bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Biological and Climate Controls on North Atlantic Marine Carbon Dynamics Over the Last Millennium: Insights From an Absolutely Dated Shell‐Based Record From the North Icelandic Shelf
Authors: Reynolds D. J. , Hall I. R. , Scourse J. D. , Richardson C. A. , Wanamaker A. D. , Butler P. G. 
Published: November 2017

AbstractGiven the rapid increase in atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations (pCO2) over the industrial era, there is a pressing need to construct long‐term records of natural carbon cycling prior to this perturbation and to develop a more robust understanding of the role the oceans play in the sequestration of atmospheric carbon. Here we reconstruct the past biological and climate controls on the carbon isotopic (δ13Cshell) composition of the North Icelandic shelf waters over the last millennium, derived from the shells of the long‐lived marine bivalve mollusk Arctica islandica. Variability in the annually resolved δ13Cshell record is dominated by multidecadal variability with a negative trend (−0.003 ± 0.002‰ yr−1) over the industrial era (1800–2000 Common Era). This trend is consistent with the marine Suess effect brought about by the sequestration of isotopically light carbon (δ13C of CO2) derived from the burning of fossil fuels. Comparison of the δ13Cshell record with Contemporaneous proxy archives, over the last millennium, and instrumental data over the twentieth century, highlights that both biological (primary production) and physical environmental factors, such as relative shifts in the proportion of Subpolar Mode Waters and Arctic Intermediate Waters entrained onto the North Icelandic shelf, atmospheric circulation patterns associated with the winter North Atlantic Oscillation, and sea surface temperature and salinity of the subpolar gyre, are the likely mechanisms that contribute to natural variations in seawater δ13C variability on the North Icelandic shelf. Contrasting δ13C fractionation processes associated with these biological and physical mechanisms likely cause the attenuated marine Suess effect signal at this locality.
Long‐Term Variability of Jupiter's Magnetodisk and Implications for the Aurora
Authors: Vogt Marissa F. , Bunce Emma J. , Nichols Jonathan D. , Clarke John T. , Kurth William S. 
Published: November 2017

AbstractObservations of Jupiter's UV auroral emissions collected over several years show that the ionospheric positions of the main emission and the Ganymede footprint can vary by as much as 3° in latitude. One explanation for this shift is a change of Jupiter's current sheet current density, which would alter the amount of field line stretching and displace the ionospheric mapping of field lines from a given radial distance in the magnetosphere. In this study we measure the long‐term variability of Jupiter's magnetodisk using Galileo magnetometer data collected from 1996 to 2003. Using the Connerney et al. (1981) current sheet model, we calculate the current sheet density parameter that gives the best fit to the data from each orbit and find that the current density parameter varies by about 15% of its average value during the Galileo era. We investigate possible relationships between the observed current sheet variability and quantities such as Io's plasma torus production rate inferred from volcanic activity and external solar wind conditions extrapolated from data at 1 AU but find only a weak correlation. Finally, we trace Khurana (1997) model field lines to show that the observed changes in Jupiter's current sheet are sufficient to shift the ionospheric footprint of Ganymede and main auroral emission by a few degrees of latitude, consistent with the magnitude of auroral variability observed by Hubble Space Telescope (HST). However, we find that the measured auroral shifts in HST images are not consistent with concurrent changes in the current density parameter measured by Galileo.
Gravity Wave Dynamics in a Mesospheric Inversion Layer: 1. Reflection, Trapping, and Instability Dynamics
Authors: Fritts David C. , Laughman Brian , Wang Ling , Lund Thomas S. , Collins Richard L. 
Published: November 2017

AbstractAn anelastic numerical model is employed to explore the dynamics of gravity waves (GWs) encountering a mesosphere inversion layer (MIL) having a moderate static stability enhancement and a layer of weaker static stability above. Instabilities occur within the MIL when the GW amplitude approaches that required for GW breaking due to compression of the vertical wavelength accompanying the increasing static stability. Thus, MILs can cause large‐amplitude GWs to yield instabilities and turbulence below the altitude where they would otherwise arise. Smaller‐amplitude GWs encountering a MIL do not lead to instability and turbulence but do exhibit partial reflection and transmission, and the transmission is a smaller fraction of the incident GW when instabilities and turbulence arise within the MIL. Additionally, greater GW transmission occurs for weaker MILs and for GWs having larger vertical wavelengths relative to the MIL depth and for lower GW intrinsic frequencies. These results imply similar dynamics for inversions due to other sources, including the tropopause inversion layer, the high stability capping the polar summer mesopause, and lower frequency GWs or tides having sufficient amplitudes to yield significant variations in stability at large and small vertical scales. MILs also imply much stronger reflections and less coherent GW propagation in environments having significant fine structure in the stability and velocity fields than in environments that are smoothly varying.
Decadal Transition of Moisture Sources and Transport in Northwestern China During Summer From 1982 to 2010
Authors: Hua Lijuan , Zhong Linhao , Ma Zhuguo 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThe northwestern corner of China (NWCC) experienced a decadal transition in summer precipitation during 1982–2010, with a significant upward trend in 1982–2000 (P1) but a downward one in 2001–2010 (P2). A spatially unbounded dynamic recycling model is developed to estimate the moisture sources and moisture transport variations based on ERA‐Interim data. The results suggest that more than 88% of NWCC precipitation has external moisture origins in the southwest and northwest terrestrial areas. The increasing precipitation trend during P1 can be explained by the increasing moisture contribution from the southwest and decreasing contribution from the northwest. However, the opposite trends cause the decreasing precipitation trend during P2. In general, the decadal precipitation transition is mainly determined by the variation of short‐distance moisture transport from central Asia, although opposite moisture transport variations exist in the Ural Mountains and Northeast Europe. The variation of the precipitation trend is closely associated with a well‐organized wave train propagation from the North Atlantic to central Asia. During P1, the wave train structure consists of a titled positive phase North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), an anticyclonic circulation over Europe, and a cyclonic anomaly over central Asia, which promotes the southwest moisture flux to NWCC. But the opposite circulation pattern dominates P2. The energy dispersion due to the breakdown of the NAO determines the phase and strength of the downstream wave anomalies over Eurasia. This suggests that the summer NAO might influence the decadal variation of NWCC precipitation through the decadal modulation of the Eurasia wave train.
Bare Nouns
Authors: Delfitto Denis , Fiorin Gaetano 
Published: November 2017

AbstractBare nouns (BNs) are noun phrases that are not introduced by a determiner. They have constituted a central case study into the logical form of natural language and one of the most challenging empirical domains for generally accepted hypotheses on the syntax/semantics interface. The main challenge they pose is in identifying the syntactic conditions that license them. It is by now clear that the distributional properties of BNs cannot be accounted for on purely syntactic grounds, but require also an investigation of their interpretative qualities. Interpretatively, BNs cannot be straightforwardly reduced to other well‐known types of quantification and relate in complex ways to distinctions such as episodic/generic, kind/individual, and stage‐level/individual‐level.A first phase of investigation of BNs in contemporary theoretical linguistics, initiated by G. Carlson in the 1970s, focused mainly on issues of logical form. The theory devised by Carlson rejects the quantificational analysis of BNs and regards them as names of kinds, whose interpretive outcome depends on the nature of the predicate they combine with. Carlson's analysis, although conceptually appealing and empirically motivated for English, nevertheless precludes the availability of interpretations of BNs that are in fact well‐attested and is unable to account for the large cross‐linguistic variation in the distribution of BNs. On the basis of these criticisms, a second phase of investigation developed, characterized by the resurgence of quantificational theories of BNs.In this chapter, we offer an overview of both phases, their motivations, theoretical foundations, strengths, and shortcomings. We then focus more specifically on the issue of whether the cross‐linguistic variation should be parameterized at the syntactic or at the semantic level. We consider proposals of both types and offer a critical overview of their strengths and shortcomings. We conclude by presenting the most recent developments in the study of BNs in predicate position.
Bound Variable Anaphora
Authors: Déchaine Rose‐Marie , Wiltschko Martina 
Published: November 2017

AbstractBound variable anaphora(BVA) is the term given to contexts where a pronominal anaphor functions like a logical variable in that its interpretation co‐varies with the value assigned to its antecedent in a given universe of discourse. For example, in a math class with four girls (Alice, Beth, Carol, and Diane) the interpretation of the pronounshein the English sentenceEvery girl in math hopes thatshewill be an astronautvaries according to which girl is picked out. For such a sentence to be evaluated as true it must be the case that each substitution of the pronoun for a constant yields a true proposition: Alice hopes that Alice will be an astronaut, Beth hopes that Beth will be an astronaut, and so on. Such sentences can be rendered by logical formulas such as [allx, λx[girl‐in‐math(x)] λx[xhopes thatxwill be an astronaut]. The study of BVA has figured prominently in modern studies of grammar, and has proven to be an important testing ground for formal theories of syntax and semantics. In this chapter, we focus on the syntax of BVA.After establishing that the necessary and sufficient conditions for BVA represent a convergence of semantic and syntactic properties (section 1), we examine the distribution of bound variables in A‐binding and A′‐binding contexts (section 2). We then turn to the question of the form of (A‐bound and A′‐bound) BVAs (section 3), focusing on whether they can surface as reflexives, (overt or covert) pronouns, copy‐anaphors, unspecified bindable expressions (UBEs), or indexicals. After considering whether the internal syntax of bound variables is uniform (section 4), we attend to their semantic type (section 5). We conclude with a retrospective assessment of how analyses of BVA have developed over time, and speculate about future prospects (section 6).
Verb Clusters, Verb Raising, and Restructuring
Authors: Wurmbrand Susi 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThis overview chapter reviews the major generalizations, trends, and theoretical findings of the research on verb clusters. The first part of the overview provides a summary of the diverse empirical distribution of verb clusters across West Germanic, including the results of several recent extensive dialectal studies. The variation within certain dialect groups is hypothesized to be the result of extensive dialectal bilingualism, and a descriptive rule system is given that reflects certain dialectal subset relations. The second part of the overview surveys the merits and limits of a range of syntactic approaches to the verb cluster phenomenon and concludes with some speculations about one of the core open issues – the question of why verbs cluster and what the deep motivation for the verb‐clustering phenomenon is. Among others, the following empirical issues and theoretical questions are discussed in this overview: (i) whether there is a direct or indirect causal relation between word order and morphology (in particular, theInfinitivus Pro Participio‘infinitive for participle’ andParticipium Pro Infinitivo‘participle for infinitive’ effects); (ii) whether in verb clusters with three verbal elements, the 2‐1‐3 order exists as a genuine verb cluster order; (iii) whether verb cluster orders are derived by syntactic movement or other linearization mechanisms; (iv) whether and how verb clusters contribute to debates about the existence of directionality in syntax, the nature and motivation of movement, or the featural make‐up of the verbal domain; and (v) whether syntax can involve optionality.
Wh‐in‐Situ
Authors: Bayer Josef , Cheng Lisa Lai‐Shen 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThis chapter onwh‐in‐situ first provides the background of the discussion as it was developed in GB‐theory, mainly starting from Huang's seminal work on Chinese. In this framework with levels of representation, the role of Logical Form was in the center of the discussion. Similarities and differences between covertwh‐movement and QR are discussed, leading to issues of subjacency, LF pied‐piping, unselective binding, and D‐linking. Data and many theoretical concepts carry over to the third section of the chapter which introduces treatments ofwh‐in‐situ within the Minimalist Program, namely a theory which admits only two interface levels and which does not have various levels of syntactic representations (e.g., S‐structure and LF). Different stages of the theory's development, from feature movement to probe/goal agreement are shown to have had different consequences. This is followed by a discussion on the possibility of pseudowh‐in‐situ, that is the possibility that there is overt movement but that it is disguised in particular ways. Section 4 turns to intervention effects. Overtwh‐movement is compared withwh‐in‐situ under intervention environments. Syntactic as well as semantic accounts are presented as well as accounts that rely on information structure. Section 5 addresses the question of optionality ofwh‐movement as it appears in modern French as well as in other languages. Here also questions of phonological phrasing are brought into the discussion. In section 6 the issue ofwh‐in‐situ vs.wh‐ex‐situ is briefly discussed, also with reference to acquisition data. Section 7 concludes with some questions concerning typological differences according to whichwh‐in‐situ languages seem to lack a richly structured left clausal periphery.
Clitic Climbing
Authors: de Andrade Aroldo , Bok‐Bennema Reineke 
Published: November 2017

AbstractClitic climbing, the phenomenon where a clitic pronoun selected by a complement verb attaches to a host verb, is found in a number of languages. In this chapter its properties (such as the types of host verbs, the temporal properties of the infinitival domain, and the degree of adjacency between host and complement verb) and interactions with a series of “transparency effects” (such as Long DP Movement, Long Null Operator Movement, and Auxiliary Shift) are critically reviewed in various Romance languages. From there the chapter explains the traditional account for clitic climbing in a transformational framework, where it was seen as the output of two rules: Restructuring and Clitic placement. It then explores different lines of approaches for its derivation, in the Government and Binding framework and in the Minimalist Program. These crucially involve assuming one of these operations or structures: head movement; VP movement to the edge of the complement domain; the optional status of the host verb, as an auxiliary verb or as a lexical verb; the consistent auxiliary status of the host verb. From there, the implications of some these analyses for cross‐linguistic and intralinguistic variation are discussed. The chapter concludes with: a summary of the main characteristics of clitic climbing and a list of topics for further research.
Double Object Constructions
Authors: Citko Barbara , Embley Emonds Joseph , Whitney Rosemarie 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThis chapter outlines the issues that have dominated the research on double object constructions, focusing on the following questions: (i) what is the structure of double object constructions?, (ii) what is the relationship between the double object construction and its PP dative counterpart?, (iii) what are the constraints on double object constructions?, (iv) what is the crosslinguistic variation in the availability and the syntax of double object constructions? First, we review the major structures that have been proposed for double object constructions over the years. Next, we turn to the debate concerning what is referred to as the dative alternation; the alternation between double object constructions (e.g., Johngave Mary a book) and their PP dative counterparts (e.g.,John gave a book to Mary). The biggest source of debate here is whether the two are transformationally related or not, with meaning differences and the productivity of the alternation playing a big role in the debate. We then turn to the constraints that double object constructions are subject to, focusing on passive movement, A‐bar extraction asymmetries, and scope. We conclude by examining the crosslinguistic variation in the availability of double object constructions.
Depictive Secondary Predicates in Typological Perspective
Authors: Schultze‐Berndt Eva 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThis chapter reviews competing analyses of depictive secondary predicate constructions such asthe cat ate the mouse alivein the light of cross‐linguistic data. Existing proposals for a syntactic relationship have in common that they aim to capture the semantic relationship between the depictive constituent (alive) and one of the arguments of the main predicate (in this case,the mouse) by variously representing the depictive as a direct (secondary) predicate, as the predicate in a small clause, or in a general relationship of syntactic dependency with this argument (the controller). Evidence for such a relationship comes from languages that show agreement between depictives and their controllers. However, the expression types singled out by agreement exhibit a great degree of cross‐linguistic variation and include expressions traditionally classified as adverbials (i.e. as event‐oriented rather than argument‐oriented), raising the question of whether a predication relationship can be maintained. Other issues discussed include syntactic and semantic constraints on controllers, and the delimitation of depictives from predicative complements and complex predicates. The chapter concludes with a critical review of proposed extensions of the notion of secondary predicates to account for the syntactic freedom of so‐called non‐configurational languages and for possessor‐raising constructions.
Free Relatives
Authors: van Riemsdijk Henk C. 
Published: November 2017

AbstractFree (or headless) relative clauses (FRs) have attracted considerable attention. The main reason is that they look like clauses but act as if their clause‐initialwh‐element or ‐phrase were the head. One way of looking at this is to say that thewh‐phrase is “shared” by the relative clause and the matrix clause. This intuitive notion immediately raises serious questions for central principles of syntactic theory such as the Theta Criterion: if thewh‐phrase is truly shared, then it would have to be assigned one theta‐role from the relative clause predicate and another one from the matrix clause, thereby violating the Theta Criterion. Similar problems arise when we consider various matching phenomena such as case matching: thewh‐element must be able to morphologically satisfy the case requirements of both the relative clause and the matrix clause. There are, of course, ways to circumvent such problems. The Theta Criterion problem would go away if we assumed that in addition to thewh‐element in the complementizer position of the relative clause, there is in addition a silent nominal head above it. But on the other hand such a solution creates problems for matching phenomena: why should there be a matching requirement if there are two positions, one for each case? These and other remarkable properties of FRs have given rise to numerous interesting theoretical proposals, through the most important of which this chapter will guide the reader.
The Syntax of the Sequence of Tenses
Authors: Cornilescu Alexandra 
Published: November 2017

AbstractThe term “sequence of tenses” (SOT) refers to the conditions imposed on subordinate tenses by the tense of the main verb; these conditions are both the choice of tense forms and tense construal, since subordinate tenses may have interpretations that are not available to root tenses, such as the simultaneous reading of the past tense in embedded clauses. The SOT is sensitive to the type of subordination, since complement clauses, relative clauses, and adjunct clauses differ in how (un)constrained they are in the use of tenses. This chapter focuses on the use of tenses in complement clauses. In the light of recent research, SOT accounts for two types of cross‐linguistic variation: (a) there are languages that formally mark the syntactic and semantic dependence of subordinate tenses on main clauses’ tenses and languages that do not do so (the SOT parameter); (b) there are languages that have “double‐access readings” (DAR), that is, languages that allow the subordinate tense to have a reading dependent on the tense of the main clause, as well as a deictic reading directly dependent on speech time, and there are also languages that do not force such a reading on the same type of subordinate clauses (the DAR parameter). This chapter surveys some of the syntactically based accounts of these types of cross‐linguistic variation.The form of the accounts proposed depends on how the category of tense is represented in syntax. Representations of tense have become more complex, with the evolution of clausal architecture and with the realization of the fact that tenses are binary predicates (the polarity theory of tense and later accounts). Accounts of DAR rely on detailed representations of the left periphery.