bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Temporal Reference
Authors: Giorgi Alessandra , Pianesi Fabio 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThe purpose of this chapter is to stimulate a critical attitude toward issues of temporal reference in linguistic theory, keeping in mind that the concepts oftemporal referenceandtenseare not one and the same notion, though strongly connected. Temporal reference can be defined as the relation between the time of the utterance and the time the utterance is about. Tense is just one of the means available to language to attain temporal reference, other means are temporal adverbs/adverbials and aspectual properties. Hence, according to this perspective, a theory of temporal reference is ametatheoreticalspace, in which the various theories of tense and aspect are located. Recall also that some languages, such as for instance Mandarin Chinese, do not have tenses, and therefore the way in which temporal reference is attained is very different from languages with tenses, such as for instance English. Moreover, languages differ considerably in the richness of their morphological system for expressing temporal and aspectual relations. For instance, languages such as Spanish and Italian have a much richer temporal and aspectual morphology than English. Issues such as subordination and temporal adverbs, will be considered in details – though not exhaustively – to show how the general system might work. In this chapter we provide first a cursory review of the basic tenets of the tense‐logical approaches. These approaches exemplify many of the problems non‐referential views have to address. The shortcomings of tense‐logical theories have been taken to provide support for fully referential views, which will be considered here by analyzing phenomena such as the syntax of tenses, sequence of tense, and temporal locating phrases. Special emphasis will be placed on the Reichenbachian and on the neo‐Reichenbachian view. Finally, we will also briefly consider the non‐referential, tensed view.
Inverse Linking
Authors: May Robert , Bale Alan 
Published: November 2017

Abstract

In this chapter, we will consider a phenomenon known as
inverse linking
, a term coined by May (1977) to describe the most salient readings of sentences such as
Someone from every city despises it
. What is of interest about this sort of sentence is a particular “quirk” in its interpretation, in that the embedded quantifier phrase preferentially receives a wide‐scope interpretation. Our aim here is to explore the influence the inverse linking phenomenon has had on syntactic theory, especially with respect to the syntactic representation of quantifier scope, focusing largely on research conducted during the 1970s and 1980s motivating Quantifier Raising (QR). We also explore later work on QR that appears incompatible with inverse linking phenomena.
(Past) Participle Agreement
Authors: Belletti Adriana 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThe chapter offers an overview of the analysis of past participle agreement, a central phenomenon in Romance, addressed here in a comparative perspective, with special reference to Italian and French. The theoretical issues raised by the phenomenon are at the core of the chapter, from the influential account first developed by Kayne (1989) in terms of Spec–Head agreement, to the more recent implementations through the Agree relation inspired by minimalist assumptions. With the aim of accounting for the complex empirical manifestations of the phenomenon, the locality of the relation implemented in past‐participle agreement is highlighted in some long‐distance dependencies.
Adjectival and Analytic Passives
Authors: Emonds Joseph Embley 
Published: November 2017

AbstractAnalytic adjectival passives are common in Indo‐European. The participle around which they are constructed has a stative or property interpretation, unlike verbal (“eventive”) passives (whether analytic or synthetic). Like verbal passives, their defining characteristic is that their surface subject does not have the same thematic role θ (often agent) as subjects of corresponding actives (section 1). Other notable properties are that, unlike verbal passives, a noun phrase with this role θ is usually not structurally present, even covertly, and certain other complement choices allowed with verbs are also excluded, possibly due to the Case Filter (sections 2 and 5).Adjectival passives can be further divided into those which have the exact distribution and modification of lexical adjectives, and a more syntactic type with some verbal properties, lacking some interpretive and modificational characteristics of adjectives. The difference is illustrated clearly in, for example, Modern Greek. These two types may well result from different levels of derivational insertion of the participial morpheme (section 3).The similarities of adjectival and (analytic) verbal passives are pervasive, especially evident in Indo‐European morphology. In some non‐Indo‐European synthetic passives, such as Hebrew and Hungarian, the differences between adjectival and verbal passives seem more salient. What is apparent in Indo‐European is the distinction in which verbs select passive participles. Many verbs select adjectival passives, but only a few, so‐called auxiliaries, select verbal passives (section 4). For Indo‐European, earlier literature seems to have overstated the structural distinction, and it is plausible to argue that both types involve movement of object noun phrases to subject position. The differences between analytic adjectival and verbal passives are then possibly due to whether participial inflection is respectively interpreted as a property in Logical Form, or not interpreted at all, that is, inserted only in Phonological Form (sections 6 and 7).
Weak Crossover
Authors: Safir Ken 
Published: November 2017

AbstractWeak crossover (WCO) effects may be described as arising in a syntactic configuration where pronouns cannot be interpreted as co‐construed with certain kinds of displaced or quantified antecedents. If it is correct to say that (i) the blocking of this co‐construal does not seem logically required, (ii) the effect is syntactically conditioned, (iii) the effect is widespread in the world's languages, and (iv) it does not appear to arise from instruction, then it is reasonable to assume that the WCO effect is a peculiar consequence of the human language capacity and a clue to the structure of that capacity. This chapter reviews and compares the history and prospects of syntactic theories that have been proposed as accounting for weak crossover, while setting certain thresholds of what any explanatory theory should account for. Issues concern theories about the nature of binding relations, in particular the distinction between A‐ and A'‐binding and bound variable interpretation, as well as attempts to reduce the WCO effect to principles that do not directly refer to the phenomenon. The role of c‐command, of constraining vs. licensing conditions, syntactic and semantic dependency, obviation, and the distribution of effects (or non‐effects) deemed related to WCO – such as weakest crossover, strong crossover, inverse linking, reconstruction, resumption, superiority, and functional readings of multiple quantifier sentences – are all considered. The explanatory force of several sorts of theories are explicated and compared.
VSOWord Order in the Celtic Languages
Authors: Rouveret Alain 
Published: November 2017

AbstractWhat makes Celtic languages particularly attractive to both formal syntacticians and typologists is that they rigidly instantiate a particular linguistic type in Greenberg's classification, namely VSO. The various proposals discussed in this chapter have attempted to integrate this hallmark of Celtic syntax into the scope of syntactic theorizing. Recent analyses of Celtic clausal structure, based on the VP‐internal subject hypothesis, the split‐Infl proposal, and the cartographic approach to the left periphery, represent a huge improvement over the previous accounts. Beside the verb–subject order, other dimensions must be taken into account for a proper characterization of the VSO phenomenology: agreement phenomena and the Complementarity Effect; the syntax of copular constructions, which present significant differences across Celtic, but are never V1; the existence of V2 structures in a V1 language, namely Breton. All these issues bear upon major theoretical questions, such as the nature of structure‐building processes, the status of head movement, the motivation for DP‐raising, the relation of syntax to morphology, the relevance of adjacency to morphological phenomena at PF, the nature of microparametric and macroparametric variation, and the potential connection between V1 and V2.
Subject–Auxiliary Inversion
Authors: Bruening Benjamin 
Published: November 2017

AbstractIn subject–auxiliary inversion in English, the typical declarative word order subject–auxiliary‐verb is instead realized as auxiliary‐subject‐verb. This inversion occurs in a number of environments, namely, matrix questions, conditionals, blessings and curses, comparatives, exclamatives, negative imperatives, and in environments where certain elements have been fronted (so/as/nor, negative phrases, phrases withonly, and certain others). Most theoretical analyses of subject–auxiliary inversion treat all of these instances uniformly, but some recent work indicates that there are actually two distinct types of inversion, one which can affect multiple auxiliaries and one which cannot. The most prominent theoretical account of subject–auxiliary inversion, head movement of Infl (or T) to C, accounts best for the type that can only invert one auxiliary, but is incompatible with the type that inverts multiple auxiliaries. This type may involve a lower‐than‐usual position for the subject, instead. Subject–auxiliary inversion is subject to a strict adjacency requirement, which requires that the fronted auxiliary be adjacent to the subject it has inverted with. Many theoretical proposals struggle to account for this requirement, as well as for the possibility of subject–auxiliary inversion in embedded clauses. Subject–auxiliary inversion is also one of the contexts fordosupport, and any theoretical account needs to explain why this is so and howdosupport comes about. Finally, subject–auxiliary inversion has figured prominently in debates regarding learnability (the “poverty of the stimulus” argument), and it is also important for the question of whether grammatical roles like “subject” are primitive notions of grammar, or not. It appears that subject–auxiliary inversion refers only to structure, and not to notions like “subject,” suggesting that grammatical roles are not primitives.
Radical Non‐Configurationality
Authors: Bliss Heather 
Published: November 2017

AbstractOriginally conceived of as a large‐scale macroparameter, non‐configurationality was thought to delimit languages lacking in hierarchical phrase structure (Chomsky 1981). However, non‐configurationality can be defined instead as a cover term for languages in which there is hierarchical phrase structure, but the evidence for such structure is obscured. In the narrow sense, non‐configurational languages are those that meet three criteria: (i) free word order, (ii) extensive null anaphora, and (iii) discontinuous expressions (Hale 1983). In the broad sense, non‐configurational languages are those that fail a variety of tests for asymmetric c‐command between the subject and the object, and/or tests for VP constituency. These languages are genetically, geographically, and typologically diverse, and they cannot be classified as a single language type. There have been various attempts to reduce non‐configurational properties to a single grammatical source or macroparameter: the Dual Structure approach (e.g., Austin and Bresnan 1996), the Pronominal Argument approach (e.g., Baker 1996), and the Computational Relevancy approach (Pensalfini 2004) All of these approaches focus on the paradoxical nature of non‐configurational languages: they exhibit subject/object asymmetries in some domains, but not others. However, these approaches, which treat non‐configurationality as a macroparameter, are neither theoretically nor empirically motivated. Other work on non‐configurational languages such as Warlpiri, Mohawk, the Salish languages, and the Algonquian languages have paved the way for a microparametric view of non‐configurationality, in which various diverse and independently motivated grammatical principles can conspire to yield a non‐configurational profile.
Long
NP
‐Movement
Authors: Lasnik Howard , Boeckx Cedric 
Published: November 2017

Abstract
It has been known since the earliest days of generative grammar that NP‐movement (typically movement into subject position, later called A‐movement) obeys very strict locality conditions. By “long NP‐movement,” we mean movement in violation of these conditions. Chomsky reformulated the traditional clause‐mate constraint on such movement into the Tensed‐ Sentence Condition (TSC, barring movement out of a finite clause) and the Specified‐Subject Condition (SSC, barring movement across a subject). He later assimilated these locality conditions on A‐movement to constraints on anaphoric relations, under the hypothesis that A‐movement leaves a trace that has properties of an anaphor. Then he combined the two conditions into one: Condition A of the Binding Theory (stating that an anaphor must be bound in its Governing Category, where the GC is extensionally almost equivalent to the local domains given by TSC and SSC). Especially under the influence of Rizzi, it became clear that the blocking effect of a subject was a special case of a much more general constraint forbidding movement to a position X across a position Z of the same type, later dubbed by Rizzi “Relativized Minimality.” Some such cases, going back to Chomsky, have been dubbed “superraising.” Raising across an experiencer has also been particularly widely investigated, especially because its possibility seems to be subject to substantial parametric variation. Another instance of “long NP‐movement,” descriptively partially overlapping with TSC, is a ban on A‐movement from a Case position, apparent violations of which are sometimes called “hyperraising.” In this chapter we will explore the historical development of ideas about all of these constraints.
Noun‐to‐Determiner Movement
Authors: Carstens Vicki 
Published: November 2017

AbstractDuring the late 1980s and early 1990s, the hypothesis of N‐to‐D movement played a prominent role in approaches to word order within the nominal domain. In particular, where N precedes all its arguments and modifiers, N‐to‐D movement was proposed to be the cause. Over time, descriptive and explanatory limitations of such accounts were discovered, and questions arose about the theoretical plausibility and desirability of head movement in general. Alternative approaches in terms of raising small NPs/XP were proposed to overcome these problems. In this chapter I trace the history of N‐to‐D movement: its empirical motivations, the bases for seeking phrasal movement alternatives, and flaws that have been pointed out in this latter kind of approach. I argue that XP movement competitors to head movement suffer from logical and explanatory problems themselves. I then make a case for N‐to‐D movement in the Shona language, where the word‐order effects that it can capture correlate with inclusion of grammatical gender in all clause‐level agreement. I argue that this is a result of adjoining N to D, and so is some loosening of the typical constraints on A‐movement when N‐to‐D makes N's (uninterpretable) gender feature accessible to clause‐level probes as an “activity” feature. An XP‐movement approach does not connect these DP‐internal and clause‐level effects. I show also that a strict antisymmetric approach fails to capture simple regularities of word order in Shona DPs: DPs are noun‐initial unless a demonstrative precedes N; otherwise, all modifiers are freely ordered postnominally. Symmetric base‐generation options for modifiers is key to explaining this pattern, and N‐to‐D does the rest.
Gerundive Nominalizations
Authors: Pires Acrisio , Milsark Gary 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThe properties of gerunds, formed with the morpheme ‐ingin English, have been the object of significant interest in generative linguistics, largely because they seem to be hybrid categories, in that their projections can exhibit sentential or verbal internal structure but are found in positions normally occupied by nominal projections. There have been proposals for the existence of two types of structures broadly referred to as gerundive nominalizations, nominal gerunds and verbal gerunds. Nominal gerunds appear to have unambiguously nominal syntactic properties. Verbal gerunds, despite distributional evidence for their nominal constituency, which is shared by nominal gerunds, show internal properties of regular clauses or verbal domains, in an apparent contradiction with their nominal category properties. For many years, gerundive nominalizations were investigated nearly exclusively on English, but their seemingly idiosyncratic properties regarding case, control, phrasal projection, and movement have been identified as having counterparts in the properties of similar nominalizations in languages as diverse as Basque, Finnish, Navaho, Portuguese, Quechua, and Turkish. Lexical and null subjects may occur in verbal gerunds, and overt subjects with genitive and accusative case can alternate in the position under unclear conditions, in contrast to what is found in nominal gerunds, where only overt subjects can appear, in the genitive case. Another enduring puzzle of English syntax is that there seem to be several affixes with the phonological shape ‐ing, which raises questions about how many distinct morphological elements they actually represent and how they are introduced into the syntactic structure. Much of the research on gerunds and gerundive nominalizations has been couched in theoretical frameworks spanning the development of generative syntax from its early days up to the minimalist program, in which different approaches to topics such as syntactic derivation, phrasal projection, movement, case, control, and empty categories have taken substantial explanatory weight.
Evaluation Research
Authors: Wippersberg Julia 
Published: November 2017

Evaluation is an instrument to generate data empirically for a distinctive purpose; the data is rated and used as the basis for further decisions. Therefore, a set of research methods is utilized.
The concordant general goal of evaluation is to provide “useful feedback” on programs and policies to different audiences based on the systematic acquisition and assessment of information to reduce uncertainty and to inform and influence decision‐making and policy formulation. Four fundamental purposes can be stated: advocacy, accountability, analysis, and allocation. In addition, there are two main types of evaluation: formative and summative. The acquisition of data needed for an evaluation should be done using a variety of methods, either quantitative or qualitative.
Value of the Routine Assessment of Patient Index Data 3 in Patients With Psoriatic Arthritis: Results From a Tight‐Control Clinical Trial and an Observational Cohort
Authors: Coates Laura C. , Tillett William , Shaddick Gavin , Pincus Theodore , Kavanaugh Arthur , Helliwell Philip S. 
Published: November 2017

ObjectiveTo analyze the Routine Assessment of Patient Index Data 3 (RAPID3), a patient‐reported, composite index, designed initially for feasibility in clinical care. RAPID3 was developed in rheumatoid arthritis, but has been found useful in many rheumatic diseases. We analyzed RAPID3 in patients with psoriatic arthritis (PsA).MethodsPost hoc analyses were performed on 2 independent data sets, the Tight Control of Psoriatic Arthritis (TICOPA) clinical trial, and the Long‐Term Outcome in Psoriatic Arthritis Study (LOPAS II), an observational cohort. RAPID3 (range 0–30) is the total of three 0–10 scores for the Health Assessment Questionnaire disability index (recalculated from 0–3), pain visual analog scale (VAS), and global VAS. RAPID3 scores were compared to the Psoriatic Arthritis Disease Activity Score (PASDAS), the Disease Activity in Psoriatic Arthritis (DAPSA), and other available clinical measures, according to Spearman's correlation coefficients, standardized response mean, SEM, smallest detectible difference, minimally important difference (in patients who improved), and receiver operating characteristic curves. RAPID3 remission was compared to criteria for both standard minimal disease activity (MDA) and very low disease activity (VLDA).ResultsRAPID3 was correlated significantly with PASDAS in TICOPA (r = 0.79, P < 0.01) and with DAPSA in LOPAS II (ρ = 0.59, P < 0.01), and with most other measures in both data sets. RAPID3 discriminated between tight control and standard care in TICOPA at 48 weeks at levels comparable to DAPSA and the PASDAS (P < 0.01). RAPID3 remission discriminated treatment groups in TICOPA intermediate between MDA and VLDA criteria.ConclusionRAPID3 appears comparably informative to PASDAS and DAPSA in PsA, with greater feasibility for routine clinical care.
Construction of a Biomimetic Magnetosome and Its Application as a SiRNA Carrier for High‐Performance Anticancer Therapy
Authors: Zhang Fan , Zhao Longjian , Wang Shumin , Yang Jun , Lu Guihong , Luo Nana , Gao Xiaoyong , Ma Guanghui , Xie Hai‐Yan , Wei Wei 
Published: November 2017

AbstractPrecisely delivering siRNA to its target site in cancer cells is a high‐demanding but challenging task. Herein, a biomimetic magnetosome is developed using magnetic nanocluster (MNC) as the core and Arg–Gly–Asp (RGD) decorated macrophage membrane as the cloak, which is achieved via a combination of MNC synthesis, azide‐membrane engineering, electrical assembly, and click chemistry. Such a feature‐packed magnetosome enables us to gain the success of high‐performance siRNA delivery through superior stealth effect, magnetic resonance imaging, magnetic accumulation, RGD targeting, and favorable cytoplasm trafficking. As a result, target gene expression can be significantly suppressed and tumor growth is effectively inhibited, while the systemic toxicity is not notable. These results together vote the biomimetic magnetosome as a promising siRNA delivery system for anticancer therapy.
Robust Hydrophobic Rare Earth Oxide Composite Electrodeposits
Authors: Tam Jason , Palumbo Gino , Erb Uwe , Azimi Gisele 
Published: November 2017

AbstractInspired by the lotus leaf, nonwetting surfaces have drawn widespread attention in the field of surface engineering due to their remarkable water repelling characteristics. There are many applications for these surfaces, for instance, self‐cleaning walls and windows, anti‐icing surfaces, or low drag microfluidic channels. However, the adoption of nonwetting surfaces in large scale industrial applications has been hampered by synthesis techniques that are not easily scalable and the limited long term stability and wear robustness of these surfaces in service. This study demonstrates a simple, low cost, and scalable electrochemical technique to produce robust composite coatings with tunable nonwetting properties. The composite coatings are composed of an ultrafine grain nickel matrix with embedded hydrophobic cerium oxide ceramic particles. A comprehensive characterization is performed, including wetting property measurements, electron microscopy, focused ion beam analysis, hardness measurements, and abrasive wear testing to establish the structure–property relationships for these materials. The ultrafine grain structure of the nickel matrix contributes to the high hardness of the composites. As a result of the bimodal CeO2 particle size, hierarchical roughness is present on the surface of the composite, leading to remarkable nonwetting properties, even after 720 m of abrasive wear.