bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Alessandro Gavazzi: a barnabite friar and the risorgimento (Presidential Address)
Authors: Hall Basil 
Published: March 2016

Think nowHistory has many cunning passages, contrived corridorsAnd issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,Guides us by vanities. Think nowShe gives when our attention is distractedAnd what she gives, gives with such supple confusionsThat the giving famishes the craving. Gives too lateWhat’s not believed in, or if still believed,In memory only, reconsidered passion.Historians no doubt have problems enough without setting before themselves that ‘memento mori’ from Eliot, who, though he was describing an old man seeking to understand his own past, leaves nevertheless an echo in the mind disturbing to those who practise the historian’s craft. We assume a confidence which in our heart of hearts we do not always, or should not always, possess. Eliot’s words not only demonstrate the difficulty of one man understanding his own past, but also the historian’s difficulty in understanding those whom they select for questioning from among the vast multitudes of the silent dead, whose deeds, artifacts, ideas, passions, hopes and memories have died with them. We dig into the past, obtain data from archives, brush off the objects found, collect statistics, annotate, arrange, describe, establish a chronology – but do we effectively understand the dead, especially since we are affected by our own beliefs, customs and ideologies? We are, of course, all aware of this: we silently scorn the lecturer who raises these diffident hesitations. For we know our duty: we examine all that we can, we describe our findings, we annotate them, we draw conclusions, or leave our demonstrations to speak for themselves. There are reasons, as I shall hope to show, that these considerations – Eliot’s ominous words and our determination not to be disquieted by them – bear upon the subject of this paper, the almost forgotten Alessandro Gavazzi.
The presbyterian church in Ireland and the government of Ireland act (1920)
Authors: Barkley John M. 
Published: March 2016

The government of Ireland act (1920) did not fall, like Athene, fully fledged from the head of Zeus, so its historical development has to be considered if the presbyterian attitude to it is to be understood.Presbyterians in Ireland had been second-class citizens up to 1780, and from then until the act of disestablishment in 1870 a tolerated church. This was a vital factor when they were called upon to face the issue of home rule in 1886. A second was that they were a minority, the majority of whose members lived in Ulster, whose community interests with Britain had been accentuated by industrialisation. They owed little or nothing to an irish parliament or Dublin so far as relief from legal disabilities and their standard of living were concerned. A third factor was the ‘vote tory manifesto’ of ‘catholic nationalism’ in 1885 which ended liberalism as a party in Ulster politics leaving presbyterianism without a political party of its own liberal ethos. Politically, presbyterians had now no option but to choose between the toryism of the former ascendancy and an aggressive catholic nationalism which at times resorted to force and violence against the union with Britain on which their standard of living and economic welfare depended.
Problems Arising from the Conversion of Syria
Authors: Liebeschuetz W. 
Published: March 2016

It is the aim of this paper to ask questions rather than to answer them. The area with which I am concerned is a strip of central Syria extending from the Euphrates in the north to Baalbek (ancient Heliopolis) in the south. This region has a large number of village-remains from late antiquity, some of them exceptionally well preserved. These remains have yielded a large number of inscriptions, of which a significant proportion bears a date. They are being collected in the volumes of the Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. Seven volumes have appeared.The inscriptions start in the early empire and continue to the end of the sixth century. They thus start in pagan times and cover the whole development of Syrian Christianity. Only a few of the Christian inscriptions come from the great cities of Syria, for example Antioch, Aleppo [Beroea], the ancient Apamea, or Horns [Emesa]. They do not therefore throw light on the development of urban Christianity, which at Antioch especially was of great importance, and of long standing. The development reflected by the inscriptions is the conversion of the countryside.
Urbanitas-Rusticitas: Linguistic Aspects of a Medieval Dichotomy
Authors: Richter Michael 
Published: March 2016

Christian teaching places man’s origin in paradise, a rural setting, and the end of mankind in the celestial city of Jerusalem. Thus both town and country have potentially positive connotations to the believer. Yet just as the angel could fall to become satan, so town and country could acquire evil reputations, depending on the behaviour of human beings in these settings (after all, the fall of man took place in paradise).Christian writings draw in many respects on human experience, including the setting of man in society. At times in history town and country were experienced as different settings of life. Certainly there existed a notion of a superiority of urban over rural existence in classical Greek times; in contrast, Roman civilisation was more geared towards rural life. Both Hellenic and Roman thought contributed a great deal to the shaping of early Christianity. I am concerned here primarily with medieval attitudes towards town and country, but it is a fact that these were, partly at least, based on earlier tradition.
Voluntaryism within the Established Church in Nineteenth Century Belfast
Authors: Kerr S. Peter 
Published: March 2016

‘The Irish need to be governed and controlled as well as I excited.’ So wrote Daniel Wilson, a young English clergyman later to be bishop of Calcutta, after visiting Armagh in June 1814 to discuss with local clergy the possibility of setting up a branch of the Church Missionary Society. An Irish (Hibernian) Church Missionary Society, he argued, would
… have a tendency both to revive and regulate the piety of members of the Church, fostering whatever is holy and energetic, and yet directing both in … orderly submission to the Church …
The Catholic Federation 1906–1929
Authors: Doyle Peter 
Published: March 2016

Bishop Casartelli of Salford wrote in his diary for 13 October 1906, ‘Deo Grattas! The magnificent Catholic Demonstration … organised by our new Catholic Federation, has been a wonderful success … 40,000 or more from every part of the Diocese. Extraordinary enthusiasm.’ His joy was understandable, for the Catholic Federation had been founded only a few months before. The aim had been to start something altogether different from the many specific Catholic societies already in existence. It was to be a
powerful Catholic organisation knit together in unity and solidarity, with the spirit of the Maccabees and the spirit of faith sending an electric current of living and vital Catholicity into the soul of every unit, and calling them to action against the growing hosts of enemies of God, Religion and Social Democracy.
A Description of the Qualifications Necessary to a Gospel Minister-Quaker Ministry in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Hall David J. 
Published: March 2016

In 1750 Samuel Bownas, then aged about seventy-four, published A Description of the Qualifications necessary to A Gospel Minister, a manual of advice to ministers and elders in the Religious Society of Friends. In 1738 the church discipline of the Society was codified and made available to Friends’ meetings, first in manuscript form and then from 1783 in print, providing rules and advice covering aspects of Quaker life from administration at national level to personal conduct.In the earliest days of the Society the appearance in print of such advice would have been considered superfluous. A Friend received his call to minister directly from the Spirit once he was in a receptive state as a result of turning to the light, then found the direction of his particular ministry. This call bore no relation to the education or status of the recipient, it was not recognized by any external rite, it could be of short duration, and it could take varied forms.
William of Auvergne and the Jews
Authors: Smith Lesley 
Published: March 2016

[He] is in the line of the great souls of the Middle Ages who spanned the whole compass of current knowledge. Bishop and doctor, William of Auvergne is one of the noble figures of the thirteenth century (F. Vernet).William was chaplain to Queen Blanche, King Louis’ mother, and in an age of great bigotry he excelled in excessive bigotry (Ch. Merchavia).In 1240 William of Auvergne, Bishop of Paris, was present at a form of hearing, trial, disputation, or inquisition between Christians and Jews to determine whether or not the Parisian Jews should have their copies of the Talmud destroyed. The Talmud was condemned. Some two years later the large quantity—probably twenty-four cartloads—of Jewish books which had been confiscated in 1240, and locked since then in the Dominican convent, was publicly burned. The consigning of the books to the flames is reminiscent of the burning of heretics and is one of the circumstances of the whole event which has led some commentators to see the trial as a form of Inquisition.
The Phenomenon of Philo-Semitism
Authors: Katz David S. 
Published: March 2016

No One would accuse Martin Luther of being philo-Semitic. Even his first, so-called pro-Jewish pamphlet to the Jews is tentative in the extreme and conditional on their accepting Christianity in its purer Protestant form. But even he could not disguise his admiration for the Jews in two areas. The first was sheer survival.The Jews are the poorest people among all nations on earth [he said], they are plagued every where, scattered to and fro in all Countries, they have no certain place, they sit like as on a wheel-barrow, have no Countrie, people nor Government, yet they attend with great desire, they cheer up themselves and saie, It will bee soon better with us.
Popery, Rabbinism, and Reform: Evangelicals and Jews in Early Victorian England
Authors: Feldman David 
Published: March 2016

In this brief paper I discuss the relation between Christianity and Jewish religious reform in early Victorian England. More specifically, I want to suggest that there was a close relation between the Evangelical critique of Judaism as a form of popery and the direction and meaning of religious reform within Anglo-Jewry. If, indeed, this was the case, then what follows has a significant bearing upon the way we interpret Jewish integration in nineteenth-century England.There were roughly 50,000 Jews in England in 1850, two-thirds of whom lived in the capital. Synagogues, like other communal institutions, were dominated by a wealthy elite. Synagogue attendance was thin, and in 1851, on census Sabbath, only 10 per cent of London Jews were found in a metropolitan synagogue. Although nominally Orthodox, the general temper of religious observance within Anglo-Jewry was relaxed.
John Foxe and the Traitors: The Politics of the Marian Persecution (Presidential Address)
Authors: Loades David 
Published: March 2016

… not long after this he was sent to the Tower, and soon after condemned of treason. Notwithstanding the queen, when she could not honestly deny him his pardon, seeing all the rest were discharged, and especially seeing he last of all others subscribed to king Edward’s request, and that against his own will, released to him his action of treason and accused him only of heresy; which liked the archbishop right well, and came to pass as he wished, because the cause was not now his own, but Christ’s; not the queen’s but the church’s.Cranmer’s condemnation for treason was almost as great an embarrassment to John Foxe as it had been to the Archbishop himself. Obedience to lawful authority was axiomatic to both, as to all the orthodox reformers of die first generation. Against Catholic accusations that all Protestants were natural subverters of established order, they argued that the good Christian would be least a traitor to his Prince. Preaching upon the text ‘Render unto Caesar’ in November 1550, Hugh Latimer had declared,
Henry Bull, Miles Coverdale, and the Making of Foxe’sBook of Martyrs
Authors: Wabuda Susan 
Published: March 2016

In a preface to hisActs and Monuments, John Foxe explained why his ecclesiastical history was so deeply concerned with martyrs.I see no cause why the Martyrs of our time deserue not as great commendation as the other in the primitiue church, which assuredly are inferiour vnto them in no point of praise, whether we looke vpon the nomber of them that suffered, or the greatnes of their tormentes, or their constancy in dieng[sic], or also consider the fruite that they brought to the amendement of mens liues, and the encrease of the gospel.
An Elizabethan Martyrologist and his Martyr: John Mush and Margaret Clitherow
Authors: Cross Claire 
Published: March 2016

On 25 March 1586 for refusing to plead on a charge of harbouring Catholic priests Margaret Clitherow was pressed to death in York.
She was in dying one quarter of an hour, a sharp stone as much as a man’s fist put under her back; upon her was laid to the quantity of seven or eight hundreth weight, at the least, which, breaking her ribs, caused them to burst forth of the skin. Thus most victoriously this gracious martyr overcame all her enemies, passing [from] this mortal life with marvellous triumph into the peaceable city of God, there to receive a worthy crown of endless immortality and joy.This quotation forms the climax of A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mrs Margaret Clitherow, written by the seminary priest John Mush within three months of her death. Mush produced his work with a quite explicit didactic purpose.
It hath been a laudable custom in all ages from the beginning of Christ his church [he wrote on the first page] to publish and truly set forth the singular virtues of such her children as either in their lives by rare godliness did shine above the rest, or by their patient deaths most stoutly overcame all barbarous cruelty, and both by their lives and deaths glorified God, encouraged to like victory their faithful brethren, and with invincible fortitude confounded the persecuting tyrants…
Dom Bede Camm (1864-1942), Monastic Martyrologist
Authors: Bellenger Dominic Aidan 
Published: March 2016

One of the soldiers asked him what religion he was of. He readily answered, ‘I am a Catholic’ ‘What!’ said the other, ‘a Roman Catholic?’ ‘How do you mean a Roman?’ said Father Bell, ‘I am an Englishman. There is but one Catholic Church, and of that I am a member.’These words of a Franciscan priest, Arthur Bell, executed at Tyburn in 1643, could have been taken as his own by Dom Bede Camm, the Benedictine martyrologist, who was one of the great propagandists of those English and Welsh Catholic martyrs who died in the period from the reign of Elizabeth to the Popish Plot. The lives of the martyrs were familiar to English Catholics through the writings of Richard Challoner (1691–1781), whose Memoirs of Missionary Priests had been available in various forms since its publication, as a kind of Catholic reply to Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, in two volumes in 1741–2, but in the late nineteenth century, as the English Catholics, reinforced by many converts from the Church of England, grew more combative in controversy following the relative calm of the Georgian period, the martyrs came more to the forefront. The church authorities sought recognition of the English martyrs’ heroic virtue. In 1874 Cardinal Manning had put under way an ‘ordinary process’, a preliminary judicial inquiry, to collect evidence to elevate the ‘venerable’ martyrs to the status of ‘beati’. In 1895, and again in 1929, large batches of English martyrs were declared blessed. In 1935 Thomas More and John Fisher were canonized. It was not until 1970 that forty of the later martyrs, a representative group, were officially declared saints.
Reflections on Modern Russian Martyrdom
Authors: Dixon Simon 
Published: March 2016

The Lord has given glory to those who preached Christ in the arena and who did not fear the threats of the ungodly. With fortitude they suffered and so cast down the pride of the transgressors.Returning from his visit to Catherine the Great in 1773–4, chastened by a winter of ill health and frustration, which served finally to disillusion him of the prospects to be expected of an enlightened monarch, Diderot consoled himself by writing, during a sojourn at The Hague, an acerbic critique of theInstruction(Nakaz) in which his benefactress had outlined her political principles to the Legislative Commission of 1767. Most of Diderot’sObservations sur le Nakazconcentrated on refuting particular propositions advanced by the Empress. But he began with three general statements of principle, the last of which concerns the proper place of religion and the priesthood in the State. In setting out his objections to the fact that Catherine, like her mentor, Montesquieu, had opened her treatise with reference to God, Diderot is at his most splenetically anti-clerical.
Hugh of St Victor, Isaiah’s Vision, and De arca Noe
Authors: Zinn Grover A. 
Published: March 2016

Hugh of St Victor’s two treatises on Noah’s Ark, De arca Noe morali and De arca Noe mystìca, are major twelfth-century writings on the contemplative life with a significant relationship to the medieval iconographie tradition. Both refer to a drawing that symbolically presents the spiritual teaching of the treatises. Unfortunately this drawing no longer exists, but De arca Noe mystica describes it in detail. That description and passages in De arca Noe morali show that the drawing had three major iconographie elements:(1) a figure of Christ ‘seated in majesty’ as seen in a vision by the prophet Isaiah (Isaiah 6);(2) a symbolic cosmos, with the earth at the centre, surrounded by the regions of aer and aether; and(3) a schematized drawing of Noah’s Ark, depicting it as a three-storeyed, pyramidal vessel viewed from above.These three ‘units’ were arranged so that the figure of Christ held the symbolic cosmos in front of his body (with only his head, hands, and feet visible), while the diagram of the Ark was placed in the centre of the symbolic cosmos so that the earth surrounded the Ark.
Iconoclasm, Iconography, and the Altar in the English Civil War
Authors: Eales Jacqueline 
Published: March 2016

On 16 January 1641 Anna Temple wrote from Broughton, Oxfordshire, to her daughter in Sussex:God is exceeding good to us every way, both body and souls, and hath done wonderful things among us already, and gives us hope of more, and that we shall see idolatry and superstition rooted out; and God’s ordinances set up in the purity and power of them. Altars begin to go down apace and rails in many places, and yours must follow if it be not down already. Let us labour to be thankful and continue our prayers, hold up our hands that Israel may prevail.
Contemporary Ecclesiastical Reactions to Home’s Douglas
Authors: Sefton Henry R. 
Published: March 2016

It is not entirely clear whether the man in the gallery who cried out, ‘Whaur’s yer Willie Shakespeare noo?’ was being facetious, but the audiences both in Edinburgh and in London gave the tragedy Douglas by John Home- an enthusiastic reception. The Reverend Alexander Carlyle, better known as Jupiter Carlyle from his fine appearance, noted in his Anecdotes and Characters:
The Play had unbounded Success for a Great Many Nights in Edinr and was attended by all the Literati, and most of the Judges, who except one or two had not been in use to attend the Theatre. The Town in Gen was in an uproar of Exultation, that a Scotchman had written a Tragedy of the First Rate and that its Merit was first Submitted to their Judgment.
The Fate of Babies Dying before Baptism in Byzantium
Authors: Baun Jane 
Published: March 2016

In the city of the Laodikaians lived a devout, pure, and blameless priest. To this priest one night the local governor came in urgent haste, pressing him to rise up and baptize his child, whose breath was already beginning to fail. Leaping up right away, the priest ran into the church. But while he was preparing the water and the holy oil the child died, before it could be baptized.Taking the child, the priest placed it in front of the font and said to the attendant angel, ‘To you, my fellow servant, angel of God, I say: by the authority that Christ gave us to bind and loose in heaven and upon earth, restore the soul of the child in the body until I shall baptize it, lest it depart unenlightened into that age. For my Master and yours knows that I was not careless, but when I was called, I ran straight away.’ When the priest had spoken, the child returned to life. He then baptized it, kissed it, and said, ‘Go, child, into the kingdom of heaven.’ And immediately the child fell back asleep in the Lord.
A Broad Churchman and the Prayer Book: the Reverend Charles Voysey
Authors: Turner Garth 
Published: March 2016

If the heirs of the Tractarians were in Victorian Anglicanism most conspicuously dissatisfied with the Prayer Book, they were not alone: the Broad Church also had discontents, which focused largely upon the recitation of the Athanasian Creed:Whoever will be saved: before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholick Faith.Which faith except everyone do keep whole and undefiled: without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.This is the Catholic Faith: which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be saved.
Reservation of the Sacrament at Winchester Cathedral, 1931–1935
Authors: Daykin T.E. 
Published: March 2016

The Revised Prayer Book, though twice rejected by Parliament, was published in 1928 with the notice: ‘The publication of this Book does not directly or indirectly imply that it can be regarded as authorized for use in the churches.’ The bishops set out in July 1929 three principles by which they would guide parishes wishing to use the 1928 Book:
1. They would not regard as inconsistent with loyalty to the Church of England the use of the additions to or deviations from the 1662 Book contained in the 1928 Book. They would regard ‘any other deviations as inconsistent with Church Order’.2. They would ‘endeavour to secure that the practices which are consistent neither with the Book of 1662 nor with the Book of 1928 shall cease’.3. They would only permit 1928 usage if agreed to by the Parochial Church Councils and by the parties concerned at occasional offices.
Time for Prayer and Time for Work. Rule and Practice among Catholic Lay Sisters in the Dutch Republic
Authors: Spaans Joke 
Published: March 2016

One shall rise at five in the morning and go to communal prayers at six. After prayer and meditation one shall read the first three canonical hours: matins, lauds and prime – but those who do not have the leisure can also do this over their work.This is how the Rule of a community of seventeenth-century Dutch Catholic lay-sisters started. Theirs was a very flexible rule, designed to accommodate both wealthy sisters, who could spend much of their time in their devotions, and poorer ones, who had to work for their living. Their Rule provides a good illustration of attitudes towards the use of time among pious Christians in the seventeenth century.