bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A Segmental Chronic Pain Syndrome in Rats Associated with Intrathecal Infusion of NMDA: evidence for selective action in the dorsal horn
Authors: Zochodne Douglas W. , Murray Marilyn , Nag Sukriti , Riopelle Richard J. 
Published: February 2016

ABSTRACT:We explored the effects of chronic lumbar intrathecal NMDA infusion (mini-osmotic pumps) in Sprague-Dawley rats on motor and sensory axon integrity. Several different infusion protocols, each given over a 4 week period were examined: 0.15 M NMDA in phosphate buffered saline; phosphate buffered saline without NMDA; and 0.20 M magnesium sulfate plus 0.15 M NMDA; 0.35 M NMDA. In two additional protocols, 0.15 M NMDA or phosphate buffered saline were infused for a total of 8 weeks. Within 1-2 weeks of the onset of NMDA, but not phosphate buffered saline infusions, the rats exhibited irritability, circling, biting and excessive grooming resulting in loss of hair, and skin ulcerations from autotomy localized to lumbar and sacral innervated dermatomes. Co-infusion of NMDA with magnesium sulfate almost completely prevented these findings. The behavioural changes were not associated with abnormalities of sensory or motor conduction. Intrathecal infusion of NMDA induces a chronic “central” experimental pain disorder in rats, localized to the cord segment with the greatest exposure to the infusion, without involvement of peripheral sensory axons and sparing the axonal integrity of anterior horn cells.
Influence of Bolus Volume on Hyoid Movements in Normal Individuals and Patients with Parkinson's Disease
Authors: Wintzen Axel R. , Badrising Umesh A. , Roos Raymund A.C. , Vielvoye Jan , Liauw Lishya 
Published: February 2016

ABSTRACT:The swallowing movements of 22 ambulant patients with Parkinson's disease were examined by videofluoroscopy, 15 spouses serving as controls. The relation between bolus volume and movement of the hyoid bone was studied in the lateral view to assess the adaptation of the pharynx musculature. Although movement characteristics of the hyoid varied considerably both intra- and interindividually, mean values followed typical patterns. In controls, the position of the hyoid before the start of the swallow tended to be lower as the bolus volume increased, apparently to create space in the oral cavity by lowering the floor of the mouth. This trend was not seen in the group of Parkinson patients. We suppose that this specific lack of adaptation represents hypokinesia. The amplitude of the hyoid movement did not change with increasing bolus volumes, either in patients or in controls. Moreover, Parkinson patients had many more aborted swallowing movements (“hesitations”) than controls, probably representing defective switching from the voluntary phase of swallowing to the involuntary, automatic phase.
Polyneuropathy, Organomegaly, Endocrinopathy, Monoclonal Gammopathy and Skin Changes (Poems) Syndrome
Authors: Milanov I. , Georgiev D. 
Published: February 2016

ABSTRACT:A patient with a three year history of POEMS syndrome-polyneuropathy, hepatosplenomegaly M-protein, skin changes, optic disc edema, peripheral oedema, pleuritis, lymphadenopathy, and osteosclerotic myeloma is described. The patient had a twenty year history of psoriasis and impotence was the first sign of the disease. The pathophysiology of this multisystem disorder is unknown, although the M-protein is essential. No improvement was found after radiation, chemotherapy and steroid treatment.
Distributional Dynamics in Turkey under “Structural Adjustment” of the 1980s
Authors: Boratav Korkut , Türel Oktar , Yeldan Erinç 
Published: February 2016

The economic and political crisis which Turkey faced during 1977-1980 was resolved by an orthodox stabilization program adopted early in 1980, immediately followed by conventional structural adjustment measures and the military coup realized on September of the same year. The Turkish experience with orthodox stabilization and structural adjustment incorporates a number of specificities and it will be useful to recall them briefly.First of all, the striking element of continuity in basic economic policy orientation which lasted from 1980 up till 1089 without any significant reversals should be emphasized. The personal role of Turgut Özal as Vice Premier in charge of the economy during 1980-1982 under the military governments and Prime Minister during 1984-1991, was a determining factor in this respect. Reversals and hesitations as observed in Latin American experiences due to differences between rival monetarist schools or between populist and right wing political groupings played practically no role for almost ten years in Turkey. The political pressures which resulted in a switch back to populism in 1989 —a theme to be investigated in this paper— marked, in our view, a drastic shift away from the policy model adopted in 1980.
Communicating Turkish-Islamic identity in the aftermath of the Gaza flotilla raid: Who is the “us” in “us” versus “them”?
Authors: Baruh Lemi , Popescu Mihaela 
Published: February 2016

AbstractOn May 31,2010, Israeli Defense Forces raided the ship Mavi Marmara, part of a six-vessel flotilla aiming to break the Israeli naval blockade of the Gaza Strip and to deliver supplies to Gaza. Using comments posted on Turkish online discussion forums in the aftermath of the raid that resulted in the death of nine passengers, this article analyzes how the incident was appropriated to negotiate between Turkishness and Islam as two alternative, yet coinciding forms of collective identity. Particularly, the article will compare different discursive strategies that were utilized in “general-interest” and “Islamic-leaning” online discussion groups. A deductive thematic analysis of 585 posts in general-interest and Islamic-leaning forums found significant differences in how metaphors of the body—blood, sacrifice, and martyrdom—as well as in-group/out-group comparisons were used in order to support a territorial-based nationalism versus a religion-based identity. The analysis also discusses the rhetoric that enabled discussants in general-interest forums to negotiate the tensions between the two collective identities.
Ottoman travelers' perceptions of Africa in the Late Ottoman Empire (1860-1922): A discussion of civilization, colonialism and race
Authors: Palabıyık Mustafa Serdar 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe Ottoman encounter with European colonialism over their African territories during the nineteenth century contributed to a renewed interest in Africa and its inhabitants. This resulted in several official and non-official travels to this continent at the end of which the travelers published their memoirs. This article intends to analyze Ottoman perceptions of Africa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century by drawing upon Ottoman travelogues. It concludes that the travelers established paradoxical accounts regarding the implications of European colonialism for Africa and the ethnic taxonomy of the African people. They perceived European colonialism as a civilizing mechanism on the one hand, and treated it as the most significant reason of African “backwardness” on the other. Similarly, while they criticized the European colonial discourse based on the superiority of the white race over others, they established similar ethnic taxonomies establishing hierarchies among African tribes.
Regional cooperation among the rural population of Palestine's southern coast as reflected in joint petitions to İstanbul at the end of the nineteenth century
Authors: Ben-Bassat Yuval 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe issue of regional connections and cooperation among the rural population in different parts of Palestine at the end of the nineteenth century has thus far not received adequate attention. This article presents case-studies of several villages in the sub-district of Gaza, which submitted joint petitions about common concerns to the Grand Vizier in İstanbul. It examines the significance of these petitions and discusses their characteristics, uniqueness, and historical context. It then moves on to discuss other forms of regional cooperation and nuclei of regional identification among the rural population, which in part had previous roots, and explores their repercussions for the development of regional identity alongside more commonly known identities concomitantly held by Palestine's population at the time. The submission of joint petitions to İstanbul, it is argued, was one of the key manifestations of a tendency toward greater regionalism in some regions of Palestine at the end of the nineteenth century, an occurrence which was less likely to happen prior to theTanzimatreforms. While the literature has primarily focused on the activity of the urban educated circles in the process of regionalization, this article presents a unique bottom-up perspective that underscores the everyday experiences, practices and mechanisms of cooperation in a rural region which is rarely investigated.
Health, Morality and Housing: The Politics of Working Class Housing in Turkey, 1945-1960
Authors: Özden Bariş Alp 
Published: February 2016

AbstractDrawing on the insights of the growing critical literature on urban governance and housing policy, this article seeks to analyze the specific field of social reform in Turkey in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, in which housing shortages for working class families were depicted as constituting a new social and moral question. Housing policy was born in the early 1950s, as links were established between external sanitary and moral conditions and the homes of the poor, and as rival parties competed to attract the votes of the growing laboring masses. However, neither the middle class reformers nor the political elite supported direct state intervention to provide social housing for low-income citizens. T h e chosen solution was encouraging home ownership through minimum public subsidies to workers' cooperatives. Yet, cooperatives continued to build largely middle class housing during the period, which was far too costly for workers, while unauthorized land appropriations and squatting became the primary mechanism through which the working poor could be incorporated into the urban fabric.
On the Relation Between Global Modernity and Nationalism: The Crisis of Hegemony and the Rise of (Islamic) Identity in Turkey
Authors: Keyman E. Fuat 
Published: February 2016

Turkey did not rise phoenix-like out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. It was ‘made’ in the image of the Kemalist elite which won the national struggle against foreign invaders and the old regime. Thereafter, the image of the country kept changing as the political elite grew and matured, and as it responded to challenges both at home and abroad. This process of ‘making’ goes on even today (Ahmad 1993, p.i).The process of contemporary globalization in its most general form involves a tension between universalism and particularism (see Robertson, 1992, pp. 8-61). On the one hand, with Francis Fukuyama’s “the end of history thesis” which suggests universalization of liberal democracy, along with the globalization of free market ideology, the dissolution of differences into sameness can be said to mark an emergence ofcultural homogenization. On the other hand, it can be suggested that particularistic conflicts have begun to dictate the mode of articulation of political practices and ideological/discursive forms in global relations, which draws our attention to the tendency towardscultural heteroge-nization. Arjun Appadurai asserts in this context that “the central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization”, or, as he puts it:the central feature of global culture today is the politics of the mutual effort of sameness and difference to cannibalize one another and thus to proclaim their successful hijacking of the twin Enlightenment ideas of the triumphantly universal and the resiliently particular (Appadurai, 1990, p. 17).
The “Terrible Turk”: The Formulation and Perpetuation of a Stereotype in American Foreign Policy
Authors: Lippe John M. Vander 
Published: February 2016

The first line of the United States Marine Corps anthem, “From the Halls of Montezuma to the Shores of Tripoli,” refers to one of the earliest encounters between the United States and the Ottoman Empire, when the American navy attempted to suppress “pirating” along the northern coast of Africa at the beginning of the nineteenth century (Field 1969, pp. 27-67). This ritualization of animosity, framing the American image of the Ottoman Empire, has elements carried over from Europe, in which Muslims in general, and the Turks in particular, are drawn as “cruel, fanatical, lustful and dirty” (Wheatcroft 1993, p. 231). According to the European vision, “[the Turks] were, from the first black day they entered Europe, the one great anti-human specimen of humanity” (Gladstone 1876). American images mirrored this European perception. For example, as the United States entered World War I in 1917, Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, presented the war effort not just as aimed at the defeat of Germany, but as a crusade for the destruction of the Ottoman Empire:[The Ottoman Turks] have been the pest and the curse of Europe, the source of innumerable wars, the executioners in countless massacres… Such a… government as this is a curse to modern civilization. Like a pestilence it breathes forth contagion upon the innocent air (USC 1917, vol. LVI, p. 64).
Turkish Population in the Great Depression
Authors: Shorter Frederic C. 
Published: February 2016

The “Professor” is not a machine for giving lectures, but is a resource to the students-one who inspires them to investigate and question, one who guides them and one who is able to sustain their enthusiasm for study and research. The real professor is himself a lifelong student. (Reşit Galip, Minister of Education, Istanbul University, 1933)During the 1930s, in the upper circles of public life and the professions, the Kemalist excitement and energy for establishing a great new nation was strong. Leadership came from many individuals, each offering what he or she could do to involve younger persons in the process. The state was not yet a robust civil institution, as it lacked economic resources, especially during the 1920s and the depression years of the 1930s. It was only beginning to gain experience in dealing with and taking the lead in civil affairs.
Kemalist Perspectives in Early Republican Literary Utopias
Authors: Kılıç Engin 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe aim of this study is to explore the nature of Turkish literary utopias written in the early republican period. As a study in history and literature, it contextualizes the ideal social order envisioned in these works. My main argument is twofold: First, I claim that these works reflect Kemalism as an ideal system. They presuppose that the present regime has in itself the dynamics that enables an ideal social order and that this ideal social order can be attained by getting rid of the practical irregularities that prevent a full-fledged realization of the present regime. With these presuppositions, they serve the efforts to turn Kemalism into a hegemonic discourse. Secondly, through a detailed analysis of these texts, I argue that Kemalism has not been a monolithic discourse, but rather that it contained different and sometimes competing currents.
Theses on the “National Truth”: Border Crossings between History Writing and Historical Fiction in Attilâ İlhan'sGâzi Paşa
Authors: Köroğlu Erol 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe aim of this essay is to read Attilâ İlhan's novelGâzi Paşa, a historical novel about the Turkish Independence War, with a focus on the distinction between history writing and historical novel. I begin my analysis of this novel from the narratological perspective developed by Dorrit Cohn, who emphasizes two aspects of this distinction: different reference fields of history and fiction, and fiction's distinctive ability in reaching into the minds of characters. These aspects will help me to unravel the production of meaning inGâzi Paşathrough its ambivalent and intentional border crossings between the two fields. Then, I will explain this intentional textual swing through an analysis of itsroman à thèsefeatures, which I ground on Susan Rubin Suleiman's description of the genre. Finally, the essay will discussGâzi Paşa'sauthorial intention that aims at instructing an audience through a narrative of charisma, founded on a specific representation of Mustafa Kemal for the purpose of propagating a black-and-white perception of history and politics.
Mıgırdiç Margosyan and Mehmed Uzun: Remembering cultural Pluralism in Diyarbakır
Authors: Esen Nüket 
Published: February 2016

AbstractLiterary narratives offer their audience opportunities to surpass existing monolithic social and cultural identities through reflecting on and representing the past from new perspectives. This article aims to elaborate this argument by a discussion of multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, reflective nostalgia, and cultural intimacy in the portrayals of Diyarbakir's “Infidel Quarter” in two literary works: Mıgırdiç Margosyan's Gavur Mahallesi and Mehmed Uzun's Nar Çiçekleri. Both works, the former as a short story collection and the latter as a collection of essays, share autobiographical features and reflect the multiculturalism of Diyarbakır in the 1940s and 1950s from the point of view of an Armenian and a Kurd with similar sensitivities. Margosyan and Uzun's works indicate a cultural pluralism in Diyarbakır where different religious cultures used to exist side by side. The intermingling of languages in this neighborhood shows a kind of “inclusive multiculturalism.” Svetlana Boym's differentiation and discussion of two kinds of nostalgia as restorative and reflective, the former as nationalist and the latter as individual or collective memory oriented, help us to evaluate Margosyan and Uzun's works as alternatives to nationalist narratives. Both of these works, dealing with reflective nostalgia through the depiction of cultural intimacy between ethnic groups, provide their audience with possibilities for the future.
Unemployment, Economic Strain and Family Distress: The Impact of the 2001 Economic Crisis
Authors: Aytaç Işık A. , Rankin Bruce H. 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThis essay focuses on economic hardship in the wake of the 2001 economic crisis and the impact of the resulting economic strain on individual and family distress (i.e., stress, emotional distress, physical health, and marital problems). Previous research on the impact of the economic crisis in Turkey has relied on small and non-representative samples or was limited to descriptive analyses. This research analyzes a nationally representative sample of 1,107 urban households using multivariate techniques. The OLS regression results show that, while the negative effects of the economic crisis were widely felt, those who lost their jobs, had a longer duration of unemployment, and who experienced higher levels of economic strain were affected most. Economic hardship and high and increasing levels of economic strain had a strong negative effect on perceived stress levels, emotional distress, physical health problems and marital problems. Renters were particularly hard hit by the crisis and report more strain and personal distress than non-renters.
Sultan Abdülhamid II and Palestine: Private Lands and Imperial Policy
Authors: Fischel Roy S. , Kark Ruth 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThis paper surveys the private lands owned by of Sultan Abdülhamid II in Palestine and analyzes their spatial distribution and impact, in the context of regional imperial policy. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire faced serious external and internal problems. Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1909) used various traditional and modern methods in order to increase the internal cohesion of the empire and strengthen itvis-à-visexternal threats.One unique measure taken by the sultan was the purchase of large tracts of land. He became one of the largest landowners in the empire. In Palestine alone, the sultan purchased around 3% of the total area and initiated measures to increase these lands' productivity for his Privy Purse. In addition to gaining economic profit, Abdülhamid II employed his private lands to solve problems which challenged the sovereignty of the empire. These included attempts to settle the Bedouins, the establishment of new towns in order to subjugate nomads in regions where they threatened rural settlements, settling Muslim refugees from the Caucasus and the Balkans, and protecting strategically sensitive lands located on the frontiers, by purchasing them and thus keeping them out of the hands of others.
Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey
Authors: Kalaycıoğlu Ersin 
Published: February 2016

AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.
Reconstructing Turkish-American relations: Divergences versus convergences
Authors: Aydın Mustafa 
Published: February 2016

AbstractThe Turkish-American relationship experienced the most difficult period of its history after the refusal of the Turkish Parliament on 1 March 2003 to allow US troops to open a northern front to Iraq from Turkish territory. By the time a new administration took power in Washington in early 2009, the badly damaged relationship had recovered somewhat and recently has even taken a positive turn. Although the parameters of the recovered relationship are not yet clear, by analyzing the intricacies of diverging and converging worldviews and interests of the two states in the post-Cold War era, one can understand what happened to the strategic partnership of the 1990s and how Turkish-American relations may develop in the future. Accordingly, this paper will first look at the constraints and limitations of the current relationship through diverging interests and contextual viewpoints in the post-Iraq War world. It will then highlight the areas of convergence that existed even during the lowest point of the relationship. Finally, I will argue that, while the strategic partnership may have ended, a strategic relationship between the two states will continue to exist and may even produce a newer form of connection and cooperation, the contours of which will also be outlined for the coming years, taking into account the opportunities and hurdles ahead.