bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Some further suggestions on the subject of Approximate Valuations
Authors: Henry Alfred 
Published: August 2016

The present Note deals with a modification of the method described in vol. li, pp. 118-126.The method suggested in the original Note necessitated the finding of the values of the first, second and third continuous summations of the data to be valued. These summations in some cases were laborious, and the object of the present contribution is to demonstrate how the arithmetical work can be curtailed without material loss of accuracy, firstly, by reducing the number of continuous summations, and secondly, by summing in quinary groups instead of by individual terms.
Differences in behaviour of the nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus) during foraging in forest versus in agricultural land
Authors: Bayani Abhijeet , Watve Milind 
Published: August 2016

Abstract:The nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus) is a widespread species in India that forages in forest as well as on agricultural lands. In Tadoba-Andhari Tiger Reserve, India, it typically takes to crop-raiding at night, while it rests and forages in forest during the daytime. We studied changes in herding and vigilance behaviour during foraging in forest versus in agricultural lands and monsoon versus post-monsoon in the years 2012–2015. We recorded number of individuals (herd size), sex-age composition and number of individuals per unit area of herd's spread (compactness) for every herd under observation using instantaneous scan sampling in forest (176 herds) and farms (321 herds), while spatial trends in herd size on agricultural lands were studied using transect sampling at night. Vigilance behaviour was studied using focal-animal sampling in forest (n = 91) and farms (n = 52) by choosing a single individual per herd under 15 min of observation. Herd sizes were significantly larger in forest (monsoon, median = 3, interquartile range (IQR) = 2–6, post-monsoon, median = 5, IQR = 3–8) than on farms adjacent to forest (monsoon = 3, IQR = 1–5, post-monsoon = 4, IQR = 2–5) and further decreased non-linearly with distance from the forest edge. Herds were more compact, i.e. with smaller inter-individual distance in forests than on farms. Crop-raiding was found to be female-biased, and adult males as well as newborn calves were observed on agricultural lands significantly less frequently. The median vigilance frequency was significantly higher on farms (1.4 min−1) as compared with forests (0.205 min−1) but the median unit scan duration was significantly less in farms (6 s) compared with forest (60 s). The observed differences are likely to be due to difference in the nature of risk faced in the two habitats. In forest, detection of ambush predators such as tigers that occur at a low density, requires careful watch and larger herds increase the chances of detection. In contrast, detection of guarding farmers on agricultural lands who are present at a higher density and make their presence conspicuous to drive away crop raiders would need a glance of smaller time duration. As crop-raiding occurs at night, moonlight is likely to affect the frequency of crop-raiding but we did not find evidence for any deterrent effect of moonlight on the frequency of crop-raiding. The data suggest that the nilgai exhibits substantial behavioural plasticity in response to different nature and levels of risks faced in the two habitats.
Ela Longespee's Roll of Benefits: Piety and Reciprocity in the Thirteenth Century
Authors: Amt Emilie 
Published: August 2016

Ipsa autem, bonorum temporalium liberalissima ac spiritualium avida beneficiorum…— 1293 charter of Oxford University, describing Ela LongespeeIn 1293, the elderly and twice-widowed Ela Longespee, countess of Warwick, or someone acting on her behalf, gathered together eighteen charters that had been issued to her over the past dozen years and sent them to the bishop of Lincoln, to be confirmed and copied into a single roll. The original charters have long since vanished, but the enrolled copy survives in The National Archives at Kew. Its component documents, all of them detailed grants to Ela by religious institutions in the Oxford area, are highly unusual; even when compared to the few surviving parallels, they stand out for their specific content. The roll itself, comprising eighteen such documents in a private archive created for a thirteenth-century laywoman, is unique. And when it is examined along with other surviving evidence of Ela's religious activities, it provides us with an extraordinary perspective on the reciprocal nature of religious patronage at this time. What is especially unusual about Ela's case is that we know much more about what the religious promised to Ela than what she granted to them. Thus Ela Longespee's records tell us the side of the story that is seldom told when we look at records of religious patronage; they reveal the return that donors expected in the late thirteenth century, with increasing precision and urgency. Using a chronological framework, this essay will examine the surviving documents, tell the story of Ela's life, and explore the most interesting dimension of that story: her startlingly explicit reciprocal relationships with religious institutions.
Anselm and theArticella
Authors: Gasper Giles E. M. , Wallis Faith 
Published: August 2016

Sometime between 1070 and 1077, Anselm, then prior of the monastery of Bec in Normandy, wrote to his friend Maurice, a former Bec monk residing at Christ Church, Canterbury, and asked him to seek out copies of various texts, including Bede'sDe temporibusand theRegulaof St. Dunstan — presumably theRegularis concordia, the platform-document of the English Benedictine reform of the tenth century. Shortly thereafter, Anselm wrote again to Maurice, indicating that another text had been added to his desiderata:Should it come to pass that, with [Archbishop Lanfranc's] favor always embracing us, you return to us (as is expedient for you, and as you and I desire), bring with you what you will have copied of theAphorisms. In the meantime, however, do as much of the text as you can without inconvenience to yourself, and then, if you are free, of the commentary, giving heed above all that whatever you will have brought with you has been corrected with the utmost diligence. If after your return any of it still remains to be done, and if Dom Gundulf is able to finish it through someone else, leave it to the person whom he designates. But it would be much better if Dom Gundulf were able to obtain by request the exemplar itself, so that it could be lent to me.
Looking Gravely at Dominican Puns: The Sermons' of Robert Holcot and Ralph Friseby
Authors: Tachau Katherine H. 
Published: August 2016

‘It will sigh like a thing that is deeply distressed:And it always looks grave at a Pun’LEWIS CARROLLThe name of the English Dominican Robert Holcot was still familiar to European intellectuals in the seventeenth century, thanks in part to the wide diffusion of his challenging Questions on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, but even more to the ready availability of his lectures on the biblical book of Wisdom.1 The latter commentary clearly was, as Fr. Joseph Wey observed, a ‘medieval best seller’;2 but few historians investigating late medieval thought or early modern access to it have recently studied the work. One who has done so, the late Beryl Smalley, has drawn attention to the verbal ‘pictures’ (Holcot's term) and extended plays on words that were surely among the pleasures that scribes and readers found in the book for at least three centuries.3 Any reader inclined to ‘look grave at a pun’ and not yet aware that the authors of Sentences commentaries commonly embedded their own cognomens implicitly (and often obscurely) in the biblical tags they chose as their incipits must have found cause for distress with the opening words of Holcot's Wisdom commentary.
An Introduction to the Study of the Hymns on St. James as Literature
Authors: O'Malley Jerome F. 
Published: August 2016

The importance of Santiago as the brother of Christ and as a supernatural force, ‘invincible and victorious,’ served as a point of support for the impetus of the Reconquest. The course of life intensified the belief, … and it gave rise to forms of worship which today would be judged heterodox.Américo CastroThe subject of this study is all the hymns written for the cult and liturgy of St. James the Greater that are published in theAnalecta hymnica medii Aevi. While this source is not exhaustive, it does represent an important part of the hymnological material devoted to this saint. This study is relevant since St. James was a powerful force in the Middle Ages and especially in Spain. Indeed, Américo Castro considers this cult as an ‘axis’ of Spanish history, because the shrine at Compostela not only opened up Spain by bringing pilgrims from all over Europe, but also gave it an identity as a nation which it lacked during the Visigothic era.
Ὅλβoς, Κόϱoς, Ὕβϱις and Ἄτη From Hesiod to Aeschylus
Authors: Doyle Richard E. 
Published: August 2016

One of the commonplaces of criticism with regard to Greek thought is that there existed a canonical tetralogy, ὄλβος, ϰόος, ὕβις and ἄτη which was inexorably operative in human lives. Thus, Basil Gildersleeve in his comments on Pindar's thought wrote:The next point suggested by the first Olympian is the representative position of Pindar as the expounder of Greek ethics. Is Pindar speaking for himself or for his people? Many of his thoughts are not his own. They are fragments of the popular Hellenic catechism, and they became remarkable in Pindar partly by the mode of presentation, partly by the evident heartiness with which he accepts the national creed. So in v. 56, and P. 2, 28, we find a genealogy which was as popular with the Greeks as Sin and Death in the Christian system. Oλβος — Kόος — Ὕβις — Ἄτη. The prosperity that produces pride and fulness of bread culminates in overweening insolence and outrage and brings on itself mischief sent from heaven.
Glossenapparat zur Compilatio prima aus der Schule des Petrus Brito in St. Omer 107
Authors: Weigand Rudolf 
Published: August 2016

Diese von Professor Fransen vorausgehend beschriebene Handschrift ist in verschiedener Hinsicht recht interessant. Der in ihr enthaltene Glossenapparat zur Comp. I. ist sehr umfangreich. Er wurde von mehreren Händen geschrieben und ist deswegen nicht immer ganz eindeutig von späteren Einträgen (aus der gleichen Schule) abzugrenzen. Im wesentlichen sind drei Schichten zu unterscheiden:(1) Für die Haupt- und Grundschicht ist die Beobachtung wichtig, dass in ihr die Dekretalen nach der Comp. I. durchwegs als ‘extra titulos’ oder ‘extrauagans’ mit Angabe des Papstes und Incipit zitiert werden. In dem etwas näher untersuchten Teil (etwa ein Viertel des Textes) wurden folgende Allegationen gefunden: Von Alexander III. acht, Lucius III. drei, Clemens III. eine, Coelestin III. zwölf und von Innozenz III. auch zwölf, darunter Potth. 164, 185, 568, 888, 1279 und 1560. Das deutet auf eine Abfassung bald nach Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts hin.(2) In zahlreichen Zusätzen zum ursprünglichen Apparat, an einigen Stellen aber auch in der Hauptschicht (z. B. fol. 33r, 34r, 42r), werden Dekretalen nach einer Sammlung mit Titeln zitiert, die sich teilweise auf Gilberts Sammlung beziehen lassen (z. B. fol. 34rb ‘extra de procuratore Si matrimonii’: Gilbert 1.18.2; 2 Comp. 1.18.2; JL 17615) oder auf Alanus (z. B. fol. 33ra ‘extra tit. de iure iurando Ex tenore’: Al. [Vercelli] 2.15.8 [= Fulda W 2.13.6]; nicht in Potth. [oder ist Potth. 656 in Gilb. Anhang 8 hoc tit. gemeint?]; — fol. 34rb ‘extra tit. de officio deleg. Super questionem’: Potth. 2163 aus dem Jahre 1204, Al. 1.17.3 [W 1.13.3]; 3 Comp. 1.18.6; wahrscheinlich auch fol. 33ra ‘extra tit. de exceptionibus c.i. ubi siue renunciatum sit siue publicate sint atestationes non possunt alii testes produci’: vgl. Al. 2.11.1 [W Anh. 29]; 3 Comp. 5.2.3; Potth. 888). Teilweise lassen sie sich jedoch keiner bestimmten Sammlung zuweisen. So wird z. B. fol. 42rb zitiert: ‘extra tit. de sent. excom. Dilecti,’ was auf keine der bisher bekannten Sammlungen passt. Obwohl diese Nachträge von verschiedenen Händen stammen, scheint die zweite Schicht eine systematische Ergänzung bzw. Neuauflage des ursprünglichen Apparates zu repräsentieren, noch aus der Zeit vor 1210. In ihr kommen auch die meisten Siglen vor, abgesehen von p.b'., der in beiden Schichten häufig zitiert wird.(3) Weitere Nachträge sind durch ihre Dekretalenallegationen, welche die Comp. II. und III. voraussetzen, leicht als eine dritte Schicht zu erkennen und als spätere (private?) Nachträge vom eigentlichen Apparat abzutrennen.
The Source for the ‘Remedia’ of the Parson's Tale
Authors: Wenzel Siegfried 
Published: August 2016

The search for the sources on which Chaucer's Parson's Tale is based reached a stage of temporary finality when, in her contribution to Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Germaine Dempster summarized and refined the results of half a century of investigations. By then it had become clear that the outcome of Kate Petersen's earlier study had stood the test of over three decades and that, in consequence, the Parson's Tale may be considered as ultimately deriving from two Latin summae of the thirteenth century, that of Raymond of Pennafort (for the sections on Penitence) and that of Peraldus (for the treatment of the Seven Deadly Sins). At the same time, Mrs. Dempster recognized that neither summa is the immediate ancestor of the Parson's Tale, but that, for a number of reasons, the Tale must be thought of as immediately deriving from one or several intermediaries between it and the two ancestral summae. Although a number of Latin and vernacular religious manuals were suggested for such a role, none of them is really close enough to a substantial part of the Parson's Tale to be looked upon as a source or even a close analogue. Hence a mood of pessimistic resignation has settled on the whole question of sources, aptly summed up in Professor Bloomfield's account:The parallels given by scholars do not prove any direct borrowing on Chaucer's part. When we find close similarities, we find also that they occur in the most traditional details…. Miss Petersen's argument that the section on the chief sins comes from an adaptation of Peraldus' work seems to be little justified, except in the most general sense. Her parallels are not particularly impressive. The question must, at present and possibly forever, rest in abeyance.
Unde versus
Authors: Thorndike Lynn 
Published: August 2016

Before the invention of printing and of easy multiplication of copies of a text, memory inevitably played a greater part in education, and basic textbooks were often expressed in verse in order to aid the memory. Of such works a number by named and known authors has come to us entire: in the field of elementary Latin grammar, theDoctrinaleof Alexander of Villa Dei, written in 1199; in arithmetic, theCarmen de algorismoin 284 hexameters by the same author, who further wrote on computus; in botany andmateria medica, the post-Carolingian poem of ‘Macer,’ consisting of 2269 lines on 77 herbs; on gems, the eleventh-centuryLiber lapidumof Marbod, in which sixty stones are described in 734 hexameters. Some of these texts were added to by succeeding generations, as in the case of theRegimen sanitatisascribed to the medical school of Salerno. For the most part this last is in rhymed hexameters:Hec bona sunt ova — longa, parva, quoque nova;Et gallinarum tibi sint et non aliarum.Boni sunt pisces, si cum vino bene misces;Quod si non misces, forsan damnum adipisceris.Salvia cum ruta faciunt tibi pocula tuta;Adde rosam florem, minuit potenter amorem.But sometimes not, as when a pick-me-up is advised for the morning after:Si nocturna tibi noceat potatio vini,Hoc tu mane bibas iterum et fuerit medicina.Sometimes the practice of versification was extended to indicating the author of the text. A copy of the exposition of theMicrotegniof Galen which Urso of Todi delivered at Avignon in 1198 says at the start:… Quare Ursus vocetur indicat versus,Laudensis medicus medicisque fidelis amicus,Quos super hanc partem Avenione duxit in artem.
Berthold of Zwiefalten's Chronicle: Reconstructed and Edited with an Introduction and Notes
Authors: Wallach Luitpold 
Published: August 2016

To Barbara, Sally, HenrikThe saying of Terentianus Maurus,habent sua fata libelli, may well be applied to the Latin text here edited. Out of my studies of Berthold of Zwiefalten's Chronicle grew my thesis for the Ph. D. degree of the University of Tübingen,Studien zur Chronik Bertholds von Zwiefalten, published inStudien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens51 (1933) 83–101 and 183–195. The subsequent work on theChronicleand the relevant studies that appeared between 1933 and 1938 are described below in the Introduction. The political developments in Germany prevented me from bringing out the planned edition of the reconstructedChronicle, and compelled me to be satisfied with the presentation in theRevue Bénédictine50 (1938) 141–145, of the synopsis of my reconstruction with the first edition of 1852 in theMonumenta Germaniae Historica.In 1946–47 my fortune led me to Cornell University where the work in its present form was written. When preparing in 1953 the MS for the printer, I noticed in Wattenbach-Levison,Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im MittelalterI (Weimar 1952) 29 note 106, the edition by Erich König and Karl Otto Müller,Die Zwiefalter Chroniken Ortliebs und Bertholds(Schwäbische Chroniken der Stauferzeit 2; Stuttgart-Berlin 1941). Upon inquiry the W. Kohlhammer Verlag at Stuttgart informed me that their stock of the book had been destroyed during the war. Professor Dr. P. Gehring of the University Library at Tübingen then kindly mailed the surviving library copy of the book to Ithaca, New York, in January 1955. The examination of both Chronicles plainly showed me,a) that the text of Berthold'sChronicleedited by Erich König is basically the text of my first reconstruction, the MS of which I had turned over to E. König before I left Germany in August 1939, andb) that the Introduction to Berthold by Karl Otto Müller, also his re-evaluation of Ortlieb, often follow in word and contents my Tübingen Ph. D. Thesis of 1932.
A Crux in Aulus Gellius: Noctes Atticae 1.15.1
Authors: Avery William T. 
Published: August 2016

Our editions of Gellius' Noctes Atticae read as follows at 1.15.1:
Qui sunt leves et futiles et importuni locutores quique nullo rerum pondere innixi verbis uvidis et lapsantibus diffluunt, eorum orationem bene existimatum est in ore nasci, non in pectore, linguam autem debere aiunt non esse liberam nec vagam, sed vinclis de pectore imo ac de corde aptis moveri et quasi gubernari.
The Prologue to Avitus' ‘De spiritalis historiae gestis’: Christian Poetry and Poetic License
Authors: Roberts Michael 
Published: August 2016

In the dedicatory letter to theDe spiritalis historiae gestis, addressed to his brother Apollinaris, bishop of Valence, Avitus of Vienne discusses the peculiar problems raised by Christian poetry (201.16–202.15 Peiper). The implications of this passage have not, I believe, been fully grasped. Let me begin by citing the relevant section of the letter to Apollinaris (201.16–202.9 Peiper).Quamquam quilibet acer ille doctusque sit, si religionis propositae stilum non minus fidei quam metri lege servaverit, vix aptus esse poemati queat; quippe cum licentia mentiendi, quae pictoribus ac poetis aeque conceditur, satis procul a causarum serietate pellenda sit. In saeculari namque versuum opere condendo tanto quis peritior appellator, quanto elegantius, immo, ut vere dicamus, ineptius falsa texuerit. Taceo iam verba ilia vel nomina, quae nobis nec in alienis quidem operibus frequentare, ne dicam in nostris conscribere licet: quae ad conpendia poetarum aliud ex alio significantia plurimum valent. Quocirca saecularium iudicio, qui aut inperitiae, aut ignaviae dabunt non uti nos licentia poetarum, plus arduum quam fructuosum opus adressi divinam longe discrevimus ab humana existimatione censuram.
Medieval Liturgical Books in Twenty-Three Spanish Libraries: Provisional Inventories
Authors: Hughes Andrew 
Published: August 2016

(Barcelona, El Escorial, Gerona, Huesca, Lérida, Madrid, Montserrat, Pamplona, Poblet, Seo de Urgel, Silos, Tarazona, Toledo, Tortosa, Vallbona de las Monjas, Vich)This article is mainly concerned with Office Books, but does not include books for the Mozarabic rite. A few books for the Mass etc. were included as a result of earlier incorrect descriptions; these were inspected and eliminated without further investigation.
The Fourfold Division of Souls: The Old English ‘Christ III’ and the Insular Homiletic Tradition
Authors: Biggs Frederick M. 
Published: August 2016

A review of the scholarship on the sources of the Old English Christ III makes it increasingly clear that the poem is related to the homiletic tradition, a term used here to refer to both sermons and homilies. This relationship is apparent in three main ways: first, several long passages directly translate known homilies; second, a number of other passages are homiletic in their hortatory tone and their direct apostrophes to their audiences; and third, the constant rearrangement of biblical material to make specific thematic points suggests that the poet was working from homilies rather than directly from the Bible. One example of this third kind of evidence may be instructive since it has not been specifically noted. In describing how man's former deeds are revealed after the general resurrection, the poet writes:

Opene weorþað
ofer middangeard monna dæde:
ne magun hord wera[s], heortan geþohtas,
fore Waldende wihte bemiþan;
ne sindon him dæda dyrne, ac Þær bið Dryhtne cuð (lines 1046b-50)