bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Reserve army of labor and migration
Authors: Duggan Marie Christine 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
For exploitation by capital, Karl Marx 1990 argued, workers must be free in the double sense – free of possessions, but also politically free. Yet, the 19th‐century situation that Marx analyzed included Irish immigrants who formed a subsection of the British working class with fewer political rights. Marx began with a discussion of how economic growth under capitalism creates unemployment, which evolved into a discussion of five components of the working class: army of labor, floating reserve, stagnant pool, latent reserve, and paupers. While Marx never explicitly mentioned the lack of political rights, he did suggest that Irish migrants in the British working class were trapped in precarious stagnant pool jobs. This essay will examine Marx's theory of the multisector reserve army, and draw out the political implications for undocumented immigrants in modern advanced economies.
Retirement migration
Authors: Gustafson Per 
Published: January 2013

AbstractRetired persons migrate for several different reasons, even though the migration rate in general is lower for retirees than among younger persons (Bradley & Longino 2009). One common form of retiree migration is the return migration of former labor migrants to their previous home countries or home regions. Another form can be described as family‐oriented migration, as retired parents move in order to be close to their children (Warnes 2009). However, in academic discourse, the termretirement migration, or sometimesinternational retirement migration(IRM), primarily refers to amenity‐oriented migration among retired persons from the Western world who move, permanently or temporarily, to new home places in search for an improved quality of life (King et al. 2000; Migration Policy Institute 2006).
Revolution and migration, Europe 1848–49
Authors: Freitag Sabine 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIf we look at the map of Europe in 1848 there is one striking feature: European revolutions in 1848 did not break out in liberal England, which had the highest level of industrialization, nor in tsarist Russia, the most backward agrarian state in the East. While in Britain reform politics managed to adjust gradually to the process of modernization, in Russia the political system was far too backward and repressive – serfdom would not be abolished until 1861 − to allow a climate of political protest. In 1848/49 England, Belgium, the Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries stayed calm in the midst of turmoil for other reasons than autocratic Russia, unstable Spain and Portugal, the countries of southeast Europe occupied by the Ottoman empire (Balkan), and autonomous Greece. But revolutions broke out in those countries that found themselves “in between” – that is, countries that were already on the road to constitutional and economic modernity but which showed some kind of arrested development: France, Germany, and the Austrian empire. Although in some of these countries new constitutions had been granted after the Vienna Congress in 1815 (i.e. the smaller states of the German confederation: Württemberg, Bavaria, Baden, Hanover, Hesse, Saxony), many of them still lacked a real political, economic, and social transformation, and suffered from uninspired governments and reactionary political restrictions. Nevertheless all political and social unrest in Europe in 1848/49 had its own causes and aims, especially when it came to tax protests or hunger revolts on a regional or local level.
Revolution and migration, France 1789
Authors: Meadows R. Darrell 
Published: January 2013

AbstractFrance's first written constitution, adopted by the French National Assembly on September 3, 1791, made freedom of movement a basic right of French citizenship. The repercussions of this intervention, as with other aspects of France's revolution in basic human rights, would ultimately extend throughout the Western world and beyond. In the immediate revolutionary context, however, recent scholarship reveals how this revolutionary act served as a catalyst for the growth and elaboration ofancien régimemigratory patterns, even as the revolutionary decade generated thousands of refugees and disrupted a number of long‐standing local, regional, and colonial migratory streams.
Romania and Moldova, migration mid‐19th century to present
Authors: Horváth István 
Published: January 2013

AbstractRomania as a modern polity was created in 1859 when the medieval principalities of Walachia (the southern part of present‐day Romania) and western Moldova were united in a single state (the Old Kingdom). The eastern part of the medieval Moldovan principality (known also as Bessarabia) was formally annexed to Russia in 1812 and kept under Russian rule until 1918. After World War I Romania took control over eastern Moldova, and Transylvania (a historical principality, part of the Hungarian kingdom) was also incorporated (the Greater Romania). On the eve of World War II, the Romanian state lost control over northern Transylvania (where Hungarian rule was reinstated), and the Soviets took control for a short period over eastern Moldova. Following World War II, Romania regained control over the whole of Transylvania (present‐day Romania). Eastern Moldova became a Soviet socialist republic, proclaiming its independence in 1991.
Rural migration and poverty, United States
Authors: Curtis Katherine J. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractDespite having one of the highest average incomes in the industrialized world, the United States has the highest rate of poverty among developed nations (Smeeding et al. 2001; Iceland 2003). Throughout this essay, poverty refers to the official poverty threshold (Orshansky 1965). The measure is criticized for underestimating poverty in the general and metropolitan populations, and overestimating poverty among the nonmetropolitan population (Iceland 2005; Nelson & Short 2005). Still, most research on poverty continues to use the official measure. Of further concern is the uneven distribution of poverty across the United States. Poverty is highly clustered; places in poverty generally are near other places in poverty, while places with low poverty tend to be located near other places with low poverty (Beale & Gibbs 2006; Voss et al. 2006). This results in what are often called pockets of poverty which are distinct from other areas of the United States (Weinberg 1987). The uneven spatial distribution of poverty is persistent over time (Brown & Warner 1991; Beale 1993), tends to be located in rural areas (Tickamyer & Duncan 1990; Levernier et al. 2000; Weber et al. 2005), and is found in the Mississippi Delta, the Cotton Belt, southwestern borderlands, tribal reservations, and Appalachia.
Rural migration, Europe and North America 1945 to present
Authors: Kulcsár László J. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractFrom the time of the Industrial Revolution, migration in the settlement structure has had a distinct general characteristic: people largely move from rural to urban areas. According to the 2009 revision ofWorld Urbanization Prospects, the proportion of urban population exceeded 50 percent for the first time in human history (UN 2010). This urban crossover had already occurred by 1950 in the more developed countries of Europe and North America. In 2010, the proportion of urban population in Europe was 73 percent, while in North America it was 82 percent. However, this seemingly stable urban population growth, and the rural outmigration which fueled it, was interrupted in the 1970s. Called “nonmetropolitan turnaround” in the United States and “counter‐urbanization” in Europe, rural places have gained population via migration, making population redistribution trends much more complex.
Rural–urban migrations, medieval era
Authors: Schäfer Regina 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Rural–urban migration, is the most frequent type of migration and a phenomenon that is well known to all urban societies. In the Ancient world, as well as in China during the Song Dynasty, and in the Islamic world after 1000
CE
, big cities existed and held a strong attraction for the rural population. In the western part of the post‐Roman empire which is the focus of the following discussion, the economic and social system of the ancient world with its three components, namely
oppida
,
vici
, and
villae
, lost its importance and finally broke down during the upheaval of the “Migration Period.” This change was followed by a period of stabilization in the 7th century. In the 8th century, different types of urban centers came into existence: (1) the rebirth of towns with an ancient substrate; (2) the relocation to areas with new topographic conditions; and (3) the new foundation of towns without any ancient references either as emporia along the coast or on rural sites, for example Douai or Liège, which emanate from manorial nuclei (Verslype 2001).
Russia, migration 17th–19th century
Authors: Gevorkyan Aleksandr V. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMassive human migrations through the late 19th century undoubtedly influenced formation of nations and countries all across Eurasia's plateau. For Russia, those migrations were pivotal in national development due to the immense territorial span, wide range of cultural diversity, profound political significance, and sheer numbers of people on the move. As Russia's dominion grew over time, the intensifying population flows laid the foundation for the collective communication links needed in the subsequent stronger spread of political and administrative controls over the vast territories.
Russian internal migration, early 20th century to present
Authors: Ivanov Serguey 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Internal migration in 20th‐century Russia included changes of place of residence for a person's own economic interests and by their free will, and many episodes of forced migration as a result of wars and violent repressions. Free migrations that were tightly controlled by the state peaked before World War II, driven by industrialization. The colonization of the east was and remained the official goal, whereas most resettlements take place along other axes. Rural exodus, which was the overwhelming form of spontaneous migration, has subsided during the last decades.
Russian international migration, 20th century
Authors: Heleniak Timothy 
Published: January 2013

AbstractDuring the 20th century and into the 21st, Russia has undergone considerable social, economic, political, and demographic changes which have had enormous impacts on levels and patterns of international migration. Over this period, Russia has been part of the Tsarist empire, the Soviet Union, and, since 1992, an independent state. Since the 19th century, there have been considerable boundary changes to the Russian state both influenced by and impacting international migration. These boundary changes make tracking and describing international migration a challenge. International migration is typically defined as movement across an international border – but a person can also become an international migrant by virtue of the border moving, and there are certainly many examples of this in the case of Russia.
Sanctuary movements
Authors: Lippert Randy K. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractContemporary sanctuary movements are organized, collective efforts to provide physical protection to migrants facing arrest and deportation by state authorities in receiving countries. Medieval sanctuary practiced by the Christian church was a permanent element of a legal system and protection was extended to felons, fleeing serfs, and debtors (Morgenstern 2009). Such provisions were later appropriated by the modern state in Europe and were essential to the development of early modern criminal law (Shoemaker 2010). Only in the late 1970s did sanctuary movements and their practices develop a strong connection to protecting asylum‐seekers from arrest and deportation in receiving countries rather than other kinds of fugitives. The defining practices of these movements first became manifest in the UK (see Weller 1987: 10). But it was during 1982 and 1983, and then sporadically during the next three decades, that sanctuary practices ostensibly stemming from Christian churches emerged fully in the US, Canada, and Western Europe, including Germany, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Norway, and Finland (see Lippert 2006: 4). These practices arose amid a dramatic increase in the number of asylum‐seekers in the West, and a corresponding escalation of national and international efforts to discourage and control their arrival, including the use of physical arrest and deportation.
Scholars in search of knowledge, medieval era
Authors: Kintzinger Martin 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMedieval scholars and students exhibited “modes of movement across community lines,” as Patrick Manning expressed it in his study on migration in world history (Manning 2005: 92). What they did is described by Dirk Hoerder (2010: 20) as “alltägliche Mobilität von speziellen Gruppen(everyday mobility of special groups).”
Schooling, education, and migration
Authors: Mansouri Fethi 
Published: January 2013

AbstractYoung people have been the focal point in recent debates about immigration, multiculturalism, cultural diversity, and the notion of living with difference. Within this overall debate, cultural identity and articulations of belonging and attachment remain central issues for migrant youth, regardless of how much time has elapsed since leaving their country of origin. Cultural identity is particularly salient for migrant youth who negotiate identity space comfortably alongside, in opposition to, or more commonly, somewhere in between their immigrant parents' conceptions and understanding of culture and the receiving culture within which they live. Unlike their native peers, migrant youth are exposed to intra‐ethnicandinterethnic dynamics in their journey towards cultural identity formation. These experiences can be fluid, complex, and diverse and are navigated within multilayered ethnic, racial, familial, gendered, socioeconomic, and educational contexts. Within this complex environment, education plays a crucial role in the settlement experiences of migrants irrespective of the period of settlement. This essay argues that the two critical dimensions of identity and education interact and combine to impact on the settlement and cultural adjustment experiences of migrant youth irrespective of their formal status in the countries of residence.
Second‐generation migrants: Europe and the United States
Authors: Crul and Maurice , Schneider Jens 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe public debate about the second generation in Europe has taken a dramatic shift in the last five years. The riots in thebanlieuesin France, involving mostly Algerian and Moroccan second‐generation youth, pitched the cherished republican model into deep crisis. In the Netherlands, arguments about the failure of the country's multicultural society have cited the relatively high number of Dutch Moroccan students who drop out of school and the high crime rate within the Moroccan second generation. In Germany, similar concerns about the Turkish second generation have triggered a debate about the existence of a separateGesellschaft, composed of almost two million Turks living in a parallel world detached from the wider German society. The debate in the US, in contrast, has been much more dominated by the question of illegal immigrants. Negative associations around the second generation, however, have been mostly around crime and gangs and teenage pregnancy.
Seleucid empire, colonization and settlement
Authors: Ramsey Gillian 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAt its height during the reign of Antiochos III (223–188BCE), the Seleucid empire spanned most of the Near East from western Asia Minor to Afghanistan, and Armenia to Palestine, covering for the most part areas previously conquered by Alexander the Great. The Seleucid royal family was of Macedonian origin on its paternal side, Iranian on the maternal and exercised control of the empire by grafting Hellenistic forms of organization onto pre‐existing Near Eastern systems. As such, the introduction of new settlements and Greek‐style cities was an integral part of Seleucid imperial rule.
Settler migration and colonies
Authors: Veracini Lorenzo 
Published: January 2013

AbstractColonial processes mobilize peoples in unprecedented ways. While the study of migrations and human displacements has focused primarily on movement across space and only marginally on the sovereign entitlements with which people travel, “settler” remains a term that often applies toanycommunity that ends up permanently residing in a particular locale. Conversely, “immigrant” can apply toallcommunities that have originated somewhere else. Even if “settler” and “migrant” identify different groups, they are often treated as synonyms. Anthony Smith 's influential classification of different patterns of national formation, for example, distinguishes between the Western, the immigrant, the ethnic, and the colonial. In his characterization “immigrant” refers to locales “where small part‐ethnie are beneficiaries of a state of their own,” and where “waves of new immigrants from different cultures” are assimilated “into what becomes increasingly a territorial nation and a political community, as in America, Argentina, Australia” (Smith 1986: 241). In Smith's typology, the “small part‐ethnie” and the successive “migratory waves” are identified by the same term. While this terminological interchangeability is remarkable, especially considering that Smith's classification recognizes the distinction between settlers and migrants, a focus on permanence and on the locales of destination – that is, a focus that is fundamentally informed by present conditions – obstructs an appraisal of the different sovereign prerogatives of migrants and settlers (for recent analyses of these contradictions in a British context, see Harper & Constantine 2010; Bickers 2011). While displacement and sovereignty can be articulated in various ways, the settler and the migrant experience should be considered as essentially distinct.
Sex trafficking and migration
Authors: Ruiz Maria Isabel Romero 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Illegal migration is a subcategory of international migration, human smuggling being a special case, while human trafficking is a subcategory of smuggling (Väyrynen 2003). These concepts began to be clear to all the country members after the United Nations adopted the Convention on Trans‐national Organised Crime on November 15, 2000, which included the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air and the Protocol to Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children. The United Nations definition of human trafficking runs as follows.
Shipboard insurrections
Authors: Bâ Saër Maty 
Published: January 2013

AbstractHistorian Marcus Rediker writes that the transatlantic slave trade lasted almost four centuries (from the late 15th to the late 19th century) and that its golden age or peak was 1700–1808 when two‐thirds of the captives – 40 percent or 3 million – were transported in British and American ships (2005: 5). During the course of the trade (or the loading and transporting of 12.4 million African captives onto ships for a horrific “Middle Passage” to hundreds of destinations) 1.8 million died, but who were these human captives and where were they shipped to? Between1707–1808 the British and Americans sent ships to these regions of Africa: Senegambia, Sierra Leone/the Windward Coast, the Gold Coast, the Bights of Benin and Biafra, and West Central Africa (Kongo, Angola). The African captives' primary destinations were the British Sugar Islands (“where more than 70 percent of all slaves were purchased, almost half of these at Jamaica”) but large numbers also ended up with French and Spanish buyers as a result of a special set of treaties called the Asiento.
Singapore, Chinese migration late 19th century to present
Authors: Lim Jason 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSir Stamford Raffles established a trading station for the East India Company on the island of Singapore in 1819. Singapore became a free port and the British colonial authorities adopted a laissez‐faire policy with regard to immigration. As a result large numbers of Chinese entered Singapore. By 1824, the Chinese comprised 31 percent of the island's population. By 1840, half of the island's population was Chinese, and the proportion of ethnic Chinese has remained in the majority until today. In 1867 the administration of the island was transferred to the Colonial Office in London but the practice of allowing Chinese to enter Singapore continued. By 1871, the proportion of Chinese in the island's population was 56.2 percent.
Slavs, medieval migration
Authors: Hardt Matthias 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The migration and expansion of the early Slavs in east central, eastern, and southeastern Europe in the Early and High Middle Ages can be examined only through the combined analysis of written, archaeological, and linguistic sources. However, all of these must be critically examined on their own terms and interpreted without nationalist bias. In what follows, the writings of ancient and early medieval authors on the Slavic expansion are first introduced in chronological order and then related to the interpretation of archaeological finds and linguistic research.
Social networks
Authors: Treitler Vilna Bashi 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Although potential migrants comprise perhaps 50 percent of the world's population, only 2 percent of people actually move from their birthplace to live elsewhere on the planet; one half of these move from one less economically prosperous nation to another. On the other hand, so many people move from just a few places: about 65 million people have moved from poorer nations in the global South to wealthier nations north of the equator (one‐third of these end up in only six countries), and that number is dwarfed by the South–South movers. Each is likely to live lives increasingly described as
transnational,
neither time‐specific (i.e. pre‐ or post‐migration only) nor nation‐centered (i.e. focused only “back home” or in the “new home”); instead, their lives are centered in communities that operate as if the passage of time is benign, and national boundaries porous. Faist 2000 asks why so many move from so few places, and how they make and keep transnational ties; he finds social networks are keys to the answers.
Social protest and migration
Authors: Pedraza Silvia 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Considering the relationship between migration and protest, analysts have considered whether a massive exodus – such as took place from East to West Berlin, from Spain or Turkey to Germany, from eastern to western Europe, or from Haiti and Cuba to the United States – is a hindrance or a help to the development of civil society via the use of social protest. Social scientists have approached the question through the analysis that Albert O. Hirschman 1970 first introduced in his
Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States.
Firms, organizations, and political parties provide benefits or services. Hirschman argued that when the quality of the benefits or services they provide deteriorates the
loyalty
of its members is threatened. The members can then express themselves by using one of two options: they can choose to
exit
– simply leave – or they can use their
voice –
to organize and protest, calling for change. The thesis is similar to J. S. MacDonald's 1963, whose influence was particularly felt by historians (e.g. Gabaccia 1988). MacDonald posited that political protest and migration were alternative strategies. Hirschman's thesis, however, added the concept of
loyalty
– to the firm, organization, party, or nation – as that which is threatened by the deterioration experienced, prompting people to emigrate.