bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Eastern European Social Movements
Authors: Piotrowski Grzegorz 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements in Eastern Europe have a long history. Despite problems with defining the region, most scholars tend to locate it in the postsocialist countries of Europe, which re‐gained independence after the fall of the Iron Curtain. One of the most significant movements in the world during this period was Solidarność, which emerged in Poland in 1980. Solidarność developed from a trade union and reportedly had 9–10 million members (approximately 25% of the population). In the Fall of Nations in 1989/1990 hundreds of thousands of people went into the streets protesting against the communist regimes, and this contributed to the collapse of the Iron Curtain. A large variety of movements evolved from that time, with some becoming quite vibrant. Although there are important differences among the countries in Eastern Europe that shape social movements, some parts of the movements' histories and characteristics are common. These differences and commonalities, crucial for the composition of the movements and their repertoires of action, are a result of the movements' histories, legal systems, and political situations.
F
alun
G
ong (
C
hina)
Authors: Sun Yanfei 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Falun Gong, also known as Falun Dafa, started as a qigong movement but increasingly acquired a stronger religious character. It organized the largest demonstration since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, which precipitated the Chinese state's crackdown on Falun Gong. However, Falun Gong activists inside China persisted in protests over the years. Meanwhile, Falun Gong groups outside China have used diverse means to publicize their cause and attack the rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
Gay and Lesbian Movement
Authors: Valocchi Stephen 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe gay and lesbian movement refers to the manifold collective efforts to benefit people with same‐sex desire. A movement for gays and lesbians could not have happened until “the homosexual” emerged as a distinct person rather than just a set of acts. This occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as the result of the efforts of sexologists to define and control nonnormative sexual and gender practices in Europe and the United States. Although an organized movement to reverse the negative discourse of the sexologists first appeared in Germany in the late nineteenth century, this effort was short‐lived. The first sustained activities, organizations, and network‐building for the positive recognition of lesbians and gays and the improvement of their social and political conditions appeared in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s with the establishment of three organizations: the Mattachine Society, the organization for men which devoted itself mainly to social support in a climate of profound public hostility; the Daughters of Bilitis, the organization that concerned itself with the unique challenges of women with same‐sex desire at a time when women were supposed to be dependent on men for economic and social support; andOne Inc.which existed only as a monthly magazine and promoted the view that gay people, rather than psychiatrists or lawyers, are the most qualified to speak for themselves. With the exception ofOne Inc., these organizations stressed respectability and the desire to be accepted into mainstream society.
GlobalJusticeMovement
Authors: Rootes Christopher , Sotirakopoulos Nikos 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe “Global Justice Movement” (GJM) has been employed as an umbrella term to denote a diverse constellation of organizations, groups, and networks, working with varying degrees of cooperation on a broad range of issues—from the indebtedness of the world's poorest countries, the inequities of the global trade in goods and services, international peace and environmental degradation, to the human rights of workers and immigrants, especially in less economically developed countries. These issues are linked by an emerging consensus amongst activists that their root cause is the neoliberal agenda, or “Washington consensus” (George 2003), that dominates global economic arrangements.
G
lobal
J
ustice
M
ovement in
E
urope
Authors: della Porta Donatella 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Composed of supra‐national networks of individuals and organizations, the Global Justice Movement (GJM) has developed at the turn of the millennium, mobilizing in transnational events and demanding social justice and participatory and/or deliberative democracy. Especially since the second half of the 1980s, international summits were often accompanied by protest counter‐summits, that took place in the same locality as the official intergovernmental gathering. Transnational mobilizations of this type have also targeted European Union (EU) institutions. One of the first of them was the European Marches against unemployment, insecurity, and exclusion addressing the Amsterdam summit in 1997; two years later, 30 000 mobilized on the same issues at the EU summit in Cologne (Mathers 2007). These marches played an important role in the emergence of the European wave of protest that became visible in the July 2001 anti‐G8 demonstrations in Genoa (della Porta et al. 2006). In fact, since Amsterdam and Cologne, counter‐summits have contested all of the main EU summits.
H
izb
U
t‐
T
ahrir
Authors: Karagiannis Emmanuel 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Hizb ut‐Tahrir al Islami (the Islamic Liberation Party—hereafter Hizb ut‐Tahrir) was founded by Taqiuddin an‐Nabhani, an Islamic scholar of Palestinian origin in East Jerusalem in 1953 (Taji‐Farouki 1996). The party gradually expanded to become a truly international movement with branches from Morocco to Indonesia. From the 1980s onward, Hizb ut‐Tahrir has also managed to establish branches in Western countries which have sizeable Muslim communities, including Great Britain, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, the United States, and Australia. Since the 1990s, Hizb ut‐Tahrir has also become active in the former USSR and China. The current leader of Hizb ut‐Tahrir is Ata Abu Rashta, a Palestinian civil engineer who studied in Cairo and served previously as party spokesman in Jordan, but his whereabouts are unknown.
I
ndian
I
ndependence
M
ovement
Authors: Crist John T. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Until Gandhi's return to India from South Africa in 1915, protest against the British had been episodic and mostly localized. The era of the Indian Independence Movement (1917–1947) emerged as Gandhi assumed the leadership of the Indian National Congress—the INC, or Congress, the vehicle for nationalist opposition—and radically altered its composition and tactics. Through the INC and his own independent cadres of nonviolent activists, Gandhi forged a popular nationalist coalition of urban elites and rural masses against foreign occupation. Under his guidance, Congress adopted the tactics of nonviolent direct action, civil disobedience, and noncooperation in loosely structured national campaigns that together comprised a sustained challenge against colonial occupation over three decades.
I
ranian
I
slamic Revolution of 1979
Authors: Parsa Misagh 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Iranian revolution took many experts and scholars by surprise. Iran had been one of the most rapidly industrializing third‐world countries and possessed a powerful, loyal army and secret police able to repress and demobilize all opposition. Compared to many other twentieth‐century revolutions, armed struggle played little role in the overthrow of the Pahlavi dynasty, which came to power in 1925 when Reza Shah Pahlavi ousted the previous dynasty. Instead, Iran's urban population, organized in part through mosque networks, carried out the mobilization and collective actions that formed the basis of the revolution. More importantly, the revolution's outcome diverged sharply from other modern revolutions where revolutionary movements fought in the name of secular ideologies, such as nationalism or socialism. Iran's revolution, in contrast, produced theocracy.
K
ing,
M
artin
L
uther,
Jr
(1928–1968)
Authors: Jackson Thomas F. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Recent scholarship on Martin Luther King, Jr looks beyond King's eloquence as a charismatic orator who inspired masses of people to nonviolently protest segregation in America. We now appreciate more fully King's religious background in sustaining his leadership. More importantly, we see multiple ways in which King was shaped and inspired by larger movements for racial and economic justice around the world. King did not initiate any of the local protest movements for which he became a spokesman and symbol. He was nevertheless a brilliant strategist of protest confrontations; a master at reaching national and international publics and elites through print and broadcast media; a mobilizer who inspired thousands of people to risk life and limb against forces of violence and repression; and, finally, a coordinator and mediator among a range of protest leaders whose power and talents have been overshadowed by King's fame. Recent scholarship has especially focused on King's final years, when his lifelong commitment to opposing the “evil triplets” of racism, militarism, and economic exploitation were most fully put into action. King's final crusades against the Vietnam War, against big city apartheid, and against poverty and low wages were less successful than the Southern movement to dismantle legal segregation. But the full amplitude of King's radical challenge to America's political economy and foreign policy has now become more visible.
Labor Movement inLatinAmerica
Authors: Stillerman Joel 
Published: January 2013

AbstractDuring the twentieth century, the labor movement profoundly affected the politics and societies of Latin America, the region including Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and South America. The labor movement is here defined as workers' organizations with the capacity and willingness to engage in collective action. While labor protest dates back to slave brotherhoods and artisan associations formed after Spain and Portugal's fifteenth‐century colonization of the region, this entry focuses on the twentieth century, when trade unions were formed in many countries. Scholarship on the labor movement goes back at least to the 1920s, though it developed in earnest after World War II. Scholarly frameworks adopted in the study of the labor movement include modernization theory (Germani 1965), Marxism and dependency theory (Spalding 1977), social and cultural history (Levenson‐Estrada 1994), comparative politics (Collier and Collier 1991; Murillo 2001; Burgess 2004), and social movements theory (Kay 2005; Almeida 2008).
Mandate of Heaven (
C
hina)
Authors: Zhao Dingxin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

After conquering the Shang dynasty (circa 1600–1045
BCE
), the rulers of the Western Zhou dynasty (circa 1045–771
BCE
) claimed that they were able to come to power because Heaven had taken away the mandate of ruling China from the bad Shang king and passed it onto the virtuous Western Zhou rulers. The concept of “Mandate of Heaven” was created for a clear propaganda purpose, in part to suppress the resistance of the conquered population. Yet the lessons that the Western Zhou rulers learned from the demise of the mighty Shang state also compelled them to use the same message to educate their own people on the importance of being a good ruler. For instance, in an early Western Zhou document, it is stated that: “We should use the people instead of water as mirrors. Now that the Shang rulers have lost their mandate bestowed from Heaven, why should not we treat history as mirror and learn a hard lesson from the demise of the Shang state?” (Book of Documents 1980: ch.
Jiugao
). A similar message appeared in another document: “It is all contingent upon human conduct whether or not mistakes and evils will occur…Heaven cannot be trusted. Heaven will not take away the mandate that King Wen had received if only we carry on his virtuous conduct” (Book of Documents 1980: ch.
Junshi
). The Western Zhou rulers saw the heavenly mandate as precarious and believed that the only way to hold on to it was by governing well. In other words, while the Western Zhou rulers propagated the Mandate of Heaven concept, it was right conduct that they actually emphasized. This way of thinking later entered the teachings of Confucius and his followers during the Spring and Autumn (770–481
BCE
) and Warring States (480–221
BCE
) eras, and gradually became the single most important political concept in Chinese history.
Modernity of Nationalism
Authors: Hechter Michael 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Nationalism is widely perceived to be one of the leading threats to order in the contemporary world. Many lives have been ruined or lost in its name and, partly as a consequence, nationalism swirls in perpetual controversy. Part of the problem is that it seems to be an uncannily protean phenomenon. Nationalist political demands differ from place to place and time to time: sometimes they are linguistic, sometimes they are religious, sometimes they are cultural in a rather more diffuse sense. Strong nationalist movements often emerge in a given territory, subside, and then suddenly reemerge years later to nearly universal surprise. While the literature on nationalism is voluminous and growing at an increasing pace, there still remains a lack of conceptual agreement among scholars of the subject.
Nuclear Freeze Movement
Authors: Meyer David S. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The nuclear freeze movement was an American campaign against nuclear weapons based around an ostensibly moderate demand with radical implications: a negotiated and bilateral end to the testing, production, and deployment of nuclear weapons. Neither the freeze idea, nor opposition to the arms race more generally, was new in 1980 when the freeze emerged, amid resurgent allied antinuclear weapons movements across Western Europe. Astute activist opportunism, in conjunction with a series of more aggressive foreign policies from the US government, aligned to produce unusually heightened attention to national security policy in general, and nuclear weapons in particular. In this regard, the nuclear freeze movement loudly echoed previous periods of mobilization and concern, including antinuclear campaigns following the first use of weapons at Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1945–1947), surrounding the long debate about a ban on testing (1954–1963), and in opposition to the deployment of antiballistic missile systems in the US (1968–1973). Although some activists are constantly trying to draw public attention to the costs and dangers of nuclear weapons, they only succeed episodically. The cyclic mobilization against nuclear weapons reflects more vigorous institutional debates about nuclear weapons strategy.
Piqueteros
(Workers/Unemployment Movement in
A
rgentina)
Authors: Rossi Federico M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The
piqueteros
, or unemployed workers movement, is the main contentious actor in the resistance to the social consequences of neoliberalism and the struggle for reincorporation of the popular sectors (i.e., the poor and/or marginalized strata) into Argentina's political arena. The name
piqueteros
(picketers) is based on the type of protest that made this movement publicly known—the picket on the national roads. The origin and characteristics of the
piqueteros
movement are traceable to four main processes: (1) the social consequences of the collapse of industrialization by substitution of the imports model and the application of neoliberal reforms that produced a massive and fast deindustrialization from the 1980s; (2) the territorialization of politics since redemocratization as a result of the dissolution of the main corporatist arrangements for solving popular sectors' claims; (3) the adaptation to a democratic setting of left‐wing groups that had participated in armed struggle during the 1970s; and (4) the creation of territories for political organization without risks for unemployed people, by some unions, human rights organizations, and Catholic Church dioceses in the 1980s and 1990s.
Poor People's Movements
Authors: Zorn Annika 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Poor people's movements describes contentious collective actors that are considered to be particularly powerless or weak in resources compared to other members of a community. Often, the term is used to describe spontaneous mass protest by members of social groups that are at the lower end of a socioeconomic scale or in a particularly marginalized position in a society, such as the homeless or the unemployed. Research into poor people's movements has shown, however, that these movements share similar organizational and coordinated social action to other movement activity. This entry examines the shared characteristics of these movements, how studies of poor people's movements over the past decades have changed, and the insights we have gained from studies on social movement activity of the poor for social movement theory.
P
opular
A
ssembly of the
T
owns of
O
axaca (
M
exico)
Authors: Tamayo Sergio 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Every May 15, Mexico commemorates teacher's day. On June 14, 2006, in the southern state of Oaxaca, Section 22 of the National Education Workers Union (SNTE) sponsored, as they did every year, a routine mobilization for better wages. The teachers were assaulted by police helicopters and riot police on the orders of the state government, to stop the demonstration taking place in Oaxaca's downtown. Due to police inefficiency and the resistance of the demonstrators, the police were not able to halt the demonstration, which generated considerable citizen reaction. As a result, the Popular Assembly of the Towns of Oaxaca (APPO) was created. It was formed by teachers participating in the general strike, neighborhood and district residents, nongovernmental organizations, indigenous towns, some municipal authorities, transportation officials, youth and students, communicators, peasants, members of religious orders, small businessmen and tradesmen, academics, artists, and intellectuals. The eclectic movement demanded the removal of the governor, because of his authoritarianism and corruption.
Populism/Populist Movements
Authors: Caiani Manuela 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAcademic attention to populism has sharply increased in recent years. As Mudde (2004: 541) notes, thousand of books, articles, columns, and editorials have been written about it in the last two decades. Yet a commonly accepted definition is still lacking, with scholars disagreeing on categorization, labels, and boundaries between its different manifestations. Some also stress that there is an abuse of this term in public discourse. One of the difficulties regarding the definition of populism is that it has been applied (and adapted) to several very different historical phenomena (movements, parties, regimes, intellectuals), across various periods of time: from the American People's Party of the late 1800s to postwar European movements such as the Italian Common Man's Front (late 1940s), thepoujadist(conservative reactionary movement to protect the business interests of small traders) French Union for the Defense of Merchants and Artisans (late 1950s), the Dutch Farmers Party (1960s), or the Danish Progress Party (1970s). Some scholars have argued that populism was a key feature of Mussolini's and Hitler's regimes (Mammone 2009).
Separatist Movements
Authors: Gupta Devashree 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Separatist movements advocate for greater sovereignty for their members, who are often part of a common ethnic, religious, or territorial group, and who resist further incorporation into the larger polity, believing instead that they should exercise more control over their political, economic, or cultural affairs than the national states in which they live. While some separatist movements may attempt to achieve their goals within the confines of existing state boundaries, seeking to increase group autonomy or gain more power in local governance structures, such movements can also challenge existing state boundaries and call for the formation of entirely new or reconstituted territorial units. Since World War II, separatist movements in Europe, Asia, and Africa have nearly quadrupled the number of independent countries in the international system and increased the number of United Nations members from 51 at its founding to 192 members today. By some counts, there are over 70 current separatist movements around the world, mostly concentrated in Europe and Asia. Not all of these involve ongoing, active mobilization, and fewer still feature violent resistance, though the violence that such movements engender can be particularly intense and intractable.
SocialForum,World
Authors: Byrd Scott 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe first World Social Forum (WSF) was organized by a group of Brazilian and French activists in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in January 2001, coinciding with the meeting of the World Economic Forum, and challenged neoliberal globalization under the slogan “Another World is Possible.” Organized under a set of principles outlined in its charter, the WSF was intended to be an “open meeting place” for civil society actors to commit to “reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals and free exchange of experiences” (World Social Forum 2002). While explicitly critiquing neoliberal globalization the gatherings were also meant to be a “permanent process of seeking and building alternatives” and “open to pluralism and diversity.” Politically, social forum activism is characterized by more radical versus mainstream approaches to social change and is focused mainly on social justice and human rights concerns regarding models of development; gender, indigenous, labor, and environmental issues; and the forces of globalization writ large.
Women's Movements
Authors: Dahl Crossley Alison , McKee Hurwitz Heather 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Women have organized throughout the course of modern history and in all parts of the world. Women's movements are broadly defined as “all organizing of women explicitly as women to make any sort of social change” (Ferree & Mueller 2007: 577). Mobilizations of women arise out of gendered structures of oppression and opportunity, and women's movements have been among the most enduring and consequential movements in modern history. Participants in women's movements frequently use gender to form a collective identity on the basis of their social position as women. While many women's movements embrace a feminist identity and seek to advance the social position of women, it is not always the case. Women also mobilize around claims that are unrelated to or in opposition to feminism.
Civil Rights Movement (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Andrews Kenneth T. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The civil rights movement emerged in the 1950s as a massive challenge to US racial inequality. The movement relied on diverse tactics including litigation, community organizing, and direct action to pursue political empowerment, expanding economic opportunities, desegregating major institutions, altering social relations, and transforming the broader culture. The movement remains one of the central cases in the study of social movements, and it had enduring impacts on American society and politics. This entry focuses on the movement's origins, organizations and leadership, dynamics, decline, and legacy.