bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Consensus and Action Mobilization
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Much social movement research concerns processes of mobilization. Understandably, because mobilization is the mechanism that brings demand and supply of protest together. Without mobilization there will be no action even in circumstances of high demand. The study of mobilization concerns such matters as the effectiveness of persuasive communication, the mobilization channels, the influence of social networks, and the perceived costs and benefits of participation. As for the effectiveness of communication, organizers must solve a crucial problem, namely, which are the people in demand of protest and how can they be reached. Sometimes this problem is easy to solve, if for example, it regards the inhabitants of a neighborhood or the workers in a company, but most of the time there are no such easy solutions to the problem. Under stark repression mobilization is extremely difficult and indeed dangerous. Censorship makes newspapers, radio and television unusable, while organizers and movement activists run the risk of being imprisoned or worse. Oppressive societies offer examples of people high on demand but low on supply of protest and failing mobilization. Once protest movements come in the open and mobilization can no longer be oppressed, the system quickly collapses.
Contagion Theory
Authors: Snow David A. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Scholars of collective gatherings or crowds, such as riots, protest events, and collective celebrations, have long been interested in accounting for the coordination that makes collective behavior truly collective rather than the aggregation of parallel individual behaviors. For about 75 years, from at least the time of Gustave Le Bon's
The Crowd
(1897) until the 1970s, one of the dominant explanations was provided by what Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1972) called “contagion theory” (see also the entries on Convergence/dispositional theory and Emergent norm theory). The idea of contagion conjures up the imagery of some behavioral, emotional, or ideational phenomenon spreading rapidly, uncritically, and uniformly within a collectivity, from one participant to another. People in collective gatherings or crowds, many of which are sponsored by social movements, are portrayed as behaving uniformly, intensely, and often in a fashion at odds with their usual normative behavioral patterns.
Contentious Politics
Authors: Tarrow Sidney 
Published: January 2013

Abstract“Contentious politics” meansepisodic, public, collective interaction among makers of claims and their objects when: (a) at least one government is a claimant, an object of claims, or a party to the claims, and (b) the claims would, if realized, affect the interests of at least one of the claimants or objects of claims. Roughly translated, the definition refers to collective political struggle. Contentious politics, in the sense of this entry, includes social movements, but it also includes less sustained forms of contention—like riots and strike waves—and more extensive ones—like civil wars, revolutions, and episodes of democratization—and it intersects with routine political processes—like elections and interest group politics.
Convergence/Dispositional Theory
Authors: Snow David A. , Rohlinger Deana 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Convergence, or dispositional, approaches to crowds and social movements focus on various psychological traits and states that hypothetically render individuals more or less susceptible to participation. The underlying assumption is that specifiable personality characteristics and/or cognitive or emotional states are likely to make the appeal of some movements especially attractive, thereby predisposing some individuals to participation. Rather than focusing on the material basis or socially constructed character of grievances, attention is focused on the psychological manifestation of or responses to grievances. Thus, crowd and social movement participants are seen as being a relatively undifferentiated and unrepresentative grouping of individuals because of the dispositions or tendencies they share. Hence the idea of convergence: the assemblage of “like‐minded” or similarly disposed individuals, as represented in Eric Hoffer's
The True Believer
. Especially prominent among the psychological and personality factors thought to account for this dispositional vulnerability to movement appeals are heightened frustration, a sense of relative deprivation, alienation, spoiled or stigmatized identities, and authoritarianism.
Conversion and New Religious Movements
Authors: Richardson James T. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Conversion, as the concept is used in the social sciences, is usually applied to joining a religious group, although the concept has considerable overlap with issues concerning recruitment and participation in other types of social movements. Recent conversion research in the area of sociology of religion has focused mainly on the question of how and why thousands of young people joined New Religious Movements (NRMs), even if temporarily. (Contrary to popular belief, defection or disaffiliation rates have always been quite high for NRMs, and most NRMs are small as a result.)
Critical Mass Theory
Authors: Oliver Pamela 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

“Critical mass theory” in social movements refers loosely to any formal theory about how interdependent decisions accumulate into collective action or more narrowly to work in the tradition of Marwell and Oliver (1993). The term “critical mass” originates in nuclear physics, as the smallest amount of fissile material needed to sustain a nuclear chain reaction. As analogy or metaphor the term has diffused into popular culture and social science and is widely used to refer to any context in which things change after a certain number of people get together or enter a setting. The term has been especially important in research and court cases about racial/ethnic or gender diversity in college admissions or employment (Addis 2007). Social movement activists and scholars often use “critical mass” in a loose metaphorical way to refer to an initial group of protesters or actors that is big enough to accomplish social change.
Critical Mass Bulletin
was the name given to the 1970s newsletter for scholars of collective behavior and social movements. An article written in the early 1970s bemoaned the lack of critical mass of scholars studying collective behavior (Quarantelili & Weller 1974).
Decolonization and Social Movements
Authors: Boudreau Vince 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
In their influence on state and social structures, colonial processes established some of the basic parameters for the social movements that contested imperial rule, and for those that rose to confront the independent governments of the newly postcolonial world. For decades, the study of decolonization was mainly the purview of area specialists, who approached these events with the interdisciplinary inclinations of men and women wanting deeply to understand the specific dynamics of particular places. For theorists of social movements, decolonization and contention posed analytic puzzles, because such processes seldom followed the patterns inscribed by political reform movements on which most of the early literature was rooted. More recently, analysts have made more concerted efforts to think theoretically about contention in the colonial and postcolonial worlds, even as new theoretical developments, such as the Dynamics of Contention program, have provided new ways to approach these struggles (McAdam, Tarrow, & Tilly 2001).
Demand and Supply of Protest
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The demand and supply of protest concerns the mobilizing context of participation. The “demand and supply” metaphor is borrowed from economics. Demand refers to the potential in a society for protest; supply refers to the opportunities staged by organizers to protest. Mobilization brings a demand for political protest that exists in a society together with a supply of opportunities to take part in such protest. The demand side of participation requires studies of such phenomena as socialization, grievance formation, causal attribution, and the formation of collective identity. The study of the supply side of participation concerns such matters as action repertoires, the effectiveness of social movements, the frames and ideologies movements stand for, and the constituents of identification they offer. Mobilization is the process that brings demand and supply together. Mobilization is the marketing mechanism of the social movement domain, and thus, the study of mobilization concerns such matters as the effectiveness of (persuasive) communication, the influence of social networks, and the perceived costs and benefits of participation.
Disengagement in Social Movements
Authors: Corrigall‐Brown Catherine 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movement participation is widespread in most modern industrial democracies. To illustrate, the World Values Survey finds that 37.5 percent of the French, 30.8 percent of Germans, 26.3 percent of Canadians, and 15.1 percent of Americans report having participated in a protest (2010). While this is a large proportion of these countries' populations, what happens to these individuals after they have been initially mobilized? While some remain active and involved over time, not all activism is sustained. In this entry, I propose that there are multiple trajectories that participation can follow once an individual engages with a social movement; persistent participation, transfer, individual abeyance, or disengagement. Below, I outline these trajectories and explore the factors which lead to disengagement from movements over time.
Dual Identity
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The concept of dual identity originates in the identity family of theories. Identity, more specifically collective identity, became an important concept in the social movement literature during the last decade of the previous century. Cohen (1985) and Melucci (1985) were among the first to emphasize the significance of collective identity formation in social movements, and the concept gained importance in the years after (see Stryker, Owens, & White 2000 for an overview). Coming from a social psychological perspective, Simon and his colleagues (1998) proposed the existence of an identity pathway to collective action in addition to the instrumental pathway. These authors reasoned that people do not participate in social movements for instrumental reasons only, but also for fulfilling identity needs. Meanwhile, social psychologists had begun to explore the role of group identification in movement participation (Simon & Klandermans 2001 for an overview) and concluded that the more one identifies with the group that is involved in a protest activity, the more likely one is to take part in that activity. Applied in the context of identity theories of social movement participation the concept of dual identity introduces a dynamic element in that it recognizes that individuals hold multiple identities at the same time that do not necessarily work in the same direction.
Emotion Work
Authors: van Troost Dunya M.M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Emotion work has been defined as “the act of trying to change in degree or quality an emotion or a feeling” (Hochschild 1979). The concept, first coined by sociologist Arlie Hochschild, describes the efforts people make in their private lives to manage and control their emotions in agreement with the social situation in which they are expressed. Hochschild's theory of feeling rules and emotion work puts forward the notion that social rules apply to the experience of emotion. These feeling rules are “guidelines for the assessment of fits and misfits between feeling and situation” (Hochschild 1979), meaning that cultural and social aspects influence the appropriateness of emotions we feel. In Hochschild's words: “Emotion work can be done by the self upon the self, by the self upon others, and by others upon oneself” (Hochschild 1979). Important to note is that emotion work refers to the effort of trying to change an emotion or feeling, not whether this effort was successful and the emotion actually changed (Hochschild 1979).
Entrepreneurs, Movement
Authors: Staggenborg Suzanne 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

The notion of a
social movement entrepreneur
was introduced by John McCarthy and Mayer Zald (1973, 1977) in their seminal essays on resource mobilization theory. McCarthy and Zald's treatment of the movement entrepreneur was part of their analysis of the rise of “professional social movements.” In contrast to the “classical model” of movements, which focused on common grievances that give rise to social movements and emergent leaders, McCarthy and Zald argued that modern social movements are increasingly professionalized, characterized by full‐time leadership, a largely paper membership, and a reliance on
conscience constituents
who “do not stand to benefit directly from its success in goal accomplishment” (1977: 1222). While grievances play a role in movements, they receive second billing to entrepreneurial leaders who take the initiative to organize movements. In extreme cases, “grievances and discontent may be defined, created, and manipulated by issue entrepreneurs and organizations” (1977: 1215).
Ethnography and Social Movements
Authors: Lichterman Paul 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Ethnography is a powerful research method for understanding how people turn grievances into public claims, organize collective action, and sustain collective action over time. During the past quarter‐century, scholars of social movements have called repeatedly for research on the social and symbolic processes that ethnography is particularly well‐suited to investigate. It is a promising and curiously under‐employed method in this field.
Event History Analysis
Authors: Grant J. Tobin 
Published: January 2013

AbstractEvent history analysis examines whether and when phenomena occur. Also known as survival, duration, or failure‐time analysis, event history analysis has proven useful in a wide range of disciplines because it allows researchers to make inferences about when an event happens and the duration until the event occurs (Raferty 2001; Box‐Steffensmeier & Jones 2004). Some view event history analysis as time series analysis for dichotomous dependent variables; others approach it as an extension of limited dependent variable analysis for panel data. Regardless, event history analysis provides a method of inference for longitudinal data common in social movement research.
Experimental Methods
Authors: Oliver Pamela 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Although “experiments” are popularly understood as research done in a laboratory, for social scientists the key element of an experiment is at least one manipulated independent variable. A variable is manipulated if the researcher can determine who experiences each category (or treatment) of the variable. A “true” experiment is one in which the researcher randomly assigns subjects to different categories (treatments) of the independent variable. This random assignment (randomization) can yield high internal validity in assessing the causal effect of the independent variable on the dependent (outcome) variable. There have been important randomized field experiments in policy areas such as education, welfare provision, population control, or medical treatments. Market researchers may use randomized field experiments to test the impact of different advertising campaigns and some professionalized social movement organizations have used this kind of field experiment to test the impact of various ways of “marketing” their issues. Smaller voluntary groups might also find it valuable to use rigorous experimental methods to test their persuasive tactics, although they rarely do.
Frustration‐Aggression
Authors: Klandermans Bert 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Frustration‐aggression theory is one of the classic grievance theories in social psychology. It was first formulated by a group of researchers at Yale University. In 1939 Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, and Sears published their book
Frustration and Aggression
. In the 70 years that have passed since then, the frustration‐aggression hypothesis has been the subject of much debate. Through the years, the original sweeping statements have been replaced by more modest claims (Berkowitz 1989).
Generational and Cohort Analysis
Authors: Whittier Nancy 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The study of generations and cohorts in social movements examines waves of protest that originate from particular age‐groups and differences between participants of different ages or movement eras. These studies assume that individuals' experiences are shaped by their historical context, producing distinctive perspectives on society and social movements. Mannheim (1952) first identified the problem of political generations, arguing that, when age groups enter social life in youth, they form distinct perspectives shaped by the social and political events of their era. In Mannheim's view, age groups contain multiple “generation units,” which interpret events in different ways, forming distinct ideological or cultural movements. In the Mannheimian view, these generational perspectives endure over the life‐course, and members of different political generations thus have different perspectives. Modifying this approach, some scholars of social movements define political generations not by common age, but by common time of entry into a social movement. In this view, it is the historical and social movement context when individuals begin activism that defines lasting political understandings, which may be shared by non‐agemates who enter the social movement at the same time. Studies show that political views formed in youth or initial participation in activism persist over the life‐course, but that individuals practice their politics differently as they age, shaping work choices and family relationships (McAdam 1998). Scholars have studied a variety of cohort sizes within social movements, from “micro‐cohorts,” which may consist of those who enter a movement within as short as a one‐year timeframe, to multi‐year or even decade‐long cohorts (Whittier 1997). Generational effects are important in understanding social movement origins, change over time, and decline or demise.
Grievances, Individual and Mobilizing
Authors: Snow David A. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractWhen individuals collectively challenge authorities via social movements, they typically do so over matters about which they are deeply troubled, have considerable concern, and feel passionately. These troublesome matters or conditions, and the feelings associated with them—such as dissatisfaction, fear, indignation, resentment, and moral shock—can be thought of as grievances. They provide the primary motivational impetus for organizing social movement campaigns and for engaging in social movement activities. Although there are various sets of conditions that contribute to the emergence and operation of social movements—such as some degree of perceived political opportunity, organization, and resource acquisition, none of these factors is more important than the generation of mobilizing grievances. After all, it is difficult to imagine most individuals engaging in social movement activity without feeling deeply aggrieved about some condition that is regarded as contrary to the interests, rights, moral principles, or well‐being of themselves or others. Consider the adherents of the pro‐choice and pro‐life movements, and of those advocating for and against same‐sex marriages in the United States or immigration and tighter border control throughout much of the developed world. Not only are the adherents of one movement deeply aggrieved by the prospect of the other movement achieving its goals, but their passions about their movement are often palpable and thus worn, metaphorically, on their sleeves. Certainly other motivational factors—such as curiosity, the desire for approval, and peer pressure—may come into play when considering why people align themselves with a particular movement, but these usually are secondary and largely irrelevant in the absence of deeply felt grievances.
Historical Research and Social Movements
Authors: Deflem Mathieu , Dove April Lee 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe use of historical research methods in modern sociology has been largely conditioned by the relative popularity of the specialty area of (comparative‐)historical sociology, despite the relative autonomy of methodological orientation and substantive research themes. Any discussion of historical research, whether in the specialty area of social movements' research or in sociology more generally, must therefore proceed from the place of history in sociology and embark on an always difficult quest, for intellectual and institutional reasons alike, to delineate the boundaries between the scholarly tradition of history, on the one hand, and sociology, on the other (Burke 1980; Tilly 1981).
Ideology
Authors: Beck Colin J. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Ideology is an important aspect of social and political movements. The most basic and commonly held view of ideology is that it is a
system
of multiple beliefs, ideas, values, principles, ethic, morals, goals, and so on, that overlap, shape, and reinforce one another. In Swidler's (1986: 279) influential terms, ideology is “a highly articulated, self‐conscious belief and ritual system, aspiring to offer a unified answer to problems of social action.”
Interviewing Activists
Authors: Blee Kathleen 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Personal interviews with activists are a common strategy for gathering data on current social movements. They allow scholars access to a broader segment of social movement participants than are represented in documents and propaganda produced by movement leaders. Interviews also provide different kinds of data than can observational methods. Through interviews, researchers can probe the biographies and motivations of activists as well as the meanings they give to their actions (Blee & Taylor 2002; Munson 2009). Indeed, activist interviews are a key source of information on many critical issues in social movement studies, including how individual and collective identities are constructed, how movements attract followers, and how members' commitments fluctuate over time.
Institutionalization of Social Movements
Authors: Staggenborg Suzanne 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Social movement theorists have viewed various phenomena as aspects of the “institutionalization” of social movements. One meaning of institutionalization is that movements become established interest groups that are formalized in structure and headed by professional leaders. Along with formalization and professionalization, movements may also become institutionalized in the sense that their goals become conservative or mainstream. Another meaning of institutionalization is that movement ideas are incorporated into mainstream organizations or practices. And movements can be institutionalized in the sense that they operate
within
social institutions and organizations. All of these ideas are important to theories of the origins, development, and outcomes of social movements.