bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Pratique, piete et foi populaire dans la France moderne au XIXeme et XXeme siecles
Authors: Latreille A. 
Published: March 2016

La question que je voudrais examiner avec vous est la suivante: peut-on, et par quelles méthodes, avec quels documents, mesurer la vitalité religieuse d’un groupe humain, au sein d’un pays catholique, à une époque déterminée?Depuis longtemps on ne réduit plus l’histoire religieuse à l’histoire des institutions ecclésiales, de leurs structures, de leur personnel et des relations des églises avec les sociétés politiques: mais on s’intéresse au comportement et à la spiritualité du peuple des fidèles ou des moins fidèles, aux croyances, aux dévotions, à la sensibilité religieuse des diverses catégories d’hommes et de femmes, à travers les générations successives. Or la difficulté est grande de rejoindre ceux qui ne se sont pas distingués de la masse par leur héroïsme ou leur sainteté, par leurs écrits ou par leurs œuvres. On a fait des histoires du sentiment religieux en partant des textes des docteurs, des fondateurs de communautés et de mouvements, voire d’écrivains de second ordre: et un Henri Brémond a magistralement démontré tout ce que l’on pouvait tirer même d’auteurs de second ordre, qui ne furent pas forcément les moins influents ou les moins représentatifs. En revanche il paraît malaisé de donner une idée précise de la mentalité, à plus forte raison de la conviction et de la ferveur, d’une société prise dans son ensemble, ou de ‘l’homme de la rue’ qui ne s’est pas exprimé et n’a pas laissé d’archives ou de postérité spirituelle.
Attitudes to schism at the council of Nicaea
Authors: Ferguson Everett 
Published: March 2016

The council of Nicaea in AD 325 had to deal with disciplinary matters related to three schisms or heresies in addition to Arianism. The persons involved were the clergy among the followers of Meletius, Novatian, and Paul of Samosata.The interpretation given in the standard history of the councils by Hefele and Leclercq is that the fathers at Nicaea did not require a new ordination of Novatian and Meletian clergymen who returned to the catholic Church. Their previous ordinations were valid but irregular. When this irregularity was corrected, the persons involved could then function in the clergy of the great Church. Later theory about the indelibility of ordination appears to have influenced unduly this interpretation.
Protest and schism in nineteenth-century German Catholicism: the Ronge–Czerski movement, 1844–5
Authors: Detzler Wayne 
Published: March 2016

From the seclusion of Upper Silesia a suspended priest published his protest against the powerful bishop Wilhelm Arnoldi of Trier. The peasants’ poverty was compounded by exploitation. Virgins were robbed of their purity. The superstitions of the common folk were fanned into flames of fanaticism. Guilty alone for this massive oppression was bishop Wilhelm Arnoldi of Trier. As defender of the oppressed, the priest Johannes Ronge emerged, who had been exiled to the Silesian mining hamlet of Laurahuette a scant six months before.The occasion of Ronge’s open letter was the display of Christ’s seamless robe at Trier in the autumn of 1844. Thrice previously the sacred garment had been shown for the edification of the faithful. In 1585 it was put on display to prompt giving toward the restoration of the churches of Trier. After the Thirty Years War, in 1651, the robe was again presented to the public eye. Having been returned to Trier from the safety of Augsburg following the Napoleonic threat, the tattered relic was again exposed to the view of Catholics in 1810.
Papal witchcraft: the charges against Benedict XIII
Authors: Harvey Margaret 
Published: March 2016

The charges with which I shall deal in this paper were almost certainly a tissue of nonsense. Indeed a recent – hostile – account dismisses them as containing motifs presque folkloriques rappellant la legende de Sylvestre II. The folklore is itself interesting however, and so are the circumstances in which it could be delivered solemnly as fact to auditors at a general council by a powerful group including doctors of law and even a cardinal.The circumstances in which the charges were brought were as follows: In 1409 popes Gregory XII and Benedict XIII were tried by the council of Pisa, with the intention of deposing them to end the schism. First, 37 charges were brought against them, giving a fairly detailed and damning account of the recent behaviour of both in failing to keep their oaths to end the schism. Some members of die council must have felt that these charges were not adequate, however, because on 17 May 1409 the council gave permission for new charges to be added if necessary. Ten new charges were indeed prepared and heard from May 27–30, so we have the full account of the evidence of the witnesses. Among these charges are accusations of witchcraft against each pope.
‘Holy worldliness’ in nineteenth-century England
Authors: Willmer Haddon 
Published: March 2016

If it had ever been coined, the slogan ‘holy worldliness’ would have been welcomed in nineteenth-century England. So many of the longings, and half-formed visions of the period seemed to be pressing in that direction. And yet the fact that it never appeared, so far as I know, suggests that the thinking of the time was somehow deeply inhibited. In this paper, I wish to try to show how close theologians and popular religious thinkers came to framing the concept of ‘holy worldliness’, and how and why they were held back.My reading has unfortunately been inadequate and this paper can be no more than a first impressionistic sketch. I have not taken the well trodden highroad of F. D. Maurice and Charles Kingsley and the like. This is not to deny their importance, but given a limited space, I want to explore some of the by-paths, if only to keep open the historian’s rights of way. Only as we walk them well shall we be able to understand die merits and demerits of the highroad. To speak plainly, figures like F. D. Maurice are studied too much in isolation from their context; even when this procedure does not lead to positive error, it cannot help but reduce claims for their special significance to mere assertions. To judge whether a man had a unique or seminal role involves comparing him with his competitors, and that means, doing equal justice to them all. By itself, the biographical method – the hero against a backcloth – gives no grounds for estimating the hero’s significance, since it has already been prejudged by the biographical form. But this reflection is no doubt an inaptly grandiose apology for the deficiencies of what I have to offer.
A socio-linguistic approach to the latin middle ages
Authors: Richter Michael 
Published: March 2016

There are two lights, a greater and a smaller one, that is to say, the wiser men and the less wise; the day signifies the wise men, and the night the uninformed. The greater light illuminates the day, for the wiser men instruct those who are more able. What is Augustine if not a sun in the Church? to whom does he speak if not to the wise? You, however, the priests, knowing less, are the smaller light, you illuminate the night, for you preside over the laity who do not know the Scripture and remain in the darkness of ignorance ... The other section of the clergy who do not preside over the people of God are the stars, because although they cannot shine by doctrine, do nevertheless shine by their work onto the earth, that is, the Church.These sentences are taken from an anonymous sermon ‘On the Priesthood’, based on Genesis i, 16–20. The author of the sermon showed the priests their place in society: even though they did not belong to the intellectual elite, their profession and knowledge separated them clearly from the darkness of night in which the laity was imprisoned. In the course of the twelfth century, this passage from Genesis underwent an exegetical change and was used, from then onwards, to explain the political relationship between regnum and sacerdotium. What did remain was the notion of a fundamental difference between clergy and laity, and nowhere was this notion better expressed than in our sermon to the priests: quodcunque lumen estis, lumen estis tamen. In true medieval fashion, our author equated knowledge with the knowledge of the Word of God. He also stressed the fundamental difference between light and darkness, between the clergy and the laity. While theology emphasises that ordination makes the clergy by virtue of its office into the mediator between God and man, this was not the main concern of our author. Instead, he voiced the belief, widely shared by the clergy generally, that knowledge as such was the prerogative of the clergy. Such an attitude raises the question of how the clergy was able to achieve monopoly of knowledge, and how it reacted to attempts by the laity to challenge this monopoly. In what follows I propose to enquire into this phenomenon by looking at the linguistic scene in the medieval west.
The sermon literature of pope Clement VI
Authors: Wood Diana 
Published: March 2016

Maximus sermocinator verbi Dei is the description of pope Clement VI, formerly Pierre Roger, given by a fourteenth-century French chronicler. Others of the pope’s compatriots were equally fulsome in their adulation. An Italian chronicler, perhaps an ex-student at the university of Paris, where Pierre Roger had been a master in theology, records:. . . gratissimus fuit sermocinator. Quum cathedram concionaturus aut disputaturus ascendebat, tota Parisiorum Civitas, ut eum audiret, accurrebat. Proh quam eleganter sermocinabatur!In Prague, Clement’s ex-pupil, the emperor Charles IV, remembered the grace with which he had been infused through listening to one of his master’s sermons over twenty years before. Even the English joined this chorus of praise. Thomas Walsingham paid tribute to Clement as a man of singular culture, while Walter Burley lauded his teaching skill, his oratory, and his legendary memory. By the early fifteenth century Clement’s sermons were regarded as models. Several of them appear, abbreviated and anonymous, as part of a treatise on preaching by Paul Koëlner, canon of Ratisbon, written some time before 1420.
The Rumanian Orthodox church and the west
Authors: Tappe Eric 
Published: March 2016

The title of this paper raises a problem at the very outset. What is meant by ‘the Rumanian Orthodox church’ when one is talking of a period before the notion of ‘Rumania’ had been conceived? In this paper it will be taken to mean the Orthodox church as it existed in the principalities of Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania from the fourteenth century and has continued in those territories to the present day.A few words first about the prehistory of the Rumanian Orthodox church as thus defined. The Roman province of Dacia had been created by Trajan in AD 106, and the administration had been withdrawn south of the Danube by Aurelian in 271, after which the territories in question were controlled first by the Goths and then by a succession of other invaders for about ten centuries. During this millenium they remain for us in a darkness lit by very few rays. It is therefore not surprising that there is little evidence for church organisation north of the Danube during this period, especially when we remember that the Dacian lands ceased to belong to the empire half a century before Christianity became a tolerated religion. The first church building so far discovered in the lands north of the lower Danube is at Sucidava, a bridgehead held by the Romans after their withdrawal, destroyed by the Huns in 447, and refounded by Justinian in his first years as emperor. This basilica is apparently from Justinian’s time, and being in a bridgehead, may be presumed to have depended on a church organisation south of the Danube.
The significance of the Russian Orthodox diaspora and its effect on the Christian west
Authors: Zernov Nicolas 
Published: March 2016

The enforced emigrations caused by political or religious conflicts have often been an enriching and stimulating factor in the cultural history of mankind.Lenin’s dictatorship based on red terror forced more than a million Russians to flee from their own country and settle down in various parts of the world. The Russian diaspora included a great variety of people, among them many well-known men. It will suffice to mention a few names: Ivan Bunin (1870–1953), Dimitry Merezhkovsky (1865–1941) in literature; Sergy Rachmaninov (1873–1943) and Igor Stravinsky (1882–1971) in music; Vasily Kandinsky (1866–1944) in painting; Fedor Chaliapin (1873–1938) and Anna Pavlova (1881–1931) in the theatre; Mikhail Rostovtsev (1870–1952) and Georgy Vernadsky (1887–1973) in history; Igor Sikorsky (1889–1972) in aviation; Nikolay Menschokov (b. 1900) in geology. All these people made a substantial contribution to the contemporary world of art and learning.
Primitive Christianity revived: religious renewal in Augustan England
Authors: Duffy Eamon 
Published: March 2016

The restoration of Charles II seemed to the men of the church of England the miraculous inauguration of a golden age—‘When the Lord turned again the captivity of Sion: then were we like unto them that dream. Then was our mouth filled with laughter: and our tongue with joy.’ The clerical beneficiaries of the settlement of 1662 had much to rejoice them; the act of uniformity symbolised the secure replanting of the Laudian ideal, an ideal which, as R. S. Bosher has shown, had stiffened and intensified in the years of adversity. The restored church was more certain of itself, more intransigent in its jure divino episcopal claims, than the church of the 1630s. This new assurance was nourished by the flowering of anglican patristic learning which is so striking a feature of the later seventeenth century. The magisterial works of Ussher and Pearson on the Ignatian epistles, of Pearson and Fell on Cyprian, and of Bull on the ante-Nicene fathers, each contributed to a deepening sense of the continuity of the church of England with the catholic church of the first centuries. More and more the appeal to antiquity became the criterion of orthodoxy, and in that antiquity anglicanism found not merely its origins, but, occasionally and increasingly, a mirror image of itself. William Beveridge told his hearers at St Peter’s Cornhill.there are [some] who blame our Reformation as defective, as if the Church were not reformed, not purged enough from the errors it had before contracted; but if such would but lay aside all prejudices and impartially consider the constitution of our church, as it is now reformed, they might clearly see that as there is nothing defective so neither is there anything superflous in it, but that it exactly answers the pattern of the Primitive and Apostolical Church itself, as near as it is possible for a national church to do it.
Et Virtutem Et Musas: Mill Hill School and the Great War
Authors: Binfield Clyde 
Published: March 2016

‘It is the duty of every Christian man to regard his religion as the Expeditionary Force of his soul’.In the autumn of 1950 W. H. Balgarnie, a retired public school-master, was asked to reminisce about his early days in the profession. Balgarnie’s boys certainly remembered him, ‘very young-looking for his age, so much so that on one occasion we were rejoiced by a parent approaching him on the touch-line of the football field and saying: “Can you tell me where Mr. Balgarnie is, my boy?”’ Balgarnie replied from his house in Cambridge:... I came in 1890, and stayed only 3½ years, and know nothing of the great Eltham days. ‘S.S.M.’ was our abbreviation for ‘School for the Sons of Missionaries’, wh. I suppose was held not terse enough for a slogan on the football field. The School was quite small in my time, and 50 was accounted a full house. The Rev. Edward Waite was Headmaster—a beautiful reader of the Psalms at morning prayers—and I was under Mr. Hayward for only a year: it was he who took the motto from the Apocrypha, Filiorum gloria Patres.
To Flee or Not to Flee’: An Assessment of Athanasius’s De Fuga Sua
Authors: Pettersen Alvyn 
Published: March 2016

The very question ‘to flee or not to flee?’ strikes the historian of the early church as an unusual question. Forneither the martyrologies nor the histories of that persecuted body seem to entertain such. The death of Polycarp at Smyrnaseems to rule out the possibility of flight for subsequent confessors of Christ; and the events of Maximian’s reign (AD 306–13) confirm that identity with Christ, even in death, was the true vocation of the faithful. Eusebius, an eye witness of some of the events of that reign, records examples of weakness and apostasy, but only to set off what was the real character of the Christian church at the time, namely constancy and defiance in the face of persecution. Yet not only does he allude to that constancy, but he records it:
and we ourselves also beheld … many, all at once, in a single day, some of whom suffered decapitation, others the punishment of fire; so that the murderous axe was dulled and, worn out, was broken in pieces, while the executioners themselves grew utterly weary and took it in turns to succeed one another. It was then that we observed a most marvellous eagerness and a truly divine power and zeal in those who had placed their faith in the Christ of God. Thus, as soon as sentence was given against the first, some from one quarter, and others from another would leap up to the tribunal before the judge and confess themselves Christians; paying no heed when faced with terrors and the varied forms of tortures, but undismayed and boldly speaking of the piety towards the God of the universe, and with joy and laughter and gladness receiving the final sentence of death; so that they sung and sent up hymns and thanksgivings to the God of the universe even to the very last breath.
Popular Violence and Popular Heresy in Western Europe, c1000-1179
Authors: Moore R. I. 
Published: March 2016

In general modern writers on popular heresy in the high middle ages have shared the opinion of contemporary observers that the capacity of dissident preachers to attract a popular following, stimulate sentiments of intense devotion and loyalty, and canalise resentment of clerical exaction and abuse, constituted a significant threat to the authority of the Church. Hence, more or less explicitly, the extension of the theory and practice of coercion in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries has been seen as a defensive reaction designed (with the emphasis according to the preference of the historian) to protect clerical privilege and spiritual authority. There are, however, distinguished exceptions. In one of the few passages in his writings where religious persecution is discussed, Southern accounts for it thus:
… those who bore authority in the church were agents with very limited powers of initiative. They were not free agents. Doubtless they were responsible for some terrible acts of violence and cruelty, among which the Albigensian Crusade holds a particular horror. But on the whole the holders of ecclesiastical authority were less prone to violence, even against unbelievers, than the people whom they ruled.
United Irishmen and Unionists: Irish Presbyterians, 1791 and 1886
Authors: Holmes R. F. G. 
Published: March 2016

When Gladstone decided, some time in 1885, that the only way to achieve ‘social order’ in Ireland was to concede Home Rule, he was disappointed to find that among his most implacable and vociferous opponents were the Irish Presbyterians. In vain he was to remind them that their ancestors had been United Irishmen in the 1790s, the founding fathers of Irish republicanism. His appeal to them to ‘retain and maintain the tradition of their sires’ fell on deaf ears.It seemed to Gladstone as it has seemed to Irish nationalists and to some historians that the Irish Presbyterians had turned their political coats, that the grandsons of the United Irishmen had repudiated the principles of their grandfathers. Lecky, in his monumentalHistory of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, writing in the context of the Home Rule crisis, expressed his magisterial opinion that ‘the defection of the Presbyterians from the movement of which they were the main originators, and the great and enduring change which took place in their sentiments… are facts of the deepest importance in Irish history and deserve very careful and detailed examination’.
‘The only True Friend’: Ritualist Concepts of Priestly Vocation
Authors: Yates W. N. 
Published: March 2016

The title of this paper was inspired by a piece of ecclesiastical doggerel published in the Hensal-Cum-Heck Church Monthly for November 1895:They may call me a Papist, and laugh at my creed,‘Tis the Faith that will save in the hour of need;Let them talk, let them laugh, but when death is at handThe priest is the only true friend in the land.It is not the only ritualist concept of priestly vocation; in a somewhat earlier tract on confession priests are described as ‘the spiritual police of Almighty God; they must hunt out, track, pursue, and arraign sinners, as the police pursue and apprehend thieves and rascals’. Although both concepts are to be found elsewhere in ritualist literature, and both would have been accepted by many ritualist priests as not being mutually exclusive, it would seem that the concept of the priest as ‘friend’ was the dominant one.
Anti-Establishment Healing: Spiritualism in Britain
Authors: Barrow Logie 
Published: March 2016

Most of the people discussed in this paper would have been amazed at being drawn into a publication chiefly concerned with ecclesiastical history. Some would undoubtedly have treated the words as a rag of very great redness. To elucidate the incongruity, I will briefly summarise who these people were, and when they lived.The period is roughly 1850-1910; the people are those whom I define as plebeian autodidacts. By plebeian I mean, inclusively, anyone from lower-middle-class downwards. By autodidact, I mean anyone who makes their education their own affair, independently of social superiors. In the nineteenth century at least, self-education was seldom a matter of individual effort alone, but also of collective endeavour: comprising agitations for freedom of the press and of assembly, and the defence or exercise of such rights once gained; public readings, scientific demonstrations, lecture-series and, not least, marathon public debates. Thus we have to speak of a plebeian autodidactculture. It was not, of course, the culture of the majority of members of those classes I have lumped together as plebeians. Had it been, we could use the glibber word ‘popular’.