bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Anti-Nuclear Weapons Movements
Authors: Mandelbaum Michael 
Published: September 2013

Of all modern machines, indeed of all the artifacts of modern culture, the bomb is the most frightening. It is the most dangerous of all human inventions. The American, European, and Soviet people have always known how dangerous it is. They have, nevertheless, left nuclear weapons in the hands of the nuclear priesthood. (In the Soviet Union this has not been a matter of choice.) In the 1980s some in the West resolved to take control of the bomb. They began to demand that disarmament replace deterrence as the principal nuclear business of the Atlantic alliance.Probably from 1945 onward the average American or European would, if asked, have said that he wanted to do away with all nuclear arsenals rather than refine or increase them. But the average Westerner was not asked, and did not say so, at least not in any way that influenced public policy. In the 1980s citizens of the West did begin to say so, publicly, loudly, and in growing numbers. For the first time, a mass movement dedicated to shaping the nuclear future appeared on both sides of the Atlantic.In this, as in other things, the North American and the European wings of NATO differ. Opposition to the alliance's nuclear weapons policies made itself known earlier in Europe than in the United States. Both European and American anti-nuclear weapons activists aimed ultimately to lift the nuclear siege that the world must endure as long as these weapons exist. But each rallied around a more immediate issue, and the issues were different. The Europeans opposed the stationing of 572 intermediate-range missiles on the continent, which the NATO governments deemed necessary to offset comparable Soviet weapons. In the United States a proposal to freeze the deployment, testing, and manufacture of all weapons by both superpowers attracted wide support.
The Madness beyond MAD—Current American Nuclear Strategy
Authors: Jervis Robert 
Published: September 2013

A rational strategy for the employment of nuclear weapons is a contradiction in terms. The enormity of the destruction, either executed or threatened, severs the nexus of proportionality between means and ends which used to characterize the threat and use of force. This does not mean, however, that all nuclear strategies are equally irrational. The nuclear policy of the Reagan administration—which is essentially the same as that of the Carter administration and which has its roots in developments initiated by even earlier administrations—is particularly ill-formed. As I will demonstrate, the basic reason for this is that the strategy rests on a profound underestimation of the impact of nuclear weapons on military strategy and attempts to understand the current situation with intellectual tools appropriate only in the pre-nuclear era.American strategy for the past several years—the “countervailing strategy”—has been based on the assumption that what is crucial is the ability of American and allied military forces to deny the Soviets military advantage from any aggression they might contemplate. The U.S. must be prepared to meet and block any level of Soviet force. The strategy is then one of counterforce—blocking and seeking to destroy Soviet military power. The goal is deterrence. Although it is concerned with how the U.S. would fight many different kinds of wars, both nuclear and non-nuclear, it is not correct to claim that the strategy seeks to engage in wars rather than deter them.
The Teaching of Citizenship
Authors: Mansfield Harvey C. 
Published: September 2013

The teaching of citizenship might seem inappropriate for a political scientist. Such teaching is normative, it might be said, but political science is empirical. And, it might be added, citizenship is a parochial concern for the good of one's own country, whereas political science is based on a universal love of truth. These objections will have to be made more precise, even recast; but insofar as they suggest that good citizen and good political scientist may not be the same thing, they are perfectly reasonable.The distinction between empirical and normative, or fact and value (which cannot be explored theoretically here), means that a political scientist, as political scientist, cannot tell citizens whether citizenship is a good thing, or say that political science is a good thing and ought to be welcomed or tolerated by citizens. A political scientist might perhaps remark empirically, or half-empirically, that love of one's country animates the citizens as citizen and love of truth inspires the political scientist as political scientist. But instead of leading to conflict between citizens and political scientists and hence to a problem for political scientists, who must be both, this observation is made to yield a queer harmony between the two. It is thought that since political scientists cannot pronounce upon the worth of citizenship, they do not get in the way of citizens. Their work is neutral to that of citizens. Love of truth does not interfere with love of country because all loves, being “values,” are incommensurable. Thus, the methodology of the fact-value distinction provides a lefthanded endorsement of (at least democratic) citizenship.
How to Succeed in Political Science by Being Very Trying: A Methodological Sampler
Authors: Sigelman Lee 
Published: September 2013

Daily we are bombarded by advice on how to succeed in political science. We are told what to read—everybody in Philadelphia readsWorld Politics, conclude media watchers Giles and Wright. We are told how to speak—practice phrases like “latent functional isomorphism” and “quasi-longitudinal typology,” concludes politico-linguist Betty Zisk, and success will be ours. We are even told where to dine—Tadich's or Sam's for fish in San Francisco, decrees gastronomical heavyweight Richard Brody.Impeccable reading habits, a finely-honed vocabulary, and proper nutrition notwithstanding, we are in imminent danger of failure as political scientists unless we are able to establish our bona fides as data analysts. This requires that we master some canons of research methodology. Unfortunately, these methodological strictures have yet to be systematically codified. By presenting some basics of proper research methodology, by discussing some more sophisticated techniques (e.g., the Multiplicative N-Extender, the Levitating Measure Raiser), and by cataloguing some even more advanced routines (e.g., the Spontaneous Phytogeny Recapitulator, the Deviant Data Bender), the present exploratory study takes a tentative first step in the direction of a more systematic political science.
Some Facts About Values
Authors: de Sola Pool Ithiel 
Published: September 2013

Leading articles in both the current issue ofAPSR(Winter 1969–70) and ofPS(Fall 1969) attack an identical quotation from my chapter in “The Public and the Polity” inContemporary Political Science. In reply to Professor Sheldon Wolin's article in APSR, I wrote a short reply for he clearly misinterpreted the quotation in an otherwise serious article. Professor Surkin's piece, “Sense and Non-sense in Politics” inPSfrustrates all my attempts at a short reply, for the issue is not the text of a particular quotation that has become a minor cause célebre, but rather the central thesis of his article that is in error. His is an error that has become sufficiently widely diffused these days that it needs a serious reply.The issue is the role of value judgments in political science. The common error is the assertion that modern political science has been non-normative and value-free, or at least has aimed at being so. The statement is usually made in criticism of so-called behavioral political science and in favor of a supposed post-behavioral revolution, which is alleged to be seeking a new concern for relevance. Professor Surkin's article is a particular variant on that theme. He states that his purpose is to show that a particular social science methodology, namely, “claimed objectivity and value neutrality” leads to a “non-objective role for social science knowledge in the service of the dominant institutions in American society”. Here is an important set of allegations.
The APSA and Minority Representation
Authors: Brams Steven J. 
Published: September 2013

The concept of representation has been much discussed and debated in the literature of political science. My intent here is not to review or evaluate the different meanings or implications that have been given to this concept but instead to focus on specific voting schemes which would allow the expression of minority (as well as majority) viewpoints in an elected voting body in rough proportion to their numbers of supporters in a larger electorate. As a procedural question, we shall look at representation in terms of the operation of voting rules which allow the preferences of a group to be translated into the election of representatives who would becapableof expressing the group's preferences in an elected body. Whether these representatives, upon election,shouldfaithfully attempt to reflect the views of their supporters (the “delegate model”), or instead exercise their own independent judgments on matters before the body (the “free agent model”), is a normative question which will not be considered in this analysis.I shall begin the analysis by postulating two abstract requirements that a voting scheme of proportional representation should meet. I shall then suggest a particular voting scheme which meets these requirements, analyze the logical interrelatedness of the requirements, and finally show the application of the proposed voting scheme to the election of officers and Council members of the American Political Science Association (APSA), using the results of the 1969 APSA election for purposes of illustration. The effects which the size of an elected body has on the strategies available to groups seeking representation on it will be analyzed and illustrated in the Appendix.
Whatever Is Happening to the British Party System?
Authors: King Anthony 
Published: September 2013

British politics are more fun today, at least for the political scientist, than at any time since the Second World War. The British two-party system, that seemingly immutable product of the “first past the post” electoral system, Britain's social structure and the enduring party identifications of Britain's voters, shows every sign of breaking up–not slowly and gradually, but with something approaching Mount St. Helen's force. A political party that did not exist a year ago, the Social Democrats, is now, in alliance with the liberals, sweeping all before it electorally. This short article tries to give some account of what is going on–and why.The present upheaval is taking place both down below, among voters, and up above, among members of Parliament and other prominent politicians. Let us begin with the voters.
Cancún and After: The United States and the Developing World
Authors: Wiarda Howard J. 
Published: September 2013

The meetings of heads of state and foreign ministers of the eight already industrialized and the fourteen developing nations held at Mexico's lush island resort of Cancun raised high hopes and expectations among some, consternation and frustration among others. The real meaning and substance of the meeting were often obscured by the media's forced reliance on the official press briefings and, in the absence of other information, the emphasis on the food eaten, the elaborate security precautions, and the luxury of the surroundings. By now Cancún has faded from the headlines, but the issues and agendas raised are likely to be with us for a long time.The Cancún meeting may have been a watershed. It is not that the place is so important or even that this particular gathering was so crucial. The issues have been building for years. But what Cancún did was to provide a prestigious forum and sounding board for the Third World ideas, and to bring some of these home to the American public for the first time.
Federal Management: Pathological Problems and Simple Cures
Authors: Rosenbaum Allan 
Published: September 2013

Like all of their recent predecessors, senior officials of the Reagan administration have spoken both frequently and with enthusiasm of their intention to save large amounts of taxpayers' money while making the federal government more responsive and dramatically increasing agency productivity. All of this is to be done by shaping up the federal bureaucracy.The main activity which has emerged so far has been to implement a hiring freeze, to reduce the size of the federal bureaucracy through firings and furloughs, and to advocate a barely specified form of cabinet governance. While these actions may save money in the short run, they will not improve the actual functioning of the federal bureaucracy.Indeed, ideas emerging from presidential appointees frequently tend to be irrelevant for one simple reason: most secretaries, assistant secretaries and even deputy assistant secretaries know very little about federal bureaucracy when they come to Washington and subsequently spend a remarkably small portion of their time learning about it—a fact that in itself is one of the major obstacles to improving the management of the federal government.Few secretaries, assistant secretaries and deputy assistant secretaries in any administration can resist the call of endless meetings with their counterparts from the states, other federal agencies or the big interest groups. Even more compelling for them is the siren call of travel to Paris, Peoria, and sundry places east and west to spread both enlightenment and the gospel of their administration and to revel in the attention automatically granted many visiting federal officials.
Learning from Failures Present and Past
Authors: Elfin Margery L. 
Published: September 2013

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is not the first failed attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the political power of women more equal to that of men. Nor was the first failure connected with the so-called Women's Suffrage Amendment which was ratified in 1920. Rather, it occurred 50 years and four successful amendments earlier. Despite the determined efforts of a small group of women, the Fifteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of all male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” but left out women altogether.It would be foolhardy to draw neat parallels between the experiences of activist women at two times as different as 1870 and the present. Nonetheless, it can be an instructive exercise.Americans have always been suspicious of elites, and criticism leveled at the leadership of the ERA reflects that attitude. It would be unlikely, however, for amassmovement to be the propelling force behind a constitutional amendment. Looking back at the struggle over the Fifteenth Amendment, we see that a small band of educated, upper-middle-class women fought for the inclusion of women. That those women were perceived as an elite does seem to have hurt their cause. Similarly, the ERA's chances may have been damaged by a perception that its chief proponents were not typical American women.Yet, the political culture of the time is clearly of greatest importance in determining an amendment's passage. In 1870 the barriers to acceptance of women as leaders were so great that even communicating their views was no easy task for the early suffragettes. The culture was resistant to women “speaking out.”
Effects of Inorganic Phosphates on the Thermodynamic, Pasting, and Asian Noodle‐Making Properties of Whole Wheat Flour
Authors: Niu Meng , Li Xiaodan , Wang Li , Chen Zhengxing , Hou Gary G. 
Published: September 2013

ABSTRACTThe effects of four inorganic phosphates on the thermodynamic and pasting properties of whole wheat flour as well as color, cooking quality, textural properties, and structural characteristics of whole wheat noodles were studied. The addition of phosphates increased the gelatinization temperature and enthalpy of melting of starch in whole wheat flour. Rapid visco analysis showed that all phosphates significantly increased whole wheat flour peak viscosity and final viscosity. Moreover, the whole wheat noodles prepared with disodium phosphate, trisodium phosphate, and sodium tripolyphosphate (STPP) exhibited brighter appearance, and the use of STPP and sodium hexametaphosphate reduced the cooking loss of whole wheat noodles. Texture profile analysis of cooked noodles revealed that the addition of phosphates significantly decreased the hardness and slightly increased the springiness, cohesiveness, and resilience. The microstructure of whole wheat noodles showed a larger degree of connectivity of the protein network and coverage of starch granules in the presence of inorganic phosphates. The results suggested that inorganic phosphates exhibited substantial effects on improving the quality of whole wheat noodles. Of the four phosphates studied, STPP appeared to be the most effective one in improving the overall properties of whole wheat noodles when they were normalized to constant phosphate content.
SOA adoption in e-banking
Authors: Basias Nikolaos , Themistocleous Marinos , Morabito Vicenzo 
Published: September 2013

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze influential factors of service-oriented architecture (SOA) adoption in e-banking and to provide a methodological framework that explains these factors. One of the main reasons why banks fail to achieve the benefits from SOA adoption is attributed to the lack of a framework that takes multiple perspectives of crucial factors into account. For this reason, the absence of such a methodological framework forms an important research problem that requires deeper investigation. In addressing this issue the paper proposes a framework that improves the decision-making process and helps banks raising SOA adoption benefits.Design/methodology/approach– The paper is based on a critical review and analysis of the normative literature, the development of a conceptual framework for SOA adoption in e-banking and the examination of this through a case study in a real environment. Various data collection methods such as personal interview, archival records, documentation and observation are used. Empirical data are triangulated and then analyzed to draw empirical conclusions.Findings– Several factors and classifications of factors related to SOA adoption are not similar among researchers and there is no completed study on analyzing the influential factors related to SOA adoption in e-banking. The findings provide new insights related to influential factors of SOA adoption in e-banking and extend the body of knowledge. The findings show that the proposed framework can improve the decision-making process and help banks to increase the SOA adoption benefits in an e-banking environment.Originality/value– An earlier version of the paper was presented at the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Conference on Information Systems 2012 and has been selected for publishing in theJournal of Enterprise Information Management. This paper adds a new dimension to existing SOA frameworks by investigating influential factors of SOA adoption in e-banking where limited research has been done, facilitates banks in making robust decisions for SOA adoption in e-banking and enriches the bibliography related to SOA adoption in e-banking.
Complete Genome Sequence of a Novel Feline Astrovirus from a Domestic Cat in Hong Kong
Authors: Lau Susanna K. P. , Woo Patrick C. Y. , Yip Cyril C. Y. , Bai Ru , Wu Ying , Tse Herman , Yuen Kwok-yung 
Published: September 2013

ABSTRACT
We report the first complete genome sequence of a feline astrovirus (FAstV), FAstV2 strain 1637F, identified from a domestic cat. The genome is 6,779 nucleotides (nt) in length and consists of three overlapping open reading frames (ORF1a-ORF1b-ORF2). Sequence analysis suggests that FAstV2 represents a new FAstV genotype that is closely related to human astroviruses.
Complete Genome Sequence of
Micromonospora
Strain L5, a Potential Plant-Growth-Regulating Actinomycete, Originally Isolated from
Casuarina equisetifolia
Root Nodules
Authors: Hirsch Ann M. , Alvarado Johana , Bruce David , Chertkov Olga , De Hoff Peter L. , Detter John C. , Fujishige Nancy A. , Goodwin Lynne A. , Han James , Han Shunsheng , Ivanova Natalia , Land Miriam L. , Lum Michelle R. , Milani-Nejad Nima , Nolan Matt , Pati Amrita , Pitluck Sam , Tran Stephen S. , Woyke Tanja , Valdés Maria 
Published: September 2013

ABSTRACT

Micromonospora
species live in diverse environments and exhibit a broad range of functions, including antibiotic production, biocontrol, and degradation of complex polysaccharides. To learn more about these versatile actinomycetes, we sequenced the genome of strain L5, originally isolated from root nodules of an actinorhizal plant growing in Mexico.
Atypical X-linked agammaglobulinaemia caused by a novel BTK mutation in a selective immunoglobulin M deficiency patient
Authors: Lim Lee-Moay , Chang Jer-Ming , Wang I-Fang , Chang Wei-Chiao , Hwang Daw-Yang , Chen Hung-Chun 
Published: September 2013

AbstractBackgroundX-linked agammaglobulinaemia (XLA) is the most common inherited humoural immunodeficiency disorder. Mutations in the gene coding for Bruton’s tyrosine kinase (BTK) have been identified as the cause of XLA. Most affected patients exhibit a marked reduction of serum immunoglobulins, mature B cells, and an increased susceptibility to recurrent bacterial infections. However, the diagnosis of XLA can be a challenge in certain patients who have near-normal levels of serum immunoglobulin. Furthermore, reports on XLA with renal involvement are scant.Case presentationWe report an atypical XLA patient who presented with selective immunoglobulin M (IgM) immunodeficiency and nephropathy. He was diagnosed with selective IgM immunodeficiency, based on his normal serum immunoglobulin G (IgG) and immunoglobulin A (IgA) levels but undetectable serum IgM level. Intravenous immunoglobulin was initiated due to increased infections and persistent proteinuria but no improvement in proteinuria was found. A lupus-like nephritis was detected in his kidney biopsy and the proteinuria subsided after receiving a mycophenolate mofetil regimen. Although he had a history of recurrent bacterial infections since childhood, XLA was not diagnosed until B-lymphocyte surface antigen studies and a genetic analysis were conducted.ConclusionsWe suggest that B-lymphocyte surface antigen studies and a BTK mutation analysis should be performed in familial patients with selective IgM deficiency to rule out atypical XLA.