bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The archaeology of the southern Fazzan and prospects for future research
Authors: Edwards David N. 
Published: February 2016

AbstractSince the beginning of archaeological fieldwork in the Fazzan in the 1930s, the focus of research has remained mainly on the Wadi al-Ajal/Wadi al-Hayat and the ‘Garamantes’. While recent work in the Ghat region has identified ‘Garamantian’ sites much further west than previously known, in the Wadi Tanezzuft, very little is known of other parts of the region, notably the southern oases and their towns with their rich medieval and post-medieval heritage.While preparing materials from the Charles Daniels archive for publication, a brief review of the archaeology of the southern Fazzan identified some 130 sites in the region. While detailed studies are still lacking, there was clearly a significant ‘Garamantian’ presence in many of the southern oases, with several sites in the Wadi an-Nashwa, a significant settlement at Ghuddwa and further cemeteries in the Dujal area and probably at Tsawah. Despite Daniels' reservations, it is clear that a large settlement at Sharaba dated back to the Garamantian period. There is little evidence from the major towns to the east, although Roman imports found at Zuwila suggest that it was at least integrated into ‘Garamantian’ trade networks. Some indications of potentially significant cultural differences between Garamantian remains found in this region and those of the Wadi al-Ajal were also noted.The potential for medieval and post-medieval archaeology in the region is also very considerable, with the presence of numerous qsur and other settlement sites which await systematic recording. The presence of some groups of foggaras in the region is also of interest and these certainly merit further investigation.
Die Herkunft der zu Kyrene ansässigen Perioiken
Authors: Ryan F. X. 
Published: February 2016

AbstractBlinkenberg's treatment of the participation of certain Lindians in the founding of Kyrene, a fact mentioned only in the list of dedications to Athana Lindia, is, at the very least, inadequate, since he gives no reasons for rejecting the report. Blinkenberg seems to have been misled by Herodotos, whose account lacks precision, as historians familiar with this passage have long recognised. Chamoux at least attempted to buttress the received view with arguments. The present paper sides with the Lindians against the naysayers regarding a Lindian role in the foundation of Kyrene and reaches the conclusion that these Lindians numbered among the perioikoi there.
The Fezzan Project 2001: Preliminary report on the fifth season of work
Authors: Mattingly D.J. , Brooks N. , Cole F. , Dore J. , Drake N. , Leone A. , Hay S. , McLaren S. , Newson P. , Parton H. , Pelling R. , Preston J. , Reynolds T. , Schrüfer-Kolb I. , Thomas D. , Tindall A. , Townsend A. , White K. 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe Fezzan Project completed its five-year fieldwork cycle in 2001. The geographical research team located numerous additional palaeolake sites within the Edeyen Ubari, using a combination of Remote Sensing technology and field visits. Additional samples were taken for analysis and dating from many lake edge locations, relating to both the large Pleistocene lake and to the numerous smaller Holocene lakes that have been identified by the team. The excavations at Old Germa were taken down through Garamantian occupation levels to the natural subsoil below the earliest cultural horizon. The earliest activity, represented by a few mudbrick walls and hearths built directly on the natural soil, is believed to date toc. 400-300 BC. Traces of several phases of Garamantian buildings were uncovered, along with numerous rubbish pits, which yielded a rich assemblage of finds, including, for the first time, examples of Garamantian figurines, small 3-D sculptures of humans and animals. Work on the various classes of finds (pottery, small finds, lithics and other stone artefacts, metallurgical evidence, etc.) complemented the excavation work. In addition, a small amount of further survey work was carried out on sites in the Wadi al-Ajal, along with a contour survey of Old Germa and standing building survey at a number of other sites.
Murzuk and the Saharan Slave Trade in the 19th Century
Authors: Wright John 
Published: February 2016

AbstractIn 1840 the British Foreign Office decided to open a Vice-Consulate at the oasis of Murzuk, then still the main entrepot of the central Saharan trade in black Slaves from the Sudan to Tripoli and Benghazi. The post was to make first-hand reports on the slave traffic and promote British ‘legitimate’ trade and wider regional interests. A similar post was opened at Ghadames in 1850. Between 1843 and 1854, Vice Consul Giambattista Gagliuffi in Murzuk provided the Foreign Office with a series of yearly slaving statistics which formed the basic raw material for London's case for the abolition of this traffic. It still stands as a unique record of the central Saharan slave trade at probably its most active phase. Gagliuffi's attempts at trade promotion were not so successful, and when it also became clear that the Saharan slave trade would not, after all, be as easily eradicated as had once been supposed, the Foreign Office decided in 1860–61 to close both the Murzuk and Ghadames posts.
Lepcis Magna excavation season 1997
Authors: Walda Hafed 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe 1997 season of work on a fourth/fifth century house at Lepcis Magna consisted chiefly of study of the pottery and other finds, with limited excavation which revealed much information about the use, maintenance and repair of infrastructure for domestic water-supply. A sondage in the street showed that the house was connected to the street drainage network.
Mapping Ancient Libya
Authors: Mattingly David 
Published: February 2016

Between 1946 and 1951 Richard Goodchild carried out the fieldwork that was to result in a seminal series of articles and publications on the ancient settlements of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica (Goodchild 1948; 1949a/b; 1950a/b/c/d; 1951a/b/c; 1952a/b/c; 1953; 1954c; 1971; 1976; Goodchild and Ward-Perkins 1953; Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 1949; 1953). The cartographic results appeared in 1954 as two splendid sheets in the ill-fated Tabula Imperii Romani (TIR) series at a scale of 1:1,000,000 (Goodchild 1954a/b). These twenty-two publications remain of fundamental importance to our understanding of the ancient topography of Libya.Goodchild's map can with hindsight be seen as one of the few successes of the ill-fated TIR project. The TIR initiative aimed to produce 58 maps covering the Roman world, but huge problems have beset it all along and only 11 maps have ever appeared in definitive form. Although work continues in some areas, it must be considered improbable that this series will ever be completed (see Talbert 1992 for a thorough review of the history of the TIR).The fact that it is now nearly 40 years since the compilation of Goodchild's two TER sheets for Libya is probably reason enough for resuming his interest in mapping ancient Libya. Much has happened in the interim to refine our knowledge of both urban and rural settlement, as a glance at the relevant volumes of Libya Antiqua, Libyan Studies and Quaderni di Archeologia delta Libia will reveal. For the study of the ancient geography and toponomy of Cyrenaica, the studies by Stucchi (1975) and Laronde (1987) are of particular importance. In addition to map corrections necessitated by the new information and perspectives, one may cite the inconvenience caused by the incompleteness of the TIR coverage to the south, east and west of the Leptis Magna and Cyrene sheets. For instance, how can we hope to understand the settlement geography of Roman Tripolitania without reference to Tunisian western Tripolitania or to the desert tribes (Phazanii, Garamantes etc)?
Le territoire de Taucheira
Authors: Laronde André 
Published: February 2016

Le lien étroit qui existe entre la cité et son territoire est une évidence qui a gagné en force avec le développement des recherches sur la chôra. En ce qui concerne la Libye, j'ai abordé la question lors du congrès tenu à Cambridge en 1983, et j'ai tenté de présenter une esquisse d'ensemble lors de la rencontre tenue à Paris en 1984. Si je désire m'arrêter cette fois-ci sur le territoire de Taucheira, c'est en raison de l'originalité qu'il présente parmi ceux des cités grecques de Libye. Taucheira est en effet la cité la plus ancienne après Cyrène, et sa fondation remonte certainement aux dernières années du VIIème siècle. J'ai d'autre part eu déjà l'occasion de montrer que, à l'origine, le site ne comportait aucun port naturel. Dans ces conditions, on peut légitimement se demander quel était l'intérêt de cette fondation. La question prend toute son actualité en raison de la reprise de travaux archéologiques d'ampleur grâce au Département des Antiquités de Libye avec le concours du Département d'Archéologie de l'Université Garyounis de Benghazi, sous la conduite de M. Fouad Bentaher.Le territoire de Taucheira est bien défini, que ce soit du point de vue de la topographie, de la géologie ou de l'hydrographie.Du point de vue topographique, le territoire de Taucheira est un élément de la plaine côtière qui prend naissance au Nord-Est au ras Tolmeita et qui s'étend jusqu'au fond de la Grande Syrte, en s'élargissant progressivement au fur et à mesure que l'on vas vers le Sud. Au Nord-Est, la côte vient baigner le pied du premier gradin. Au droit de Taucheira la plaine côtière mesure environ 4,5 km. D'une facon générale, cette plaine côtière offre toutes les caractéristiques du Sahel cyrénéen.
Hellenistic Terracotta Figures of Cyrenaica: Greek Influences and Local Inspirations
Authors: Burn L. M. 
Published: February 2016

Terracotta figures have been uncovered in vast quantities in the cemeteries of the Greek cities of Cyrenaica from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. While the terracottas from more recent excavations have of course remained in Libya, the majority of those brought to light in the nineteenth century are now divided between the national museums of three European capitals: Paris, Madrid and London. The Louvre collection is the largest of the three, consisting of some 400 pieces, mostly acquired by the consul M. Vattier de Bourville in the cemeteries of Cyrene and Benghazi in 1848; the majority are of the Hellenistic period, and have recently received full publication in the final volume of Mme Simone Besques' monumental catalogue. The Cyrenaican terracottas in Madrid, purchased from the collection of one Tómas Asensi in 1876, are about ninety in number, and of these roughly half are Hellenistic in date; the few given a provenance are said to come from the cemeteries of Cyrene. The Madrid terracottas were published by Alfred Laumonier in 1921, and the descriptions and photographs in his catalogue are still useful.The British Museum has around 300 terracotta figures from Cyrenaica, of which approximately 180 whole figures or fragments can be counted as Hellenistic. The archaic and classical figures were published by Dr Reynold Higgins in the first volume of his catalogue of British Museum terracottas, while a significant proportion of the later pieces were included by H. B. Walters in his earlier catalogue. However, the entire collection of post-classical Cyrenaican material will be treated in greater detail in the new catalogue of the British Museum's Hellenistic terracottas, currently in preparation.
Dedications in the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Cyrene
Authors: Kane Susan 
Published: February 2016

Yes, Asclepius, statues. Do you see how even you give way to doubt? I mean statues, but statues living and conscious, filled with the breath of life, and doing many mighty works; statues which have foreknowledge and predict future events by the drawing of lots, and by prophetic inspiration, and by dreams, and in many other ways; statues which inflict diseases and heal them, dispensing sorrow and joy according to men's deserts.Asclepius24a (3rd century AD Hermetic Dialogue, trans. W. Scott)In the 1971 and 1978 seasons, the University Museum of Philadelphia Expedition to Cyrene excavated two fragmentary limestone statues of seated females in the extramural Sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone in the Wadi bel Gadir. One of these two life to over-life size statues (Statue I) was found within the early Imperial S8 Sacred House and the other (Statue II) was retrieved from the broken vaulted roof of Tunnel A, down the slope directly to the north of this house. Both statues may be dated, on grounds of style and archaeological context, to the first half of the first century AD. By virtue of their large size, findspots, and unusual construction, a case may be made that these statues were intended to represent one or both of the Sanctuary's two goddesses, Demeter and Persephone, and used for special rituals, possibly associated with the thesmophoria festival known to be celebrated here.Statue I (Fig. 1) is fragmentary, only the lower part of a draped female seated on an oval chest (carved in two joining blocks) is preserved, as well as some non-joining fragments of her veiled head and shoulders. The oval chest is entwined by a snake. One block of Statue II remains (Fig. 2), consisting of the right half of a female figure's lower body and part of the chair, possibly a backless one, on which she is seated. This figure holds a plate in her lap filled with fruits, breads, and a piglet's head. It seems reasonable to conjecture that the two statues represent Demeter and/or Persephone. Statue I is seated on an oval chest, probably thekiste, in which the sacred objects of the goddesses were kept. The sacral importance of the chest is underscored by the snake which wraps itself around it. Statue II holds a plate of offerings, among which is a piglet's head (the sacrificial victim used for the Thesmophoria).
The Imperial Family as Seen in Cyrene
Authors: Walker Susan 
Published: February 2016

In the summer of 1989 a new electricity cable was laid from New Shahat to the Caesareum of Cyrene, its course following the line of the road made in the 1920s through the (now largely abandoned) village of old Shahat. The construction of the road had already revealed several blocks of an engaged Doric architectural order in the unexcavated southeastern quarter of the ancient city; from the trench cut in 1989 were recovered parts of eight marble sculptures susceptible of interpretation, less identifiable fragments of other figures in marble and limestone, and a number of ashlar blocks with drafted margins cut in local limestone. Though the architectural finds suggest the presence of a substantial public building, the sculptures were apparently found packed in a row, giving the impression of having been deliberately buried during preparation for transit to a lime kiln. Without excavation no more can be said of their original context, beyond what may be gleaned from an examination of the sculptures themselves.This paper is concerned with six of the more complete marble statues, which form an interesting, if not aesthetically distinguished group of portraits of members of the first Roman imperial family. The six survivors fall into three sub-groups, which are briefly described below; there follows an assessment of the relationship of the statues to contemporary portraits of the imperial family from Cyrene and elsewhere.Two of the statues are carved in Pentelic marble, and are of exceptional scale. Of these the better preserved is a figure of a woman originally cut from one block to stand about 2.10 metres high but now sliced from top to base through the thicker part of the lower torso and horizontally through the whole torso into pieces 20–30 cm high, presumably to facilitate delivery, perhaps by hand, to the lime kiln (Figs 1–2). The unveiled woman is dressed in tunic and cloak, the latter swept over her left shoulder in the manner of the Kore of Praxiteles, a type well known in the Cyrenaican repertoire. The cloak is drawn far from the right side of her body, suggesting that her right forearm, now lost, was raised to hold an object (Fig. 3, right). The hair is waved to either side of a central parting, and drawn back from the face in thick tresses which are massed wide of the head to fall into a looped plait below the nape of the neck and over the edge of the cloak (Fig. 4). Around the face is a row of pin-wheel curls; there is no break in the curls at the central parting of the hair, and the curls come close to the ends of the eyebrows. The lower earlobes are exposed. The face is broad and round, with a low brow accentuated by the hairstyle, plump cheeks and a small receding chin. The nose and mouth are badly damaged, but the mouth appears small. The eyes are large, round and wide-set (Fig. 5).
Langue et Politique: À Quoi Sert la Dialecte dans la Cyrénaïque Romaine?
Authors: Dobias-Lalou Catherine 
Published: February 2016

En Cyrénaïque, comme dans le reste des contrées de la Méditerranée orientale passées sous le contrôle romain, le grec reste la langue écrite prédominante. Des inscriptions latines y apparaissent aussi, en nombre limité; elles sont l'objet de la communication de G. Paci. On a enfin retrouvé quelques bilingues, mais c'est surtout en grec que, pour longtemps, on grave ce qui doit être porté À la connaissance du public.Or, dira-t-on, en quelle forme de grec sont rédigées ces inscriptions? On sait que dans les siècles précédents existe un concurrence entre le dialecte local, seul présent aux VIe et Ve siècles et une forme de langue plus internationalement répandue À partir du IVe siècle, que l'on appelle du nom grec de ‘“langue” commune’, la koinè. Dans certaines régions, la koinè s'est répandue brutalement, éliminant très largement, voire complètement, le dialecte local qui a pu continuer À être parlé sans laisser de traces écrites dans l'épigraphie hellénistique ou romaine. Cette koinè, si elle est sur beaucoup de points conforme À l'usage attique, le doit probablement au prestige intellectuel d'Athènes aux Ve et IVe siècles. On a pu montrer récemment que la koinè s'était développée très tôt en Macédoine et cette découverte confirme et éclaire le lien entre l'expansion linguistique de la koinè et l'expansion politique d'Alexandre et des épigones. De langue dominante culturellement, elle est devenue langue dominante administrativement et politiquement. En Cyrénaïque, il est clair que la koinè est arrivée par l'Egypte et non directement d'Athènes, en dépit de liens anciens et assez étroits entre les deux régions.
Le iscrizioni in lingua latina del la Cirenaica
Authors: Paci G. 
Published: February 2016

Lo stanziarsi dei Greci in terra di Cirenaica nella seconda metà del VII secolo a.C. e la loro ininterrotta permanenza nella regione fino al tramonto della civiltà antica hanno dato luogo ad una mirabile fioritura di civiltà che noi conosciamo grazie alle testimonianze archeologiche, alla letteratura e alla cospicua messe dei documenti epigrafici: uno sviluppo civile tanto più sorprendente, per la sua ampiezza e ricchezza, ove si consideri l'isolamento in cui la popolazione greca è venuta a trovarsi — dal punto di vista geografico — rispetto alla restante nazione greca e ove si pensi alla forte e continua pressione cui la stessa fu sottoposta, d'altra parte, ad opera della popolazione indigena. Infatti i Greci non furono i soli ad abitare la regione: essi occuparono, arrivando, una terra già abitata da una popolazione libica, mentre successivamente — in età ellenistica — sopraggiunse una forte comunità ebraica; infine è da registrare una presenza romano-italica, pure abbastanza consistente, documentata per via epigrafica (vd. sotto) a partire dal I sec. a.C.La superiore civiltà greca esercitò un forte influsso sulla popolazione libica, o almeno su una parte di essa, e su quella ebraica, che furono più o meno profondamente ellenizzate: tanto che è possibile rintracciare — attraverso l'onomastica — una varia presenza di individui libici ed ebraici nell'epigrafia greca della Cirenaica (Masson 1976; Lüderitz 1983), che ne attesta anche l'avvicinarsi ad alcune istituzioni cittadine. Per contro non abbiamo, almeno finora, una autonoma produzione epigrafica Ubica o semitica dalla regione.
Procope de Césarée et la Cyrénaïque du 6e. s.ap J.C. (résumé)
Authors: Roques D. 
Published: February 2016

L'intérêt qu'offre l'oeuvre de Procope de Césarée pour la connaissance de l'Antiquité tardive et protobyzantine est évident pour quiconque est familier avec cette période, et l'ouvrage récent, et excellent, que lui a consacré Av. Cameron (Oxford, 1986) est venu opportunément mettre en lumière cet auteur, d'ailleurs beaucoup plus lu dans le monde anglo-saxon qu'en France. Il valait la peine, dans le cadre du 2e Colloque International de Cambridge sur la Cyrénaïque, d'étudier le témoignage que Procope nous a laissé (De Aedificiis, VI, 2, 1–23) sur ‘les Deux Libyes’, puisqu'aussi bien au 6e. s. le découpage administratif ne coïncide pas avec les données de la géographie naturelle.Les rapports qu'entretiennent la réalité littéraire et la réalité archéologique ne pouvaient constituer l'essentiel de cette étude, car, comme l' a bien montré Av. Cameron, on ne saurait lire l' oeuvre de Procope comme un guide touristique: en effet l'information que fournit l'écrivain est déformée, tant en raison du caractère inéluctablement rhétorique des ouvrages littéraires de l'Antiquité qu'en vertu de la tendance certaine de Procope à la propagande, ce qui ne saurait surprendre chez un historiographe officiel. On a donc commencé par resituer le passage étudié dans l'ensemble de l'oeuvre, puis, après avoir proposé une traduction française du texte — traduction qui n'est en fait qu'un fragment de la traduction complète (achevée, mais non encore publiée) du texte —, on a tenté de définir successivement les sources, la structure et la signification du témoignage de Procope, avant d'étudier en dernier lieu la relation du texte avec les réalités archéologiques actuellement connues.
From the Memory of History: The Painted Room at Bardia
Authors: Mohamed Fadel Ali 
Published: February 2016

Bardia has a natural deep-water harbour confined by cliffs, making it an ideal submarine haven. It held a strategic position in the last war in connection with the capture of Tobruk, and was used by both the Germans and British as a supply base (Fig. 1). Set back from the shoreline were numerous single-storey, flat-roofed buildings overlooking the harbour, one of which was a lookout post where the mural under discussion survives.On 30th December 1941 the Allies launched a decisive attack on Bardia (Liddell Hart 1953, 177–178), which surrendered on 2nd January 1942 (Murphy 1961, 511–512). On 27 th January Rommel had struck again at Benghazi; General Auchinleck gave orders to withdraw, and formed a front line near Gazala in early February.According to its contemporary War Diary, the 5th Battalion, East Yorkshire Regiment arrived in the Western Desert from Palestine and Syria on 20th February, and two days later took over from the 11th Indian Brigade approximately 20 miles south of Gazala (W.O.169/5076). One of the soldiers in this batallion was Private John Frederick Brill 4617871 of the Royal Army Service Corps, the artist of the mural in the Painted Room at Bardia.