bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Social Control
Authors: Earl Jennifer 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social control is such a widely recognized concept that one would suspect that a consensual definition of it exists. That is not the case. While one can generally define social control as the formal and informal processes that socialize, sanction, and/or reward individuals for conformity, and produce social regularity, specific definitions of social control vary widely (see Meier's 1982 discussion on this point and his fascinating history of the concept). In its broadest definition, childhood socialization plays an important role in social control, ongoing social influence processes such as shaming rituals play critical roles in informal social control, and law enforcement and the legal system play critical roles in formal social control. Moreover, social control can involve fairly innocent creations of conformity that generally bring great social good (i.e., driving on the same side of the street and acknowledging and abiding by common rules of the road) or can involve a dark side where conformity is achieved through the loss of liberty, individuality, and free expression. Perhaps because of this breadth and dimensionality, Sutton (1996) has argued that the concept goes too far and is too imprecise; he recommends abandoning the term altogether and using a more precise term such as sanctioning instead.
Social Movements
Authors: Snow David A. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements and related phenomena, such as protest demonstrations and revolutions, are collective actions through which aggrieved collectivities give voice publicly to various grievances and press relevant authorities to attend to the associated claims and/or demands. The grievances generally range from political and religious oppression to socioeconomic inequalities to procedural and/or rights‐based inequalities to all kinds of lifestyle concerns and perceived social and environmental harms. Although there are more institutionalized and typically less public forums in which collectivities can express their grievances and concerns, particularly in democratic societies, social movements have functioned as an important vehicle for articulating and pressing an aggrieved collectivity's interests and claims for much of human history. Certainly many of the most significant events and changes throughout the course of human history—such as the rise and spread of Christianity and Islam, the Reformation, and the French, American, Russian, and Chinese communist revolutions, for example—cannot be fully understood apart from the operation and influence of social movements. Similarly, many of the world's most influential and famous figures—such as Jesus Christ, the apostle Paul, Muhammad, Martin Luther, Lenin, Gandhi, Mao Zedong, Martin Luther King, Jr, and Nelson Mandela—gained their celebrity and influence, in part, from the movements with which they were associated and/or lead. And, today, it is difficult to name a contested social issue with which a social movement is not associated on at least one side of the issue. Whatever the issue—abortion, animal rights, border control, civil rights, human rights, democratization, environmental warming, gender equality, gun control, immigration, labor and unions, nuclear weapons, religious freedom, war, water conservation and control, and world poverty—one typically finds one or more associated social movements. Whether we live in a “movement society” or world, as some scholars have suggested (Meyer & Tarrow 1998), there is little question but that social movements are important social phenomena and that our understanding of the social world, both past and present, is partly beholden to our understanding of social movements and the activities and events with which they are associated.
Threat
Authors: Van Dyke Nella 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements sometimes emerge in response to threats. Over recent years, the literature on social movements has emphasized the importance of political opportunities in fostering mobilization. When actors see that the political environment is becoming more receptive to their claims, for example, if new allies appear in the institutional political environment, then they will be more likely to mobilize to take advantage of the opportunity. Research shows that political opportunities have influenced a range of movements, including civil rights (McAdam 1999), women's (Costain 1992), and environmental movements (Almeida & Stearns 1998), to name just a few. However, a growing literature demonstrates that threats can be important triggers for mobilization as well.
Anti‐World Bank and
IMF
Riots
Authors: Wood Lesley J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Anti‐World Bank and IMF riots are sometimes called “austerity protests.” These are large collective actions that include political demonstrations, general strikes, and riots triggered by grievances over state policies of economic liberalization urged by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as conditions on obtaining loans. These “structural adjustment” conditions may involve the reduction of government subsidies and/or the increasing price of basic staples like food, water, and domestic gas. Most of the time the participants demand lower prices, restored government subsidies, wage increases that will compensate for higher prices, or jobs. Sometimes they demand the rejection of foreign debt.
Asylum, Refugee, and Immigration Movements in Australia
Authors: Tazreiter Claudia 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Asylum, refugee, and immigration movements in Australia represent distinct, as well as overlapping, repertoires of collective action on behalf of others who are often silent, or silenced in public debates. Various categories of newcomers have differential rights as noncitizens, residents, or “illegals” and these differences are also reflected in the emergence and vigor of social movements in defence of the “rightless” (Agamben 1998; Dauvergne 2008). These movements have formed, engaged in forms of protest, advocacy, and collective action, and subsided in various waves in reaction to public policy that seeks to restrict the rights of migrants. In Australia such restrictions have manifest in forms of border control, in limiting access to courts and judicial review processes, through detention, and through deportation. Often the most vulnerable groups of migrants have been the targets of such measures, and it is these groups that movement actors have been engaged in defending.
Ethnic Movements
Authors: Okamoto Dina 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Organized by groups whose distinctiveness is based on national origin, culture, language, religion, territory, or phenotype, ethnic movements are enacted with the purpose of promoting or resisting social change. Ethnic groups express grievances or claims on behalf of the larger collective through organized group efforts which are often directed at actors and institutions or other ethnic groups. The target of an ethnic movement can vary depending upon its goals, which can include improving the status of minority groups, influencing policy, or demanding independence. Like other social movements, ethnic movements are enacted, in part, outside of institutional channels and may threaten the status quo. While many ethnic movements are peaceful, those associated with secessionist and separatist movements may engage in ethnic violence. No matter what tactics and strategies are used, the emergence of ethnic movements within multi‐ethnic states—the vast majority of countries around the world—presents a challenge to democratic nations and civil societies.
Freedom Summer (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: McAdam Doug 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Freedom Summer is the colloquial term by which we now refer to one of the major campaigns in the US civil rights movement. Known at the time simply as the Mississippi summer project, Freedom Summer was the brainchild of Robert Moses, veteran field secretary for the Student Non‐Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Though officially sponsored by a coalition of civil rights groups, the SNCC was the driving force behind the 1964 project. The ostensible goal of the project was to register as many black voters as possible in advance of the 1964 presidential election. But there was perhaps a more important underlying aim. At the time of the project the SNCC had been working in Mississippi for three years with little to show for its effort. The organization's work in the state was at a stalemate. By bringing a large number of Northern, mostly white student volunteers to the state to work during the summer, the organization hoped to break the stalemate. More to the point, they hoped that the presence of the white volunteers would bring the national media as well, helping to dramatize the continued denial of civil rights to black Mississippians as well as the ongoing violence against civil rights workers in the state.
Friedan, Betty (1921–2006)
Authors: Threlfall Monica 
Published: January 2013

AbstractFriedan is widely considered to be the founder of modern US feminism, and as this ushered in the second wave of feminism in Europe and later sparked off new first waves in many other countries until it became a worldwide movement, it is not surprising that Friedan sometimes claimed to have changed the course of human history. Certainly Friedan, born soon after World War I, was well in advance of her era's thinking when she undertook her original project to examine whether housewives were happy with their lot. But her first book containing the bombshell of women's pervasive discontent was also timely as it was published in the same year as the official Kennedy Commission on the Status of Women's reportAmerican Women, which also questioned women's exclusion from nondomestic life. The discrimination of women was on the agenda, and the moment for sex equality had come.
Grassroots Movements
Authors: Horton Lynn 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Much research has recognized the increasing prevalence and importance of grassroots movements, particularly in contemporary struggles over globalization. A number of case studies explore the goals, tactics, and trajectories of specific grassroots mobilizations in such areas as environmental justice, indigenous land struggles, women's rights, and slum dweller movements. While more systematic, comparative examination of such movements is relatively limited, it is possible to identify a set of common elements that broadly characterize grassroots movements. These include status of members, scope of activities, forms of leadership and participation, and global linkages. Grassroots movements also often experience tensions between their role as incubators of innovative, even radical, ideologies and practices and the necessity to further transform themselves into more institutionalized social movement organizations.
Hackers
Authors: Stobaugh James E. , Cross B. Remy 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Computer hacking and online protests have increasingly become options for social movement organizations (SMOs) looking to disrupt oppositional institutions or gain exposure for their cause. While many, and perhaps most, SMOs maintain at the very least an online presence in the form of a website, some groups have begun to use online communication as a means of advancing their own goals (Wray 1999).
H
amas (
P
alestine)
Authors: Gunning Jeroen 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Islamic Resistance Movement, better known by its Arabic acronym HAMAS, was founded at the start of the first Palestinian Intifada between December 1987 and January 1988. It began as the resistance wing of the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood, established in the mid‐1940s as the Palestinian branch of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. By the mid‐1990s, Hamas had eclipsed its parent organization and had become the main opposition party to Fatah (Hroub 2000; Mishal & Sela 2006).
K
orean Residents Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Chapman David 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
In early 1945 approximately two million Koreans were living in Japan. At the end of World War II almost one and half million returned to Korea and around 600 000 remained in Japan. In late 1945 the newly formed League of Koreans (Zainippon Chōsenjin Renmei) called for the eradication of imperialism and militarism, the abolition of Japan's Emperor System and the independence of Koreans in Japan. The first postwar large‐scale protest of resident Koreans in Japan ensued, with a rally of many thousands held in Hibiya Park on December 28, 1945. Many of the protesters expressed grievances and demands relating to the protection of property, personal safety, salary payments, benefits, and the prosecution of those responsible for the massacre of Koreans during the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake.
M
andela,
N
elson (1918–)
Authors: van Kessel Ineke 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
As one of the leaders of the resistance against apartheid in South Africa, Nelson Mandela constructed and lived different images of himself over the years to suit his various audiences at home and abroad. His roles included those of youth activist, volunteer‐in‐chief in campaigns of civil disobedience, lawyer, defendant, and prisoner, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), commander‐in‐chief of the ANC's armed wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the world's most famous political prisoner, president of South Africa (1994–1999), elder statesman, as well as that of universal icon in the struggle for justice and reconciliation. However, Mandela's opponents portrayed him differently, with the South African government framing him as a terrorist and a communist. The label “terrorist” was also used by the US government, which placed Mandela and other leading ANC members on a list of “terrorists” who were barred from entering the country unless a waiver was granted by the US secretary of state. Mandela's name was finally removed from this list in July 2008, just before his 90th birthday.
MollyMaguires (UnitedStates)
Authors: Martin Andrew 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe history of organized labor in most industrialized nations tends to be quite violent. This is especially true in the US, where employers often relied upon their own private security force, or the apparatus of the state, to quell labor unrest. Many labor unions during this period fell victim to a political and economic climate that granted business elites considerable discretion in ridding their workforce of union influence. Notorious instances included the lynching of Wobbly activists like Joe Hill, the Haymarket Riot of 1886 in Chicago, and a railway strike in 1877 that resulted in significant civilian casualties inflicted by state militia. These and other instances of violence, not surprisingly, led some unions, and many individual workers, to respond with violence of their own. The case of the Molly Maguires is an especially interesting historical example of the violence that sprang out of contentious industrial relations in America.
N
ational
O
rganization for
W
omen (
NOW
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Gilmore Stephanie 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The National Organization for Women (NOW) was the largest explicitly feminist organization of the post‐World War II women's movement, and remains active into the twenty‐first century. NOW was founded in June 1966, at the third annual meeting of the President's Commission on the Status of Women (PCSW); at this meeting in Washington DC, delegates refused to pass a resolution mandating the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to hear cases related to on‐the‐job sex discrimination cases. Commissioners Aileen Hernandez and Richard Graham had been pushing the EEOC to hear cases of sex discrimination, but were outnumbered by three other commissioners who denied sex discrimination as a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Sonia Pressman Fuentes, an EEOC attorney, suggested that women needed an organization to speak on behalf of women as the NAACP and other organizations had done for African Americans; she also coined the name “National Organization for Women.” Pauli Murray, law professor at Yale and PCSW delegate, joined Hernandez, Graham, Fuentes, and others in denouncing the EEOC's decision. When journalist Betty Friedan called a meeting in her hotel room, between 15 and 20 women and men joined her and began the planning stages for what would become the National Organization for Women. Since Friedan was not formally involved with the PCSW, she was appointed the spokesperson. When the group met in October 1966 to create bylaws and a statement of purpose, Friedan was elected president of NOW.
R
ed
B
rigades (
I
taly)
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The origins of the Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse in Italian; hereafter BR), which emerged in October 1970, are to be found in the Collettivo Politico Metropolitano (CPM), formed in Milan in September 1969 with the support of various local workers' and students' committees. Among other left‐wing armed groups operating in Italy since the early 1970s the BR was the largest, the leading organization in terms of degree of political violence deployed, claiming 145 killings, and most long‐lived, lasting, despite splitting up into various groups and wings, until the end of the 1980s. It was strictly organized into city columns: Milan and Turin were the first, which were subdivided into brigades with three‐ to five‐member “cells.” Over time the city columns expanded into Rome, Genoa, Naples, and Venice. Over the 1970s and the 1980s it was estimated as being composed of over 400 full‐time members, plus an unknown number of supporters.
Social Movements in
I
ndia
Authors: SinghaRoy Debal K. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Indian society has long been a breeding ground for a range of tribal, caste, peasant, worker's, women's, ethnic, regional, environmental, human rights, gay rights, and animal rights movements, and many other social movements under the auspices of varied ideologies and organizations. This entry outlines the emergence and dynamics of some of these movements in the context of societal transitions in contemporary India.
State‐Sponsored Social Movements
Authors: Su Yang 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
A state‐sponsored social movement refers to a popular movement initiated and endorsed by the central leadership of the state and organized by the government's apparatuses. Collective action events are peopled by citizens in their capacity as nonstate actors, but the main source of claims, leadership, and organizational resources is from within the state itself, and state actors, in their official capacities, serve as the main organizers. Examples range from a daily ritual that the government calls for its citizens to perform (such as a pledge of allegiance) to a campaign of persecutions against its minorities (such as genocide). Oft‐cited historical events such as the Nazi persecution of Jews in Hitler's Germany and the Cultural Revolution in Mao's China, are considered to be state‐sponsored movements. Other less extreme examples also belong to the category, as will become clear when the concept is further clarified.
StudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommittee (SNCC) (UnitedStates)
Authors: Polletta Francesca 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was formed in the spring of 1960 to support the student sit‐ins against segregation that were sweeping the south. By 1962, the group had metamorphosed into a cadre of activists who combined direct action with political organizing in the most repressive areas of Mississippi and southwest Georgia. Never a membership organization, SNCC (pronounced “Snick”) had 160 staffers at its largest. It lasted only eight years and it could take credit for no landmark civil rights legislation or policy. Yet, then and now, SNCC's influence far outstripped its size, longevity, or easily measurable accomplishments.
Women's Movements in
E
urope
Authors: Bereni Laure 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Women's movements in Europe appeared during the second half of the nineteenth century, a time of nation‐state building and slow progress towards the realization of democratic principles. Women were excluded from the political realm, but they could increasingly organize on behalf of their (constrained) identities as women. Among the various emerging women's organizations, mostly dedicated to philanthropic and social reform work, some sought to challenge women's subordination to men. By the first decades of the twentieth century, a number of these organizations began to identify as “feminist,” after the term coined by French suffragist Hubertine Auclert. While not all women's movements overtly struggled against gender hierarchy and saw themselves as feminist, all addressed women as a constituency and devoted a large part of their energies to work
for
women.
Moral Shocks/Outrage
Authors: Mariel Lemonik Arthur Mikaila 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Many analysts of social movements are interested in how it is that people come to participate in social movement activity. The decision to participate is not a simple one—social movement participants may face significant risks and personal costs, such as arrest or violence, if they become involved. In addition, individuals often perceive social movements as being able to obtain desired goals without their own personal action, a dilemma that has come to be known as the “free‐rider” problem (Chong 1991). Some popular explanations for individuals' decisions to join social movements have included biographical availability and mobilization through preexisting social networks (Snow, Zurcher, & Ekland‐Olson 1980). However, there are individuals who participate in social movements without being connected to any existing networks or being in any significant way biographically available. The moral shocks perspective shows how these individuals, often ignored in research about participation in social movements, can recruit themselves into social movement activity due to their experience of a moral shock.
Racist Social Movements
Authors: Blee Kathleen 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Racist movements are organized, collective efforts to create, preserve, or extend racial hierarchies of power and privilege. Such movements explicitly espouse the ideologies of white supremacism and/or anti‐Semitism (anti‐Judaism or hatred of Muslims or Arabs) that were consolidated in the Western world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Manifestations of intergroup antagonism in earlier times, even conflicts that cross what later would be regarded as racial lines, generally are not considered racial movements because these are not based in modern ideas of race as an essential, biological, polarized, and unchanging attribute of social groups. Denoting as racist only social movements that take place in Western societies is a common practice in sociological research, as most scholars regard white supremacism and anti‐Semitism as the legacy of ideologies by which European colonists sought to exonerate their brutal conquests and occupations (Frederickson 2002). However, this restriction has been challenged by studies that use the concept racist (or racial) movements to describe subnational intergroup antagonisms in a number of non‐Western societies, including China, India, Indonesia, and Russia.