bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Effects of azelastine nasal spray on nasal and nasopharyngeal microflora
Authors: Aksoy F , Senturk E , Doğan R , Veyseller B , Ozturan O , Gönüllü N , Yilmaz F 
Published: October 2015

AbstractObjective:Azelastine nasal spray is a topical antihistaminic drug for the symptomatic treatment of allergic rhinitis. This study aimed to investigate the effects of azelastine on nasal and nasopharyngeal microflora.Methods:Swab samples from 25 patients prescribed azelastine nasal spray monotherapy were collected just before treatment and after 1 month of treatment. After incubation of inoculates, the number of bacteria present in cultures was measured (in colony-forming units per millilitre).Results:Evaluation of the number of microflora revealed increased bacterial reproduction after treatment, but this difference was not statistically significant. The use of azelastine nasal spray decreased the reproduction of three potentially pathogenic bacteria; however, it did not affect the reproduction of other potentially pathogenic bacteria.Conclusion:The use of azelastine nasal spray for one month did not have a statistically significant effect on the numbers of nasal and nasopharyngeal microflora; it is therefore safe from a microbiological viewpoint.
An investigation into the patterns of loneliness and loss in the oldest old – Newcastle 85+ Study
Authors: BRITTAIN KATIE , KINGSTON ANDREW , DAVIES KAREN , COLLERTON JOANNA , ROBINSON LOUISE A. , KIRKWOOD THOMAS B. L. , BOND JOHN , JAGGER CAROL 
Published: October 2015

ABSTRACTOld age is often characterised as being associated with neglect, isolation and loneliness, not least since established risks factors for loneliness include widowhood, living alone, depression and being female. Cross-sectional data have challenged the notion that loneliness is especially an old-age phenomenon but longitudinal data on loneliness is scarce. Moreover, an under-represented group in prior studies are the oldest old, those aged 85 years and more. This paper addresses these knowledge gaps using data from the Newcastle 85+ Study, a large population-based cohort aged 85 years at first interview with follow-up interviews at 18 months and three years. At baseline over half (55%) reported being always or often alone, and 41 per cent reported feeling more lonely than ten years previously, although only 2 per cent reported always feeling lonely. Women spent more time alone than men and reported more loneliness both currently and compared to the past. Length of widowhood was a key factor, with those recently widowed having twice the risk of feeling lonely and those widowed for five or more years having a lower risk of reporting increased loneliness. Overall, the findings show that loneliness is a minority experience in the oldest old but is strongly driven by length of widowhood, challenging the notion that loneliness in later life is a static experience.
COERCION IN CROSS-BORDER PROPERTY RIGHTS
Authors: Wenar Leif 
Published: October 2015

Abstract:A global market exists only because all states have chosen to converge on rules that coordinate property rights. For property rights over natural resources and products made from them, states converge on the rule of effectiveness, or might makes right. Because of effectiveness, consumers making everyday purchases like electronics, cosmetics and gasoline cannot help but support foreign authoritarians and militias. Effectiveness in the international system puts consumers into business with highly coercive actors abroad. States’ choice of effectiveness also leads to their enforcing the injustices of foreign actors within their own borders, with their own justice systems.
PATERNALISM AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE
Authors: Barnett Michael 
Published: October 2015

Abstract:Contemporary global governance is organized around an odd pairing: care and control. On the one hand, much of global governance is designed to reduce human suffering and improve human flourishing, with the important caveat that individuals should be allowed to decide for themselves how they want to live their lives. On the other hand, these global practices of care are also entangled with acts of control. Peacebuilding, public health, emergency aid, human rights, and development are expressions of this tension between care and control. There is a concept that captures this tension: paternalism. Drawing on our moral intuitions, I argue that paternalism is the attempt by one actor to substitute his judgment for another actor's on the grounds that such an imposition will improve the welfare of the target actor. After discussing and defending this definition, I note how our unease with paternalism seems to grow as we scale up from the interpersonal to the international, which I argue owes to the evaporation of community and equality. After exploring the implications of this definition and distinguishing it from other forms of intervention, I consider how different elements of paternalism combine to generate different configurations. Specifically, I point to five dimensions that are most relevant for examining the paternalism found in contemporary global and humanitarian governance: the tools used to restrict another actor’s liberty (force versus information); the scope of the interference (wide versus narrow); the purpose of the intervention (prevention of harm versus emancipation); the source of the paternalizer’s confidence (faith versus evidence); and the mechanisms of accountability (internal versus external). These different elements often correlate historically, suggestive of two ideal types of global paternalism: strong and weak. Contemporary global and humanitarian governance is largely the weak variety: force is severely proscribed, interference is relatively restricted, the paternalizer’s confidence has epistemic roots, and accountability to local populations remains a noble but rarely practiced goal. I further speculate that a major reason for this difference is the effects of liberalism and rationalization. I use this taxonomy to suggest how two different global efforts to improve the lives of those peoples living in what were perceived to be unstable and illiberal territories — the civilizing missions of the nineteenth century and the peacebuilding operations of the post-Cold War period — exhibited different kinds of paternalism. I conclude by reflecting on the ethics of international paternalism.
Domain adaptation strategies in statistical machine translation: a brief overview
Authors: Costa-Jussà Marta R. 
Published: October 2015

AbstractStatistical machine translation (SMT) is gaining interest given that it can easily be adapted to any pair of languages. One of the main challenges in SMT is domain adaptation because the performance in translation drops when testing conditions deviate from training conditions. Many research works are arising to face this challenge. Research is focused on trying to exploit all kinds of material, if available. This paper provides an overview of research, which copes with the domain adaptation challenge in SMT.
Generalised Cantor sets and the dimension of products
Authors: OLSON ERIC J. , ROBINSON JAMES C. , SHARPLES NICHOLAS 
Published: October 2015

AbstractIn this paper we consider the relationship between the Assouad and box-counting dimension and how both behave under the operation of taking products. We introduce the notion of ‘equi-homogeneity’ of a set, which requires a uniformity in the cardinality of local covers at all length-scales and at all points, and we show that a large class of homogeneous Moran sets have this property. We prove that the Assouad and box-counting dimensions coincide for sets that have equal upper and lower box-counting dimensions provided that the set ‘attains’ these dimensions (analogous to ‘s-sets’ when considering the Hausdorff dimension), and the set is equi-homogeneous. Using this fact we show that for any α ∈ (0, 1) and any β, γ ∈ (0, 1) such that β + γ ⩾ 1 we can construct two generalised Cantor setsCandDsuch that dimBC= αβ, dimBD= α γ, and dimAC= dimAD= dimA(C×D) = dimB(C×D) = α.
The Hasse principle for lines on diagonal surfaces
Authors: JAHNEL JÖRG , LOUGHRAN DANIEL 
Published: October 2015

AbstractGiven a number field k and a positive integer d, in this paper we consider the following question: does there exist a smooth diagonal surface of degree d in $\mathbb{P}$3 over k which contains a line over every completion of k, yet no line over k? We answer the problem using Galois cohomology, and count the number of counter-examples using a result of Erdős.
American Government Textbooks and The Federalist Papers
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: October 2015

It seems appropriate in this bicentennial year to examine the treatment introductory American government textbooks give the U.S. Constitution. Nearly every text devotes a chapter (typically, the second) to the events leading up to, and the writing of, the Constitution. But what of the political theory on which the Constitution is based? The Constitution, by itself, is too brief and devoid of theory to provide students with an overall assessment of that document. The source that is often relied upon by constitutional scholars to provide that theory is The Federalist Papers. It is the textbooks' treatment of these essays that we will explore here.The Federalist Papers were 85 newspaper editorials written by Hamilton, Madison, and jay, under the pseudonym Publius, in support of ratification of the proposed Constitution. The first essay was published October 27, 1787, and when the last essay was published, the authors had written 175,000 words. This was an average of 1,000 words a day, and was about 35 times the length of the Constitution itself.Hamilton initiated the project in reaction to another set of pseudonymous literature published in New York. New York support of the Constitution was essential, and it was doubtful that the state would ratify. As the seat of the central government, New York was in a pivotal position on the eastern seaboard. It had a lively commerce, and thus was not eager for change. Governor George Clinton staunchly opposed ratification. New York had not signed the Constitution because all of its delegates, except Hamilton, had left in protest and no one signatory was authorized to approve the document for the state.
Staging the Revolution (in Politics 101)
Authors: Miles William F. S. 
Published: October 2015

One of the most frustrating tasks in teaching “Introduction to Politics” is to convey a tangible, realistic sense of what revolution means to American undergraduate students. Insulated as most Americans are from the turbulence of political upheaval (which is actually the norm for many of the world's nation-states), ongoing revolutions around the world are very far away from their own concerns.As a result, I decided to take a chance and engage in some of my own revolutionary teaching and stage a revolution in the classroom. I conspired in advance with several graduate students who were strategically positioned throughout the large lecture hall. For the experiment to succeed, authenticity had to be the key.I seized upon one of the students' main concerns and frustrations with the course: the protracted and inconvenient scheduling of their weekly sections with the teaching assistants. Half-way through one lecture I announced a change in the T.A. assignments. One student “rebel” (one of the plants) vehemently vocalized the class' sense of outrage. My altercation with him (as I autocratically asserted my role as authority) resulted in my telling him to leave the class. When he refused, I called on my teaching assistant (“lackey running dog”) to go to the dean's office (calling on higher authority and perhaps force) to quash this rebellion. When the teaching assistant attempted to exit, the rebel physically prevented him from leaving the room (true insurrection). As I went to break up the confrontation, I was expelled, along with the teaching assistant, from the lecture hall (overthrow).
Teaching and Taking: A Seminar on Cultural Theory
Authors: Wildavsky Aaron 
Published: October 2015

The proposal and syllabus that follow are primarily concerned with the content of a seminar on cultural theory. I would like to preface these materials by saying a bit about teaching.Because of the vast confusion surrounding the concept of culture, a seminar is an ideal place to work on clarification.The version of cultural theory being discussed departs from ordinary modes of thought and raises many questions, albeit in a more political direction: What sort of people, organized into which cultures, would act in certain ways (accept or reject blame, tax and spend high or low, participate a little or a lot, etc.) in order to do what matters most to them—support their way of life and discomfort their opponents? Hence time for questions in the seminar is essential. Hours and hours of discussion do more to straighten out thought than any amount of reading.Application of this cultural theory is also essential. Doing is different than thinking. I have found that 1,000-word essays on such subjects as the Comanche Indians (competitive individualists to the core) or the Khmer Rouge (radical egalitarians) enable seminar members to come to grips with the theories they are trying out. Immersion in this material, bolstered by continuous discussion, sharpened by several short applications, greatly facilitates writing a research paper. The idea is to take a paper already written, or about to be written, derive a problem from it, and see how one cultural theory compares to others.
Resurgent Governors in the Federal System
Authors: O'Rourke Timothy G. , Vallier Rickey 
Published: October 2015

The time is July 1988, and baseball fever is rising. With barely a glimmer of hope remaining, “Big Jim” Thompson steps into the batter's box to swat a ninth inning “home run” that prevents the White Sox from going down to defeat—or more accurately—from going down to Florida. Such is the stuff of legends, although the real story is hardly less dramatic. Seated at a desk at home plate of Comiskey Park, Illinois Governor James Thompson signed a $ 150 million financing package for the construction of a new stadium that will keep the White Sox in Chicago and fore-close the team's removal to St. Petersburg. With vigorous lobbying from the Governor, the Illinois General Assembly, in the closing minutes of its 1988 session, had narrowly approved the stadium legislation.The news from Chicago, however, is more than a baseball story. The news tells us a great deal about modern governors in domestic policy making. They are more activist than their counterparts a generation or so ago, particularly in the realm of homestate economic development. Though most governors do not serve as long as Thompson–by late 1988, he had been governor for nearly 12 years–modern governors, as compared to their 1950s counterparts, are staying in office longer and, perhaps as a consequence, acquiring greater national influence.
Civil Liberties Under State Constitutions
Authors: Tarr G. Alan 
Published: October 2015

Ask most political scientists about constitutional law, and they will tell you about the Federal Constitution and its interpretation by the U.S. Supreme Court. Examine a text on American constitutional law, and you will likely find the same tendency to equate constitutional law with the U.S. Constitution. Even the recent campaign for constitutional literacy during the Bicentennial of the Constitution altogether ignored the most obvious gap in Americans' constitutional knowledge—namely, the virtually total ignorance about state constitutions.This inattention to state constitutions and state constitutionalism is unfortunate, because state constitutions are assuming an increasing importance in American politics. They have served as the incubators for institutional innovations that are now receiving national attention. President Reagan's proposals for a balanced budget amendment and for an item veto both had their origins in state charters. Moreover, because most state constitutions can be amended relatively easily, they have provided an alternative avenue by which groups that are blocked in the legislative process can pursue political change. California's Proposition 13 is a case in point. Finally, state constitutions have furnished the basis for probably the most significant development in civil liberties law over the past two decades, namely, the rediscovery of state bills of rights as independent protections for civil liberties.
Clashing Viewpoints: Teacher Partisanship and Classroom Checks and Balances
Authors: Sonenshein Raphael J. , Stone Barbara S. 
Published: October 2015

Those who teach political science are likely to hold strong, even passionate political opinions. They must confront the question of the role these views ought to play in the classroom. Two common but opposite approaches might be characterized as “partisan” and “neutral.” The former involves a clear presentation of the teacher's views (“I'm a Marxist, and I'll tell you that right off”). The latter aspires to be fair to all beliefs; its practitioners may be proud that students are unaware of the teacher's own views. Most teachers probably fall somewhere in the middle, hoping to inject life into political instruction by drawing on their own opinions while trying to be fair to all sides. After a thorough analysis of both partisan and neutral approaches, Glenn (1979) concluded that only such “fair-mindedness” can be justified as a pedagogical style.We agree that: (1) controversy is a central attraction of political education and (2) unrestrained teacher partisanship raises serious questions of ethics and educational technique. This article describes an experimental course that suggests another way of approaching the goal of utilizing controversy without unfair teacher input.The vehicle was a course we designed and conducted, entitled Clashing Viewpoints, which featured teacher debate on highly controversial issues. We believed that by instituting checks and balances, we could have it both ways—teacher partisanship and fair-mindedness.
Simulating Supreme Court Decision Making
Authors: Pacelle Richard L. 
Published: October 2015

Students of the judiciary have long been concerned with the factors that contribute to decision-making at the individual and institutional levels. In particular, analysts have focused a great deal of attention on the Supreme Court and the behavior of its members. Despite this attention, analysts have differed as to the relative influence of the factors justices rely upon when making their decisions. Even the courses taught in a standard political science undergraduate curriculum send mixed signals about these factors to students. Basic constitutional law courses tend to overestimate the role of doctrinal interpretation and precedent and underestimate the impact of the values and attitudes of the Court's members. Courses on the judicial process and politics err in the opposite direction.When the decision-making literature is viewed as a whole, five basic determinants of judicial decisions emerge: the background of the justice (Tate 1981), the justice's attitudes and values (Rohde and Spaeth 1976), the dynamics inherent in small-groups (Murphy 1964; Woodward and Armstrong 1979), the member's conception of the role of the Court (Howard 1977), and the impact of external stimuli (Casper and Posner 1974). Some of these variables can be measured, but some are very difficult to gauge. As a consequence, analysts cannot accurately assess the relative impact of these five factors upon the individual's decision.
Introducing American Government Through a You-Be-the-Judge Exercise
Authors: Lenchner Paul 
Published: October 2015

The first day of class is always a challenge (Vile 1985). An instructor has several objectives: to convey a sense of what the course will entail, to begin convincing students that what they are about to study is important, and to leave the impression that the class will be a stimulating experience. I remember my first class during my initial semester of teaching, a section of introductory American government. Fresh from graduate school, I lectured on how the study of politics could be scientific and dazzled the students with a tour through social science terminology—norms, roles, institutions, and so on. The response was, to be charitable, restrained.Fortunately for my students, I've moved on to other approaches. One that has been particularly successful in basic American government classes is to place the students in a you-be-the-judge situation through consideration of a Supreme Court case that raises issues of substantive importance to which introductory students can readily relate. The case must have resulted in a non-unanimous decision that is not widely known among undergraduates. (There is no problem in meeting these criteria.) The legal background and facts of the case are presented, as are highlights from the majority and dissenting opinions, but without indicating which is which. The students are then given the opportunity to put their thoughts about the case on paper and to discuss their opinions with their colleagues, first in small groups and then with the whole class.
Simulating the Nuclear Threat in the Classroom
Authors: Houseman Gerald L. 
Published: October 2015

It should not be surprising that freshmen students in an introductory political science course know little about the threat of nuclear war. Like a great percentage of the general public, they are unfamiliar with strategic options, weapons systems, technology, or even some of the ethical issues raised by the presence and possible use of such weapons. Some of these students tell me that they deliberately try to not think about such things because the realities are too horrible to contemplate. Others simply prefer to leave such matters to our leaders and “the experts” or, for whatever reason, are overwhelmed by the ennui which is a threat to any lecture session on any topic.One way around the pitfall of routine boredom which can affect any college course is to vary the menu of activities; and one of the best learning devices to supplement lecture and written materials, I have found, is simulation. Simulation brings some aspects of reality—decision-making, interactions, the perspective of sitting in a seat of power, and others—into the classroom without claiming that this supposed “slice of life” can replicate the real world in every detail. Some of the processes and institutions of government—Congress, juries, city councils, mediation of labor disputes, and others—lend themselves well to the simulation and gaming format.
Liberalism Under Attack
Authors: Pennock J. Roland 
Published: October 2015

The title of this article is much broader than its subject matter, which discussespoliticalliberalism only and only a selection of the attacks that have been made upon it and some of the responses they have elicited. More specifically, certain large and important topics are almost wholly excluded: to wit, the Marxist attacks, the concept of liberty, and rights and justice.It will appear as we proceed that the arguments develop on various levels: philosophical (especially epistemological) foundations, practical ethics, and theories of governmental operation. However, these will not be used as the basis of organization in what follows.Liberalism may be considered as a kind of individualism, a fact that is relied upon by both its proponents and its opponents. Individualism comes in many varieties (see Lukes 1973). Oversimplifying, I shall reduce them to three. The first of these (with which many critics of liberalism identify it) may be called “atomistic” individualism. It represents the extreme view of the priority (both chronologically and in terms of value) of the individual as opposed to society. The works of Thomas Hobbes, F. A. Hayek, and Robert Nozick are representative of this type of theory. They tend to think of the individual as having a fixed nature dominated by rational self-interest, emphasizing the satisfaction of preferences. In the words of Christopher J. Berry, individuals “are depicted variously as alienated, selfish, competitive, possessive, apathetic, and so on” (Berry 1989, 2).