bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A study of the effectiveness of calcined magnesite as a neutralizing agent for hydrochloric acid in the diet of sheep
Authors: McNamara T. , L'Estrange J. L. 
Published: July 2016

1. Five experimental diets were offered ad lib. for 21 d to five sheep in a 5 × 5 Latin-square design experiment as follows: pelleted grass meal alone (control); pelleted grass meal plus hydrochloric acid (470 mmol/kg dry matter (DM)); pelleted grass meal plus 470 mmol HCl/kg DM and either an equivalent amount of calcined magnesite (MgO) (235 mmol/kg DM) or twice the amount (470 mmol MgO/kg DM); pelleted grass meal plus 470 mmol MgO/kg DM.2. MgO supplementation partly prevented the reduction in food intake caused by HCl, being more effective at the low than at the high level. When fed alone, the high level of MgO had a slight adverse effect on food intake.3. There was no significant treatment effect on either the pH or volatile fatty acid concentrations of rumen fluid. MgO supplementation was only slightly effective in preventing the metabolic acidosis caused by HCl supplementation, as indicated by blood and urine acid–base measurements.4. With the MgO-supplemented diets, values for the faecal and urinary excretion of magnesium were approximately 70 and 10% respectively of Mg intake and were not significantly affected by HCl supplementation. For rumen fluid, the water-soluble Mg concentration as a percentage of the total Mg concentration was similar for each treatment, approximately 90%. For faeces, the corresponding value was also similar for each treatment, approximately 30%.5. MgO supplementation altered the effect of dietary HCl on faecal calcium excretion and on the balance of Ca, but did not alter its effect on urinary Ca excretion.6. It is concluded that the beneficial effect of MgO supplementation on the intake of the HCl-treated diet was related more to its influence on dietary pH than on conditions in the rumen or the acid–base balance of the sheep.
Studies on the absorption and retention of calcium and phosphorus by young and mature Ca-deficient sheep
Authors: Braithwaite G. D. 
Published: July 2016

1. A combination of a mineral balance and a radioactive technique has been used to study the effects of increased levels of dietary calcium and phosphorus on the Ca and P metabolism of young and mature wether sheep previously made Ca-deficient.2. Ca absorption was directly related to Ca intake until an absorption maximum was reached. Young animals absorbed dietary Ca more efficiently than mature animals and had a much higher maximum rate of absorption. Apparent P absorption was directly related to P intake and maximum P absorption was also higher for the young animals.3. Excretion of Ca in the urine and into the intestine was not altered by changes in Ca intake. Excretion of P in the urine, however, varied considerably and it is suggested that this process may be largely responsible for P homoeostasis.4. Ca retention was directly related to Ca absorption. Maximum retention was considerably higher for the young animals than for the mature animals and occurred for each group of animals at exactly the same dietary intake as maximum Ca absorption.5. Ca and P were retained in a constant ratio of 1.25:1 and the results suggested that P retention was controlled by the rate of Ca retention.6. Bone turnover was higher for the young than for the mature animals. Animals mobilized skeletal Ca when receiving the Ca-deficient diet and replaced their Ca losses when the dietary Ca was plentiful by changing the relative rates of bone resorption and bone accretion. Although bone resorption was mainly responsible for Ca homoeostasis, bone accretion appeared to play some part in the young animals.7. Maximum retention of Ca occurred just as the rate of bone resorption become zero and was equal to the rate of bone accretion. The lower maximum retention of Ca for mature animals was due to a lower rate of bone accretion.8. Results suggested that when bone resorption ceased, Ca absorption was regulated by homoeostatic mechanisms at a level just sufficient to maintain maximum retention, and that the maximum rates of absorption measured may not have been true maximum rates.9. The consequences of a relationship between bone accretion and maximum Ca retention are discussed with reference to older, pregnant and lactating animals.
Mechanisms of heat damage in proteins
Authors: Varnish Shirley A. , Carpenter K. J. 
Published: July 2016

1. The digestibilities of protein and amino acids have been estimated by two different techniques: the analysis of faeces (conventional method) and the analysis of ileal contents (ileal technique).2. Freeze-dried muscle protein was found by both techniques to be almost completely digested. After autoclaving, the digestibility for the same protein was estimated by the conventional and ileal techniques to be 0.65 and 0.57 repectively.3. Unmodified lactalbumin was found by both techniques to have a digestibility of about 0.90. Propionylation of the lactalbumin reduced digestibility to 0.82 and 0.79 as indicated by faecal analysis and ileal content analysis respectively.4. In general, the digestibilities of individual amino acids in any one protein sample were rather uniform, and reflected over-all protein digestibility. For each amino acid, digestibility, as determined by the both methods, was lower for the modified protein than for the corresponding control protein: estimates based on ileal content analyses were consistently lower than those obtained by conventional analyses. The ileal technique was considered to be both more convenient and meaningful.5. From the results obtained by the ileal technique it appears that reduced digestibility is an adequate explanation for the reduction found in nutritional value of the autoclaved protein. In contrast, for the propionylated protein, reduced digestibility of lysine is only a partial explanation of the low availability of this amino acid as estimated by chick growth assay.6. In our experiments we found that the type of dietary protein used did influence the amino acid composition of the ileal contents. This was most marked with the least-digestible protein. These findings do not support the views of Nasset (1962).
Thresholds of response to electric shock in previously undernourished rats
Authors: Smart J. L. , Whatson T. S. , Dqbbing J. 
Published: July 2016

1. Rats were undernourished in early life by feeding their mothers a restricted quantity of a good-quality diet during pregnancy and lactation. All offspring were fed ad lib. from weaning. Behavioural tests were done using adult males.2. Thresholds of aversion to electric shock were determined in a rectangular box, one side of which was designated ‘live’ and the other ‘safe’ (o V side) for any particular shock level. Three 15 min sessions were given at each of five shock levels. Previously undernourished rats had a lower aversion threshold than controls. They spent more time than controls on the o V side at two intermediate levels of shock.3. Other male rats were subjected to six graded series of brief, unavoidable shocks. Previously undernourished rats responded to a greater total number of shocks than controls.4. These results support the hypothesis that previously undernourished rats have a lowered threshold of arousal.
IMPACT OF PRENATAL MATERNAL FACTORS AND BIRTH ORDER ON THE ANTHROPOMETRIC STATUS OF NEWBORNS IN IRAN
Authors: Kheirouri Sorayya , Alizadeh Mohammad 
Published: July 2016

SummaryThis cross-sectional study was carried out to capture possible maternal factors affecting newborns’ anthropometric measurements. Data were collected from eight public health centres and referral university hospital records in Tabriz and Heriss districts, north-west Iran, for 807 mother–neonate pairs delivering live singleton births and their offspring during the two years up to August 2014. The incidence of low birth weight (LBW) was 5.1%. A close correlation was found between maternal anthropometry and birth order with neonatal anthropometric data. Birth order and maternal height and body mass index (BMI) positively affected neonates’ birth size (weight, length and head circumference). The rate of LBW was significantly higher for older (≥35 years), taller (≥170 cm), underweight (BMI<18.5) and non-iron-taking women and in the first-born babies. The odds of having LBW newborns in older, taller, underweight, obese and irregular iron-taking women were 3.82, 4.00, 9.07, 3.50 and 2.50 times those of mid-age group, middle-height, overweight and regular iron-taking women, respectively. First-born newborns were 5.97 times more likely to be LBW compared with second-birth neonates. The results indicate that maternal anthropometric indices, age, iron intake and birth order influence the risk of LBW in newborns.
Late pagan alternatives: Plotinus and the Christian gospel
Authors: CLARK STEPHEN R. L. 
Published: July 2016

AbstractPhilosophical pagans in late antiquity charged Christians with believing ‘without evidence’, but were themselves accused of arbitrariness in their initial choice of philosophical school. Stoics and Platonists in particular adopted a form of cosmic religion that Christians criticized on rationalistic as well as sectarian grounds. The other charge levelled against Christians was that they had abandoned ancestral creeds in arrogant disregard of an earlier consensus, and of the world as pagans themselves conceived it. A clearer understanding of the dispute can be gained from a comparison of Heracles and Christ as divinized ‘sons of God’. The hope on both sides was that we might become, or somehow join with, God. Both sought an escape from the image of a pointless, heartless universe – an image that even moderns find difficult to accept and live by. The notion that pagans and Christians had of God, and of the divine life we might hope to share, was almost identical – up to the point, at least, where both philosophical and common pagans conceived God as Pheidias had depicted him (the crowned Master), and Christians rather as the Crucified, ‘risen against the world’.
A bird's eye view – of a leopard's spots The Çatalhöyük ‘map’ and the development of cartographic representation in prehistory
Authors: Meece Stephanie 
Published: July 2016

AbstractThe striking wall paintings uncovered in the excavations at Çatalhöyük have fascinated archaeologists and non-archaeologists alike, and many interpretations of their content and meaning have been proposed. This article re-evaluates the claim that one of these paintings is a map of the village, with Hasan Dağ erupting above it. It is argued that the excavator's first interpretation of the objects depicted in the painting, that is, that they are a leopard skin above a panel of geometric design, is in fact a far more reasonable one, when this painting is contextualised within the entire corpus of painting and other art objects found at the site. Implications of this re-interpretation for our understanding of Neolithic spatial and symbolic representation, and the origin of mapmaking are considered, as well as the importance of the depiction of animals and felines in the Neolithic period.
The ceramics of centralisation and dissolution: a case study from Rough Cilicia
Authors: Postgate J.N. 
Published: July 2016

AbstractStarting from Kilise Tepe in the Göksu valley north of Silifke two phenomena in pre-Classical Anatolian ceramics are examined. One is the appearance at the end of the Bronze Age, or beginning of the Iron Age, of hand-made, often crude, wares decorated with red painted patterns. This is also attested in different forms at Boğazköy, and as far east as Tille on the Euphrates. In both cases it has been suggested that it may reflect the re-assertion of earlier traditions, and other instances of re-emergent ceramic styles are found at the end of the Bronze Age, both elsewhere in Anatolia and in Thessaly. The other phenomenon is the occurrence of ceramic repertoires which seem to coincide precisely with the frontiers of a polity. In Anatolia this is best recognised in the case of the later Hittite Empire. The salient characteristics of ‘Hittite’ shapes are standardised, from Boğazköy at the centre to Gordion in the west and Korucu Tepe in the east. This is often tacitly associated with Hittite political control, but how and why some kind of standardisation prevails has not often been addressed explicitly. Yet this is a recurring phenomenon, and in first millennium Anatolia similar standardised wares have been associated with both the Phrygian and the Urartian kingdoms. This paper suggests that we should associate it directly with the administrative practices of the regimes in question.
Aristophanes and de Ste. Croix: The Value of Old Comedy as Evidence for Athenian Popular Culture
Authors: Pritchard David M. 
Published: July 2016

AbstractDe Ste. Croix famously argued that Aristophanes had a conservative political outlook and attempted to use his comedies to win over lower-class audiences to this minority point of view. The ongoing influence of his interpretation has meant that Old Comedy has been largely ignored in the historiography of Athenian popular culture. This article extends earlier critiques of de Ste. Croix by systematically comparing how Aristophanes and the indisputably popular genre of fourth-century oratory represented the social classes of the Athenians and political leaders. The striking parallels between the two suggest that Aristophanes, far from advocating a minority position, exploited the rich and, at times, contradictory views of lower-class citizens for comic and ultimately competitive ends. As a consequence his plays are valuable evidence for Athenian popular culture and help to correct the markedly fourth-century bias in the writing of Athenian cultural history.
Textual, Structural, and Interpretive Issues in HoraceCarm. 4.2
Authors: Kirby Jhon T. 
Published: July 2016

Two closely-linked problems—one textual, the other interpretive—have long bedevilled readers of HoraceCarm.4.2.45-52. The first involves the text of line 49, which was conjecturally emended in the OCT of Wickham and Garrod, and has actually been obelised by Shackleton Bailey in his Teubner. The second problem concerns the addressee ofo Sol pulcher, o laudandein lines 46-7.I would like in this essay, first, to discuss the spectrum of emendations proposed for line 49; second, to sketch out a structural analysis of the entire ode, into which lines 45-52 will fit sensibly; and third, to offer a new rhetorical analysis that will make sense of the poem overall and (particularly) of the text I have adopted for the lemma. This analysis is fundamentally linked to the interpretation ofSolin line 46, as we shall see.
The Nomenclature Patterns of the Roman Upper Class in the Early Empire: a Statistical Analysis
Authors: Gallivan Paul 
Published: July 2016

From Republican times Romans, unlike any other people known to them, had three names, praenomen, nomen (gentilicium) and cognomen. In the first and second centuries A.D. Roman writers assumed that the possession of tria nomina distinguished the civis Romanus from the peregrinus.Roman practice in the late Republican period was not always in accordance with the above. Cognomina were not adopted in official inscriptions by the Roman state as a constituent of the nomenclature of a senator or an eques until the end of the second century B.C. even though the use of cognomina by patrician families dates from the second half of the fourth century B.C. Despite this official recognition some families such as those of Marius and the Antonii never used cognomina. There were also many individuals who used an additional cognomen (or agnomen) which resulted from a military honour, adoption or the need to mark separate identity from other branches of a family. The practice of employing tria nomina, therefore, was never universal among the upper classes during the late Republic. The aim of this paper is to present a statistical analysis of the nomenclature patterns by which all individuals who can confidently be considered of senatorial or equestrian status are known to us. In the case of women, the study is restricted to those from the senatorial class.
Philip's Letter to Athens in 340 B.C.
Authors: Hammond N.G.L. 
Published: July 2016

Since the important work of Pohlenz and Wüst there has been general agreement that Philip's Letter, preserved in the Demosthenic Corpus as [D.] 12, contains authentic material. But controversy continues on some points, and this article attempts to deal with them.In his text Griffith wrote of the Letter as if it was an authentic document (e.g. 567) but raised his own serious doubts (553), especially in an Appendix entitled ‘Afterthoughts on the Letter of Philip’ (714-16). His chief doubt was about the exploit of Callias, the leading politician at Chalcis in Euboea, then in alliance with Athens, who was said, in Griffith's translation, to have ‘captured all the inhabited cities on the Gulf of Pagasae’.
Popilia and laudationes funebres for women
Authors: Hillard T.W. 
Published: July 2016

This paper falls into two parts. The first explores the nature of the honour (if not unprecedented, outstanding) paid to Popilia circa 100 B.C.; the second speculates about the content of the panegyric pronounced on that occasion.In 390 B.C., according to Livy, the Roman senate, in recognition of female generosity during the preceding Gallic siege, declared that women were to share with men the rights to funeral laudationes: matronis gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum sicut virorum post mortem sollemnis laudatio esset. The record is straightforward but the item is suspect because of the variant traditions which parallel it.
Putative Akkadian Origins for the Greek Words Κίναιδος and Πυγή
Authors: Azize Joseph , Craigie Ian 
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this note is to suggest Semitic, specifically Akkadian, etymologies for two Greek nouns, and thus for words derived from these. The first noun in question is κίναιδος, for a person participating in certain male homosexual acts. The authors suggest that this word is ultimately derived from the Akkadian noun ‘qinnatu’, meaning anus, or more generally, the rear. This noun was productive in Greek, and also passed into Latin as ‘cinaedus’.The second Greek noun for which we suggest an etymology is πυγή denoting buttocks. Our hypothesis is that this word is derived from the Akkadian ‘pūqu’ meaning cleft or buttocks. Within the Greek language itself, the noun καταπύγων was developed from the noun πυγή by use of a prefix.
Catullus and Horace on Roman Women Poets
Authors: Hallett Judith P. 
Published: July 2016

We treasure both Gaius Valerius Catullus and Quintus Horatius Flaccus for their literary gifts and for their lyrics on the power of love and the pleasures of sophisticated urban living. We also, and often, treasure Catullus and Horace together; after all, both poets share a number of distinctive interests: metrically, stylistically, thematically, and what one might call professionally.Among these common professional interests is their shared literary debt to a female predecessor, the early sixth century BCE Greek poet Sappho. For this reason alone, one might expect Catullus and Horace to acknowledge the presence and activity of female poets, and especially women erotic poets, in their own Roman milieu. I would like to argue that both Catullus and Horace in fact make such acknowledgments, but do so in strikingly different ways.
Catullus in the Playground
Authors: Jackson Anna 
Published: July 2016

Every authentic poem contributes to the labour of poetry … its continual labour of reassembling what has been scattered.John Berger.In his manifesto Personism, Frank O'Hara celebrated his own work with the announcement: ‘the poem is at last between two persons instead of two pages.’ In fact, he says, he was about to write another poem when he realised he could just pick up the telephone instead. Perhaps it is lucky telephones had not been invented when Catullus was writing his poems, which also seem to belong between two persons instead of two pages.Yet despite the address to a ‘you’ that characterises many of Catullus’ poems, readers do not, as they do when reading a letter addressed to them, typically place themselves in the position of the person addressed. Rather, readers identify with Catullus himself.
Tragic Life-Journeys and Real-Life Journeys: The Place Where Three Ways Meet
Authors: Taplin Oliver 
Published: July 2016

I reckon myself to be a sufficiently competent map-reader to find routes that are interesting and scenic rather than merely obvious. Today I have mapped out a lecture with a track that is far from direct or main-road: I am going to wander and diverge to various look-out points and hidden spots along the way. I hope that, nonetheless, it will become clear that it has an itinerary and a destination.‘Life is a journey from the cradle to the grave.’ When we want to piece together some theme in the story of our life, we try to establish some time-markers, and we tend to string these along a kind of path or route. And we often pinpoint places in counterpoint with the time. This modelling of life as a road is a ‘metaphor we live by’, to borrow an apt phrase from cognitive studies; and the ancient Greeks often used this metaphor as well. The prime itinerary of our social and inner life would probably be constructed from our rites de passage, our close relationships, our inspirations; and very often we trace these through places as well. I was asked recently to write a very brief intellectual autobiography (so far), and I found that I was plotting it through locations: Epidauros, Oxford, the South Bank in London, Delphi, the Getty Museum in Los Angeles … And the same would be no less applicable to the story of my personal life, with some key places in common - Delphi, for instance.
The Athenian Archonship 508/7 – 487/6 B.C.
Authors: Kelly D. H. 
Published: July 2016

A.W. Gomme wrote on the Athenian embassy to Sardes (Hdt. v 73): ‘Athens, whether by decision of the demos or of the governing class with the backing of public opinion or of a ruling clique did not, after the overthrow of the tyrants, give earth and water to the King.’Since Gomme dated the embassy to Sardes to 506, he did not believe that the form of the Athenian government was still unsettled after the recent disturbances but was uncertain as to how Athenian politics worked at the beginning of the period with which he was concerned, 510 - 483. Where Gomme was doubtful, F.J. Frost is prepared to be positive:‘I think most modern scholars would now agree that Athens in the first third of the fifth century continued to be manipulated by an aristocratic elite. Although the nobles were now constrained to operate within the confines of the Cleisthenic constitution, that instrument, like most successful and enduring institutions of its kind, was permissive and designed to be a reflection of tempora and mores rather than of doctrine. We would assume that most far-reaching questions of domestic and foreign policy were settled informally by discussion in the houses of the great, that the final decision was written up pro forma by the Boule and given perfunctory acclamation by the Ecclesia. Only when there was irreconcilable disagreement among the clans (or such aporia that it was felt best to spread responsibility for a decision) would the Demos be invited to take sides.’