bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Reflections on Early Christian Topography
Authors: Greenslade S. L. 
Published: March 2016

One day early in the sixth century a house by the convent of nuns in the city of Arles caught fire. As the flames drew nearer, the cloistered ladies, forbidden to go outside, flung books and treasures and finally themselves into cisterns which were mercifully empty (one might think some water useful). The praepositi ran to Bishop Caesarius, warning him that the fire was getting close to his cell. Quickly he came out, went along the wall to the spot where the flames burned brightest, shouted encouragement from the wall, and brought the fire under control by his prayers.This story from the near-contemporary life of Caesarius throws an uncertain light upon the Christian topography of Arles. From the Vita and from the Rule which Caesarius gave to his nuns we know that he had brought the convent within the walls after the Franco-Burgundian siege of A.D. 508. The Rule speaks of turris juxta pomoerium, and there it is still, Tour des Mourgues, turrsi monacharum, at the south-west corner of the Roman walls. In that corner was the Abbaye de S. Césaire until the Revolution; and recently a cistern has been uncovered which may well be that in which the nuns took refuge. So far, so good. But where was the bishop? Any well-instructed schoolboy will convict me of a howler. If the praepositi told Caesarius that the fire was near cellae suae, it was their cell, not his. But few schoolboys are encouraged to read late Latin or even colloquial Latin of classical times. I shall continue to trust that they were not so pusillanimous as to leave the ladies to their fate and run trembling to the bishop in fear for their own rooms. They feared for him.
St Boniface and the German mission
Authors: Talbot C. H. 
Published: March 2016

On this, the anniversary of the bringing to Mainz of the martyred body of St Boniface, it seems appropriate that any remarks about the Anglo-Saxon mission to Germany should be confined to his activities alone. Unfortunately, the story of his life has been told by many people at many times, and in default of new facts and documents, it is not possible to do more than repeat what is already well known.To me the life of St Boniface appears to fall into three main periods: his mission from Gregory II to preach the gospel ‘ad quascumque gentes infidelitatis errore detentas’; his work in Thuringia among a partly christianized people; and his organization of the Church in Germany together with the reform of the Frankish Church. In other words, his activities as priest, as bishop, and as archbishop. These three divisions illustrate not only the problems he had to face, but also the methods with which he attacked them.
‘Dens of loitering lubbers’: protestant protest against cathedral foundations, 1540–1640
Authors: Cross Claire 
Published: March 2016

In A View of Popishe Abuses which enlarged upon the corruptions remaining in the English church, already itemised by protestant radicals in An Admonition to the Parliament of 1572, the writer dwelt at some length upon the iniquities of cathedral foundations.We should be too long to tell your honours of cathedral churches, the dens aforesaid of all loitering lubbers, where master dean, master vicedean, master canons or prebendaries the greater, master petty canons or canons the lesser, master chancellor of the church, master treasurer, otherwise called Judas the pursebearer, the chief chanter, singingmen, special favourers of religion, squeaking choristers, organ players, gospellers, pistellers, pensioners, readers, vergers etc. live in great idleness and have their abiding. If you would know whence all these came, we can easily answer you, that they came from the pope, as out of the Trojan horse’s belly, to the destruction of God’s kingdom. The church of God never knew them, neither doth any reformed church in the world know them.
The arian schism in Ireland, 1830
Authors: Barkley J. M. 
Published: March 2016

In Irish Presbyterianism Henry Cooke is commonly regarded as the champion of orthodoxy. Was it not he who drove the Arians out of the Synod of Ulster in 1830? The purpose of this paper is not to examine the theological issues involved, but rather to try to discover the real cause of the schism.The Reverend J. Smethurst (Moreton Hampstead) visited the North of Ireland during the autumn of 1821. The traditional picture is that of Cooke routing the Unitarian Smethurst in Killyleagh (where Cooke was minister) and pursuing him from place to place in his zeal for orthodoxy. This, however, fails to take into account an important aspect of Smethurst’s campaign. He writes,I feel persuaded that there is considerable inquiry on religious subjects amongst the Dissenters in the North of Ireland, and that liberal opinions are fast gaining ground amongst them... One of the greatest obstacles in the way of their doing so, is the view they have been accustomed to take of the Christian religion, as being a system upheld solely by its union with the secular power. If they could see it free from this connexion, they would view it in a far more favourable light, and the most formidable of their prejudices would be removed. Even amongst the Dissenters the natural tendency of the most remote connexion of this kind is too obvious to escape notice. The Presbyterian Church of Ireland has long been considered as a sort of demi-establishment. And though its connexion with the civil power is not so close as that of the Church of England, yet the union, as far as it goes, is no less injurious.
The business of belief: the emergence of ‘religious’ publishing
Authors: Scott Patrick 
Published: March 2016

In 1863, when a London printer, called Collingridge, produced a handbook for the aspiring author, he made it clear that one particular class of aspiring author was of dominant commercial importance:We may venture to assert that no other profession produces so many works as the clergy. This is no more than might be expected from a body of gentlemen having the advantages of sound learning and well-regulated minds . . . there are thousands of clergy who neither know, nor desire to know, the toils, the anxieties, or the pleasures of authorship; yet even they, if in active duty, require the services of the printer. Special sermons, schools, and other local institutions in the parish or district, necessitate an outlet for printing.
Did Gregory the Great know Greek?
Authors: Petersen Joan M. 
Published: March 2016

Two assumptions have been made by generations of scholars, including F. Homes Dudden, Pierre Batiffol, and in more recent times, Pierre Riché; the first is that Gregory the Great, in spite of six years’ residence in Constantinople as apoaisiarius, knew no Greek; the second, that he was totally ignorant of eastern theological thought.As we shall see later, there are good grounds for challenging both these assumptions, though it will not be possible in this paper to do more than to indicate the lines upon which the second of them may be answered. However, before we examine them, it would be as well to consider how far Greek was known and studied in Rome during the century and a half which preceded Gregory’s birth in about 540, and in his own lifetime.
Old wine in new bottles: attitudes to reform in fifteenth-century England
Authors: Baker Derek 
Published: March 2016

Wherever one turns in the pages of those who have written about the later medieval church there are reminiscences of Eliot’s ‘Hollow Men’:Shape without form, shade without colourParalysed force, gesture without motionAs Knowles put it, ‘by and large the whole body ecclesiastic was lukewarm’, adding of monasticism in particular that ‘it had little warmth to spare for others’. It was, he commented elsewhere, ‘an age of waning fervour’ - ‘the rhythm of life becomes universally slower, and scarcely any new feature appears until the abrupt end’. To other less compelling and considered writers it has been all too easy to characterise these waning medieval years simply as ones of ‘inevitable decline’, the retreat of the spiritual tide proceeding unchecked by the vain efforts of even the most able and dedicated men of the period to halt its recession - ‘it was his misfortune’, it has been said of Marmaduke Huby, one of the major English monastic figures of the period, ‘to be born at a time when ideals were at a low ebb, when the spirit of monasticism had grown languid and when material preoccupations demanded far too much attention’. There is little to be gained from such generalised speculation, which, if the subject of the passage was not known, could readily be ascribed, with equal non-validity, to almost any period in monastic history. Nonetheless, it remains true that the particular circumstances of church and society in the fifteenth century placed massive obstacles in the way of men like Huby, and there is ample evidence of the difficulties with which they had to contend.
The Church’s Military Service in the Ninth Century: A Contemporary Comparative View?
Authors: Nelson Janet L. 
Published: March 2016

‘Comparisons are odorous’. Modern historians, far from sharing Dogberry’s repugnance, have found the scent of the comparative method irresistible. ‘Perhaps even the future of our discipline’ depended on its pursuit, wrote Marc Bloch in 1928. Since then, comparison has become fashionable enough, and hardly remarkable in our contemporaries’ work. Remarkable it certainly is, however, in the ninth century. I would like to begin by quoting a passage written in 857 or 858 by Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims:In the regions [of the English] the bishoprics and monasteries are not so endowed with ecclesiastical property as they are in these Gallic regions; and for this reason, military services are not rendered from the bishoprics of those [English] regions, but [instead] the costs of rewarding those who fight (stipendia militiae) are allocated from public resources (ex roga publica). Here, on the other hand, in our regions, our clergy, instead of being given a fourth part of the bishopric’s income from renders and offerings, have an appropriate share (pars congrua) assigned them; then another share is assigned for lighting of churches, and another share goes to the hospices for the poor; but then a share goes to the fighting-men who are listed under the name of ‘housed ones’ (casati); and finally a share goes to the bishop and those who are under his direct command. Thus, at the dictate of necessity and the urging of reason, the rulers of provinces and churches have established customary arrangements appropriate to the respective qualities of provinces and quantities of church property.
Self-Denial and the Free Churches: some literary responses
Authors: Keep David 
Published: March 2016

The ascetic ideal found in wandering holy men in the east and in the self- and world-denying vows of regular clergy and laity in the middle ages came down to English nonconformity through puritanism. Bunyan’s pilgrim, like Benedict and Francis was passing through a temporary and evil world. Their attitude to life was that of the Sermon on the Mount, on the lips of the shepherd lad:
‘I am content with what I have,Little be it, or much.‘Wesley blended the high Anglican discipline of Jeremy Taylor and the Oxford Holy Club with his field evangelism and exhorted his Methodists to ‘Gain all you can; save all you can; then give all all you can.’ The gain was to be without doing harm to anyone. The Methodist was ‘to despise delicacy and variety, and be content with what plain nature requires.’ He was to ‘waste no part of it … in costly pictures, painting, gilding, books; in elegant rather than useful gardens.’ The Methodist was to avoid sensuality, curiosity and vanity. Wesley’s sermon on ‘The use of money’ is regularly quoted and is required reading for every Methodist preacher.
‘The Miser of Headingley’: Robert Arthington and the Baptist Missionary Society, 1877–1900
Authors: Stanley Brian 
Published: March 2016

A gravestone in a Teignmouth cemetery displays the following inscription:
Robert ArthingtonBorn at Leeds May 20th, 1823Died at Teignmouth Oct. 9th, 1900His life and his wealth were devoted to the spread of the Gospel among the Heathen.That unassuming epitaph bears testimony to one of the most remarkable figures in the story of Victorian missionary expansion. The missionary movement from both Britain and North America depended for its regular income on the enthusiasm of the small-scale contributor, but the munificence of the wealthy was essential to the financing of special projects or the opening up of new fields. The role of, for example, the jam manufacturer William Hartley as treasurer of the Primitive Methodist Missionary Society, or of the chemical manufacturers James and John Campbell White in providing much of the finance for the Free Church of Scotland’s Livingstonia Mission, is relatively well known.
The Elephant of Christ: Reynald of Châtillon
Authors: Hamilton Bernard 
Published: March 2016

It is written in the Koran:Hast thou not seen how thy Lord dealt with thearmy of the Elephant?Did he not cause their strategem to miscarry?Historically the Elephant was the Christian king of Ethiopia who attacked Mecca in 570, but some twelfth-century Moslems considered that this sura was a prophetic reference to Reynald of Châtillon, who was singled out as the chief enemy of Islam.
Saints and Doctors in the Early Byzantine Empire: The Case of Theodore of Sykeon
Authors: Horden Peregrine 
Published: March 2016

‘Have done with doctors. Don’t fall into their clutches: you will get no help from them. Be satisfied with this prayer and blessing and you will be completely restored to health.’ Theodore of Sykeon’s obloquy and exhortation find numerous parallels in the social history of early Byzantine medicine. The hostility of holy men to doctors is a familiar theme. Less familiar may be that delegation of responsibility and spirit of cooperation suggested by another passage in theLifeof Theodore:Again, if any required medical treatment for certain illnesses, or surgery or a purging draught or hot springs, this God-inspired man would prescribe the appropriate remedy to each like an experienced doctor trained in the art. He might recommend one to have recourse to surgery and would always state clearly which doctor he should employ. In other cases he would dissuade those who wished to have an operation or to undergo some other medical treatment, and would recommend rather that they should visit hot springs, and would name the springs to which they should go.
‘Rocamadour in Quercy above all other Churches’: The Healing of Henry II.
Authors: Mason Emma 
Published: March 2016

In the month of September (1170), King Henry fell sick almost to the point of death, at La Mote de Gerin (near Domfront). But by the divine mercy, and the supplication of the servants of God, to Whom he humbly commended himself... he recovered his health ... Then (he) travelled to Rocamadour to pray, This place, in the district of Quercy, is encircled by mountains and horrible wilderness.... King Henry, travelling hither in order to pray, as we said, gathered a great company of armed men, both cavalry and footsoldiers, since he was approaching the lands of his enemies, (and) came to pray equipped as though for battle, doing harm to no-one, (but) providing generously for all, and especially for the poor, with alms.This account of Henry II’s pilgrimage to Rocamadour comes from Robert de Torigny, a well-informed contemporary, hence the significance of the details which he included. From Domfront, on the frontiers of Normandy, the king travelled hundreds of kilometres to the south.
Bishop Milner, Holywell, and the Cure Tradition
Authors: Champ Judith F. 
Published: March 2016

In September 1805 bishop John Milner, Vicar Apostolic of the midland district, published an account of the Miraculous cure of Winefrid White in which he concluded that ‘This is the finger of God Exod 8:19, and that even in this age of domineering vice and incredulity, God hath not left himself without testimony Acts 14:16, or to speak in plain terms that an Evident Miracle has been wrought among us’.Milner’s clear and public conviction about whatever happened at Holywell in the summer of 1805 leads us to enquire about the catholic tradition of miraculous cures in post-Reformation England, and about the possibility of such matters playing a part in the revival of English catholic life. The positive and concerned investigation by the local bishop also indicates something of the changing nature of episcopal duty and responsibility in the early nineteenth century. There are obviously the usual questions about truth and falsehood, physical and psychosomatic recovery, which any ‘cure’ provokes, but the case of Winefrid White is far more interesting in terms of what it tells us about the persistence and recovery of certain catholic traditions.
Fulk of Toulouse: the escape that failed
Authors: Bolton Brenda 
Published: March 2016

Elo dozes sera Folquetz deMarseilla, us mercadairetzque a fait un fol sagramenquan juret que chansos no fetzet anz dizon que fo per vetzqe·s perjuret son escienAnd the twelfth one will be Fulk ofMarseille, a merchant of importanceWho made an oath so madAnd swore his songs no more to writeThis seemed to all to be in true sincerityWhen he so consciously forswore.This short piece of a contemporary troubadour’s song makes a suitable introduction to Fulk of Toulouse who was first a jongleur and troubadour, a citizen and merchant and later in life a monk and bishop. Underlying most of this varied career was a desire on Fulk’s part to retreat from the world in order to achieve the vita apostolica.
Ecclesiastical attitudes to novelty c. 1100 – c. 1250
Authors: Smalley Beryl 
Published: March 2016

Novelty in this paper refers to a new idea or institution. I shall not distinguish between religious, social and political novelties, since medieval churchmen did not do so. The church concerned herself with every aspect of Christian life: any change in men’s way of living affected her either directly or indirectly and generally the former.I shall begin by quoting four examples of attitudes to novelty. My first two come from the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. One will illustrate an attitude to new ideas, the second to a new institution. The distinction is artificial, but convenient. Men normally think up ideas in order to justify or criticise institutions. First listen to an anonymous opponent of Manegold of Lautenbach. Manegold contributed an extremist theory to papal polemic in the gregorian reform movement in order to explain and justify Gregory’s action in declaring the emperor Henry IV deposed and absolving subjects from their oath of allegiance (1085).
Church, society and politics in the early fifteenth century as viewed from an English pulpit
Authors: Haines Roy M. 
Published: March 2016

Some may question the suitability of sermon material as a means of illuminating the thought and background of a specific period. If anything, preachers were even less original—though that is too modern a concept—than other categories of medieval author. Frequently the same material was recast and pressed into service on a variety of occasions; a practice familiar to preachers down the centuries, but one which effectively blurs the dates of initial ‘publication’ and the extent of an individual’s contribution.Much of this criticism is applicable to the collection of twenty-five sermons which occupies the first part of Bodley MS 649. Yet, when all the customary quotations from classical and medieval authors have been abstracted, along with the time-worn exempla to be found in the works of Jacques de Vitry, Vincent de Beauvais, Jacques de Voragine, and a host of other compilators, acknowledged and unacknowledged, there remains a core of material which is both contemporary and in the manner of its handling, particular. As one reads the sermons there is an increasing awareness of atmosphere, the sense of a distinct historical period and its problems. A wealth of contemporary metaphor and apt proverbial phrase, the interpolation of arresting—albeit to our ears incongruous—passages in english, and the mention of specific events, together contribute to an impression of society which is both vital and convincing.
The politics of the enabling act (1919)
Authors: Thompson David M. 
Published: March 2016

I doubt whether any event in the constitutional history of Church and State (wrote Randall Davidson in February 1921) has ever been wrought out with so little friction, and on so smooth a current as this great change ... I think it is indisputable that if we had failed in December 1919 to get through Parliament what is popularly known as the Enabling Bill, we might have waited for it for many a long year with increasing and most harmful loss of enthusiasm, and growth of irritation among the progressive groups. Instead of this we have had a continuous stream of praise and thankful gratulation at the way in which the new system has begun to work.These words are a useful reminder that contemporaries were surprised at the easy passage of the enabling act, and that its success therefore requires explanation. The ‘rightness of the cause’ has tended to obscure the fact that right causes often fail. Moreover subsequent criticisms of the act, and particularly the disappointment of the life and liberty movement with what followed, have tended to minimise the significance of the changes it made. Nevertheless the charisma of William Temple and Dick Sheppard seems to have led even the critics to attribute the act’s success to the life and liberty movement; viscount Wolmer’s church self-government association has been relegated to the sidelines; and the verdict of bishop Bell (who in 1919 was Davidson’s chaplain) that ‘Its achievement was due to Randall Davidson more than to any other single person’ has been forgotten. In this paper I shall argue that the political success of the enabling act requires a political explanation, that parliamentary tactics in both the house of commons and the house of lords are therefore of prime importance, and that the significance of the success is enhanced by a fact which has never been discussed before - the initial opposition of the government of the day.
The Sects under Constantine
Authors: Hall Stuart G. 
Published: March 2016

Looking back a hundred years after the death of Constantine the historian Sozomen wrote:
Under earlier emperors those who worshipped Christ, though they differed in their opinions, were considered the same by the Hellenizers and were similarly badly treated. They could not interfere with each other because of their common sufferings, and for this reason each group used to assemble without difficulty and form a church, and by keeping up continual mutual contact, even if they were few in number, they were not dispersed.He contrasted this with Constantine’s success in repressing the sects. Sozomen is clearly right as far as he goes. Antiheresy laws gave powers to bishops they did not have before. He goes on:
But after this law they could neither assemble publicly, because they were prevented, nor in secret, because the bishops and clergy in every city kept them under observation.We shall look more closely at this change.
Parochial Ministry in Early Anglo-Saxon England: The Role of Monastic Communities
Authors: Foot Sarah 
Published: March 2016

It was the example of some visiting parochial clergy that first inspired the young Wynfrith, later the missionary Boniface, to adopt the religious life. According to his hagiographer Willibald
when priests or clerics, travelling abroad, as is the custom in those parts, to preach to the people, came to the town and the house where his father dwelt the child would converse with them on spiritual matters.