bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Implementing Federal Policy: Confronting State Capacity and Will
Authors: Dahill‐Brown Sara E. , Lavery Lesley 
Published: October 2015

This article identifies two key constructs likely to influence implementation of federal policy. It theorizes that states' institutional capacity and political will may constrain or facilitate application of national initiatives, and offers a way to reorganize implementation analyses. The argument is applied in the education policy arena using several years of data to examine how resources and political will influence state test rigor underNoChildLeftBehind (NCLB). We hypothesize that better resourced and more conservative states are less likely to develop rigorous exams. Using a multilevel model, we find that state‐level capacity and political will (notably state‐level partisanship and preexisting accountability regimes) explain a substantial portion of variance in response toNCLB. These findings suggest in particular that implementation researchers should more often take note of explicitly political factors like state partisanship to anticipate how layers of government interact as they translate policy into practice.Related Articles:Patrick,Barbara.2012. “”Politics & Policy40():592‐627.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00370.x/abstractMcGrath,Robert J.2009. “.”Politics & Policy37():309‐336.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00174.x/abstractGrady,Dennis O., andKathleen M.Simon.2002. “.”Politics & Policy30():646‐679.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2002.tb00139.x/abstractRelated Media:Film Clip:Hamilton.2012. “.” .http://www.rand.org/multimedia/video/2012/01/05/no‐child‐left‐behind.htmlVarious Resources:.2012. “.”.http://www.rand.org/topics/nclb.htmlIdentificamos dos factores que posiblemente influencian la implementación de políticas federales. Argumentamos que la capacidad institucional y la voluntad política de los estados puede restringir o facilitar la aplicación de iniciativas nacionales, y ofrecemos una forma de reorganizar los análisis de implementación. Aplicamos nuestro argumento al área de las políticas educativas usando información de muchos años para examinar la influencia de los recursos y la voluntad política estatal en el rigor de las pruebas en la iniciativaNoChildLeftBehind (NCLB). Nuestra hipótesis es que estados con mejores recursos y más conservadores son menos probables a desarrollar exámenes rigurosos. Usando un modelo multinivel, encontramos que la capacidad a nivel estatal y la voluntad política (en particular el nivel de partidismo estatal y niveles pre‐existentes de responsabilidad) pueden explicar una cantidad significativa en la variación de respuesta aNCLB.
Thinking Outside the Box? Applying Design Theory to Public Policy
Authors: Considine Mark 
Published: October 2015

Design involves an account of expertise which foregrounds implicit, heuristic skills. Most models of policy making have a stronger interest in structural and exogenous pressures on decision making. Research suggests that high‐level experts develop unique capacities to process data, read a situation, and see imaginative solutions. By linking some of the key attributes of a design model of decision making to an account of expertise, it is possible to formulate a stronger model of public policy design expertise. While other approaches often concern themselves with constraints and structural imperatives, a design approach has a focus upon the capacities of individual actors such as policy experts. Such an approach rests upon central propositions in regard to goal emergence, pattern recognition, anticipation, emotions engagement, fabulation, playfulness, and risk protection. These provide a starting point for further research and for the professional development of policy specialists.Related Articles
Ralston, Shane. 2008. “.” Politics & Policy 36 (): 1155. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00157_11.x/abstract

Norman, Emma R., and Rafael Delfin. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 369‐402. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00356.x/abstract

Sinclair, Thomas A. P. 2006. “.” Politics & Policy 34 (): 481‐504. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2006.00025.x/abstract
El diseño involucra un aspecto de la especialización que destaca habilidades heurísticas implícitas. La mayoría de los modelos para la elaboración de políticas tienen un fuerte interés en presiones estructurales y exógenas en la toma de decisiones. Un número de investigaciones sugieren que los expertos de alto nivel desarrollan capacidades únicas para procesar información, interpretar una situación, e idear soluciones imaginativas. Enlazando algunos de los atributos de un modelo de diseño para la toma de decisiones con un enfoque en la especialización es posible formular un modelo más fuerte de diseño de políticas públicas. Mientras otras perspectivas se enfocan en restricciones e imperativos estructurales, una perspectiva basada en el diseño se concentra en las capacidades individuales actores tales como expertos en legislación. Esta perspectiva se basa en proposiciones centrales que conciernen la emergencia de objetivos, el reconocimiento de patrones, la anticipación, compromiso de emociones, y la protección al riesgo. Estas proposiciones proveen de un punto de partida para futuras investigaciones y para el desarrollo profesional del los expertos en legislación.
The Shifting Sands of Regional Governance: The Case of Inter‐American Democracy Promotion
Authors: Legler Thomas F. 
Published: October 2015

This article evaluates the limits and possibilities of Inter‐American democracy promotion through the application of a five‐part governance framework: the nature of the problem, governance architecture, the actor set, the construction of a sphere of authority, and contextual factors. I argue that the ability of the Organization ofAmericanStates (OAS) to promote and defend democracy effectively has been hampered by a series of important changes in context: the structure of power, material conditions, regionalism, and ideology and discourse. The conditions that originally fostered the creation of an Inter‐American defense of democracy regime during the 1990s have been largely replaced in the new millennium by strong impediments to the consolidation of this issue area as a sphere of authority. Unless theOASacquires more stable contextual foundations, the future of Inter‐American democracy promotion will remain highly problematic.Related Articles in thisPolitics & PolicySpecial Issue:LuckhurstandZavalade Alba.2012. “.”Politics & Policy40():735‐739.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00388.x/abstractZavalade Alba.2012. .”Politics & Policy40():783‐801.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00385.x/abstractLuckhurst.2012. “.”Politics & Policy40():958‐977.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00386.x/abstractRelated Media:Boniface.2012. “.”http://demlab.wordpress.com/Este artículo evalúa los límites y posibilidades de la promoción interamericana de la democracia a través de la aplicación de un marco de gobernanza que consta de 5 elementos: la naturaleza del problema; la arquitectura de gobernanza; el conjunto de actores; la construcción de una esfera de autoridad; y factores contextuales. Yo argumento que la habilidad de la Organización de los EstadosAmericanos (OEA) para promover y defender la democracia de manera efectiva ha sido obstaculizada por una serie de cambios importantes en el contexto: la estructura de poder; las condiciones materiales; el regionalismo; y por último, la ideología y el discurso. Las condiciones que originalmente propiciaron la creación de un régimen interamericano para la defensa de la democracia durante la década de los noventa han sido remplazadas en el nuevo milenio por fuertes impedimentos contra la consolidación de una esfera de autoridad en esta área. A menos que laOEAadquiera una fundación contextual más estable, el futuro de la promoción interamericana de la democracia permanecerá sumamente problemático.
Negotiating among Equals? The Effects of the World Economic Crisis on Negotiations between Developed and Developing States
Authors: Lenz Hartmut 
Published: October 2015

Frequently multilateral, regional, or global institutions are used to mediate conflict, overcome collective action problems, and create a framework for cooperation and governance. In recent years, especially in the context of the 2008 world economic crisis, international cooperation has become challenged by increased expectations of their problem‐solving capabilities and their lack of means to deliver them. The complexity of issues seems to generate a demand for closer international cooperation as well as more flexibility in the framework of institutional cooperation, with varying degrees across regions. I analyze international cooperation from a bargaining perspective and identify the key factors that lead to success or failure in intergovernmental cooperation between developed and developing states. I also explore the impact of institutional variation on cooperation and emphasize the strong relationship between asymmetric information and negotiation failure. I argue that transparency in procedures and reduction of uncertainty are key issues to facilitate cooperation.Related Articles in thisPolitics & PolicySpecial Issue:.2012. “.”Politics & Policy40():735‐739.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00388.x/abstract.2012. “.”Politics & Policy40():848‐870.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00382.x/abstract.2012. “.”Politics & Policy40():958‐977.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00386.x/abstractComúnmente las organizaciones multilaterales, regionales, o globales son usadas para mediar conflictos, superar problemas de acción colectiva, o para crear marcos de cooperación y gobernanza. En años recientes—especialmente en el contexto de la crisis económica mundial del 2008—la cooperación internacional ha tenido que enfrentar mayores expectativas en su capacidad para resolver problemas y su incapacidad para cumplir sus obligaciones. La complejidad de las tareas demanda una mayor cooperación internacional así como mayo flexibilidad en el marco de la cooperación internacional, con diversos niveles a través de las diferentes regiones. En este artículo analizo la cooperación internacional a través de una perspectiva de negociación e identifico factores clave para el éxito o fracaso en la cooperación intergubernamental entre países desarrollados y aquellos en vías de desarrollo. También exploro el impacto de la variación institucional en la cooperación y resalto la fuerte relación entre la asimetría de información y el fallo en una negociación. Sostengo que la transparencia en los procedimientos y la reducción de la incertidumbre son áreas clave para facilitar la cooperación.
The G20 and ad hoc Embedded Liberalism: Economic Governance amid Crisis and Dissensus
Authors: Luckhurst Jonathan 
Published: October 2015

The September 2008 financial market collapse and subsequent world economic crisis have significantly influenced international scholarly debate, policy practice, and economic relations. The economic crisis has led experts and policy actors to redefine core aspects of economic governance. I analyze current competing perspectives on economic issues within the Group of Twenty (G20) and argue that discursive contestation has delegitimized previous neoclassical conventional wisdom, especially the efficient markets hypothesis. This has been rejected as a core principle of economic policy by industrialized and developing states, plus international fora. As a consequence, the bounds of rationality of individual actors and policy norms have been reconstituted. Also Keynesian policies have been implemented in important national and international contexts. I compare the contemporary situation with the post‐war “Bretton Woods era” of embedded liberalism, concluding that many recent national policies and the consolidation of international economic governance constitute an ad hoc embedded liberalism.Related Articles in this Politics & Policy Special Issue:
. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 735‐739. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00388.x/abstract

. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 827‐847. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00383.x/abstract

. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 958‐977. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00386.x/abstract
Related Media: Film Clip:“.” 2010. Charles Ferguson. Sony Pictures Classics. http://www.sonyclassics.com/insidejob/
El colapso de los mercados financieros en septiembre del 2008 y la subsecuente crisis económica mundial han influenciado significativamente los debates académicos internacionales, la práctica legislativa y las relaciones económicas. La crisis económica ha obligado a expertos y actores políticos a redefinir aspectos fundamentales de la gobernanza económica. Analizo diferentes perspectivas sobre asuntos económicos dentro del Grupo de los Veinte (G20) durante este periodo y sostengo que el debate discursivo ha deslegitimizado paradigmas neo‐clásicos anteriores, especialmente la hipótesis de los mercados eficientes. Esta ha sido rechazada como un principio fundamental de las políticas económicas por países industrializados y en vías de desarrollo, además de foros internacionales. Como consecuencia, los límites de la racionalidad de los actores individuales y las disposiciones legislativas han sido reformulados. Además, las políticas keynesianas han sido implementadas en importantes contextos nacionales e internacionales. Comparando la situación actual con la “era Bretton Woods” de liberalismo incorporado de la posguerra, concluyo que muchas políticas nacionales recientes y la consolidación de la gobernabilidad económica internacional constituyen un liberalismo incorporado ad hoc.
Citizen Forecasts of the 2008U.S. Presidential Election
Authors: Miller Michael K. , Wang Guanchun , Kulkarni Sanjeev R. , Poor H. Vincent , Osherson Daniel N. 
Published: October 2015

We analyze individual probabilistic predictions of state outcomes in the 2008U.S. presidential election. Employing an original survey of more than 19,000 respondents, we find that partisans gave higher probabilities to their favored candidates, but this bias was reduced by education, numerical sophistication, and the level ofObama support in their home states. In aggregate, we show that individual biases balance out, and the group's predictions were highly accurate, outperforming both Intrade (a prediction market) andfivethirtyeight.com(a poll‐based forecast). The implication is that electoral forecasters can often do better asking individuals who they think will win rather than who they want to win.Related ArticlesDewitt,Jeff R., andRichard N.Engstrom.2011. .”Politics & Policy39():741‐759.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00311.x/abstractKnuckey,Jonathan.2011. “.”Politics & Policy39():559‐582.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00304.x/abstractMoon,David.1993. “.”Southeastern Political Review21():365‐388.http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1993.tb00368.x/abstractRelated Media.2008. “.” .http://fivethirtyeight.blogs.nytimes.com/.2008. “.”http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2008/mapAnalizamos las predicciones probabilísticas individuales de los resultados estatales para la elección presidencial de los Estados Unidos en 2008. Usando una encuesta original de más de 19,000 participantes, encontramos que los partidistas dieron una mayor probabilidad a su candidato preferido, pero este sesgo se vio reducido por factores como la educación, sofisticación numérica, y el nivel de soporte hacia Obama en sus estados de origen. En conjunto, mostramos que los sesgos individuales se compensan y que las predicciones grupales fueron de gran precisión, superando aIntrade(un mercado de predicciones) yfivethirtyeight.com(un pronóstico basado en encuestas). La implicación es que los pronosticos electorales pueden ser mejorados al preguntar a los individuos quién piensan que ganará en lugar de preguntar quién quieren que gane.
Equality, Morality, and the Impact of Media Framing: Explaining Opposition to Same‐Sex Marriage and Civil Unions
Authors: Johnson Tyler 
Published: October 2015

To date, opposition to same‐sex marriage and civil unions has primarily been explained in individual, cross‐sectional fashion using demographic and political characteristics as well as other policy attitudes. Such efforts have yet to explain movement in aggregate opinion on this policy debate over time. One factor driving such movement might be evolving information dynamics related to how the media cover same‐sex marriage and civil unions. I examine how media framing capturing discussions of equality and morality shapes how the public feels concerning same‐sex marriage and civil unions from 2004 to 2011, explaining how media content capturing core values plays a significant role in driving levels of opposition. I find strong evidence that equality framing drives opposition to same‐sex marriage and civil unions downward, as does the extent to which equality framing surpasses morality framing in the competition for space on the media's agenda.Related Articles
Lewis, Gregory B., and Charles W. Gossett. 2008. “.” Politics & Policy 36 (): 4‐30. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00092.x/abstract

Bramlett, Brittany. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 13‐42. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00337.x/abstract

Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Brian J. Dettrey. 2010. “.” Politics & Policy 38 (): 887‐906. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x/abstract
Related Media
. 2012. “.” http://www.pollingreport.com/civil.htm

. 2012. “.” http://www.ncsl.org/legislatures‐elections/elections/same‐sex‐marriage‐on‐the‐ballot.aspx
A la fecha, la oposición a los matrimonios y uniones civiles entre personas del mismo sexo ha sido explicada principalmente usando estudios transversales individuales que incorporan características demográficas y políticas, así como otras posturas políticas. Un factor impulsando este movimiento puede ser la cambiante dinámica de la información relacionada a cómo los medios de comunicación reportan información sobre matrimonios y uniones civiles del mismo sexo. Examino cómo la presentación de las discusiones sobre igualdad y moralidad condicionan la opinión pública sobre matrimonios y uniones civiles de los años 2004 a 2011, explicando cómo la captura valores fundamentales en contenido de los medios de comunicación juega un papel importante en los niveles de oposición. Encuentro evidencia significativa indicando que la presentación de la información en términos de igualdad disminuye la oposición a matrimonios y uniones civiles entre personas del mismo sexo, hasta el punto en el que la presentación en términos de igualdad supera la presentación en términos morales en la competencia por espacio dentro de la agenda de los medios de comunicación.
TESPI (Thrombolysis in Elderly Stroke Patients in Italy): A Randomized Controlled Trial of Alteplase (Rt-PA) versus Standard Treatment in Acute Ischaemic Stroke in Patients Aged more than 80 Years Where Thrombolysis is Initiated within Three Hours after Stroke Onset
Authors: Lorenzano Svetlana , Toni Danilo ,   for the TESPI trial Investigators
Published: October 2015

Rationale Intravenous (i.v.) thrombolysis with recombinant tissue-Plasminogen Activator (rt-PA) (alteplase) within three hours from symptom onset is the only approved treatment of pharmacological revascularization in acute ischaemic stroke. However, the current license limits the use of rt-PA to patients aged ≤80 years due to the lack of evidence of safety and efficacy of this treatment in the elderly from randomized clinical trials. This article describes the design of the Thrombolysis in Elderly Stroke Patients in Italy (TESPI) trial planned to fill the lack of controlled data on i.v. thrombolysis in this age category of stroke patients. Aims To collect efficacy and safety data on i.v. alteplase (rt-PA) in patients aged more than 80 years, to demonstrate that the treatment of these patients within three hours of symptoms onset of an acute ischaemic stroke with i.v. rt-PA, compared to patients receiving standard treatment (according to the national guidelines), will result in an improved clinical outcome with a favourable benefit/risk ratio. Design TESPI is a prospective, multicenter, national, open-label, controlled (non-treated group as control), randomized, parallel group trial with blinded evaluation of outcome in patients older than 80 years treated with i.v. rt-PA within three hours after ischaemic stroke onset. The randomization procedure assigns patients to the treatment group with IV alteplase (0.9 mg/kg of body weight) or to standard treatment group with a 1 : 1 basis. A three-month follow-up, when applicable, is performed by a blind assessor. Six hundred patients will be enrolled (300 patients per arm) The study period has been planned to be of three years. Study Outcomes The primary efficacy end-point is the disability at day 90, dichotomized as a favourable outcome (modified Rankin Scale 0–2) or unfavourable outcome (modified Rankin Scale 3–6). The main primary safety end-point is symptomatic intracerebral haemorrhage defined as any hemorrhage at the 22–36 h post-treatment scan combined with neurological deterioration leading to an increase of one or more points at the National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale. The TESPI trial, with the protocol number FARM65KNKY, is registered in the European Union Drug Regulating Authorities Clinical Trials database with the number 2007-006177-88 and in the Stroke Trials Registry of the Washington University Internet Stroke Center.
Clinical efficacy and safety of a water‐soluble micellar paclitaxel (Paccal Vet) in canine mastocytomas
Authors: Rivera P. , Åkerlund‐Denneberg N. , Bergvall K. , Kessler M. , Rowe A. , Willmann M. , Persson G. , Kastengren Fröberg G. , Westberg S. , von Euler H. 
Published: October 2015

ObjectiveTo determine the clinical efficacy and safety of a cremophor‐free formulation of paclitaxel (Paccal Vet, Oasmia Pharmaceuticals) in dogs with mast cell tumours.MethodsPaccal Vet was administered at a median dose of 145 (range, 135 to 150) mg/m2intravenously once every 21 days for three cycles to 29 dogs with macroscopic grade 2 or 3 mast cell tumour. Efficacy was assessed by tumour response (Response Evaluation Criteria in Solid Tumours version 1.0) and performance status score. Progression‐free survival, quality of life and safety/adverse events were also evaluated. Clinical safety was assessed by clinicopathological analyses and recording of adverse events.ResultsComplete or partial response was observed in 59% of dogs. Performance status score remained constant or improved for 20 dogs and decreased by one grade for 9 dogs. Median time to progression was 247 (range, 42 to 268) days. Expected, transient frequently subclinical adverse events (primarily grade 3/4 neutropenia and grade 1/2 leukopenia) were observed in the majority of dogs. Nine dogs were euthanased and one dog died due to disease progression.Clinical SignificancePaccal Vet appears to be a clinically safe and effective treatment for canine mast cell tumours. Further controlled confirmatory investigation is warranted.