bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Changes That Don't Improve Matters
Authors: Mansfield Harvey C. 
Published: September 2013

Most of what Professors Hawkinson and Rosenblum have written on behalf of the proposed new Constitution for the Association—about membership qualifications, about purpose and about taking positions on current public issues—appears to me to argue equally in favor of the Constitution we already have. On these matters the two documents are not far apart. Since I find their arguments for the status quo well stated and persuasive, I shall confine my comments to some major points of difference between the documents, and to changes proposed that would, as I think, be for the worse.1. The draft is loaded with unnecessary and impractical detail. To be sure, Hawkinson and Rosenblum make a virtue out of relieving the membership of the power to pass on the dues structure by way of constitutional amendment. I will not dispute that view myself, but I can sympathize with those who feel that a referendum on dues is not merely “pointless and wasteful.” On the other hand, what is gained by specifying that the President shall (Art. VII, Sec. 2(f)) “be responsible for the preparation of the budget…” and that the Executive Director shall (Art. IX, Sec. 4 (b)) “assist the President in preparing the annual budget”? Who else, when the natural office for that responsibility, an elected Treasurer, is to be abolished?
The Status of Women As Students and Professionals in Political Science
Authors: Converse Philip E. , Converse Jean M. 
Published: September 2013

What unique problems currently confront women eager to pursue careers in the discipline of political science? This question was a central one for the Association's Committee on the Status of Women, organized two years ago. As a major part of its fact-finding activities, the Committee conducted a mail survey of graduate students and post-graduate professionals in the discipline during the spring of 1970.It is obvious that the development of all careers present obstacles. But the Committee survey was designed to arrive at some balanced and realistic view of those points at which women in particular encounter difficulties that are less prevalent for men in comparable situations.In the background stood the obvious fact, well documented elsewhere, that in the progress over career development hurdles from undergraduate majors in political science through to active roles as adult professionals in the discipline, women show much more marked rates of attrition than men. Clearly a substantial proportion of the extra attrition arises because of a choice on the part of the female at one point or another in favor of a conventional sex role within the family, with a consequent abandonment of career aspirations. However, increasing numbers of women would like to maintain a mix of family and career roles, and there is reason to believe that the current structure of opportunities raises artificial obstacles to such professional participation, and loses important talent to the profession.
Strata and Stability: Reputations of American Political Scientists
Authors: Roettger Walter B. 
Published: September 2013

“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.” The aptness of Orwell's observation is not confined to the community ofAnimal Farm, but extends to the “community of scholars” which constitutes the “learned discipline” of political science as well. In fact, as conceptualized by Albert Somit and Joseph Tanenhaus in their seminal study ofAmerican Political Science, a “gallery of great men” is one of the characteristics of such a discipline, serving (inter alia) “… both as a sign of professional kinship and as a means of cementing these bonds.”As an organized human activity, political science possesses a number of formal and informal stratification systems. The former reflect the decentralized nature of the discipline and include the various departmental structures as well as the hierarchies of the specialized and regional associations and of APSA. The informal stratification systems—essentially the considered assessment of the significance of individual contributions to the discipline—are substantially more subjective. These diverge along idiosyncratic as well as along the institutional, geographic, and subfield dimensions of the formal stratification systems. Moreover, the formal and informal systems will depart to some extent, since they are based upon different and sometimes contradictory criteria. Frequently, a particularly prominent contributor to the discipline will be elevated to the Association's presidency in recognition of these activities. In other cases, however, the nature of the contribution precludes such formal acknowledgment.
Changes in State Party Organization 1960–1980: A Preliminary Report and Request for Data
Authors: Cotter Cornelius P. , Bibby John F. , Gibson James L. , Huckshorn Robert J. 
Published: September 2013

We are engaged in a study of the current and past condition of party organizations in the United States. The research examines parties within an institutional framework and seeks to measure the strength of party organizations at the national, state, and local levels. But in order to compare parties over time it is necessary to have longitudinal data. The purpose of this note is to ask interested researchers to share with us documented data on state party central committee staff and annual operating budgets or expenditures for the period 1960–1978. We would also appreciate suggestions for sources of such data for any of the state parties.Table 1 presents the state party central committee budget and staff data collected to date. The 21-year period 1960–1980 yields 2,100 possible data points for the 100 state party organizations. We have collected budget data for 964 (45.9 percent) and staff data for 1,000 (47.6 percent) of the data points. These data have come from a variety of sources:1. interviews with state party officials in 27 sample states (states selected for analysis in the cross-sectional portion of our research;2. questionnaires sent to 556 former state party chairmen;3. surveys by Roland H. Ebel, Cornelius P. Cotter, and Bernard C. Hennessy;4. data collected and generously made available by William J. Crotty;5. Jerome M. Mileur's 1977 survey of state party central committees;6. Robert J. Huckshorn's collection of state party data;7. surveys conducted by the Democratic National Committee in 1962, the Republican National Committee in 1968–69, and by the president of the Association of State Democratic Chairmen in 1974.
Is Political Science Alive and Well and Living at NSF: Reflections of a Program Director at Midstream
Authors: Leege David Calhoun 
Published: September 2013

The Political Science Program of the National Science Foundation is the primary source of support for basic research conducted by university-based political scientists. While the scientific progress of the discipline depends on what happens in the minds, the fields, the laboratories, the libraries, and the typewriters of scholars across the country, there is little question that the size of the Program budget and its usage affects the type and quality of research done by political scientists.This article offers a public accounting to an interested clientele. In no way is it an officially sanctioned statement from NSF. It is a set of personal reflections with some analysis, parts of which my superiors at the Foundation find objectionable. Some of the arguments will not please important sectors of the discipline's intellectual and political leadership as well. I offer it in hopes of stimulating reaction and change. It is limited to basic research support, primarily through the Political Science Program, and does not extend to support for applied research funded typically through RANN-NSF. Finally, the Foundation is effecting a major reorganization which may have far-reaching consequences for the Division of Social Science of which the Program is a part; thus what is said here is subject to change over the next few years.
Trade in Services: Removing Barriers
Authors: Spero Joan Edelman 
Published: September 2013

The meeting of the ministers of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in Geneva last November produced a little-noted but significant accomplishment. In the final hours of difficult, and at times acrimonious, debate, the ministers agreed to initiate a study on international trade in services–industries such as banking, insurance, communications, data processing, engineering and shipping. In the text of the final communique, GATT's contracting parties agreed to:• Recommend that each contracting party undertake a national examination of service sector issues;• Invite contracting parties to exchange this information among themselves and through international organizations, such as the GATT, on as uniform a basis as possible; and• Review the information at their 1984 session to determine whether a multilateral framework on services is desirable, and, if so, how to proceed.Although a modest step, the accord marks an economic milestone, for it is the first time that GATT's contracting parties have agreed to examine trade in services with the possibility of expanding international trade rules to cover services as well as goods.
Projecting the Outcome in 1984
Authors: Shafer Byron E. 
Published: September 2013

A catalog of the general sources of change in the politics of presidential selection, with applications to 1984, might suggest that this politics has become more changeable—and hence more unpredictable—in the modern era, the period marked off by the extensive procedural reforms enacted after 1968. Yet an initial comparison of the period from 1968 through 1980 with the period from 1848 through 1860, from 1876 to 1888, or from 1912 through 1924—to pick several periods of a dozen years each—does not suggest that the ultimate decisions on nomination and even election in the modern era are any more (or less) unpredictable than in certain earlier periods.What such a comparison does suggest is that thesourcesof unpredictability in presidential nomination and election contests are different than they once were. Once, the difficulty in calculating presidential outcomes was rooted in the fact that nominations were often realized inside national party conventions, where the bloc structure of the official party and the rules for balloting itself made all sorts of outcomes—many of them unforeseen—politically possible. Now, the comparable difficulty in calculating presidential outcomes is rooted in the process of delegate selection, where volatile public preferences and levels of participation, the constantly changing formal course of nomination politics, and the interaction among the candidates, the issues, and the other participants continue to make projection (equally) difficult.
Protest Is Not Enough: A Theory of Political Incorporation
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers , Tabb David H. 
Published: September 2013

Protest Is Not Enoughis partly a report on the politics of black and Hispanic mobilization in ten northern California cities and partly an effort to formulate a theory useful for the study of minority mobilization and its significance in cities generally. The cities are San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland, Sacramento, Stockton, Berkeley, Richmond, Hayward, Vallejo, and Daly City. We did not expect to generalize the particulars of our ten cities to others, but we did try to cast our concepts and fundamental relationships at a sufficiently general level to encompass a wide variety of cities, and we hoped that the application of our framework to other cities would suggest ways in which it should be extended or altered.The TheoryWe wanted a conception of minority political action and position that linked mobilization to policy, that demonstrated the connection between the passions, interests, and actions of mobilization and the governmental response—if any. It was apparent that blacks and Hispanics achieved a much stronger and more positive response to their interests in some cities than in others. It was apparent also that minority representation in elective offices, the customary way of describing their political position, did not capture the strength of the minority position in the more responsive city governments. The key to the higher levels of responsiveness was not representation but coalition: minority inclusion in a coalition that was able to dominate a city council produced a much more positive governmental response than the election of minority council-members who were not part of the dominant coalition.
Political Language and Political Reality
Authors: Edelman Murray 
Published: September 2013

The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The “linguistic turn” in twentieth century philosophy, social psychology, and literary theory entails an intellectual ferment that raises fundamental questions about a great deal of mainstream political science, and especially about its logical positivist premises.While the writers just mentioned analyze various senses in which language use is an aspect of creativity, those who focus upon specifically political language are chiefly concerned with its capacity to reflect ideology, mystify, and distort. The more perspicacious of them deny that an undistorting language is possible in a social world marked by inequalities in resources and status, though the notion of an undistorted language can be useful as an evocation of an ideal benchmark. The emphasis upon political language as distorting or mystifying is a key theme in Lasswell and Orwell, as it is in Habermas, Osgood, Ellul, Vygotsky, Enzensberger, Bennett, and Shapiro.
Masculinity, Citizenship, and the Making of War
Authors: Hartsock Nancy C. M. 
Published: September 2013

Citizenship is not one of the issues political scientists hotly contest. Yet perhaps we have failed to recognize the profoundly controversial issues involved in citizenship. One of the most difficult for the modern citizen is, of course, whether the classical ideal of “high citizenship” remains a possibility. But the ideal of ruling and being ruled will not be my concern here. Rather, my concern will focus on the fact that citizenship has historically been a very exclusive social category. Many groups have struggled to attain the status of citizen. In the United States to be poor, black, or female, has for the most part meant automatic disenfranchisement. Citizenship, then, concerns the question of one's position in the community of which one is a part. It is, of course, not the only determinant by far and is itself dependent on other factors. Yet given these considerations, teaching about citizenship must raise the ethical issues which, if made as prominent as they deserve to be, would indeed make citizenship the subject of controversy.In this short essay, I can address only one aspect of these issues—that which centers on the relation of gender to citizenship. Although today many of us attempt to speak about citizenship in gender-neutral language, the connections of citizenship with manliness, established so long ago, still influence both thinking about citizenship and the conduct of rulers and ruled. Thus, the familiar gender gap on issues of peace and war should be seen as a symptom of deeper issues about politics, problems with a history traceable over several thousand years of Western history, problems defined by the overlay of citizenship, manliness, and military capacity.
Generational Change and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance
Authors: Inglehart Ronald 
Published: September 2013

In 1968 a wave of student protest manifested itself throughout the Western world. Fifteen years later, a phenomenon variously described as the “Yuppies” or “Yumpies” began to be noted in the United States; a new environmentalist party entered the West German Bundestag for the first time; and a peace movement emerged in Western Europe that was able to mobilize an even larger and more mature segment of the public than did the anti-war movements of the Vietnam era.These seemingly dissimilar phenomena have something in common: they reflect a process of intergenerational value change that is gradually transforming the politics of Western societies. This process—a shift from Materialist to Postmaterialist value priorities—has brought new political issues to the center of the stage, and provided much of the impetus for new political movements. It has split existing political parties and given rise to new ones. And it raises serious doubts about the long-term viability of the Atlantic Alliance.
Reflections from Inside the Beltway: How Congress and the President Grapple with Health Policy
Authors: Fuchs Beth C. , Hoadley John F. 
Published: September 2013

As many political humorists remind us regularly, politics “inside the Beltway” is not always of interest or relevance to the rest of the world. Yet for political scientists interested in the ongoing evolution of America's health care system, what goes on inside the Beltway has great import. For any proposed reform, there are three basic steps: getting the issue on the political agenda, securing passage of pertinent legislation, and implementation (although we intend to narrow our discussion to the first two).A common criticism of academic political science is the disparity between the textbook portrayal of policymaking and the reality of what happens in Washington. In this article, we use abbreviated case studies to inject a dose of “inside the Beltway” reality into the images of policymaking. Included in our discussion is an account of how one issue—catastrophic health insurance—reached the political agenda and then more general comments on how health legislation has been considered and passed in recent years, with particular emphasis on the use of the budget reconciliation process. While cursory, we think these reflections provide a thumbnail sketch of how Washington is attending to important issues of health policy.
A Biased Guide to Dining Out in Boston
Authors: Bosso Christopher J. 
Published: September 2013

Welcome to Boston, the Athens of America. Many of you are new to town, or haven't been back since long-ago grad school days, so this is a good opportunity to dispell some misconceptions you probably have about dining out in the Hub of the Universe.First of all, Boston-area cuisine is far more than clam chowda (with cream, and no tomato, thank you), pot roast, and baked beans with brown bread. You certainly can enjoy these fine regional delicacies, especially in places catering to tourists, but Boston's restaurant scene simply has exploded in the past decade to encompass a wide variety of foods and dining experiences. Indeed, Boston's reputation as insular and hidebound, while well-deserved in matters like sex, politics, and the Red Sox, no longer extends to food. You want nouvelle cuisine? Regional American? Japanese? Malaysian? Ethiopian? Mexican?! You got it—though, remember, this is Boston, not Austin.And don't worry about service. Despite what you've heard, we Bostonians aren't really rude to strangers—except when we drive. Besides, most of the restaurant staff you'll encounter are transplanted New Yorkers enrolled at the Berklee School of Music, so any lousy service isn't our fault. Just sit back and enjoy the attitude. We do.Above all, dining out in Boston these days is an exciting and pleasurable experience, especially if on someone else's expense account. If not, there still are plenty of reasonably-priced places to suit your fancy, though what strikes us East Coast city folks as “reasonable” may not exactly meet your definition.
Species differences and molecular determinant of TRPA1 cold sensitivity
Authors: Chen Jun , Kang Dawon , Xu Jing , Lake Marc , Hogan James O. , Sun Chaohong , Walter Karl , Yao Betty , Kim Donghee 
Published: September 2013

AbstractTRPA1 is an ion channel and has been proposed as a thermosensor across species. In invertebrate and ancestral vertebrates such as fly, mosquito, frog, lizard and snakes, TRPA1 serves as a heat receptor, a sensory input utilized for heat avoidance or infrared detection. However, in mammals, whether TRPA1 is a receptor for noxious cold is highly controversial, as channel activation by cold was observed by some groups but disputed by others. Here we attribute the discrepancy to species differences. We show that cold activates rat and mouse TRPA1 but not human or rhesus monkey TRPA1. At the molecular level, a single residue within the S5 transmembrane domain (G878 in rodent but V875 in primate) accounts for the observed difference in cold sensitivity. This residue difference also underlies the species-specific effects of menthol. Together, our findings identify the species-specific cold activation of TRPA1 and reveal a molecular determinant of cold-sensitive gating.
Size and space controlled hexagonal arrays of superparamagnetic iron oxide nanodots: magnetic studies and application
Authors: Ghoshal Tandra , Maity Tuhin , Senthamaraikannan Ramsankar , Shaw Matthew T. , Carolan Patrick , Holmes Justin D. , Roy Saibal , Morris Michael A. 
Published: September 2013

AbstractHighly dense hexagonally arranged iron oxide nanodots array were fabricated using PS-b-PEO self-assembled patterns. The copolymer molecular weight, composition and choice of annealing solvent/s allows dimensional and structural control of the nanopatterns at large scale. A mechanism is proposed to create scaffolds through degradation and/or modification of cylindrical domains. A methodology based on selective metal ion inclusion and subsequent processing was used to create iron oxide nanodots array. The nanodots have uniform size and shape and their placement mimics the original self-assembled nanopatterns. For the first time these precisely defined and size selective systems of ordered nanodots allow careful investigation of magnetic properties in dimensions from 50 nm to 10 nm, which delineate the nanodots are superparamagnetic, well-isolated and size monodispersed. This diameter/spacing controlled iron oxide nanodots systems were demonstrated as a resistant mask over silicon to fabricate densely packed, identical ordered, high aspect ratio silicon nanopillars and nanowire features.
Generation of diffraction-free optical beams using wrinkled membranes
Authors: Li Ran , Yi Hui , Hu Xiao , Chen Leng , Shi Guangsha , Wang Weimin , Yang Tian 
Published: September 2013

AbstractWrinkling has become a well developed bottom-up technique to make artificial surface textures in about the last decade. However, application of the optical properties of long range ordered wrinkles has been limited to one dimensional gratings to date. We report the demonstration of macroscopic optical focusing using wrinkled membranes, in which concentric wrinkle rings on a gold-PDMS bilayer membrane convert collimated illuminations to diffraction-free focused beams. Beam diameters of 300–400 μm have been observed in the visible range, which are dominantly limited by the eccentricity of the current devices. Based upon agreement between theoretical and experimental results on eccentricity effects, we predict a decrease of the beam diameter to no more than around 50 μm, if eccentricity is eliminated.