice, similarly to resultant state participles. The chapter shows that the distinction between target state and resultant state participles is instrumental in understanding the role of Voice in adjectival participles.
Conclusions
Authors: Alexiadou Artemis , Anagnostopoulou Elena , Schäfer Florian 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThis chapter summarizes our results. This study analyzes the properties of the (anti-)causative alternation, which is viewed as a Voice alternation. Anticausatives do not differ from causatives in event complexity, but only in that the latter contain a thematic Voice head, which the former lack. A further important proposal made is that there are three non-active heads involved in argument alternations: expletive, Middle, and Passive. This suggests that morphology provides us with an important tool to understand syncretism: from our perspective, Voice syncretisms (more particularly, syncretisms involving Voice heads) are expected to emerge in languages that make use of the Middle Voice head. It furthermore showed that the distinction between target state and resultant state participles is important in understanding the contribution of Voice. Importantly, the study provided tools to probe into the morpho-syntactic structure of verbs and participles, and to identify the properties of verbal alternations across languages.
Binding and crossover
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 2 develops the basic explanation for weak crossover. This involves a variable‐free approach to pronoun meaning, as well as a type‐shifter called BIND that enables a quantifier to bind a pronoun under appropriate circumstances. Unlike most accounts, there is no requirement that a quantifier must c‐command a pronoun in order to bind it; data is given arguing that this is a good result. A simple example of weak crossover is discussed, along with an explanation of how the tower fragment blocks binding in such examples. A variant combination rule is temporarily considered which reverses the order of the scope bias, and which simultaneously generates weak crossover examples. This demonstrates the role played by the left‐to‐right bias built into the combination schema in explaining the ungrammaticality of crossover.
Reconstruction effects
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 6 explains how the tower grammar handles reconstruction. Reconstruction examples show that a simple linear‐order constraint would not be adequate, since in reconstruction a quantifier can bind a pronoun that linearly precedes it. We show that, given the independently‐motivated account of wh‐fronting and relative clause formation in the previous chapter, reconstruction examples fall out without additional stipulation. Unlike accounts in which reconstruction involves syntactic movement, Principle C effects are not expected on the account developed here. The analysis is extended to reconstruction into relative clauses, as well as to examples involving idiom chunks, reflexives, and other anaphors. Crucially, even in reconstruction examples, crossover constraints remain in effect: roughly, a quantifier can only bind a pronoun if the quantifier precedes the reconstruction gap site.
Donkey anaphora and donkey crossover
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 9 develops an account of donkey anaphora on which the binding scope of an indefinite is a subdomain of its logical (LF) scope. This requires analyzing the conditional using split scope, in such a way that the conditional contributes an instance of negation that is able to take scope independently from the rest of the contribution of the conditional. This enables the indefinite to take scope over the antecedent and the consequent without taking scope over the detached negation. This leads to good predictions concerning the problem of indistinguishable participants (the bishop problem). It also leads to good predictions for conjoined and disjoined antecedents. Crucially, the continuation‐based evaluation order account correctly predicts donkey crossover: that the indefinite antecedent must be evaluated (processed) earlier than the donkey pronoun.
Strategies for determiners
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 10 extends the previous chapter’s approach to handle examples in which a donkey indefinite is embedded inside a DP, including classic cases of donkey anaphora in which the donkey antecedent is inside a relative clause. This requires constructing lexical entries for quantificational determiners that explicitly manage transmission of binding side effects from the nominal complement to the larger determiner phrase. Of particular interest is a scope roofing constraint that says that if a quantifier binds a pronoun that is inside a DP, the quantifier must take scope over the entire DP that contains the pronoun. Although questions remain about the implementation of various constraints on scope, no matter how those questions are resolved, donkey anaphora out of DP gives rise to robust crossover effects, as predicted by an evaluation‐order account.
Other combinatory categorial frameworks
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 11 compares the tower fragment with two other combinatory approaches to scope and binding. The first comparison is with Jacobson’s variable‐free semantics. The tower system shares a number of methodological assumptions with variable‐free semantics, notably, the assumption that natural language analyses should be directly compositional. It also shares some specific hypotheses, such as the claim that pronouns denote identity functions. The second approach discussed is Steedman’s theory of scope as surface constituency. The surface constituency approach makes heavy use of function composition, which is not an essential element in the tower approach. Steedman’s account does not allow quantifiers to take scope from an in‐situ position that is not at the edge of its scope domain. We present data that suggests that this restriction is not empirically adequate.
Computational connections
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 12 discusses two computational topics. The first topic is one of the key inspirations for our approach, namely, Plotkin’s treatment of the call‐by‐name evaluation discipline versus the call‐by‐value evaluation discipline for a formal language (the untyped lambda calculus). Plotkin’s Continuation Passing Style technique allows explicit control over the evaluation order of an expression within a larger system that is order‐independent. We show the family resemblance between Plotkin’s CPS transforms and our combination schema. The second main topic of the chapter is of a more practical nature, and concerns the computational implementation of the tower system. We show how a refactoring of the type‐shifters into a slightly larger set of combinators guarantees that it is possible to build an efficient (decidable) implementation.
NLλ
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 13 introduces NL‐lambda, an innovative type‐logical grammar designed to explore the syntax and semantics of scope‐taking. NL‐lambda is a multi‐modal substructural logic in the tradition of Lambek. It is completely standard, with the exception of the addition of one unusual structural postulate characterizing the interaction between the merge mode (governing ordinary function/argument combination) and the continuation mode (governing scope‐taking). This postulate in effect introduces a kind of lambda abstraction in the syntax, and plays the role of a generalized form of Quantifier Raising. The syntactic categories of this logic are identical in form and in interpretation to the categories used throughout Part I. In the type‐logical approach, logical proofs play the role of syntactic derivations, and semantic interpretation follows automatically from the Curry‐Howard correspondence. Derivations are given illustrating how the logic provides an account of simple scope ambiguity.
Scope versus discontinuity: Anaphora, VPE
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 15 develops further applications of parasitic scope. There is a discussion of parasitic scope from a conceptual point of view, including a schematic diagram. NL‐lambda is compared with Morill et al.’s Discontinuous Lambek Grammar, a formal system that allows expressions to contain arbitrarily many points of discontinuity. In contrast, NL‐lambda achieves similar results while assuming that all expressions are contiguous constituents. Adapting an analysis from Morrill et al., we provide a parasitic scope analysis of pronoun binding and of verb phrase ellipsis. Derivations are given that show the interaction of pronoun binding with verb phrase ellipsis to provide an account of simple strict versus sloppy interpretations of VPE. A number of other parasitic scope analyses from the literature are briefly mentioned.
Formal properties of NLλ
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 17 explores the formal properties of NL‐lambda. This is done indirectly, by first studying NL‐CL, a type‐logical grammar with standard structural postulates. We prove that NL‐CL is sound and complete with respect to the usual class of relational models. We then prove that NL‐CL is conservative over NL (the non‐associative Lambek grammar). That is, a sequent in NL is a theorem in NL iff it is a theorem of NL‐CL. We then prove that NL‐CL is equivalent to a restricted version of NL‐lambda. We prove cut elimination for NL‐lambda. This clears the way for showing that NL‐lambda is decidable. In addition, we extend NL‐lambda to a still‐decidable version that handles syntactic displacement (which was handled in Part I by postulating silent expressions called gaps). We briefly mention a variant of NL‐CL that corresponds to unrestricted NL‐lambda.
Scope needsdelimitedcontinuations
Authors: Barker Chris , Shan Chung-Chieh 
Published: March 2015

AbstractChapter 18 discusses three other continuation‐based analyses of natural language: de Groote’s application of the lambda‐mu calculus to scope‐taking; Moortgat and Bernardi’s application of the Lambek‐Grishin calculus to scope‐taking; and de Groote’s continuation‐based grammar for dynamic anaphora. The main issue addressed throughout concerns the differences between undelimited continuations and delimited continuations. We argue that these approaches either do not allow sufficient variation in the result category of the expression over which a scope‐taker takes scope, or else require additional semantic mechanisms beyond the basic scope‐taking mechanism. We conclude that the expressive power of delimited continuations is essential for an adequate description of natural language. We also briefly discuss monads, a technique from functional programming related to continuations that has applications to natural language.
The Semantics of Evaluativity
Authors: Rett Jessica 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThe simplest form in which gradable adjectives are used—positive constructions, like John is tall—carry an additional semantic component, evaluativity, that is not part of the adjective’s lexicalized meaning. Evaluative constructions require that an entity instantiate a gradable predicate to a significantly high degree. This property holds of John is tall, but it fails to hold of some other adjectival constructions, like John is taller than Bill or John is 6 ft tall. The source of evaluativity has posed a challenge for semantic accounts of adjectives and adjectival constructions, which are tasked with explaining why the most basic use of gradable adjectives doesn’t reflect its core meaning. This book’s author's (2008) EVAL account capitalizes on notions of antonymy and markedness to account for the distribution of evaluativity across adjectival constructions, including the equative, which can be evaluative. This book sets these notions in a neo-Gricean framework of conversational implicature (Horn 1984; Levinson 2000). It presents an account of evaluativity across adjectival constructions as arising in some cases as a Quantity implicature (similar to the meaning attributed to tautologies like War is war) and in other cases as a Manner implicature (similar to the non-truth-conditional content of litotes like not uncommon). It attributes notable differences in where (i.e. matrix/subordinate clauses) and how (i.e. at-issue/not-at-issue content) evaluativity is encoded to the type of implicature and the question under discussion.
Introduction
Authors: Rett Jessica 
Published: March 2015

AbstractThis chapter presents the problem of evaluativity in the semantics of adjectival constructions. It previews the traditional account of evaluativity in positive constructions, and summarizes the implicature-based approach defended in the book. It introduces the rest of the chapters in the book and outlines the main themes, including the null morphemes POS and EVAL, implicature and the interaction between evaluativity and markedness, and extensions of the account of evaluativity as implicature.