bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Domains of Vowel Harmony
Authors: Kiparsky Paul 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter deals with domains of harmony and disharmony, and approaches to their formal modeling. It furthermore covers cyclic, directional, and dominant harmony, harmony across word boundaries in compounds, clitics, and phrasal domains. Finally, it discusses a case of discontinuous harmony where phonology interacts cyclically with both the morphological derivation and the syntactic derivation. Because of its unbounded character, vowel harmony is a useful probe into word and sentence structure. It provides empirical evidence for morphological theories that countenance morphemes and hierarchical constituency in words, such as Distributed Morphology and Minimalist Morphology, and challenges theories that posit “a-morphous” or flat word structure, such as Paradigm Function Morphology and Word-based Morphology.
Morphosyntactic Asymmetries in Serviglianese Vowel Harmony Domains
Authors: Calabrese Andrea 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter deals with the morphosyntactic asymmetries found in the computation of stress and vowel harmony domains in Italo-Romance Serviglianese. A complex system of regressive vowel-harmonic processes characterizes this variety. These processes interact with a morphosyntactic process that cliticizes complement pronominals to verbs. Depending on the syntactic context, the clitics can appear before the verb (as proclitics) or after it (as enclitics). Crucially, there is a three-way distinction in phonological domains involving verbs and clitics: a domain including the verb roots and suffixes, but not enclitics, where stress is computed; one including the verb and enclitics but not proclitics, where harmonic processes are computed; and finally, one which includes proclitics plus the verb where processes such as secondary stress are computed. It is shown that these domain asymmetries can be accounted for by considering the derivational steps employed to construct morphosyntactic structures. A discussion of similar facts in Turkish follows.
The Role of Consonants in Vowel Harmony
Authors: Hansson Gunnar Ólafur 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines the ways in which consonants may interfere with, or participate in, patterns of vowel harmony (VH). Most commonly, consonants may act as opaque segments, blocking the propagation of the harmony feature. The types of consonants that can block VH are diverse and the phonetic motivation for their behavior as blockers is not always evident. Alternatively, consonants may trigger harmony, either on their own or in combination with a triggering vowel. Consonants may also display alternation between harmony contexts, suggesting that they can be undergoers of VH, though some such effects may arise at the level of phonetic implementation rather than in the phonological grammar. Many illustrative examples are provided of these different types of consonantal involvement in VH, and some frequently cited cases are re-evaluated. Finally, consonant harmony and VH are briefly compared in terms of their typological properties and underlying mechanisms.
What Constitutes Privileged Positions in Vowel Harmony?
Authors: Kaplan Aaron , Walker Rachel 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
Vowel harmony systems often grant special status to vowels in particular positions. Such vowels may trigger harmony, resist harmony, or become the endpoint for harmony. This chapter investigates the positions that are eligible for privilege of this sort, what kinds of privilege each position exhibits, and possible sources of that privilege. Privilege may be either phonologically grounded or morphologically grounded: stressed syllables, initial syllables, final syllables, roots, and stems are the primary positions that exhibit privilege cross-linguistically. Some of these positions exhibit the full range of privileged behavior cross-linguistically, while for other positions only a subset of possible privileged effects is attested. Formal accounts of privilege are examined, focusing primarily on the Optimality Theory (OT)-based constraint families of positional licensing and positional faithfulness.
Directionality in Vowel Harmony Systems
Authors: Mahanta Shakuntala 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter discusses how directionality in vowel harmony (VH) has been analyzed in the literature. We show that phonologists of various persuasions have thought of the direction of harmonic spreading as an epiphenomenon—that is, dependent on phonological or morphological features. But an extensive survey of languages that were previously not well studied shows that directionality is much more independent than it has been assumed to be so far. The chapter then discusses how directionality is seen in epiphenomenal systems as well, apart from the straightforward directionality. There are stray cases of limited rightward directionality as well, even though the regressive direction is more prevalent. Thus, the phonology of VH cannot completely discard the directionality parameter.
Vowel Harmony in Classical Generative Phonology
Authors: Kisseberth Charles W. , Kenstowicz Michael J. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter reviews publications in the early generative literature that addressed the challenges vowel harmony poses for a model of phonology whose archetypical rule changes the feature coefficient(s) of a single segment based on local context. These challenges include the Multiple-Application Problem (how to extend the feature change to multiple points in a harmonic span), the Directionality Problem (how to express progressive, regressive, and bidirectional assimilation as parameters of variation), the Duplication Problem (whether and, if so, how the same feature co-occurrence restriction can be stated over static roots and alternating affixes). Additional problems concern whether attested harmonic changes can be accommodated to a representational system based on distinctive features with consistent phonological and phonetic correlates (the Diacritic Problem) and whether both values of a feature assimilate (the Binarity Problem). Finally, given that harmony is the product of a rule, can later rules obscure its application (the Abstractness Problem)?
Vowel Harmony in Optimal Domains Theory
Authors: Kisseberth Charles W. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces and motivates the idea of spans as relevant for suprasegmental phenomena in the area of tone and vowel harmony. This approach is offered as an alternative to the autosegmental view of assimilation as spreading. In the Optimal Domains Theory approach, a feature F is realized within a phonological constituent termed the F-span. A span is sponsored by a single anchor in the unmarked case, but in cases of harmony the span has a wide scope defined in terms of prosodic or morphological constituents. The Expression constraint requires that within an F-span all anchors should be specified for F. However, this constraint may conflict with feature occurrence constraints that restrict the affiliation of F. The ranking of the constraints on alignment of F-spans and the Expression and feature occurrence constraints gives rise to a typology of harmony systems with different properties of transparency and opacity
Phonetic and Functional Precursors to Vowel Harmony
Authors: Rysling Amanda , Kingston John 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter concerns the potential functional and phonetic bases, i.e., the systemic pressures from language use that may cause languages to develop VH. It begins from a point of consensus: that a necessary precursor of VH in speech production is vowel-to-vowel coarticulation; it then considers several contested points concerning the perception of potentially harmonic vowels. It advances a novel proposal for the perceptual basis of VH, disagreeing with previous proposals in not assuming that, for vowels to be heard as harmonized, listeners must perpetuate perceptual mistakes. The chapter then examines the lack of evidence for perceptual weakness as the impetus for VH, before discussing the psycholinguistic evidence that native listeners of languages with VH use it to facilitate their word segmentation in on-line listening. It concludes that obtaining a comprehensive understanding of when/how usage pressures give rise to VH will necessitate more work on the production and perception of coarticulation.
Vowel Harmony in Contact Situations
Authors: Friedman Victor A. , Joseph Brian D. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines claims in the literature that vowel harmony (VH) is among the convergent features that serve to define the contact-determined sprachbund encompassing various languages of the Balkans. The interest of such claims is that, if true, they would point to an instance of the spread of VH due to language contact. Ultimately, however, these claims can be dismissed, on both empirical and definitional grounds. Nonetheless, it is argued that there is a different way in which VH of sorts does spread in the region, and other contact-related developments involving VH in these languages, especially the loss of VH, is also discussed.
On How and Why Vowel Harmony Decays
Authors: McCollum Adam G. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
Drawing on data from a range of language families, this chapter discusses harmonies which show signs of diachronic decay, outlining a number of pathways by which harmony may decay as well as the language-internal and language-external forces that may trigger decay. Both phonetic coarticulation and misperception have been linked to the emergence of vowel harmony (VH). This link, however, does not explain the ways in which phonological VH may change. There exists a multitudinous array of patterns in between phonetic coarticulation and robust, iterative harmony. Further, this link does not address the ways that harmony may decay. This chapter lists four different ways in which this might occur.
Vowel Harmony
Authors: Gordon Matthew K. , Fiddler Michael 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
Vowel harmony (VH) is a cross-linguistically pervasive phenomenon that ranges on a language-specific basis from a highly productive process to a vestigial property reflected in statistical patterns in the lexicon and morphologically restricted alternations. There are several types of VH that differ with respect to the phonological feature that spreads. The typologically most common VH systems operate along the front–back (palatal harmony), height, rounding (labial harmony), and tongue-root (advanced tongue root/restricted tongue root harmony) dimensions, although other varieties of VH are attested, including retroflexion and laxness harmony. Recurring features of VH systems include root and featural dominance, the transparency of neutral vowels, and opacity effects attributed to certain vowels and consonants. Certain types of harmony systems display geographic and/or genetic biases, although evaluation of the lexicons of many languages suggests that stochastic manifestations of harmony may be more widespread than traditionally thought.
Rounding Harmony
Authors: Kaun Abigail , McCollum Adam G. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
A survey of rounding harmony (RH) from across the world’s languages reveals certain recurring patterns. These patterns have been described and analyzed in prior typological work, which has generally started with the observation that the simplest possible RH pattern—a vowel must be rounded if it is adjacent to a rounded vowel—is rarely encountered. Rather, phonological constraints on either the trigger, the target, or both are nearly always observed. This chapter summarizes the RH systems of languages that represent the known patterns, including data that have been previously included in typological accounts as well as more recently identified instances of rounded harmony, and suggests certain phonetic factors that may underlie the typological patterns that are known to exist.
Vowel Harmony in Niger-Congo Languages of the Nuba Mountains
Authors: Bashir Abeer M. A. , Rose Sharon 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter presents the main vowel harmony (VH) patterns of 14 Niger-Congo languages of the Nuba Mountains area in Sudan. These languages are in close contact with Nilo-Saharan and Kadu languages, many of which also have VH. The Niger-Congo languages are mainly characterized by advanced tongue root (ATR) harmony or height harmony. ATR systems in the area have between 8 and 12 vowels, but all are characterized by contrasts among high vowels. Both stem-control and dominant–recessive ATR systems are attested. Height harmony is observed in three languages. The height systems involve vowel raising and show dominant–recessive characteristics, as they can be triggered by suffixes. There is speculation that there may have been a shift from an ATR system to a height system. Finally, there is rounding and front harmony found in Tima, a language with a 12-vowel system.
Vowel Harmony in North American Languages
Authors: Rice Keren 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter focuses on vowel harmony (VH) in languages indigenous to North America. Marianne Mithun lists 61 Indigenous language families/isolates in North America. This chapter reports on VH phenomena in languages from a representative number of the language families/isolates. It also mentions when no VH was found in families/isolates or when there was simply not sufficient information available to determine if a language had harmony. Overall, the sketches are organized as follows: First, there is a brief introduction to the family/isolate, identifying the traditional homeland of the speakers, the vowel inventory, the consonant inventory if relevant, and morphological structure if relevant. This is followed by a presentation of VH, and the sections generally end with a summary of the harmony, identifying the relevant factors including trigger, target, directionality, and other properties that are frequently seen in VH processes.
Height Harmony
Authors: Goad Heather 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines height harmony across languages. It is shown that alternations between high and mid vowels are robustly attested, where languages display both high-vowel lowering and mid-vowel raising. Alternations between mid and low vowels are less common; further, they seem to be confined to mid-vowel lowering, with low-vowel raising largely unattested. It is further shown that although most languages have more than two heights in their vowel inventories, height harmony patterns are confined to one-step changes (e.g., high-to-mid, *high-to-low), suggesting that a single feature is implicated. In some languages, [ATR] or [tense] is needed to support contrasts on the aperture dimension, but these features are shown to interact with, rather than pattern as, height features. Some consequences for feature theory of the asymmetries observed are discussed—for example, that height harmony does not sanction the feature [–low], or its equivalent.
Vowel Harmony in Nivkh
Authors: Botma Bert , Shiraishi Hidetoshi 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines the synchronic distribution of vowels in Nivkh, a linguistic isolate spoken in the Russian Far East. The data show that vowels in Nivkh roots are subject to what is known as a height restriction: A vowel in an unstressed syllable can be mid or low only if the vowel in the preceding stressed syllable is also mid or low. The chapter goes on to assess the evidence that exists for an earlier system of vowel harmony, some remnants of which can be seen in prefix-root domains. The available evidence is compatible with both a height and a tongue-root harmony system.
Tongue-Root Harmony [Atr]/[Rtr]
Authors: Casali Roderic F. 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter’s primary focus is on describing major patterns and aspects of typological variation associated with tongue-root harmony systems in African languages. Vowel harmony systems based on a tongue-root feature called advanced tongue root [ATR] occur widely in the Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan phyla of Sub-Saharan Africa. Outside Africa, tongue-root harmony systems have been identified in various other regions and phyla, though not always without controversy. The chapter itemizes the more common vowel inventories in which tongue-root harmony typically occurs, illustrates harmony in its most complete and symmetric form, and discusses widespread asymmetries and complexities that occur, including directional asymmetries and variation in the scope of the harmony domain, asymmetries related to the patterning of phonemically unpaired vowels, and asymmetric dominance or spreading of particular [ATR] values. A brief partial sampling of cases of tongue-root harmony outside Africa, with references to more extensive discussion elsewhere, is included in the final section.
A Stratal Optimality Theory Perspective on Vowel Harmony
Authors: Kiparsky Paul 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
The minimal domain of harmony is the stem. Larger harmony domains include words and their cyclic subconstituents, and phrasal units of different sizes. Within such a domain, harmony can apply from the stem outward, directionally from left to right or right to left, or from a dominant feature specification to the entire domain, in each case potentially subject to edge effects. The precise delimitation of the relevant domains may involve morphosyntax and/or prosody: long or prosodically complex words may form separate harmony domains even when they are morphologically simple, and conversely, compound words way constitute single harmony domains when they are non-compositional. Thus harmony offers a probe into morphological and prosodic constituency and phrasing, the stratal organization of grammar, and the nature of morphological and syntactic displacement. A phenomenon of particular theoretical interest is discontinuous harmony, which can arise within words by morphological infixation/introfixation, and in sentences by syntactic A-bar movement.
Stress-Dependent Vowel Harmony
Authors: Mascaró Joan 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter deals with harmonic systems in which stress plays a crucial role by defining trigger, target, domain, or other elements. The different typological possibilities are examined; they are classified by the role stressed and unstressed vowels play as triggers or targets, the possible domains of harmony, the direction of spreading, and the degree of morphologization. The empirical domain includes the traditional processes of umlaut and metaphony, in which the trigger is a final vowel and the target the stressed vowel, but it also includes all other typological possibilities. In addition to the word domain, smaller domains (the foot) and larger domains (clitic group, phrases) are also considered.
Kant on Substance and Causation
Authors: Leech Jessica , Textor Mark 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
This chapter presents an overview of Kant’s account of substance, causation, and community in the Analogies of Experience in the Critique of Pure Reason, and their role in the determination of objective temporal relations. It draws out two kinds of unity that are operative in Kant’s arguments: the diachronic unity of an absolutely persisting substance; and the relational unity of interaction between many distinct substances. The former plays a role in the unity of experience over time; the latter in the unity of experience across space. This invites the question: why do time and space call for different strategies? The question is reinforced by a striking contrast with Lotze. Contrary to Kant, Lotze argues that a notion of persisting substance undermines our understanding of change over time, appealing instead to law-like relations between states, and that causation should be understood in terms of a (substance-free) monism. The chapter uses this contrast to raise some critical questions for Kant’s account of substance, and to tentatively suggest that the second kind of unity might be the better option.
Kant on Autonomy and Freedom
Authors: Allais Lucy 
Published: October 2024

AbstractThis chapter presents a unified reading of the metaphysical, moral, and political parts of Kant’s account of human free agency: the transcendental idea of a spontaneous causal power, the normative idea of acting under reason’s highest principle, and the political idea of acting for oneself rather than being under the control of another agent. It argues that Kant understands our freedom as a involving a spontaneous causal power that is engaged under the non-optional commitment to reason’s highest principle, and that this principle further commits us to realizing the conditions under which we can all act for ourselves. It evaluates each part of his position in relation to the idea of robust alternative possibilities, and argue that his account requires what is now called leeway freedom. The chapter argues against two main reasons that have been taken as reasons for thinking that his account does not require leeway: the idea that God lacks leeway and the idea that freedom is not lawless. Kant sees moral blame as requiring the possibility that you could have acted other than you did, and sees our recognition of moral claims as involving the awareness that we can act on them or not act on them. The chapter argues that this requires that at the point of action more than one course of action is available to the agent and therefore that action is not a nomologically determined function of previous states of the universe. Rather, we have the causal power to bring about one thing or another, though we cannot positively characterize this causal power in metaphysical or theoretical terms. Our freedom is understood positively in terms of the idea of acting under reason’s highest principle, and we act under reason’s highest principle both when we act in accordance with what it requires and when we act against this.
Kant on Duty and Moral Motivation
Authors: Haag Johannes 
Published: October 2024

Abstract
In Kant’s moral philosophy the feeling of respect may seem to have the role of motivating us to act morally, and thus fulfil our duty. However, this would be a misunderstanding of Kant’s conception of respect. Focusing on the Driving Force chapter of the Critique of Practical Reason, this chapter argues that whenever the moral law objectively determines our action, the feeling of respect just is the moral law qua subjective determining ground of this self-determination. We, consequently, do not act out of duty because of a feeling of respect for the moral law; we have a feeling of respect for the moral law, because we are acting from duty. For only if we meet our duty, we make the respect for the moral law the driving force of our action. Where we do not meet this duty, the feeling of respect for the moral law, while not the driving force of the action, results instead from the consciousness that we have violated our moral duty. In this case the feeling of respect has motivational force only by displaying the motivational force of the moral law itself. According to this reading Kant, in the Driving Force chapter, aims at restricting sensibility’s role in moral action to its determination by the moral law. Sensibility has a voice in the outcome of moral deliberation, but it has this voice only in so far as its determination is, as it were, the subjective mode of determination by the moral law.