bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Solidarity (Poland)
Authors: Piotrowski Grzegorz 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSolidarity (Solidarność in Polish) is a social movement, based on a trade union, that emerged in Poland in 1980. It was not only the biggest social mobilization in history (it is estimated that approximately 9–10 million people became members of Solidarity in a country of 38 million), but many commentators stress its leading role in overthrowing the communist regime in Poland and also in the rest of Eastern Europe.
Stonewall Riots (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Armstrong Elizabeth A. , Crage Suzanna M. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Around 1:20 a.m., early on Saturday, June 28, 1969, police raided the Stonewall Inn, a homosexual bar on Christopher Street in Greenwich Village in New York City. Customers included homeless teens, drag queens, and others unwelcome elsewhere. Patrons initiated a riot that lasted into the night and resumed the next day. The Stonewall riots are often viewed as the spark of the gay liberation movement (Duberman 1993 Teal 1995; Carter 2004). This is not historically accurate: gay liberation was already well underway. The riots were not the first time gays fought back against police, nor were they the first raid to generate political organizing (D'Emilio 1983; Stryker & Van Buskirk 1996; Epstein 1999; Armstrong 2002; Bernstein 2002; Silverman & Stryker 2005; Stryker 2005). The Stonewall riots are of interest because of their symbolic importance to gay movements in the US and around the globe. The processes through which the riots acquired this salience provide insight into the creation of collective memory within social movements.
Symbolic Crusades
Authors: Morimoto Shauna A. , Worden Steven 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Looking back from today's diverse and fluid society, American theorists in the first half of the twentieth century appear to have been unduly narrow in their collective action theorizing. Early studies addressed primarily instrumentally oriented forms of collective action. Specifically, research focused on those that sought mainly to advance or defend the tangible economic or political interests of their adherents. Analysts dismissed noneconomic or nonclass‐related struggles as trivial, epiphenomenal, or expressions of personal pathologies. Thus, theorists offered few frameworks equipped to analyze struggles to reform or ban noneconomic practices and preferences, especially those that did not appear to directly affect the activists themselves.
T
aiping
R
ebellion (
C
hina)
Authors: Zhang Yang 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Lasting from 1850 to 1864, the Taiping Rebellion was the biggest social rebellion of China's imperial era and probably the most violent rebellion in world history, measured by the number of casualties. Led by Christian convert Hong Xiuquan, the rebels uprose in Guangxi province, next to Canton, established the Tai‐ping Heavenly Kingdom (“Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace”), and controlled large parts of southern China. The rebellion swept across most parts of the Qing Empire's 18 inner provinces, involved around 5 million troops, and killed more than 20 million people (Cao 2001: 553). The Taiping Rebellion is also well known for its charismatic leadership, Christian ideology, anti‐Manchu nationalism, and radical social reform. Despite its final failure, the rebellion directly influenced the Qing Empire's military, administrative, and fiscal structure and central–regional relationship.
T
aiwan
I
ndependent Movement
Authors: Wang Fu‐Chang 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Taiwan Independent Movement (TIM) refers to collective, organized efforts to establish a sovereign Taiwan independent of China. Since the seventeenth century, Taiwan has been closely related to China. The western part of Taiwan became part of Chinese territory in 1684 after Qing troops defeated Koxinga, a Ming dynasty loyalist who drove away the Dutch colonialists in 1662 and used Taiwan as a base for his military campaign against Qing dynasty rulers. Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895 by the Qing dynasty in the Treaty of Shimonoseki that followed the 1894 Sino‐Japanese War and was returned to Chinese rule again in 1945 after World War II. Since the seventeenth century, many Chinese Han migrants have settled in Taiwan, constituting more than 95 percent of the island's population by 1905, according to the Japanese census. Advocates of TIM, however, claimed that after 51 years of Japanese rule the Taiwanese had evolved into a nation different from China. The TIM claim was contested by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime and the Kuomintang (KMT, literally “Nationalist Party”) regime, which relocated to Taiwan after the former took over the Chinese mainland in 1949. Both the CCP and the KMT claimed that Taiwan had been a part of China since ancient times.
Terrorist Movements
Authors: Gunning Jeroen 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Terrorism has been a hotly contested phenomenon for centuries. The term first came to be used to describe the Terror of the French Revolutionary government of the late eighteenth century, although the principle of spreading terror through violence for political ends is much older. Since then, the term has come to focus on nonstate actors, from the anarchist militants of the late nineteenth century, through the nationalist anticolonial movements of the mid‐twentieth, to the leftist, rightist, religio‐nationalist, and religious groups of the late twentieth and early twenty‐first centuries. Since the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in New York and Washington DC, the term has become particularly ubiquitous. From media coverage to literary and film subgenres and academe, terrorism, terrorists, and terrorist movements fascinate as much as they appall. Why do individuals, movements, or states turn to terrorism? Under what circumstances do they move away from it? Are they driven by ideology? By political or economic exclusion?
Tiananmen Student Movement (
C
hina)
Authors: Zhao Dingxin 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Tiananmen student movement was triggered by the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989. Hu was the former general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), but was pressured to resign from the position in 1987 in part because of his lenient attitude toward the student protests in 1986. Hu became a widely respected figure among students and intellectuals after his resignation.
Transnational Zapatism
Authors: Olesen Thomas 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The Zapatista uprising on January 1, 1994, in the Mexican state of Chiapas, immediately posed a challenge to observers of Mexican politics. The impact of the uprising, however, quickly spread beyond Mexico's borders. The transnational interest generated by the Zapatistas is matched by no other comparable movement in the post‐cold war period. Despite the obvious physical, social, and cultural obstacles, an extraordinarily large number of civil society actors, mainly in Europe and the US, have initiated solidarity efforts in support of the Zapatistas, leading to the formation of a transnational Zapatista solidarity network. The network was at its most active in the latter half of the 1990s when dramatic events in Chiapas—such as the Mexican army's invasion of Zapatista territory in 1995 and the paramilitary massacre in the village of Acteal in 1997—garnered massive attention abroad. Yet the Zapatistas continue to be a source of inspiration for activists outside of Mexico to this day—as testified by an ongoing scholarly interest in the transnational dimension of the movement (e.g., Bob 2005; Olesen 2005; McDonald 2006; Reitan 2007; Juris 2008; Khasnabish 2010).
Unemployment Movements
Authors: Reiss Matthias 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
From the nineteenth century onward, movements of the unemployed have played a significant role in constituting the workless as a distinct social group in modern societies and have helped shape the emerging welfare state. Unemployed protest—or the prospect of it—has fostered the introduction of measures to help the workless and served as a corrective to the tendency of decision‐makers to stigmatize and marginalize them.
U
rban Riots in
E
urope, Post‐2000
Authors: Waddington David P. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Since the start of the new millennium there have been four major instances of urban “rioting” in Europe, each of which has given rise to prolonged academic and/or public theoretical speculation regarding the underlying political origins and motives of such action. The term “rioting” is often rejected as inappropriate by academic and political commentators, on the grounds that it often used to suggest “wanton criminality” or, oppositely, to imply a degree of political awareness and ambition that is actually lacking among participants. Here we shall be employing the more neutral descriptor of “disorders” in referring to such events.
V
elvet Revolution of 1989
Authors: Kalb Don 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
It was the massive and peaceful civic eruption in Czechoslovakia in November 1989 which first generated the name “Velvet Revolution”: an accelerating wave of demonstrations and strikes, initially led by a handful of young students in the performing arts, which led within three weeks to the fall of the supposedly “hard‐line” socialist regime in Prague. Subsequently, the name “Velvet Revolution” was extended to include the whole sequence of peaceful (except for Romania) revolutions in 1989 that initiated the fall of state socialism in Europe.
Victim Movements
Authors: Latté Stéphane 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Over the last three decades, “victims” have become in most Western democracies one of the central figures in the field of social movements. While, in order to make their voices heard, increasing numbers of activist groups claim to be “victims,” the number of books and articles which either celebrate or denounce the advent of a “nation of victims” has been growing. Yet few sociological studies have taken the political uses of this category seriously. After briefly tracing the genealogy of victim movements, I will then identify the originality of this new contentious repertoire. Then, I will show how the study of this emerging form of protest has shed light on three blind spots of the sociology of collective action: the emotions of protest, the role of the traumatic event in the activist recruitment, and the gendered dimensions of social movements.
War Crime Movements in
J
apan
Authors: Chan Jennifer 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Various nongovernmental advocacy efforts concerning Japanese war crimes have arisen in the past six decades since the conclusion of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (hereafter referred to as the Tokyo Tribunal) and the trials at other sites throughout the Pacific. One can group these movements broadly into three periods: (1) the parole for war criminals movement (1952–1958); (2) the post‐Tokyo Tribunal war crime movements (1958–1998); and (3) the nongovernmental coalition for the International Criminal Court movement (1998–present). In this essay, the scope of war crime movements encompasses those concerning war crimes, crimes against peace, and crimes against humanity, as defined in the relevant international conventions such as the Hague Conventions, the Geneva Conventions, and the Statute of the International Criminal Court.
W
eatherman (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Glass Pepper G. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Weatherman (also known as Weathermen, The Weather Underground, and The Weather Underground Organization) was a revolutionary organization that staged violent and dramatic events, especially bombings, across the US. The group formed in the late 1960s, continuing into the 1980s when it disbanded as members became increasingly isolated and smaller in number.
I
ndustrial
W
orkers of the
W
orld (
IWW
)
Authors: Martin Andrew 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The way in which social movement groups organize themselves has considerable, and often unforeseen, ramifications. Among scholars, much of the debate regarding the degree of formalization centers on issues of tactics, with bureaucratic movement organizations charged by critics as too conservative. Yet there the implications for adopting a less formalized structure may play out in other ways as well. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, opposition by business elites and their allies in the state to unionization efforts, particularly among unskilled workers, often took the form of extreme repression, and bloodshed was not uncommon during this period. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose radical goals and loose organizational structure provided considerable opportunities for repression.
Women's Movements in
A
frica
Authors: Mari Tripp Aili 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
African women's movements became especially visible after the 1990s. Women's organizations were increasingly characterized by their associational autonomy from the government and from the dominant political party. In contrast to the first three decades after independence, they began to acquire their own resources, selected their own leadership, and forged their own women's rights agendas in ways that were no longer dictated by the ruling party or government. Although the movements had new agendas, leaders, and funding sources, they sometimes drew on precolonial ideologies (e.g., of political motherhood) and older protest tactics (e.g., shaming authorities and grieving). They also drew on experiences of women during the independence movements and armed liberation movements and built on the experiences of women's mobilization during the earlier single‐party era.
Women's Movement inAustralia
Authors: Maddison Sarah 
Published: January 2013

AbstractIn many ways, the women's movement in Australia might be understood as a diffusion of women's movements elsewhere in the West. Both the so‐called “first wave” of the movement, with its focus on the struggle for the franchise, and the “second wave” of mobilization in the 1970s, bore close resemblance to similar waves of mobilization in the UK and the US. Even the more recent phenomenon of a “generation war” among feminists centered on the contested notion of an emerging “third wave” of feminist activists seemed to have its genesis in struggles far away (Maddison 2008). Such a comparison, however, misses the unique contribution that the Australian women's movement has made to both feminist repertoire generally, and, more specifically, to research and reflection on the relationship between women, feminist movements, and the state.
Women's Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Nikaido Kosuke 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The telltale signs of the remarkable level of success that the discourse of feminism and the accompanying politico‐social movement of women's liberation have had on the society and culture in Japan are quite visible, in spite of the country's reputation as a rather patriarchal and traditional society. For instance, the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, first instituted in 1985 and considered largely symbolic and toothless then, has nevertheless been strengthened repeatedly through a number of reforms. In the twenty‐first century, the principles of egalitarianism and gender neutrality with respect to hiring, promotion and so on, are widely accepted and deeply entrenched, at least at the level of the ideal, if not always at the level of practice. The relatively small but dedicated and tireless group of attorneys, feminist activists, academics, and lawmakers who have done the lion's share of the work of prodding and pressuring the government can also in large part take credit for some other notable accomplishments, like the Domestic Violence Prevention Act of 2001 and 2004 (see, for instance, Gelb 2003, for details on the specific strategies adopted by Japanese activists to press for these policy changes).
Z
apatista Movement (
M
exico)
Authors: Estrada‐Saavedra Marco 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
The National Liberation Zapatista Army (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) was formed in 1983 from the National Liberation Forces (Fuerzas de Liberación Nacional, FLN), a subversive organization formed in the late 1960s in northern Mexico, inspired by the Cuban revolution. FLN set up a guerrilla movement whose aim was the spread of socialism in Mexico. However, FLN was virtually wiped out by the federal Government in the early 1970s. Former members of the FLN managed to regroup and settle in the southeastern state of Chiapas in 1983, mainly along the hilly region of Los Altos, in the northern area of the state in the Lacandon jungle, where they pursued similar goals to those of the late FLN and created EZLN, a grassroots‐based organization. With this organizational base, EZLN was able to expand its ranks and lead the 1994 armed rebellion.
Culture and Social Movements
Authors: Williams Rhys H. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractCulture encompasses the symbolic and expressive dimensions of social life. Culture includessets of symbolssuch as language,intangible, abstract “mental products”such as ideas, beliefs, values, and identity, and themeanings given to material objectssuch as clothing, decorations, art objects, buildings, and the like. A long tradition in sociological theory conceives of “culture” as a distinct dimension of social life, and embodied primarily in social institutions such as religion or the family. More recent theorizing, however, understands culture as analytically embedded in all aspects of human society. When institutionalized in organizational routines and social networks culture is tightly enmeshed in social structures, even as it can be kept analytically distinct.
Diffusion and Scale Shift
Authors: Soule Sarah A. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Social scientists use the term
diffusion
to refer to the spread or flow of an innovation across actors in a social system (Rogers 1995). When we speak of diffusion of social movements, we mean that some element of a social movement (e.g., tactic, frame, ideology, protest, repertoire, campaign) is spreading across some set of actors (e.g., organizations, networks, groups, people, communities, states) in a social system either through direct or indirect networks of communication (Soule 2004; Givan, Roberts, & Soule 2010).
Emergent Norm Theory
Authors: Lemonik Arthur Mikaila Mariel 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Emergent norm theory hypothesizes that nontraditional behavior (such as that associated with collective action) develops in crowds as a result of the emergence of new behavioral norms in response to a precipitating crisis. For proponents of emergent norm theory, collective action includes all types of social behavior in which the conventional norms stop functioning as guides to social action and instead people collectively overturn or go beyond the normal institutional practices and frameworks of society (Turner & Killian 1987), and therefore new conventions must form as part of the collective action. The basic suppositions of emergent norm theory are that collective action is rational, that collective action is a response to an ambiguous precipitating event, and that new norms of behavior appropriate to the collective action situation emerge through group processes without prior coordination and planning. Originally proposed by Turner and Killian (1972), emergent norm theory has grown out of two main traditions. First, the Le Bonian tradition of thinking of crowds as normless entities and collective action as irrational behavior led Turner and Killian to think about how norms are instituted in crowds. Second, symbolic interactionist perspectives and small‐group analysis contributed a model of norms as developing through interaction.
Emotion and Social Movements
Authors: Gould Deborah B. 
Published: January 2013

AbstractEtymologically, emotion and movements (in the sense of protest) are related. According to theOxford English Dictionary, emotion, meaning “a physical moving, stirring, agitation,” comes from the Old Frenchemouvoir, meaning “stir up,” and from the Latinemovere, meaning “move out, remove, agitate,” fromex‐ meaning “out” andmoveremeaning “to move.”Movementcomes from the post‐classical Latinmovementum, meaning “motion,” and earlier,movimentum, meaning “emotion,” “rebellion,” or “uprising.” The verb “to move”—which means “to affect with emotion” and “to prompt or impel toward some action”—links emotion and movements and suggests a frequent accompaniment. We might expect, then, that studies of social movements and other forms of protest politics would foreground the role of emotion in mobilization. History shows, however, that scholars of protest have been and continue to be ambivalent about emotion.
Gender and Social Movements
Authors: Whittier Nancy 
Published: January 2013

AbstractSocial movements are shaped by gender systems and they also are a source of social change in gender. Some social movements directly attempt to change gender relations; these movements, particularly women's movements, have been the focus of considerable scholarship. Increasingly, scholars also recognize the gendered nature of other social movements and the impact of systemic inequalities of gender on the opportunities, constraints, and forms of social movements in general.
Music and Social Movements
Authors: Gromis Ashley R. , Roy William G. 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Recent scholarship has increasingly addressed the ways that social movements creatively use cultural products and themselves act as sources of cultural creativity. Because of its temporal synchronicity and its expression in lyrics, music has been an especially powerful form of cultural expression. It is music's dual nature as a set of cultural objects and an activity fostering solidarity that explains its effectiveness for social movements. Music not only serves as an important resource for social movements, but is also something they actively “do.”
Networks and Social Movements
Authors: Diani Mario 
Published: January 2013

Abstract

Since the interest in social movements started to develop in the 1960s, the relation between networks and movements has been analyzed from two perspectives. By far the most popular one has treated networks as important facilitators of individuals' decisions to become—and remain—involved in collective action (e.g., McAdam 1988; Kitts 2000). This reflected, on the one hand, the need to stress the social embeddedness of movement participants, in contrast to their earlier characterizations as marginal and disorderly personalities (McAdam 2003: 281–284), on the other, the interest in identifying the mechanisms behind people's commitment to collective causes, contributing to the debate inspired by Mancur Olson's seminal work on
The Logic of Collective Action
. At the same time, analysts have looked at social movement networks as the structure of the links between the multiplicity of organizations and individual activists, committed to a certain cause. From this perspective, movement networks have been treated as the consequence, rather than the precondition, of collective action, a specific instance of the broader processes through which actors modify social structures through agency. More specifically, looking at the configuration of movement networks has provided observers with a clue to grasp the logics by which movement actors choose their partners, thus generating broader and complex organizational fields (e.g., Diani 1995).
Nonviolence/Nonviolent Action
Authors: Schock Kurt 
Published: January 2013

Abstract
Nonviolence is an evolving theory and practice of personal and social transformation that rejects the use of coercion and violence in everyday life and in promoting social change (Texeira 1999). Nonviolence may entail a holistic approach, which opposes all forms of violence, including social, economic, cultural, and ecological, or it may apply specifically to prosecuting an acute conflict without resorting to violence or coercion.