bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Forensic geoscience for engineering works; Litigation, hearings, and testimony
Authors: Dunn James R. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
Forensic geoscience, as paraphrased from a definition of “forensic,” is the component of geological sciences that belongs to or is used suitably in courts of judicature and/or public discussion and debate. Murray and Tedrow (1974) in their text, Forensic Geology, describe only those areas of forensic geology that primarily relate to criminal investigations. In the ensuing decade and a half, however, the field has expanded and changed radically. This review defines and describes the subject in a much broader sense, including such forums as public discussion and debate. The principal examples cited are the applied geosciences component of engineering works.
Clearly, forensic geoscience, like consulting geology, is not a branch of geological sciences but rather a category of geological application. Yet it is important to separate forensic geoscience from the other areas of applied geoscience because the orientation and methodology of forensic geoscientists is normally quite different from that of the main body of practicing geoscientists. Furthermore, because much of forensic geological practice is focused on influencing public decisions of a judicial, regulatory, or legislative nature, forensic geoscience today owes its existence to government policies as expressed through laws, regulations, the judiciary, and public works.
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, the greatest volume of the litigation component of forensic geoscience was concerned with mining and water supplies, along with occasional criminal cases. However, by the 1930s, more forensic geological work was gradually being applied to engineering works, primarily for determining responsibility for engineering errors, unforeseen adverse conditions, and the determination of mineral values in eminent domain cases when land was taken for engineering projects.
Research efforts, governments of North America
Authors: Lee Fitzhugh T. , Scott John S. , Ruiz-Vazquez Mariano , Salas Guillermo P. , Maycotte Jorge I. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
This section presents a synopsis of the evolution, function, and distribution of engineering-geological activities in the United States government. Much of the background information was obtained from material supplied by each agency in response to a written request. Other information was obtained from colleagues and library documents. Even a casual inspection of this information reveals that federal-agency engineering-geology practice from its infancy in the 1930s to its present-day maturity has followed a course that mirrors the worldwide development of the discipline. This has come about naturally as the result of agency needs that have been driven by budget, mission, and research aims. The result has been a mélange of practical applications to various civil and mining projects supported by applied and theoretical research. Federal agencies that employ geotechnical staffs, but are predominantly regulatory (e.g., Nuclear Regulatory Commission) rather than being concerned with research or practice of engineering geology, were not included in this report.
Perhaps the highest tribute to the practice of engineering geology in government was stated long ago by Charles P. Berkey, himself a pioneer in the field: “. . .I claim a place of honor for these men who spend their lives in devising new ways of using their specialistic knowledge and experience and ingenuity for more effective public works and for the greater comfort and safety of men and women everywhere. . .” (Berkey, 1942).
The U.S. Geological Survey (U.S.G.S.), Department of the Interior, has been involved in engineering geology for most of its 110-year life. In 1888, J. W. Powell, Director, began irrigation surveys, which were the first attempts at a national reclamation program and ultimately led to the establishment of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation.
Review of late-glacial and Holocene events in the Champlain and Goldthwait Seas areas and arrival of man in eastern Canada
Authors: LaSalle Pierre , Chapdelaine Claude 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
Our intent is to establish the time of occupation of the archeological sites already recorded in eastern Canada by using the age (assumed or otherwise) of the geologic features on which they are lying. This approach is used because many of the sites in Quebec and the Maritime Provinces have not been dated directly. Osteological material from the entrance talus of the St. Elzear cave is also used to assess conditions with which early man had to contend, if he was present, during the late-glacial and early Holocene time in eastern Gaspe Peninsula. We will summarize and discuss some of the literature dealing with phases of Lake Iroquois, and the Goldthwait and Champlain Seas.
Since the publication of “Early man and the age of the Champlain Sea” by Mason (1960) and the paper by Karrow and others (1961) dealing with the age of Lake Iroquois and Lake Ontario, considerable research has been published bearing on the subject in both Canada and the United States.
Ironically, the same controversies of 25 years ago are still going on, namely the age of Lake Iroquois, the age of the Champlain Sea (time of inception and end), and the reliability of radiocarbon dates obtained on marine shells collected in littoral sediments of the Champlain Sea (MacClintock and Terasmae, 1960; Stuiver and Boras, 1975; Rodrigues, 1987).
Today, with the advent of accelerator dating, radiocarbon dates are obtained from foraminifera tests (Rodrigues, 1987, 1988) and ostracodes remains, present in small but datable quantities (20 mg) in
Point bar geoarchaeology in the Upper Coastal Plain of the Savannah River Valley, South Carolina; A case study
Authors: Brooks Mark J. , Sassaman Kenneth E. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
Archaeologists working in the Coastal Plain of the southeastern United States are often confronted with sites in stratigraphically undifferentiated (no observable or well-defined stratigraphy) sandy sediments of alluvial, colluvial, and aeolian origin (e.g., Anderson and others, 1979; Anderson and others, 1982; Blanton and others, 1986; Brooks and Canouts, 1984; Brooks and Hanson, 1987; Daniel and Wisenbaker, 1987). With some exceptions, geologic interpretations of such depositional environments by archaeologists are generally inadequate, and result in dubious conclusions regarding archaeological site formation. For example, vertical artifact distributions in Coastal Plain sites often assume a normal curve. Such patterning is sometimes interpreted as the result of progressively intensive occupations until an occupational peak (artifact density mode) was reached, followed by a gradual decline in occupational intensity. An implicit assumption of such reasoning is that sediment accumulation was gradual and continuous during the course of human occupation. Accordingly, between modes of artifact density, intervening sediments, often of considerable depth and containing little or no artifactual materials, are considered indicative of long periods of site abandonment.
We suggest that under some, perhaps most conditions, buried artifact distributions at sandy Coastal Plain sites represent a series of occupation surfaces, as defined by density modes in vertical distributions, separated by the sediments of rapid, discrete depositional episodes. Under this scenario, tails of normal distributions that extend above and below the artifact density modes represent vertical displacement from the occupation surfaces due to bioturbation and human occupation. In experimental studies, Stockton (1973; see also Hughes and Lampert, 1977)
A soil-geomorphic analysis of the midden deposits at the Aztalan site, Wisconsin
Authors: Kolb Michael F. , Lasca Norman P. , Goldstein Lynne G. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, to develop a framework for the geoarchaeological analysis of aggregated village sites common in the Woodland and Mississippian periods in the eastern United States; second, to illustrate how both primary and secondary source materials can be used in combination to support or generate a hypothesis or to infer environmental conditions at a site; and third, to present a preliminary analysis of an archaeological deposit, a midden, from Aztalan, a Late Woodland-Mississippian site in southern Wisconsin (Figs. 1 and 2).
Our analytical framework was developed for the investigations at Aztalan, but is applicable to other Mississippian period village sites as the structure and activities on the sites are similar even though the local géomorphologie settings differ. For example, Mississippian sites have many structural components in common such as mounds surrounding a plaza, palisades, aggregated housing and associated middens, and agricultural fields. Construction and maintenance of these features result in a disturbed landscape surface, which potentially enhances erosion on the site, as well as sedimentation on and around the site.
The following analytical framework is designed to aid in the interpretation of the archaeological deposits that result from ground-disturbing activities. The framework has three components: (1) geomorphological context, (2) archaeological context, and (3) geoarchaeological analysis; and is a modification of the contextual approaches proposed by Butzer (1982), Gladfelter (1977), and Stein and Farrand (1985). Our conceptual framework was stimulated by their work. The geomorphic context is the site's landscape setting, including the deposits
Evolution of sandstone rockshelters in eastern North America; A geoarchaeological perspective
Authors: Donahue Jack , Adovasio James M. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
Though systematic studies of the genesis and subsequent evolution of limestone caves and rockshelters are relatively common, notably in Europe (Laville and others, 1980; Farrand, 1981) as well as other parts of the world (Liu, 1988), comprehensive examination of the inception and development of sandstone overhangs and rockshelters are much rarer (Raynal, 1975; Styles and others, 1983). This reflects a somewhat glaring gap in the geological and geoarchaeological literature as sandstone rockshelters are not uncommon in many parts of the New and Old Worlds. Indeed, in some areas (for example, the eastern and southwestern United States), they are quite numerous.
Whatever their frequency, sandstone rockshelters, like their limestone counterparts, were often visited and revisited throughout the period of their existence by humans. Indeed, as often highly visible features of the late Pliocene, Pleistocene, and Holocene landscape, sandstone rockshelters in the Old World were utilized as temporary bivouacs, special activity loci, seasonal encampments, or even long-term habitations for tens or occasionally hundreds of thousands of years. In the New World, such sites were utilized where available since the initial peopling of the hemisphere. As they were used by human occupants, sandstone rockshelters, again like their limestone analogues, served as places within which humans operated and interacted, however briefly, with their immediately contiguous environment. Indeed, the size, configuration, exposure, and internal topography of the rockshelter determined the parameters of what its occupants did on or in it. As both archaeologists and their counterparts in geologygeoarchaeology collectively attempt to elucidate or explain the prehistoric
Archaeological geology of the Southern Plains
Authors: Ferring C. Reid 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
In the Southern Plains of the United States, researchers have conducted interdisciplinary studies of archaeological sites for more than 60 years. They have documented patterns of environmental and cultural change initiated at the close of the Pleistocene when Paleoindian populations first inhabited the region.
My objectives in this review are (1) to illustrate the character of interdisciplinary archaeological research in the Southern Plains, that is, how multidisciplinary specialists have contributed to the study of archaeological records; and (2) to provide brief summaries of this research. The archaeological records of the Southern Plains are demonstrative of both diachronic and geographic variability, which is the focus of archaeological studies in the region. The following discussions, organized around geographic subregions of the Southern Plains, the Southern High Plains, and the Rolling Plains, should make clear that interdisciplinary methods of research have been essential to define and interpret that variability.
Late Quaternary alluvial stratigraphy and early Holocene archaeology of Whitewater Draw, Arizona
Authors: Waters Michael R. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
In 1926, Byron Cummings discovered artifacts associated with the remains of mammoth (Mammuthus), horse (Equus), camel (Camelops), and bison (Bison) in Whitewater Draw, an arroyo near the town of Double Adobe in the semiarid Sulphur Springs Valley, Arizona (Figs. 1 and 2). Unlike the Folsom projectile points discovered with the bones of extinct bison that same year, these artifacts were milling stones and handstones, not projectile points. Sayles and Antevs (1941) later assigned the early artifacts from Double Adobe and from several other localities in Whitewater Draw to the Sulphur Spring stage of the Cochise Culture. They believed that the Sulphur Spring stage artifacts occurred in primary association with extinct megafaunal remains and that the Sulphur Spring stage dated between 12,500 and 11,000 B.P.
Since the investigations of Sayles and Antevs, many questions arose concerning the Sulphur Spring stage as the archaeological data base for the American Southwest expanded, especially with the recognition of the Clovis Culture and the establishment of a timetable of late Pleistocene extinctions. Some researchers (Martin and Plog, 1973; Haury, 1983) suggested that the sites of the Sulphur Spring stage may be specialized plantprocessing stations of the Clovis Culture, based on the apparent age of the Sulphur Spring stage artifacts and their association with extinct megafauna. However, other researchers (Willey and Phillips, 1958; Whalen, 1971; Irwin-Williams, 1979) questioned the temporal association of extinct fauna with artifacts of the Sulphur Spring stage and suggested that the artifacts belong to the Early Archaic period and postdate the Clovis
Geologic contexts of archaeological sites in Beringia
Authors: Thorson Robert M. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
From reviews of Beringian archaeology (for example, West, 1981, 1983; Morlan, 1986; Dumond, 1980; Dixon, 1985) we know that thousands of sites occur in diverse geologic settings throughout the region (Fig. 1). Examples include artifact horizons within tephra layers in the Aleutian Islands, cave detritus from Yukon Territory, muck deposits in Siberia, abandoned beach ridges along the Bering Sea, between reported glacial tills in southeast Alaska, and in eolian and fluvial sediments of the Alaskan interior. Sites of all ages are most frequently located in river valleys and mountain passes, along stable coastlines, and in quarry and overlook settings, locales comparable to those documented in the ethnographic literature (VanStone, 1974). The chronologic range of sites, however, remains controversial.
Proponents of an early human presence (for example, Morlan, 1986; Bonnichsen and others, 1987) rely on patterned modifications of bones from extinct fauna and more recently on the presence of microflakes in securely dated pre-late Wisconsinan contexts. Proponents of a terminal Pleistocene entry (for example, Haynes, 1982; West, 1983) rely on a variety of sites for which the oldest radiocarbon dates associated with diagnostic artifacts range from about 11.5 to 10.5 ka. Chronologic patterns of site distribution during the Holocene are even more enigmatic. Did an existing human population become locally extinct during full-glacial times (Schweger and others, 1982; Hamilton, 1978)? To what extent did the early Holocene reforestation (Barnosky and others, 1987) and insolation-driven climatic changes (Heusser and others, 1985) affect site distribution in space and time (Aigner, 1986)? Were sea-level
Caves and tunnels at Teotihuacan, Mexico; A geological phenomenon of archaeological interest
Authors: Barba P. L. A. , Manzanilla Linda , Chávez R. , Flores Luis , Arzate A. J. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
In Prehispanic Mexico, natural cavities (tunnels, caves, rock shelters) were closely linked to religion and mythology. There are several myths that tell about the creation of the sun and the moon, saying they came forth from caves. In other myths, either the human race or a given group or groups (for example, the seven tribes of Chicomoztoc) emerged from the center of the Earth; it was even said that food itself was obtained from the underworld, when the god Quetzalcoatl stole maize from the ants (Heyden, 1981). For Prehispanic people, the cave meant the entrance to the underworld (and, thus, a funerary chamber), but it also meant the access to the Earth's womb or the mouth of the terrestrial monster. Consequently, it was the ideal place for fertility to be stimulated. This is why in some places in ancient Mexico, the ceremonies where people prayed for water for the harvests were held in caves, which were, together with hill summits and springs, the dwelling places of the water spirits (Heyden, 1981).
Besides its ideological function, the cave was a dwelling option since prehistoric times. In Mexico, some examples of such caves are found in excavations in the valleys of Tehuacan, Valsequillo, Oaxaca, Tamaulipas, and the Chiapas Central Depression, among others. In the Codex Xolotl, the Chichimeca chiefs, Xolotl and Nopaltzin, are portrayed in the cave surroundings, evidence that these groups probably inhabited caves for many years. People living in caves are also pictured in the Relaciones de Michoacán manuscript; they
Archaeological sites on the North American continental shelf
Authors: Stright Melanie J. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
The oral history of the Alsea Indians in Oregon describes the use of a large peninsula for hunting and gathering on the coast "a long time ago." The Chumash Indians of southern California have a myth that describes "offshore houses" in the Santa Barbara area. In New England, some of the inland tribes, when questioned by the early settlers concerning their origin, replied that they were descended from inhabitants of the sea coast. Although long-held oral traditions among the American Indians allude to man's use of the now-submerged continental shelf, only within the last 20 years have we seriously considered the possibility of prehistoric archaeological sites on the continental shelf. In 1966, the first well-recognized treatise on continental shelf archaeology appeared (Emery and Edwards, 1966), although several researchers recognized the archaeological potential of the continental shelf much earlier. The methods and technology to actively search for and evaluate these sites have been employed only within the last decade.
Archaeological sites are inundated as a result of glacioeustatic and glacio-isostatic adjustments, and local tectonics (for example, faulting and subduction). During the Holocene, eustatic sea-level rise and subsidence of coastal areas caused inundation of the basal portions of many Late Archaic coastal sites. Many older sites are now completely inundated as a result of eustatic and isostatic adjustments following the late Wisconsinan glacial epoch. While some sites appear to be completely in situ, other sites consist of only redeposited material. The original geologic context of inundated archaeological sites discovered through dredging activities
Mollusks and coastal archaeology; A review
Authors: Rollins Harold B. , Sandweiss Daniel H. , Rollins Judith C. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
During the last 20 years, mollusks were elevated to a rather elite position in the dating, interpretation, and reconstruction of environments and activities at coastal archaeological sites. Previously viewed as rather passive constituents of such sites, mollusk shells now are used for their stable-isotope and traceelement content in paleotemperature and paleosalinity analyses, for 14C and amino-acid content in the dating of archaeological occurrences, as "tape recorders" of environmental perturbations and seasonal and climatic changes, and as indicators of past human behavior.
In this review we have attempted to capture the flavor of this activity as well as predict future directions. We recognize that our treatment of the subject is not exhaustive, but hope that we have stressed the more dynamic aspects of mollusks in coastal archaeology.
Pedology in archaeology
Authors: Holliday Vance T. 
Published: April 2015

Abstract
Most archaeologists recognize that a relationship exists between the cultural remains they find in the ground and the soils. Beyond that simple relationship, however, archaeologists' understanding of what can be learned from soils and indeed what a soil is and is not varies tremendously. In general, the applications of soil studies in archaeology are either very large scale, such as the capability of regional soils to support agriculture or use of soils as stratigraphic markers, or very small scale, for example, studying the particle-size distribution or chemistry of a soil. There is a significant middle ground in soil studies that is often overlooked. This involves investigation of soils as three-dimensional bodies intimately related to the landscape, focusing on their classification and genesis. This study of soils and their natural setting is a part of soil science called "pedology." The aspect of pedology most directly related to archaeology evolves from Quaternary geology and geomorphology (rather than agriculture) and sometimes is referred to as soil-geomorphology (e.g., Ruhe, 1983; Birkeland, 1984; Catt, 1986). This chapter will review basic aspects of pedology, and how they apply to archaeology in North America.
There is considerable literature concerning the use of soils in archaeological investigations. Much of the initial, substantive work was done in Great Britain (e.g., Cornwall, 1958, 1960), establishing a tradition that continues (e.g., Limbrey, 1975; Shackley, 1981). In North American archaeology, soils were originally used primarily as stratigraphic markers and continue to be so used with considerable success (e.g., Judson, 1953; Haynes, 1968,