bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Trafficking migrants
Authors: Cheng Sealing 
Published: January 2013

AbstractContemporary concerns about trafficking arose at the start of the 21st century in the context of burgeoning migration. In very broad strokes, trafficking in persons may be understood as a product of the following forces: 1) the drive for cheap and flexible labor for profit maximization, 2) state concerns to maintain borders through restrictive immigration control, and 3) migrants' desire for opportunities to improve their lives. Generated by increasing economic inequalities in a neoliberal global economy, the flows of people across borders – documented and undocumented – pose both symbolic and material threats to national borders and security. Simultaneously, the abuses that mobile populations are subjected to challenge the human rights ideals pledged by the global community.
Transatlantic Slave Trade
Authors: Holdren Nate 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSlavery and migration can be considered as parallel or as overlapping areas of inquiry. Migration historians have studied migrants who moved with varying degrees of freedom and compulsion – convicts, indentured servants, refugees, free laborers – as well as structures of mobility management including immigration law and border control. Slavery historians have considered slavery as a system of social status, a system of property, and a system of labor but have focused less on slavery as a form of migration. At the same time, much of slavery involved migration and mobility‐control, and a large proportion of the world's migrants have been enslaved people.
Transnationalism and cross‐border migration
Authors: Faist Thomas 
Published: January 2013

Abstract“Transnational migration” and the broader term “transnationalism” entered the lexicon of migration studies in the early 1990s, over a century after earlier generations of migration researchers had introduced and made extensive use of the concept of assimilation. It did so in rather different circumstances, for whereas assimilation gained currency with relatively little reflection or debate at the moment that migration research was in its early formative period, transnational migration and transnationalism entered a well‐developed sociological subfield dealing with cross‐border movements and migrant incorporation. The concept has undergone substantial revision since its earliest formulations, the consequence of an often spirited dialogue (see Levitt & Jaworsky 2007). Over time, as populations from diverse cultural and language groups have migrated to new societies, debate around transnationalism in migration has concerned broader issues in the social sciences, such as shifting economic and political power in receiving countries, methodological nationalism and essentializing, often expressed through scrutiny, disdain, imprisonment, and expulsion of ethnocultural minority groups.
Transregionalism
Authors: Hoerder Dirk 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Regions are discrete economic‐cultural spaces that influence people to depart their homes and contribute to the growth and expansion of extensive migration. Migration occurs in small, larger, or very large: micro‐, meso‐, and macro‐regions. While state borders are fixed – though such entrenched international territories date from arbitrary points in historical time – the boundaries of regions can be established empirically and continuously change over time. Regions reflect economic characteristics – mining or agricultural regions; linguistic specifics – French, German, or Italian‐language Swiss regions or, in India, the 14 major regional languages as well as hundreds of others; regional labor regimes – Russia's two different 19th‐century kinds of serfdom for example; or wholly different economic systems within one state – as in the United States, the southeastern plantation and the northeastern‐midwestern industrial and the western farming region; they may reflect distance to communication and markets – hinterlands versus nodes, peripheries versus cores. The frame of mind of migrants about their capabilities to enter jobs in specific economic sectors and labor markets is shaped by their regional socialization.
Turkey: migration 18th–20th century
Authors: Akgündüz Ahmet 
Published: January 2013

AbstractFor many centuries, Europe called the Ottoman empire “Turkey.” This applied to the registry of population movements to and from the Ottoman empire insofar as such registrations were made. The country's rulers and inhabitants, however, only took on the name Turkey (Türkiye) in 1923, upon proclamation of the republic in what is the country's present‐day territory. To keep consistent with contemporary historiographic usage, references to the period of the republic must thus be to “the Ottoman empire,” rather than to “Turkey.” Given how predominant forced migrations were from the beginning of the 18th century until the empire's demise, migration movements during the Ottoman period can be classified under the headings of forced or voluntary migrations, while, during the republic, the headings of external or internal migration are appropriate.
Undocumented migration: an overview
Authors: Thouez Colleen 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Undocumented migration, irregular migration, or “illegal” migration can be defined as movement that takes place outside the regulatory norms of the origin, transit, or destination country (IOM 2011). Globally, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates the number of undocumented migrants to be 15–30 million though this range is undoubtedly at the low end (ILO 2004). In the United States, it was estimated that there were 11 million undocumented migrants in 2008, down from 12.5 million in 2007 (Center for Immigration Studies). From 2000 to 2005, an estimated annual average of 500,000 undocumented migrants entered the United States, more than the average number of legal immigrants (Passel & Taylor 2010). There is very little available data disaggregated by sex and by age (IOM/CMS 2010a). As in other sub‐areas related to migration, it is useful to distinguish between stocks and flows of migrants.
Undocumented residents in the United States
Authors: Marrow Helen B. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
One of the most significant trends in contemporary American immigration is the growth of what is called the “undocumented”, “unauthorized”, or “illegal” immigrant population. Although these terms carry distinct political connotations, in this essay all refer to a group of people who are residing in the United States but who are not US citizens, have not been admitted for permanent residence, and are not in a set of specific authorized temporary statuses permitting longer‐term residence and work. This is regardless of whether such people initially entered the United States unlawfully (what is called “entered without inspection” in official terminology) or lawfully using visas they later overstayed (“visa overstayers”). While some scholars argue that the term “unauthorized” is most accurate, since many undocumented immigrants do have “documents” even though they are not officially valid, the terms “undocumented” and “illegal” are also prevalent in American media, political, and everyday discourse.
United Kingdom, migration 1990s to present
Authors: Robinson David 
Published: January 2013

AbstractBetween 1997 and 2010 more than six million people migrated to the UK and annual net migration consistently topped 150,000 people per year. This “new migration” proved larger in scale and more diverse in nature than any previous migration to the UK. This article explores the drivers, experiences, and outcomes of this new era of migration.
United States: black immigrant economic competition
Authors: Adelman Robert M. , Willis Jordan W. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSince the founding of the United States, but especially beginning in the late 1800s, economic competition among immigrants and the native‐born has been sharply debated (see, e.g., Lieberson 1980; Portes & Rumbaut 1996). In fact, economic competition among groups – by race, ethnicity, nativity, religious affiliation, and the like – has been a theme of American‐style capitalism for some time. As the US economy has ebbed and flowed over the decades and centuries, hostility and anger, especially toward immigrants, have also changed along with unemployment rates and new occupational structures. In fact, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was passed, in part, because of whites’ concerns about the prospect of being replaced by immigrant Chinese workers in several low‐skilled industries (see Lee 2002). Additionally, the relationship between blacks and immigrants regarding economic competition – especially in terms of job competition – has become a key part of that debate in the last thirty years (see especially Lieberson 1980).
United States: gender and migration
Authors: Moloney Deirdre M. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractWomen constitute the majority of immigrants arriving in the United States, consistent with a broader global migration pattern in which females predominate. That worldwide trend is a fairly recent one, arising in part from the growth of the service economy over the past several decades (Hochchild & Ehrenreich 2002). Women's immigration to the United States began to increase earlier in the 20th century, as a result of family reunification provisions in the 1924 immigration act, as well as postwar immigration legislation – the War Brides Act of 1945, the McCarran–Walter Act of 1952, and later the Hart–Celler Act of 1965. The role of gender in the US immigration experience can be best understood through the lens of labor and family migration, and the way in which immigration policies shaped those patterns over time.
United States: Great Black migrations, 1900–70
Authors: Reich Steven A. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAlthough African Americans had been leaving the South since the days of slavery, it was not until the 20th century that they migrated on a massive scale to begin new lives in the industrial cities of the Northeast, Midwest, and Pacific Coast. As millions of African Americans left the region of their birth between 1900 and 1970, they contributed to the dramatic redistribution of the nation's black population and eventually shifted the center of African American social, economic, political, and cultural life from the rural South to the urban North and West. From Harlem to Watts, black migrants built new communities that anchored the growth of black business and capital, created new trends in black art, literature, and culture, and mobilized new forms of politics that proved critical to the grassroots assault on Jim Crow later in the 20th century.
United States: internal migration, immigrants and new destinations
Authors: Gurak Mary M. Kritz and Douglas T. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe study of who migrates and why, and where migrants settle has long been of interest to natural and social scientists, given that migrants have been ubiquitous throughout human history, leaving behind genetic as well as sociocultural markers as they populated the world (National Geographic/IBM 2011). In previous centuries, most human migrations were forced by natural catastrophes, wars, climate and ecological change, or political and ethnic conflict whereas today, particularly in advanced economies, they are voluntary and involve conscious choices regarding the costs and benefits of moving from one place to another. People make that calculation differently, however, depending on their demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, national origins, and places of residence. While some people migrate multiple times in their lifetimes, others never or seldom do so. Thus in order to assess migration causes and effects, it is instructive to look at individual and group differences in migration processes. US immigrants are a particularly interesting population in which to study migration differentials, given their diverse national, cultural, and socioeconomic origins, as well as their differing reasons for migrating to the United States and legal statuses. Other essays in this encyclopedia examine the extent and importance of heterogeneity in shaping who migrates to the United States and immigrants’ initial settlement patterns. This essay looks at how immigrants’ individual characteristics and national origins are shaping a relatively recent migration flow within the United States, namely the internal migration of immigrants to new destinations.
United States: labor markets and immigrant incorporation, new destinations, 1990s to present
Authors: López‐Sanders Laura 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe patterns of Latino incorporation into labor markets in traditional immigrant destinations have been the focus of research on immigration for quite some time. Yet, less attention has been paid to the emergence of new immigrant labor markets and the process of labor‐market incorporation of immigrants in non‐traditional immigrant destinations – regions that, in recent history, have not had much experience of immigration. Given that one in every six workers in the United States is foreign‐born (US Bureau of Labor Statistics 2009), understanding how new immigrant labor markets develop, as well as their characteristics and the labor processes driving immigrant incorporation into these new economic contexts, can provide insight into the development of new immigrant destinations.
United States: migration, 1965 to present
Authors: Valiente‐Neighbours Jimiliz M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Contemporary migration to the United States was certainly shaped by the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act (Hart–Celler Act), which removed the country‐of‐origins quota system and instead established a preference system that emphasized immigrants’ skills and family reunification for US citizens. The emphasis on US immigration policies, however, which is often based on “gatekeeping” discourses, is inadequate explanation for the present‐day migration flows to the United States. Some scholars assert that the classical accounts for immigration, such as overpopulation, poverty, and economic stagnation in the sending countries, are no longer sufficient to explain contemporary migration flows (Sassen 1989; Zolberg 1999). Instead, US migration flows are complexly intertwined with economic needs at home as well as involvements abroad, such as colonization, wars, empire‐building and consequent military presence, and foreign investments that often result in economic devastation and displacement of people en masse. Additionally, attention to the role of race and racism in US nation‐building helps clarify why certain populations are let in or kept out.
Utopian communities
Authors: Halfacree Keith H. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Human migration has been predominantly understood as driven largely by economic considerations, from seeking to escape unemployment, to obtaining a better job, to seeking an escape from poverty in one's home country. However, as important as economic imperatives undoubtedly are, there are a range of other forces and considerations also implicated in migration behavior that can be equally, if not more, significant for particular people, in particular places, and at particular times (Halfacree 2004). These include, as this encyclopedia makes very clear, migration implicating a desire for a better quality of life.
Barbarian migrations (Völkerwanderung)
Authors: Pohl Walter 
Published: January 2013

AbstractVölkerwanderung, migration of peoples, is a name coined in the 16th century for the period between about 375 and about 568 in which the Roman empire in the west was substituted by the “barbarian” kingdoms of the Goths, Vandals, Burgundians, Franks, Lombards, and others (Pohl 2002). The term still evokes ideas of tribes on the move, Huns and Germans who emerge from barbarian countries, raid Roman territories and destroy ancient civilization. Recent research indicates that these old views are at best simplifications for a complex process of immigration, integration, social and political change. But controversial debates are still going on about the extent and impact of “barbarian” migrations (Heather 2005; Ward‐Perkins 2005; Goffart 2006; Noble 2006; Pohl 2008).
War and migration
Authors: Knudsen Are John , Strand Arne , Paasche Erlend 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe relationship between war(s) and migration is complicated by the fact that neither of the two are monolithic phenomena and the relationship between them is complex. Wars and other forms of violent conflict (state formation, genocide, etc.) involving state or non‐state actors produce refugees and other forced migrants, who may themselves also become national or transnational actors within the political economy of wars and other forms of violent conflict. Wars of different kinds (invasions, civil war, third‐party interventions) and of differing intensity may produce different migration trajectories and, in some cases, no migration at all but instead the opposite, involuntary immobility (Lubkemann 2008a). Displacement is often about massive humanitarian suffering and loss, but it can also be about coping, resilience, andemplacement in new localities (Malkki 1995a). And those who flee may be better or worse off than those who remain behind. The relationship between war and migration, then, is not as intuitive as it may seem at first glance.
Women, reproduction, and migration
Authors: Ndiaye Ndioro 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAccording to the United Nation's 2008International Migrant Stock: The 2008 Revision(UN 2008),migrationis usually defined as the movement of people from one place to another temporarily, seasonally, or permanently, for a host of voluntary or involuntary reasons. This definition includes refugees and internally displaced persons. To distinguish between categories of migrants, the wordmigrantis usually restricted to those who move for voluntary reasons (internally or internationally), whilerefugeesandinternally displaced persons(IDPs) are those who move involuntarily (usually because of wars or other violent conflicts, but also because of human rights abuse). Accordingly, there are many reasons why people migrate, and in general, all the different reasons are either classified aspullfactors (reasons which make the destination country attractive) orpushfactors (reasons which make the country of origin unattractive). According to the United Nations, there are about 214 million migrants worldwide (IOM 2011).
World‐systems analysis
Authors: Kardulias Thomas D. Hall and P. Nick 
Published: January 2013

AbstractMigration has been a key human response to environmental, cultural, social, political, and economic changes. We argue that there is a vital need for a long‐term, global perspective on migration. By long‐term we mean millennia. We use a world‐systems analysis (WSA) to examine how interactions between human societies have engendered population movements for millennia (Chase‐Dunn & Hall 1997; Chase‐Dunn & Babones 2006; Ritzer 2007). Furthermore, we argue that globalization is not a new phenomenon, but rather an extension of old processes, those of world‐system change. Indeed, globalization is often a short‐hand term for complex sets of relationships that include acculturation, assimilation, and economic interdependence and transformation, to name a few. We see a need to discuss migration within a world‐systemic context for several reasons. First, migration creates ripple effects that are felt over great distances as successive groups move and impinge on other already occupied territories. Second, migration patterns tend to be cyclical. Third, since the creation of the state around 3500BCE, boundaries, frontiers, and ethnic character have become critical identifiers. Vast increases in transportation efficiency have heightened the fluidity of boundaries and complicated the processes of ethnic identification. A world‐systems perspective facilitates a comprehensive view of past and current migration, and thus places modern issues in a historical context and discusses what is truly new in contemporary migrations.
Zionism, colonization, settlement, occupation
Authors: Kemp Adriana 
Published: January 2013

AbstractZionism, the movement for the national renaissance and political independence of the Jewish People in the Land of Israel (Eretz Yisrael/Palestine), brought together two major migratory dynamics taking place in different regions of the world in the wake of the 20th century, Europe and the Middle East, fatefully linking them till the present. The history of Zionism, both as a political project based onaliyah(literally “ascent,” Jewish immigration) and settlement in the Jew's historical homeland, and a co‐protagonist in the Palestinian–Israeli national struggle over the land, bears evidence to the fact that migrations are more than the simple outcome of individuals in search of better opportunities or their random movement in space. Rather, they lie at the intersection of complex processes that make the bulk of the history of human migration.
DREAM Act, citizenship, and mobilization
Authors: Nicholls Walter J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The late 2000s marked an important shift in the immigrant rights movement. It was the period in which undocumented youths became an organized constituency and moved to assert their power within the general immigrant rights movement. Undocumented immigrants had long been represented by professional rights associations. These associations assumed critical roles in framing immigrants and their cause and representing them to the media, public, and politicians. They assumed this same role in advocating the passage of the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, a piece of legislation that promised to provide undocumented college students a path to citizenship. Playing this role, rights associations produced a mobilizing frame that represented youths to the general public and created an infrastructure to form these youths into a relatively coherent group. These efforts provided undocumented youths with a sympathetic voice in the public sphere. However, as the youths gained the know‐how and skills to become talented social‐movement players in their own right, they criticized the strategic choices of leading associations and called into question their legitimacy to represent undocumented immigrants. This case provides key insights into three aspects of the contemporary immigrant rights movement in the United States: 1) how highly stigmatized undocumented immigrants transform themselves into legitimate political subjects; 2) how well‐established rights associations play strategic roles in “representing” undocumented immigrants in the public sphere; and 3) how the assumption of this leadership role introduces dissent between undocumented activists and professional advocacy groups.
Chinese migrant workers and primitive accumulation of capital
Authors: Kwong Peter 
Published: January 2013

AbstractFor the past 30 or so years, from 1978 to 2011, China has maintained an average annual growth rate of 9.5 percent to become the second‐largest economy in the world. It has now surpassed the United States as the world's largest exporter and manufacturer. In the process, it has been transformed from an agricultural society to a thriving manufacturing economy, with the share of nonagricultural employment increasing from 31 percent in 1980 to 60 percent in 2008.