bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Deception in Negotiations
Authors: Gino Francesca , Shea Catherine 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article presents insight into the link between deception and emotions, identifying the role of emotions in the intention to deceive in a negotiation. Negative emotions have commonly been found to increase deception and positive emotions have commonly been found to reduce it. It also outlines two potentially fruitful venues for future research: the study of the mechanisms linking emotions to deception in negotiation and the study of specific categories of emotions that may have counterintuitive effects on negotiators' use of deception at the bargaining table. The two facets of pride, namely authentic and hubris pride, offer an opportunity for future research to investigate the counterintuitive effect of positive emotions on deception in negotiations. It is proposed that guilt decreases a negotiator's willingness to use deception by increasing her likelihood of taking her counterpart's perspective.
Models of Coalition Formation in Multilateral Negotiations
Authors: Bandyopadhyay Siddhartha , Chatterjee Kalyan 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article discusses the models of multiparty bargaining and determines the impact of who speaks to whom and when on bargaining outcomes. It also describes some recent models of coalition formation, identifying the predictions they generate (and how they could be tested in future empirical work), highlighting their assumptions (and how they could be relaxed in future theoretical work). There are incentives for parties to form coalitions before an election to prevent a minority group from winning. Siddhartha Bandyopadhyay, Kalyan Chatterjee, and Sjostrom identified a number of variables that affect pre-electoral coalition formation. Models of coalition bargaining have the potential to give testable predictions in multilateral bargaining settings and to help better understand a variety of real-world bargaining settings.
Connectivity and Cooperation
Authors: Buchan Nancy R. , Fatas Enrique , Grimalda Gianluca 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article determines the influence of social connectivity on cooperation at the local and global levels. Connectivity greatly increases prospects of cooperation. Cooperation is an important part of negotiation. It is noted that understanding cooperation and its causes is vital for explaining and predicting a variety of negotiation issues and behavior such as the number of people involved, the level of information exchange, fairness, and partner selection. Connectivity in social networks appears to play a critical role in explaining cooperation. Cooperation was shown to be high and varied significantly across countries. The analysis reveals a positive effect of trust on cooperation. Connectivity is a key aspect for agents to reap the full benefits of negotiation. The effect of global identity strongly decreases that of the individual globalization index (IGI), thus supporting the idea that global identity mediates the effect of global connectivity on cooperation.
Contracting
Authors: Grosskopf Brit 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between formal contracts and trust. The results from Grosskopf and Roth (2009) reveal that experimental investigations of contract design ideally need to be conducted in varying negotiation environments with ample opportunities for learning. The standard approach to the enforcement of contracts derives incentive compatibility constraints under the assumption of fully rational and selfish individuals. In Fehr, Klein, and Schmidt (2007), and Fehr, Kirchsteiger, and Gaechter (1997), firms were restricted to use either a bonus contract or an incentive contract that incorporated a fine that was enforced by a third party. Theory and experiments are complements in evaluating contract design to each other and to the sparse information from the field. Together, they look inside the legal terms of a contract, examine the interplay of its incentives with fairness considerations, and evaluate its effects on the parties.
Bargaining and Negotiations
Authors: Güth Werner 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article argues for the need for improved models of cognitive limitations of bargainers in order to explain and predict outcomes. It became clear early that when designing institutions of bargaining and negotiation there will be two directions, namely one based on the assumption of rationality and one based on empirical findings. Teaching and learning bargaining behavior and better negotiation techniques requires a reliance on mental models and such concepts as success aspirations and satisficing in search. Some new and innovative experimental paradigms are suggested, such as employing bribery games when exploring the behavior of public administrators or inspector games when investigating monitoring in firms and other organizations. The present boom of experimental economics might show a bubble that can collapse when overly optimistic expectations concerning how much can be learned within a short time are not fulfilled.
Bluffing, Agonism, and the role of Overconfidence in Negotiation
Authors: Swift Samuel A. , Moore Don 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article investigates the impact of overconfidence on bargaining behavior, especially bluffing, and determines the conditions under which overconfident negotiators are advantaged or disadvantaged. Example of conflict resolution in the animal world is presented as an illuminating parallel to the decisions human negotiators make in pursuing the scarce resources they desire. Despite the problems produced by overconfidence in negotiation, it is possible that there are benefits of sufficient magnitude to offset the costs. A positive relationship between aspirations and outcomes is clearly noted. The formidable challenge to negotiators is to balance the advantages of confident behaviors with the liabilities of overconfident beliefs. The evidence of the benefits of overconfidence indicates that the behaviors associated with overconfidence, such as brazen requests and persistence, positively affect outcomes assuming that an agreement is reached.
Heterogeneity in Ultimatum Bargaining
Authors: de Oliveira Angela C. M. , Eckel Catherine C. 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article addresses the personality differences that enable help in predicting negotiated outcomes. It specifically describes the recent advances in ultimatum game (UG) results on three fronts: the effects of the information available to proposers and responders, the stable characteristics of each, and the state of mind they are in when making their decisions. Behavior can differ greatly by society but the distinctions actually depend on a much finer scale than the broad regional differences. It is found that individuals who are less likely to view a low offer as a threat have lower minimum acceptable offers. It is vital for negotiators to know the norms of the context in which they are bargaining to achieve the best possible outcomes. Rejections tend to occur when people are more likely to be offended by low offers or when it is an affront to their sense of self.
Explaining and Predicting Cultural Differences in Negotiation
Authors: Gelfand Michele J. , Severance Laura , Fulmer C. Ashley , Al-Dabbagh May 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article reviews the current thinking about cultural differences in bargaining behavior and outcomes. It also considers the future directions needed in this area. It specifically describes the nature of how unique Americans might be in the domain of negotiation as compared to other samples. There is a clear link between the expectation of competition and self-interest and Americans' own strategies. Negotiation data from American samples generally shows an Individuals Asserting and Maximizing Self-Interest strategy (IAMS) that is rational in the particular ecological niche of these samples. Judgment biases in negotiation should reflect different strategies that negotiators have internalized as adaptations to particular ecological niches. It is shown that cultural differences in negotiation can be seen as ecologically rational default negotiation strategies that are adaptive in particular social niches and that can change dynamically depending on the context.
Upstream and Downstream Negotiation Research
Authors: Thompson Leigh , Lucas Brian , Hall Erika 
Published: December 2012

AbstractThis article argues for expanding the research focus in the field of bargaining and negotiation. It discusses three different research vantage points in negotiation, which are referred to as upstream, midstream, and downstream research. It also reviews six areas of potentially fruitful upstream research: negotiability, negotiation threshold, preparation competency, choosing a team, networks, and reputation. It is argued that the realization that negotiation is an option, the decision to negotiate, preparation, and reputational concerns constitute meaningful effects in the study of negotiation. Moreover, it reviews four downstream areas: commitment, learning and insight, rebound/recovery, and collateral damage. By expanding the research focus to upstream and downstream research, the possibility of new research vistas is offered. Extending research on the upstream and downstream of negotiations will also strengthen the understanding of not only how negotiators operate but whether and when, and will highlight potentially unanticipated consequences of negotiation that were previously unexplored.
Political Protest and the World of Goods
Authors: Ulrich Laurel Thatcher 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
This chapter examines the relationship between the political protests that led to the American Revolution and the commercial expansion which stimulated the production and marketing of goods. It begins with a brief survey of the history and historiography of the period 1763–1774, focusing on the relationship between events and transformations. In particular, the chapter discusses the Stamp Act of 1765 and the rise of tea drinking in North America. The 1763 Treaty of Paris ended a long war between Britain and France over control of North America. Although the British won the war, they had to deal with a huge wartime debt. The government looked to North America for a solution, triggering a decade-long conflict over taxes. The chapter also considers the Tea Act of 1773, the Boston Tea Party, and the political power of goods. Finally, it looks at the importation, marketing, and production of goods in colonial British America.
The Struggle Within: Colonial Politics on the Eve of Independence
Authors: McDonnell Michael A. 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
In a book first printed in 1775, a young Englishman named Andrew Burnaby argued that the British colonies were too divided to act independently of Britain. His views were confirmed by historians of colonial America; the economies, politics, and societies of the colonies were shaped by differing origins, separate histories, diverse climates and topographies. This internal division was exemplified by the stark separation between social elites and their various dependents—women, children, tenants, servants, slaves, wage laborers, and others. The search for Revolutionary consensus has often obscured persistent, perhaps even heightened, division on the eve of the American Revolution. This chapter examines colonial politics on the eve of American independence. It discusses the end of the British colonial government during the period 1774–1775, the onset of conflict in 1775–1776, and the emergence of a new American nation divided against itself.
The Democratic Moment: The Revolution and Popular Politics
Authors: Raphael Ray 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
Direct democracy was practiced within town meetings in colonial New England, driven by four overarching principles. First, citizens had a political voice as members of a specific geographic community, rather than as individuals. Second, “the mind of the town,” as it was called at the time, could be readily determined through public discourse in meetings of the enfranchised citizenry. Third, this collective will could be relayed to higher governing bodies by issuing specific and binding instructions to elected representatives. Finally, citizens who opposed the mind of the town could be forced to abide by it through community pressure. While the American Revolution elicited its own examples of popular, democratic politics outside of official chambers, the overall trend was in the opposite direction. Formal representational structures generally superseded meetings of the body of the people by liberty trees and liberty polls, county conventions of committees of correspondence, and local committees of safety, inspection, and observation.
Independence before and during the Revolution
Authors: Irvin Benjamin H. 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
Historians of the American Revolution have long argued that American colonists were late and reluctant to sever ties with Britain. They characterized American independence as a natural and unavoidable consequence of the original settlers' unique sense of godly duty and a logical result of republican institutions long in the making, a vision of America's founding that passed largely unchallenged by the nation's nineteenth-century historians. During the twentieth century, this narrative of predestination was challenged by academic historians, who questioned its nationalistic and teleological qualities, and who instead viewed independence as one possible consequence of events that unfolded in the 1760s and 1770s. This chapter discusses American independence before and during the Revolution, the process of dismantling long-established colonial governments throughout the thirteen colonies, the drafting of new constitutions, the forging of confederation, and the establishment of foreign relations during the period of American independence.
The Continental Army
Authors: Cox Caroline 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
During the American Revolution, tens of thousands of men served in the Continental army to fight Britain and became skilled professionals in the process. These soldiers formed deep bonds with each other, not only by fighting the enemy but also by living together, caring for each other when sick, burying their friends and enemies, tolerating their weak officers, celebrating their talented ones, foraging for food, and otherwise coping with all the hardships of army life. Created by the Continental Congress in June 1775, the Continental army fought the British until the war's end in 1783. Poor men made up the core of Continental servicemen. Officers and soldiers received very different pay. By the end of 1776, the Continental army was also dissolved. Both formal and informal punishment was consistent throughout the army. Militiamen did not receive corporal punishment, as sentenced by courts-martial or done informally by angry officers.
The British Army and the War of Independence
Authors: Conway Stephen 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
During the American Revolution, Britain relied primarily on its army to subdue the rebellious colonies. At its peak, the British army in North America had approximately 50,000 officers and men, constituting the largest expeditionary force sent overseas by any British governments. After nearly seven years of fighting, however, the British Parliament realized that military operations in the colonies would not crush the rebellion. The American Revolution has been linked to various myths, three of which relate to the British army and its role in the War of Independence. One myth is that the weaknesses of character and approach of the British army account for its loss in the war that it should have won. This chapter challenges the myths of the War of Independence and offers a different explanation for the failure of the British army to quash the American revolt.
The War in the Cities
Authors: Peterson Mark A. 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
One aspect of the American Revolution is “the war in the cities.” Scholars on urban life and the American Revolution have traditionally focused on the five largest urban centers in the British colonies that became part of the new United States: New York, Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, and Newport. Others have challenged this notion, arguing that less-prominent cities and towns also played a key role in bringing about the war. Some studies include even-smaller towns within the “thirteen colonies,” such as Salem (Massachusetts), Annapolis (Maryland), or Savannah (Georgia). Two other cities that were a part of the war were Quebec and Halifax in Canada. However, the United States did not develop a city like Quebec, Halifax, or Portsmouth as a result of the Revolution.
The African Americans’ Revolution
Authors: Nash Gary B. 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
The American Revolution played an important role in African Americans' quest for freedom. It marked the first mass rebellion by slaves in American history, gave rise to the first civil rights movement, and resulted in the first large-scale constructions of free black life. African slaves in North America knew that their natural rights were violated by their enslavement, although a confluence of events heightened their restiveness and provided them with the ideology-laden phrases that they could deploy in their struggle to secure their liberty whenever and wherever possible. The Revolution offered slaves a chance to realize this dream. African American revolutionaries saw the war as a way to quench their thirst for freedom, to end corrupt power, and to die for their natural rights.
Loyalism
Authors: Larkin Edward 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
Loyalism was a dominant theme of the American Revolution. Most loyalists were ordinary Americans who wished to remain connected to the British Empire. Over the past 200 years, the numbers of loyalists have been estimated from roughly 20 percent of the population of the colonies up to 33 percent. The exact number of loyalists could not be determined either because many loyalists hid their political allegiances, or their allegiances were too shifting and mutable to count. What is clear is that many loyalists chose to remain in the newly independent United States and weather the conflict. A nationalist narrative of the American Revolution has successfully alienated and excluded loyalists, but it was later displaced by a global narrative of empire and circumatlantic cultural and economic flows. This new circumatlantic perspective led to the dissociation of the geographic space of British North America with a particular identity. In terms of political ideals, loyalists seem to be no different to patriots, with both camps claiming the inheritance of the rights of Englishmen and British political thought.
The Revolutionary War and Europe’s Great Powers
Authors: Mapp Paul W. 
Published: December 2012

AbstractTwo decades after the Seven Years' War, two European monarchical empires, France and Spain, reluctantly but substantially assisted the republican independence of thirteen European colonies. By aiding the United States, France and Spain encountered just the kinds of perils they hoped to avoid. Britain was led by George III, Spain by Charles III, and France by Louis XV; all three kings reigned over American possessions. From a diplomatic point of view, the United States, France, and Spain at least had each other. In contrast, Britain fought for America and empire from 1775 to 1783 without a major European ally. In the early stages of the American Revolution, while France and Spain were providing at least limited and secret aid to the American states, Britain was obtaining only the help it could pay for.
Funding the Revolution: Monetary and Fiscal Policy in Eighteenth-Century America
Authors: Mihm Stephen 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
The success of the Federalists in the late 1780s had a profound influence on how Americans viewed the relationship between military spending, taxation, and the monetary system. For almost 100 years, the colonists funded military campaigns by means of paper money rather than direct taxes, an approach that helped finance several imperial wars and the American Revolution. By the late 1780s, however, many Federalists realized that paper money alone could not solve America's financial woes, much less pay for its defense. Although the entire era of the American Revolution was characterized by struggles over taxes and money, little attention has been paid to the financial history of the period. This chapter examines domestic fiscal and monetary policy during the American Revolution, starting with the colonists' use of paper money in the late seventeenth century in lieu of taxes. To understand the evolution of monetary and fiscal policy in this period, it considers the genuine radicalism—and ultimately, conservatism—of the American Revolution.
The Trials of the Confederation
Authors: Bouton Terry 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
When delegates met at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in the summer of 1787, they all agreed that democracy was ruining America, and believed that the nation needed a new federal government with the power to override the states and form “a stronger barrier against democracy.” For two centuries, those arguments have formed the dominant interpretation of the Confederation period. Historians argued that democracy in the states had produced the era's problems and viewed the Constitution as the only real solution. This chapter examines just what America's founders perceived democracy to be. It shows that many of the period's problems had little to do with the democratic form of government, claiming instead that the real culprit was fighting a long and expensive war with few financial resources. Unlike Britain or any of the other great powers, the United States had little hard currency reserves because the British had designed trade and taxation to insure the flow of specie into the empire and away from the colonies.
Rights
Authors: Slauter Eric 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
The American Revolution took place during the latter part of a century of development in thinking about rights. Between the English Revolution of 1688–1689 and the French Revolution of 1789, ideas about rights expanded around the Atlantic world, and discussions of rights in America widened to include larger segments of the colonial and early national population. The central political philosophy of the American Revolution was thus based on rights. Revolutionaries recognized two basic kinds of rights: natural and civil. According to the most widely accepted political theory of the day, God gave human beings natural rights, some of which they used to create civil governments. In turn, governments could presumably confer civil rights on their subjects or citizens. For American revolutionaries, both natural and civil rights should be committed to writing.
The Empire That Britain Kept
Authors: Gould Eliga H. 
Published: December 2012

Abstract
William Augustus Bowles was a loyalist soldier during the American Revolution who also acted as an agent for the British governor of the Bahamas. Had events gone his way, he could have become the Anglo-Creek leader of a British protectorate on North America's Gulf Coast, but instead, was considered a pirate and died in a Havana jail in 1805 while awaiting trial. Bowles's saga shows that the British Empire was not only a formal but also an informal empire. None had a greater stake in understanding how Britain's informal empire worked than the citizens of the thirteen states that gained independence from the British in 1783. It would be more accurate to see the American Revolution as the moment when Americans began to make the history that other nations and people were prepared to let them make. In this entangled history, Britain played the most significant role. Three pillars of its informal empire were commerce, diplomacy, and international law.