bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The influence of BMI on the association between serum lycopene and the metabolic syndrome
Authors: Han Guang-Ming , Soliman Ghada A. , Meza Jane L. , Islam K. M. Monirul , Watanabe-Galloway Shinobu 
Published: February 2016

AbstractOverweight and obese individuals have an increased risk of developing the metabolic syndrome because of subsequent chronic inflammation and oxidative stress, which the antioxidant nutrient lycopene can reduce. However, studies indicate that different BMI statuses can alter the positive effects of lycopene. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine how BMI influences the association between serum lycopene and the metabolic syndrome. The tertile rank method was used to divide 13 196 participants, aged 20 years and older, into three groups according to serum concentrations of lycopene. The associations between serum lycopene and the metabolic syndrome were analysed separately for normal-weight, overweight and obese participants. Overall, the prevalence of the metabolic syndrome was significantly higher in the first tertile group (OR 38·6 %; 95 % CI 36·9, 40·3) compared with the second tertile group (OR 29·3 %; 95 % CI 27·5, 31·1) and the third tertile group (OR 26·6 %; 95 % CI 24·9, 28·3). However, the associations between lycopene and the metabolic syndrome were only significant for normal-weight and overweight participants (P<0·05), but not for obese participants (P>0·05), even after adjusting for possible confounding variables. In conclusion, BMI appears to strongly influence the association between serum lycopene and the metabolic syndrome.
EGYPT'S OTHER NATIONALISTS AND THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956
Authors: CROWCROFT BARNABY 
Published: February 2016

ABSTRACTThe Egyptian experience of the Suez crisis and subsequent conflict of 1956 has received significantly less treatment than those of the other major players, Great Britain, France, Israel, and the United States. The consensus over Egypt's role in the crisis has, moreover, has advanced very little from the narrative put forward by official participants at the time, portraying the event as a landmark in a nationalist struggle to restore Egypt's independence and national dignity. This article takes a fresh look at the Suez crisis from the perspective of the figures of an emergent Egyptian political opposition in 1955–6, whose responses differed substantially from this received view. By bringing domestic Egyptian political struggles to the foreground of this international crisis, the article will offer a more nuanced view of the origins of Suez in British planning, and of its significance for contemporary Egyptians. The conclusion will seek to explain how a collection of sometimes extreme nationalists could take such a counter-intuitive position in the Suez crisis through exploring the diversity of nationalist thought in the Egypt of the 1950s.
Striking a Balance between Protecting Trademarks and Public Health Interests in Combating Trade in Counterfeit Medicines: Lessons from Kenya and South Africa
Authors: Andanda Pamela 
Published: February 2016

AbstractTrade in counterfeit medicines raises serious public health concerns. However, efforts geared towards combating trade in counterfeit medicines tend to focus more on the protection of trademarks, which may not necessarily protect the public from the adverse consequences of using counterfeit medicines. This arises from differences in the meaning of “counterfeit” in the intellectual property and public health contexts. This article analyses the extent to which the anti-counterfeiting legislation and institutions in two African countries, Kenya and South Africa, are capable of combating trade in counterfeit medicines in a manner that protects both the public and brand name owners. The article examines the anti-counterfeiting legislation and institutions that ensure compliance with the standards for marketing medicines that are in place in these countries, in order to draw lessons on how they can be used to balance the protection of public health interests and trademarks.
Crisis of governance in South Sudan: electoral politics and violence in the world's newest nation
Authors: Brosché Johan , Höglund Kristine 
Published: February 2016

AbstractSince mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North–South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by exploring how the extreme levels of violence are linked to three groups of factors. First, thestakesinvolved in being part of the government are extremely high, since it is the only way to secure political and economic influence. Second, theactorsinvolved in political life are dominated by individuals who held positions within the rebel groups, which increases the risk of political differences turning violent. Third, theinstitutionsimportant for a legitimate electoral process, and which work to prevent violence, are weak or non-existent.
Formal party organisation and informal relations in African parties: evidence from Ghana
Authors: Osei Anja 
Published: February 2016

AbstractIt is often assumed that political parties in Africa have only weak formal structures and are instead dominated by informal, personalised networks. This paper seeks to challenge this view by presenting a much more nuanced picture of intra-party dynamics. Based on unique survey data from Ghana, it is shown how formal and informal party structures co-exist and interact at the national and constituency level. Because informal relationships are not directly observable and difficult to study, the paper employs a social network approach to map the personal interactions between the Members of the 6th Parliament of Ghana and their respective parties. It is found that the local party organisation plays a strong role in both of the major parties NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party). There are, however, also differences between the parties. At the national level, the NDC is strongly centralised and dominated by its national executives. The NPP, in contrast, has an informal power center located in the Ashanti Region. Ethno-regional factions play only a minor role in both parties. By demonstrating that the relative importance of informal relations varies even between parties in the same country, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the variation in party organisation across Africa.
Spectacle, Fear, and Protest
Authors: Rosenthal Anton 
Published: February 2016

The history of the city in twentieth-century Latin America can be seen as a long contest over the exercise of urban public space. While the nature of this space is often less physical than it is social and situational, the struggle between different elements of the city to manipulate its politics and control its daily life has often been violent, leaving deep imprints in the collective memories of places as culturally and physically diverse as Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Havana, Bogotá, and Rio de Janeiro.If approached from the perspective of contested space, the urban milieu offers an intriguing site for the historian interestedin exploring changing relations of power, class conflict, opposing visions of the future, breakdowns of social order, gendered spaces, health and disease, visual culture, spectacle and symbolic codes, and ultimately, the creation of community. Yet until the 1980s, most Latin American historians who were interestedin these themes confined their studies to the countryside. As late as 1975, Jorge Hardoy (1975:44) could write that “the urban history of the second half of the nineteenth century and the early decades of the twentieth is virtually unknown, in spite of the extremely rich material left to us by innumerable travelers, scientists, and men of state.” While historians and social scientists working from the 1950s through much of the 1970s delineated the complex relations between peasant villages and national states, the ideologies of rural rebellion, and the sources of identity and community in a countryside transformed by the demands of export capital, cities in twentieth-century Latin America were accorded secondary treatment, sometimes at the level of popular anecdotal narratives.
Congress and the Welfare State
Authors: Patterson James T. 
Published: February 2016

Thanks in part to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton, the popular reputation of Congress has recently plum meted to perhaps an all-time low.As the Senate deliberated in late January 1999, Jay Leno captured what seemed to be widespread disgust with Capitol Hill. He cracked, “We’ve reached a point where Congress does not affect anyone’s life, so we look at it as entertainment. It’s like the Jerry Springer show, except everyone has a law degree. They can’t fix health care, they can’t fix Social Security, so we look at them to provide a few laughs on a daily basis” (Providence Journal 1999).Leno’s wisecrack adds to a long history of jokes and laments about Congress, which throughout this century has taken far more hits from the public than has the executive branch. To listen only briefly to such criticism is to hear that Congress is inefficient, unresponsive, obstructionist, irresponsible, and undemocratic in its operations. Most often we are told that Congress suffers from two related weaknesses: it rolls over to please powerful interest groups, and it cravenly dreads reprisal from constituents.
Introduction
Authors: Kousser J. Morgan 
Published: February 2016

Colorblind Injustice largely derives from my workas an expert witness in federal voting rights cases. A vignette from one particularly important case, Garza v.Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors(1990), and a relatively brief summary may give those who have not yet read the book both a feel for its scope and a sense of how the issues it deals with impact real people.At an international historical conference in the mid-1980s, I met a young Russian historian, Sergei Stankevich, who specialized in America and who had read and liked some of my work. In the last few years of the Soviet Union, Sergei’s political career took off, and his fluent English and keen insights into both countries won him the attention of U.S. and Soviet media. In late 1989, when Sergei was brought to Los Angeles for the first showing of an American television documentary that prominently featured him, he called me from a Beverly Hills hotel and invited me for a drinkth e next day. But because I was working on the Garza case and had scheduled an all-day appointment to give a deposition before a lawyer in Century City (which is where people work who can afford to live in Beverly Hills), I regretfully declined, saying, ‘‘I’m sorry, Sergei, but I’m being deposed tomorrow.” There was a long pause on the other end of the line.
Commentary
Authors: Palmquist Bradley 
Published: February 2016

It is no small task to provide an account of voting rights in both the First and Second Reconstructions. It is hard to think of many with the combined expertise in both fields who could have pulled it off as well as J. Morgan Kousser has inColorblind Injustice(1999).Kousser has long been a historiananda social scientist. In his earlier work , such asThe Shaping of Southern Politics(1974), Kousser was clearly one of the leading proponents and artful innovators in the use of quantitative methods in historical analysis: he did not merely import old ideas from quantitative social scientists. Now, inColorblind Injustice, we see Kousser again combining his thorough and deft historian’s touch with insights from social scientific approaches.The key explanatory theme inColorblind Injustice, I believe, is captured in two terse sentences: “Culture is fragile. Institutions are tough” (366). From these premises come Kousser’s central ideas about how to explain the progress and retrogression of minority voting rights and why we should care so much about the set of Supreme Court rulings beginning withShaw v.Renoin 1993.
Welcoming Remarks
Authors: Calhoun Craig 
Published: February 2016

Charles Tilly was born in 1929, a year worryingly echoed in contemporary events. For all of his adult life, he studied the causes, patterns, cycles, changes, and continuities of such events. He focused most on social movements that responded to them and sometimes shaped them and on the states that often drove them and sometimes managed them. He studied the ways that states and others sought to coerce ordinary people and the ways that ordinary people mobilized to try to control their own lives and public affairs. He studied how capital and inequality figured in both the coercion and the struggles. And he studied how we study history, social structure, social action, and social change.Tilly was among the most distinguished of contemporary social scientists. The Social Science Research Council (SSRC) is proud, accordingly, to award him its highest honor, the Albert O. Hirschman Prize. The prize isnamed after another of the greatest figures of our era. Hirschman is one of the formative influences on the economics of development, a key researcher in Latin American studies, and a remarkable intellectual historian and social theorist
Remarks on the Awarding of the Albert O. Hirschman Prize to Charles Tilly
Authors: Scott Joan W. 
Published: February 2016

The Albert O. Hirschman Prize is the highest award of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC). It recognizes academic excellence in international, interdisciplinary social science research, theory, and public communication in the tradition of the German-born American economist for whom it is named. It makes sense that the SSRC honors Hirschman in this way, for he was, as one biographical summary puts it, a “maverick economist.” The same biography says that Hirschman lived in “the grey zone between economic and political theory,” forging connections between them in unusual and extremely creative ways (homepage.newschool.edu/het//profiles/ hirschm.htm). His work in development economics insisted on attention to local structures and indigenous resources, arguing against the application of formal models and standard criteria, the dominant approach of modernization theorists. Ever concerned about political democracy, he explored its relationship to economics.
Looking Backward and Looking Forward
Authors: Komlos John , Baten Jörg 
Published: February 2016

The contributions included in this issue celebrate the 22d-year anniversary of the fall 1982 issue ofSocial Science History(vol. 6, no. 4) devoted to “Trends in Nutrition, Labor Welfare, and Labor Productivity.” The guest editors then were Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, and all but one of the eight contributions were dedicated to anthropometric history (Fogel and Engerman 1982; Fogel et al. 1982; Floud and Wachter 1982; Friedman 1982;Margo and Steckel 1982; Sokoloff and Villaflor 1982; Tanner 1982). The issue had a considerable impact on the fledgling field of anthropometric history, even if a few publications preceded it in other journals (Fogel et al. 1978; Steckel 1979; Trussell and Steckel 1978).The editor ofSocial Science Historyat the time, James Q. Graham, hoped to expand the exploration of human heights and their economic and social correlates. He was one of the few journal editors convinced early on that such an agenda fit well into an interdisciplinary historical perspective.
Poverty and Progress Revisited: A Response to Riess, Frisch, and Pessen
Authors: Thernstrom Stephan 
Published: February 2016

It is a rare author, I suspect, who is capable of assessing the impact and influence of his own work with any insight. I do not pretend to be one of them. I cannot venture an opinion as to how well these three interesting papers succeed in illuminating that question. While reading them I felt like Huck and Tom hiding away in the church gallery to hear the eulogy at their own funeral. The minister:
drew such pictures of the graces, the winning ways, and the rare promise of the lost lads that every soul there, thinking he recognized those pictures, felt a pang in remembering that he had persistently blinded himself to them always before, and had as persistently seen only faults and flaws in the poor boys. The minister related many a touching incident in the lives of the departed, too, which illustrated their sweet, generous natures, and the people could easily see, now, how noble and beautiful those episodes were, and remembered with grief that at the time they occurred they seemed rank rascalities, well deserving of the cowhide [Twain, 1875: 151 — 152].
Ecological Regression Estimates: Alchemist’s Gold?
Authors: Dykstra Robert R. 
Published: February 2016

Those skeptical of ecological regression in voting behavior studies continue to suggest that problems in applying the technique severely limit its utility. But the cautionary offered in the Winter 1985 number of this journal by William H. Flanigan and Nancy H. Zingale (“Alchemist’s Gold: Inferring Individual Relationships from Aggregate Data,” Social Science History 9: 71-91) goes so far as to suggest that these problems are insurmountable—or virtually insurmountable. As a user, I was prepared to be devastated, but in fact find myself cheered (if a little puzzled).Interested readers will recall that the centerpiece of the authors’ argument is a test involving this question: How did the voters of 1968 behave four years later in the presidential election of 1972? The test consists of comparing voters’ actual behavior, as determined by survey data, with ecological regression estimates of that same behavior. The tabulated results are alleged to be decisive in proving the authors’ point, but instead appear to prove just the opposite of what is intended, as a fresh look at the material reveals.
The Transplanted: Workers, Class, and Labor
Authors: Barrett James R. 
Published: February 2016

General history always requires an overall model, good or bad, against which events can be interpreted. ‘No theory, no history’ [Braudel, 1974: xi].History is more complicated than theory [Vilar, 1982: 50, quoted in Zunz, 1985: 74].Psychologists tell us that everyone is a bit neurotic. Academics may be a bit more neurotic than most people. When our work is going well, we get suspicious or at the very least we get anxious, always looking for new heights to scale. Part of the recent intellectual turbulence in the field of social history and in my own field of labor history, I would argue, is self-induced. We did not have enough problems, stuffing the lives of thousands of discrete individuals into our codebooks, reading everything that has ever been written about the work habits of iron moulders, plotting on maps the locations of saloons and cafes in relation to immigrant workers’ homes and then trying to make some sense out of all that. What we needed was a crisis. Like all good scholarly crises, what the crisis in social history is depends upon whom you ask, but if nothing else, the phenomenon gives us all just what we needed—something new to worry about.
Justifying the War of 1812
Authors: Hatzenbuehler Ronald L. , Ivie Robert L. 
Published: February 2016

A decade ago, Richard Hofstadter wrote that historians were approaching consensus on the political origins of the War of 1812. Blending elements of the work during the early 1960s of Norman K. Risjord, Bradford Perkins, and Roger H. Brown, Hofstadter (1969: 181) concluded that Republicans were convinced “the Republic itself and the fate of republican government had come to rest on the ability of the Republican party to take a forceful stand against foreign incursions on American rights.” Republicans, in other words, melded national with partisan goals and pursued war to save national honor and the Republican party.Today, however, one would have to conclude that Hofstadter’s prediction was premature, based upon the spate of articles published since 1972 addressing the partisan nature of the vote for war in the House of Representatives, the role of the War Hawks in the debates and legislation of the war session, and the leadership (or lack thereof) supplied by James Madison (Hatzenbuehler, 1972b, 1976; Egan, 1974; Stagg, 1976; Hickey, 1976; Fritz, 1977; Bell, 1979).
People’s History and Social Science History
Authors: Tilly Louise A. 
Published: February 2016

A friend and colleague of an author reviews a two-volume history. Acknowledging his relationship with the author the reviewer calls the books “excellent, full of rich new insights, sparkling with intelligence, the sentiment which underlies our empassioned love for the historian’s craft, one of the most beautiful of the discplines devoted to the study of man.” “Yet,” the reviewer continues, “it is striking that the individual is almost entirely absent…. Psychology, although not totally ignored, is always collective psychology.…Is not the author,” the review continues, “turning back to the schematic.…toward the sociological, a seductive form of the abstract?” (Febvre, 1941b: 177, 128).Sit back and imagine the time, place, and people involved in this story: a 1980s traditional historian, perhaps a radical people’s historian, excoriating a social scientific colleague? Not at all; this is no case of contemporary backlash. The time was 1941, the review Lucien Febvre, the author Marc Bloch, the book, La société féodale.
Gender, Race, and Class
Authors: Glenn Evelyn Nakano 
Published: February 2016

For social historians and historical sociologists working in the interdisciplinary fields of ethnic studies and women's studies, the challenges posed by poststructuralism are neither purely intellectual matters nor disciplinary quibbles. Rather, a concern with “rescuing political economy” from being washed away by the tide of poststructuralism is impelled by larger political commitments that transcend the academy.Unlike mainstream disciplines, these fields historically have been connected to social movements dedicated to empowering people marginalized by reason of race, class, and/or gender. Poststructuralism has become a thorny issue in these fields: Many social science- and political economy-oriented scholars have come to feel, whether justifiably or not, that these fields are being “taken over” by literary, film, and cultural studies scholars.
Well-founded coalgebras, revisited
Authors: JEANNIN JEAN-BAPTISTE , KOZEN DEXTER , SILVA ALEXANDRA 
Published: February 2016

Theoretical models of recursion schemes have been well studied under the names well-founded coalgebras, recursive coalgebras, corecursive algebras and Elgot algebras. Much of this work focuses on conditions ensuring unique or canonical solutions, e.g. when the coalgebra is well founded.If the coalgebra is not well founded, then there can be multiple solutions. The standard semantics of recursive programs gives a particular solution, typically the least fixpoint of a certain monotone map on a domain whose least element is the totally undefined function; but this solution may not be the desired one. We have recently proposed programming language constructs to allow the specification of alternative solutions and methods to compute them. We have implemented these new constructs as an extension of OCaml.In this paper, we prove some theoretical results characterizing well-founded coalgebras, along with several examples for which this extension is useful. We also give several examples that are not well founded but still have a desired solution. In each case, the function would diverge under the standard semantics of recursion, but can be specified and computed with the programming language constructs we have proposed.