bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Violence and Social Movements
Authors: Demetriou Chares 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe study of the intersection of social movements and violence is diverse. This is so, principally, because the forms of violence under study are all encompassing, ranging from police arrest of peaceful protesters, to protest by throwing food at politicians, to protest by lethal, indiscriminate violence on civilians. Nevertheless, in the social movement literature, the mainstream approach to the study of these phenomena takes the position—sometimes by default—that neither the various forms of violence nor the various types of the groups engaging in violence need to correspond to particular theories, but rather both action and groups should be studied through the more general conceptual frameworks and theoretical presuppositions characterizing the literature. This position is partly a consequence of the fact that the study of these phenomena developed within the broader study of social movements. Thus, for example, research on the American civil rights movement of the 1960s covered not only the peaceful tactics of this movement but also state violence in response to these tactics, as well as the violence wielded by the radical branches of the movement, most notably the Black Panthers. The conceptualizations and theories pertaining to the study of the phenomena connecting social movements to violence, therefore, have not claimed autonomy within the general literature on social movements, but rather have relied heavily and approvingly on this literature.
Violence Against Oneself
Authors: Grojean Olivier 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, self‐injury or self‐harm that is not related to cultural or religious norms has been distinguished from suicidal practices and associated with various pathologies. Thus, following Durkheim's work, suicide became a social fact that sociology could not ignore, but deliberate self‐inflicted violence without suicidal intent (e.g., cuttings and burns, body modifications) remained until recently mainly a concern for psychiatry. This probably explains the rarity of sociological research on self‐inflicted violence with a political dimension, such as hunger strikes, self‐mutilation, or immolation, while there have been dozens of publications on suicide bombings, especially since 2001.
Voluntary Associations and Social Movements
Authors: Walker Edward T. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Voluntary associations are “organized, named collectivities in which the majority of participants do not derive their livelihood from their activities in the group” (Knoke & Wood 1981: 8; see also Berry 1977; Walker 1991). The concept of a “voluntary association” has deep roots in the history and thought of American political development. Indeed, as de Tocqueville wrote in
Democracy in America
(1838), his celebrated account of his 1831 visit to the US, “no country in the world has made better use of association than the United States and nowhere has that powerful instrument been applied to a wider range of purposes” (de Tocqueville 2004: 215). Indeed, long traditions in US political thought have held that associations are schools of self‐reliant citizenship and democratic practice through which interests and preferences are newly formed rather than predetermined. Associations offer a space outside the bureaucratic and electoral demands of the state, while also remaining relatively insulated from the pecuniary interests and competitive pressures of the market. Scholars of voluntary associations have highlighted the means by which nonpolitical forms of civic organization, such as neighborhood groups, fraternal organizations, and, in a well‐known instance, choral groups, provide not only social integration and the participatory norms, social networks, and feelings of trust that accompany it (Putnam 2000), but they also indirectly socialize participants into active and engaged citizenship.
War and Social Movements
Authors: Almeida Paul D. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements operate under a variety of political environments. One of the fundamental tasks for movement scholars in the twenty‐first century centers on classifying a delimited number of political climates and corresponding forms of mobilization likely to emerge. This entry analyzes the political context of war and the multiple ways students of collective action approach social movement activities in relation to hostilities between nations and internal civil wars. Interstate and civil wars generate a wide variety of social movements related to different dimensions of violent conflict, while civil wars may originate at times from the repression and radicalization of more conventional forms of collective action.
World‐System and Social Movements
Authors: Schaeffer Robert K. , Weyher L. Frank 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Proponents of the world‐system perspective have argued that the modern world‐system first took shape in Western Europe and the Americas between 1450 and 1650, the “long sixteenth century” (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989). Although social conflict was endemic during the early modern period, “antisystemic” movements emerged only in 1848 (Arrighi, Hopkins, & Wallerstein 1989). Class and status‐based movements subsequently seized state power as a means of changing the inequalities associated with the capitalist world‐system during the next century. However, they found it much more difficult to reduce structural inequality or transform the system than they had imagined, which led to a new round of global protest in 1968. This time movements directed their anger not only at powerful capitalist states in the core but also against states where antisystemic movements had taken power and antisystemic movements that had organized labor unions and political parties. To appreciate these developments, it is useful to recount the history of struggles by social movements in the modern world‐system.
Aboriginal Peoples' Movements (
A
ustralia)
Authors: Walter Maggie 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Australian Aboriginal peoples' movements have been central to Aboriginal resistances to dispossessions and discriminations since European colonization began at the turn of the nineteenth century and continue into present times. Aboriginal organized protest has coalesced around three political and social criteria: the articulation of a direct claim; the organization of activities involving Aboriginal community members around this claim; and the adaptation of the colonizers' socio‐legal practices as tools to advance these claims. An early example is George Walter Arthur and other Tasmanians' campaign to reverse the forced dispossession and exile of the Tasmanians. Activities included the establishment of a newspaper to voice their claims and, in 1847, a petition to Queen Victoria claiming breach of promise by colonial authorities. The Tasmanians remained imprisoned on Flinders Island, but with the legacy of documentary evidence that the Tasmanians never relinquished sovereignty. Petitions against dispossession and living circumstances were also made by a number of Aboriginal protest movement leaders in New South Wales and South Australia in the latter part of the nineteenth century, again unsuccessfully (Attwood & Markus 1999).
Penal Abolitionist Movement
Authors: van Swaaningen René 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
There have been abolitionist movements against slavery, torture, prostitution, capital punishment, and prison. This entry focuses on the latter alone. When the term abolitionism is used in relation to criminological issues, it generally dismisses penal definitions and punitive responses to criminalized problems, and proposes their replacement by dispute settlement, redress, and social justice. More generally, it refers to the abolition of state (supported) institutions that are no longer felt to be legitimate. The word abolitionism as currently understood in criminology is adopted from the North American antiprison movement of the early 1970s. Here Quakers, most notably, take up their historical mission from the antislavery movement. They see prison as an institution that today fulfils the same social functions as slavery did till the late nineteenth century: disciplining the (mostly black) underclass. This American penal abolitionism is mainly grounded in religious inspiration, and less in considerations of the countereffectiveness of criminal justice, as is the case in Europe (Bianchi & van Swaaningen 1986). The European abolitionist social movements of that era were prisoners' unions and more intellectual radical penal reform movements (van Swaaningen 1997). This more academic abolitionism has its roots in symbolic interactionism and social constructionism, with a strongly Foucauldian focus on discipline in a carceral society.
Ainu Indigenous Rights Movement (
J
apan)
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Social movements by the Ainu, an indigenous people in Japan, started in earnest in the 1970s, influenced strongly by the expanding global indigenous rights movement, and have achieved some significant successes since then. The Ainu today are descendants of populations that have inhabited northern parts of Japan for thousands of years but have been pushed northward by mainland Japanese governments throughout history. As the Meiji Restoration (1868) established a modern state in Japan, the Meiji government incorporated northern islands in Japan as the Hokkaido prefecture in 1869, making official the Ainu's subjugation to mainland Japanese. The government encouraged mainland Japanese to move to Hokkaido and implemented policies to assimilate Ainu populations into the Japanese mainstream. This policy, symbolized by the 1899 Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, destroyed the traditional Ainu ways of life and their communities and threw them into severe poverty. Although the Japanese government took remedial measures to improve their living conditions, these measures were not a result of Ainu activism. Some Ainu associations emerged during the democracy movement in Japan (mid‐1920s to early 1930s), but the Ainu's ethnic/indigenous identity was confined primarily to cultural spheres, such as in novels and poetry. Heavily reliant on government welfare, their political voice was largely muted, especially as Japan entered World War II.
American Revolution
Authors: Griffin Patrick 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The “American Revolution” has confounded historians since the late eighteenth century. It still does. The term, usually unbounded by quotation marks, is freighted with a great deal of baggage. It always has been. In their famous debates on the eve of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas portrayed the revolution as the touchstone of American identity, the event that made Americans exceptional. The freed slave turned abolitionist Frederick Douglass also saw the revolution as an event that made Americans exceptional, but in his eyes, exceptionally hypocritical. For Americans today, it still conjures up all sorts of images ranging from muskets and Betsy Ross, to the states' rights and the pursuit of happiness. More critically, it still serves as focus for the basis of civil life. It still frames debate of who Americans are and what they would like to become. The modern Tea Party movement is a vivid example. So too those who argue that the Tea Party gets the revolution wrong. They have, critics suggest, picked the right event to understand what makes Americans American, but they have interpreted it incorrectly.
Antiapartheid Movement (
S
outh
A
frica)
Authors: van Kessel Ineke 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The origins of nationwide organized protest against first segregation and then apartheid in South Africa can be traced back to the founding of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) in 1912. After the Union of South Africa was established in 1910, the political rights and economic security of black people came under increasing attack. Following the defeat of the Boer Republics in the Anglo‐Boer War (1899–1902) reconciliation with the defeated Afrikaners was achieved at the expense of black South Africans. Laws restricting African landownership and African mobility underpinned a system of racial segregation devised to compel Africans to become wage laborers on white farms or in white‐owned mines and industries.
Anticrime Movements in
L
atin
A
merica
Authors: Davis Diane E. , Willis Graham Denyer 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Legacies of authoritarianism and contested state formation have left Latin America awash in violence (Davis 2010), with rates of homicide, murder, kidnapping, and robbery on the rise. Cities have been particularly hard hit, owing to unemployment, income inequality, and other structural causes including neoliberal economic reforms and drug trafficking (Astorga 2002). With minimal progress in curtailing violence despite government efforts otherwise and limited public trust in state capacities to reduce criminality due to high rates of police corruption (Davis 2006) or a weak judicial system (Ungar 2002), citizens take security matters into their own hands. Their actions coalesce in an array of anticrime social movements, broadly defined here as collective action targeted against the perpetrators or enablers of rampant criminality and insecurity.
Antiglobalization Movements
Authors: Goodman James 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe “great globalization debate” began in the late 1980s with a series of proclamations as to the newness of the phenomenon. Ranging across multiple social science disciplines, globalization theory asserted that social relations were becoming increasingly deterritorialized (Held, McGrew, & Perraton 1999). Subsequent revisions forced recognition of historical parallels, thus historicizing the claims, and allowed a rereading of the accounts, in terms of their discursive foundations, as globalist ideology. The debate continues, with investigations of post‐globalism, in the aftermath of a more unilateralist world politics, as a state of affairs beyond globalization, rather than simply a throw‐back to pre‐globalist conditions.
Antifeminist Movements (UnitedStates)
Authors: Marshall Susan E. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractAntifeminist movements refer to organized opposition to group activism for women's rights. They are examples of countermovements, which typically mobilize in reaction to perceived successes of the initial movement (Mottl 1980; Lo 1982; Zald & Useem 1987). Antifeminist mobilization is an indication that the feminist movement has begun to be taken seriously as a threat to the status quo. Perceived feminist successes alter the political opportunity structure, forcing opponents into public activism to halt movement momentum (Meyer & Staggenborg 1996). Antifeminist movements are also a form of protest movement, challenging the legitimacy of the feminist movement as women's representatives and rejecting feminist goals as antithetical to women's interests. As reactive movements, antifeminist movements explicitly counter feminist claims. In contrast, the tactical position of the feminist movement is to ignore the opposition so as to minimize its importance. As the countermovement grows and becomes increasingly difficult to disregard, the feminist movement may change tactics and dismiss the opposition as insignificant and illegitimate in order to present the appearance of strength relative to emergent rivals. The ensuing competition forces interaction between the movement and its countermovement as each seeks political advantage.
Antinuclear Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Aldrich Daniel P. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Japan remains the only nation in the world to have experienced the horrors of atomic weaponry at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but the government initially suppressed public debate on the topic and the postwar occupation authorities temporarily banned research on nuclear power (Yoshioka 1999; DiFilippo 2003). Thus, there was a lag between the bombings and the start of broader antinuclear movements, which began in the 1950s as a result of widespread anger over the deadly exposure of Japanese fishermen to radioactive fallout. Antinuclear power movements evolved alongside antinuclear weapons associations as Japan's commercial atomic program moved forward. Japan's unique history created broad sympathy for antinuclear ideologies, with many prominent authors writing about the victims of the atomic bomb, known as
hibakusha
, in works such as Ibuse Masuji's
Black Rain
. This sympathy did not prevent the Japanese government from creating an advanced commercial nuclear program with attempts at a closed fuel cycle and the use of mixed‐oxide (MOX) fuel. Although the government promotes nuclear power domestically and sells nuclear technology and training to other nations, it has stood by its Three Non‐Nuclear Principles (not possessing, manufacturing, or permitting nuclear weapons in Japanese territory) and has not pursued nuclear weapons.
Antiracist Movements inEurope
Authors: Ruzza Carlo 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIn Europe, antiracist protest activities are a relatively less frequent and durable manifestation of a strong and fairly institutionalized cultural current of legally embedded antiracist values. Antiracism as a value informs a number of social arenas in which different types of actors contribute to defining and expanding conceptions of citizenship and antiracist policies, sometimes using contentious political repertoires. Their efforts also include judicial activism, advocacy at different levels of governance, initiatives in the public sphere, and sensitizing campaigns in social organizations such as workplace organizations, churches, and educational establishments. Antiracist also emerge in specific professional contexts, as with the police and probation professionals.
Black Power Movement (UnitedStates)
Authors: Yeritsian Gary , Bloom Joshua 
Published: January 2013

AbstractThe Black Power movement emerged in the mid‐1960s United States inspired by the victories of the civil rights movement, and responding to its limitations. Civil rights mobilization had successfully pressured the federal government to dismantlede juresegregation, but was incapable of redressing persistent black ghettoization. Black Power activists sought to combat institutionalized racism characterized by poor‐quality education, a lack of jobs, political marginalization, and containment policing.
Buraku Liberation Movement (
J
apan)
Authors: Davis John H. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

During the roughly nine decades since its inception, the Buraku Liberation Movement (Buraku Kaihō Undō) has worked to eliminate the social prejudice and structural inequities that characterized life for many
burakumin
, residents of former outcast districts. Although official caste designations were abolished in 1871, many
burakumin
continued to be targets of discrimination. The Buraku Liberation Movement emerged as a national phenomenon in 1922 with the establishment of the National Levelers Association (Zenkoku Suiheisha). This organization adopted a strategy of direct confrontation known as
tetteiteki kyuū dan
or “thoroughgoing denunciation” against individuals accused of discriminating against
burakumin
. The focus of the group gradually expanded beyond critiquing the actions of individuals to scrutinizing systemic discrimination manifest in institutions such as the military, police, school, and government administrations. The activities of the organization came to a close in 1942 as one of several organizational casualties resulting from domestic pressures stemming from the intensification of the ongoing war effort. Following the end of World War II, the Buraku Liberation Movement was rekindled in 1946 with the establishment of the National Committee for Buraku Liberation (Buraku Kaihō Zenkoku Iinkai), which changed its name in 1955 to the current Buraku Liberation League (Buraku Kaihō Dōmei). The movement continued to focus its attention on systemic manifestations of discrimination and ratcheted up pressure on governmental entities to accept responsibility for eradicating prejudice against
buraku
residents. During the postwar years, much of Japan experienced improvements as the country went through a period of rapid economic growth. Progress rarely extended to
buraku
areas, however. National surveys revealed significant gaps between the general population and
buraku
residents, who experienced higher levels of poverty exacerbated by high unemployment and low educational attainment. Moreover, social prejudice against those residing in
buraku
districts continued to manifest itself in areas such as marriage and employment discrimination.
Communication Rights
Authors: Milan Stefania 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The notion of communication rights encompasses a set of human rights as they apply to the contemporary communication environment. Communication rights represent an evolution of Article 19 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which provides for freedom of opinion and expression. They include the right to privacy, the right to participation, the right to speak one's own language, the right to access and share knowledge and information, and the right to self‐determination (CRIS 2005). They are believed to “support people's capacity to communicate in their general interest and for the common good” (CRIS 2005: 13).
Cuban Revolution
Authors: Pedraza Silvia 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The triumph of the Cuban revolution in January 1959 was one of the most popular political events of the twentieth century. A social movement that the majority of the Cuban population initially applauded, and for which many risked their lives, the Cuban revolution captured the imagination. Romantic in its execution, expressing a call for social justice, it also had vast international support. Yet by the end of the century, 40 years later, around 15 percent of its population had left Cuba as a result of their process of political disaffection, disappointment, and sense of betrayal. Among those who sought refuge in other lands, many had once been ardent supporters of the revolution.
Cultural Revolution (
C
hina)
Authors: Wu Lili 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Cultural Revolution, the full name of which was “the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” was a political movement launched by Mao Zedong, the supreme leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Its goal was to rectify the CCP, which Mao considered to have become over‐bureaucratized since it took power in 1949. Mao also wanted to revive the revolutionary spirit of the war period in order to maintain his personal charisma and domination within the CCP. The movement, however, took on a momentum of its own as a large number of the Chinese masses participated in it and became entangled in factional fights.
Defending Diaoyutai Islands Movement and Pan‐Chinese Nationalism (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Hsiau A‐chin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

It was not until the 1970s that the authoritarian rule of the government of the Republic of China (ROC) controlled by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in postwar Taiwan met significant challenges and major political and cultural changes occurred. The “Defending Diaoyutai movement” (
Baowei diaoyutai yundong
) launched by college students in northern Taiwan in the spring of 1971, which was originally started by Taiwanese students in the United States, was part of the turning point.