bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Amyloid-β Inhibits PDGFβ Receptor Activation and Prevents PDGF-BBInduced Neuroprotection
Authors: Liu Hui , Saffi Golam T. , Vasefi Maryam S. , Choi Youngjik , Kruk Jeff S. , Ahmed Nawaz , Gondora Nyasha , Mielke John , Leonenko Zoya , Beazely Michael A. 
Published: January 2018

Background:
PDGFβ receptors and their ligand, PDGF-BB, are upregulated in vivo after neuronal
insults such as ischemia. When applied exogenously, PDGF-BB is neuroprotective against excitotoxicity
and HIV proteins.

Objective:
Given this growth factor's neuroprotective ability, we sought to determine if PDGF-BB would
be neuroprotective against amyloid-β (1-42), one of the pathological agents associated with Alzheimer's
disease (AD).

Methods and Results:
In both primary hippocampal neurons and the human-derived neuroblastoma cell
line, SH-SY5Y, amyloid-β treatment for 24 h decreased surviving cell number in a concentrationdependent
manner. Pretreatment with PDGF-BB failed to provide any neuroprotection against amyloid-β
in primary neurons and only very limited protective effects in SH-SY5Y cells. In addition to its neuroprotective
action, PDGF promotes cell growth and division in several systems, and the application of PDGFBB
alone to serum-starved SH-SY5Y cells resulted in an increase in cell number. Amyloid-β attenuated
the mitogenic effects of PDGF-BB, inhibited PDGF-BB-induced PDGFβ receptor phosphorylation, and
attenuated the ability of PDGF-BB to protect neurons against NMDA-induced excitotoxicity. Despite the
ability of amyloid-β to inhibit PDGFβ receptor activation, immunoprecipitation experiments failed to
detect a physical interaction between amyloid-β and PDGF-BB or the PDGFβ receptor. However, G
protein-coupled receptor transactivation of the PDGFβ receptor (an exclusively intracellular signaling
pathway) remained unaffected by the presence of amyloid-β.

Conclusions:
As the PDGF system is upregulated upon neuronal damage, the ability of amyloid-β to
inhibit this endogenous neuroprotective system should be further investigated in the context of AD
pathophysiology.
Traumatic Dental Injuries Resulting from Sports Activities; Immediate Treatment and Five Years Follow-Up: An Observational Study
Authors: Spinas Enrico , Mameli Antonello , Giannetti Luca 
Published: January 2018

Background:Traumatic dental injuries (TDIs) represent 18-30% of all oral pathologies and a considerable number of these are sports related. It is very important to treat sports-related injuries and prevent complications. However, very few studies investigate the most expedient therapeutic strategies for the treatment of dental trauma correlated to sports.Objective:The aim of this work was to focus on the average recovery time for different lesions, to assess adequate times for each athlete, to identify any association with complications and to investigate whether or not the use of mouth-guards interfered with a full recovery to normal health.Methods:This study involved a group of 30 athletes (15 male and 15 female) who had dental injuries of varying severity.For the purposes of data collection, two classifications were taken into account: a classification for hard tissue trauma and another for periodontal lesions. The athletes were subdivided in “type of lesion’ groups”.They were then treated depending on their individual lesions and followed up for 5 years. A statistical analysis was carried out to study the association between recovery time, lesion types and occurrence of complications.Results:The time for recovery was different for each type of lesion and ranged from 3-5 days (only uncomplicated fractures) to 14 days (all hard-periodontal tissue traumas). The total number of recorded pulp complications amounted to 6 cases. Among 30 athletes, 20 had begun and maintained, during the five-year follow-up period, the habit of using mouth-guards when practicing their sport activities.Conclusions:Recovery time and the severity of lesions are statistically associated: the more serious the injury, the more time an athlete needs to recover and return to competitive sports events. Furthermore, recovery time and precautionary measures (mouth-guards) did not influence the onset of complications. The subjects’ habit of wearing a mouth guard continued even after the end of the therapy and follow-up periods.
Commonwealth Immunity as a Constitutional Implication
Authors: Penhallurick Catherine 
Published: January 2018

The existence and potential scope of a Commonwealth constitutional immunity from State law has been a vexed issue ever since the High Court decided its first case on this question in 1904 There have been major shifts in the approach of the Court over the last century, and the doctrines expounded by the Court have been subjected to an unusually large volume of academic criticism. The operation of Section 64 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth), together with the presumption of crown immunity, have in many cases prevented the question of constitutional immunity from arising. There are, however, a range of situations in which the constitutional issue will still arise. More importantly, the Commonwealth immunity from State law remains a highly relevant topic because of the significance of the constitutional issues that it raises. The debate over the existence and scope of the immunity reflects a broader uncertainty as to the form of federalism created by the Australian Constitution.In this article, I will argue that the Commonwealth immunity from State law must be recognised as a constitutional implication. Although there has been some acknowledgment that the immunity is an implication, there has been little consideration of the consequences that might follow from this.
A Turtle by Any Other Name: The Legal Basis of the Australian Constitution
Authors: Dillon Anthony 
Published: January 2018

‘Lawyers are not disposed to look behind the immediate constitutional framework to the ultimate sources of legal authority’: Lord Lloyd, The Idea of Law (1987) 173.In spite of Lord Lloyd's observation, the centenary of federation has given many Australian lawyers the impetus to do just that, to consider the ‘ultimate source’ of authority for the Australian Constitution. The general aim of this article is to assess the legal basis of the Australian Constitution and, more specifically, how ‘autochthony’ for the Constitution might be achieved. Part I notes that as a result of the Australia Acts, some members of the High Court have instigated a move away from the traditional basis of the Constitution, the United Kingdom Parliament, to a new basis in popular sovereignty. However, as it could be said that the Australia Acts only dealt unequivocally with ‘autonomy', and not ‘autochthony', this move is dubious. Whether Australia's evolutionary achievement of autonomy means that both the political and legal sources of Australian constitutional authority now lie in some concept of popular sovereignty, is a next step. Part I further argues against the necessity for the judiciary alone to take this next step. This Part concludes by suggesting that, if the traditional legal basis is to be judicially discarded, and a local legal source found, the federal compact is the most historically correct interpretation of federation.
The Military Call-Out Legislation - Some Legal and constitutional questions
Authors: Head Michael 
Published: January 2018

Amid considerable public controversy, the Australian Labor Party combined with the Government of Prime Minister John Howard to pass military call-out legislation through both houses of the Commonwealth Parliament on 7 September 2000. Less than three months after it was first announced and introduced in the House of Representatives on 28 June, the Defence Legislation Amendment (Aid to Civilian Authorities) Act 2000 (Cth) came into force on 12 September, when it received royal assent by the Governor-General.Under the amended Defence Act 1903 (Cth) (the Act), the Federal Government now has the power to call out the armed forces on domestic soil against perceived threats to ‘Commonwealth interests', with or without the agreement of a state government. Once deployed, military officers can order troops to open fire on civilians, as long as they determine that it is reasonably necessary to prevent death or serious injury. Soldiers will have greater powers than the police in some circumstances, including the right to shoot to kill someone escaping detention, search premises without warrants, detain people without formally arresting them, seal off areas and issue general orders to civilians.
Saving Australia from Sedition: Customs, the Attorney-General's Department and the Administration of Peacetime Political Censorship
Authors: Douglas Roger 
Published: January 2018

For more than fifty years, Australian governments used a variety of legal powers to harass revolutionary organisations, and in particular the Communist Party of Australia (the CPA). After an historical review of these policies, this article examines Commonwealth's attempt between 1921–29 and 1932–37, to use its power under the Customs Act to prohibit the importation of seditious literature.Between 1920 and 1950, the Commonwealth passed a number of Acts and made several Regulations to deal with the threats apparently posed by the CPA and other revolutionary bodies. Amendments to the Crimes Act 1914 (Cth) in 1920 made the uttering and publication of seditious words a Commonwealth offence. (These activities were already offences under state law.) Proclamations under the Customs Act 1901 (Cth) had the effect of prohibiting the importation of revolutionary literature. In 1926 and 1932, the Crimes Act was further amended. Bodies that advocated violent revolution became unlawful associations, and criminal sanctions were attached to a variety of acts by and on behalf of unlawful associations.
Imagining a Federal Commonwealth: Australian Conceptions of Federalism, 1890–1901
Authors: Aroney Nicholas 
Published: January 2018

At the National Australasian Convention held in Sydney in 1891, Andrew Inglis Clark observed:the full ideal of Federal Government … in its highest and most elaborate development, is the most finished and the most artificial production of political ingenuity. It is hardly possible that federal government can attain its perfect form except in a highly refined age, and among a people whose political education has already stretched over many generations.Inglis Clark was quoting Edward Augustus Freeman, Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford University, whose History of Federal Government in Greece and Italy, first published in 1863, was the ‘classic nineteenth century exposition’ of the city-state leagues of ancient Greece, and is still cited today by specialists in the field.Freeman, who succeeded William Stubbs to the Regius Chair, profoundly shaped nineteenth century conceptions of federalism, although studies of Australian federalism have tended to neglect his influence. While Freeman's reputation suffered in later years, his earlier career was celebrated and revered.
Judicial Restraint and Activism in Administrative Law
Authors: McMillan John 
Published: January 2018

The role of the judiciary in public law cases is a topic of debate in every age. The present age is no different. On topics as diverse as implied constitutional rights, native title, refugee determination and public sector tort liability, there has been a vigorous public debate between the critics and the defenders of judicial power. We live in an age, as the Tampa litigation reminds us, in which the national public policy agenda is increasingly structured by legal claims.Many commentators would take the judicial role a step further by giving judges a more explicit role in applying human rights standards when evaluating the validity of executive (and, possibly, legislative) action. A constitutional or statutory Bill of Rights would be the most direct way of conferring that function on the judiciary. Less direct is the option, with steadily growing support, of judges taking account of international human rights instruments in discharging their adjudicative function. Whatever level of support those options attract, it seems probable that human rights principles will play an increasing role in judicial review of executive action. The principles are stamped already on many aspects of public law.
Civil-Military Relations in China: Party-Army or National Military?
Authors: Shambaugh David 
Published: January 2018

This article examines the changing dynamics of relations between the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA). It argues that
while the PLA remains politically loyal to the CCP, there is evidence of important
changes in the institutional relationship between the two institutions. The partyarmy
relationship is no longer as intertwined and symbiotic as it has historically
been; rather, this article argues that there is evidence of a 'bifurcation' between the
two. The catalysts for this change have been the professionalization and relative
depoliticization of the military, as well as the leadership transition in the CCP.
These changes raise important and central issues for the future of Chinese politics.*
The Party and Private Entrepreneurs in the PRC
Authors: Holbig Heike 
Published: January 2018

In July 2001, Party Secretary Jiang Zemin announced that private entrepreneurs,
among other 'outstanding' representatives of the new social elites, were welcome
to join the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The move led to controversial
ideological debates as it was widely interpreted as a clear signal that the communist
party was finally turning capitalist. Things become less clear, however, when we
look not so much at ideologies but at the actual facts. Realizing how little we
know about the reality of relations between the CCP and private entrepreneurs,
the aim of the paper is two-fold: The first is to collect and critically assess the
information available on current developments of the 'private economy' (a vague
notion in itself), and on the proportion of entrepreneurs who are already CCP
members. Second, based on this analytical 'deconstruction' of statistical data and
categories, the article delineates motives and strategies that might lie behind the
new policy of formally admitting private entrepreneurs into the party. As will be
argued, one important reason could be that the CCP, by co-opting entrepreneurs,
attempts to (re-)gain access to the ever larger labour force employed in the growing
non-public sector of the economy and thus to strengthen its organizational
presence at the grassroots level. However, while we know something about the
CCP's policy, much more needs to be known about the political preferences,
attitudes and behaviour of private entrepreneurs. Therefore, instead of drawing
macropolitical conclusions, the paper ends with an outline of relevant microscopic
aspects of the relations between entrepreneurs and the CCP that deserve more indepth
analysis in the future.
Interest Representation and the Transformation of the Chinese Communist Party
Authors: Yongnian Zheng 
Published: January 2018

At the 80th anniversary celebration of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on 1
July 2001, Jiang Zemin called on the party to admit into its ranks of 'outstanding
social elements' of private entrepreneurs, professionals, technical and managerial
personnel from non-state firms and MNCs. Party ideologues, however, have raised
a great hue and cry. In order to establish his political legacy, the CCP leadership
has intensified the campaign to educate its cadres and members. Reform and
development have bourgeoisified and benefited many party members and cadres.
Jiang's public support of the capitalists is not going against the tide but is a
recognition of reality instead. In fact, to continue to grow and expand, the party
must embrace the better educated and the most enterprising in society. The
capitalists within the party will certainly be catalysts to quicken the transformation
of the party. In its attempt to admit capitalists, has the CCP unknowingly let in
the Trojan horse? Jiang Zemin's original aim may have been to strengthen the
party-state by broadening its social base. And as the party metamorphoses, perhaps
into a kind of social democratic party, Jiang will be favourably judged for paving
the way for such a metamorphosis. Nevertheless, it is not an easy transition:
insurmountable difficulties lie ahead for the party leadership.
'A Generational Earthquake'?: An Analysis of the 2002 Presidential Election in South Korea
Authors: Saxer Carl J. 
Published: January 2018

The 2002 presidential election in South Korea was seen by some commentators as
a 'generational earthquake'. It was argued that younger voters, defi ned as those
belonging to the 20–30 age groups, had become more mobilized and active than
in any previous election, and that consequently the persistent regionalism that
had characterized South Korean national elections for so long was fi nally at an
end. It was also claimed that the 2002 election marked a repositioning of ideology
and policy preferences at centre stage. The present article, however, argues that
while ideology and policy preferences did indeed assume greater importance,
and while generational issues also came to the fore, yet the predominant factor in
the 2002 election remained – as in previous presidential elections in South Korea
– a persistent, almost static, regional voting pattern.
From 'Politics in Command' to 'Economics in Command': A Discourse Analysis of China's Transformation
Authors: Xing Li 
Published: January 2018

This article proposes a framework for understanding the way the Chinese Revolution emerged, developed and achieved power (1921-49), then further consolidated in the period of socialist 'uninterrupted revolution' (1949-77) and was finally abandoned by the post-Mao regime (1977 to the present). This analysis is based on a perspective of discourse theories framed in historically new forms of political, social and ideological relations. In other words, it attempts to conceptualize the transformation of China and the Chinese Communist Party by analysing the role of ideological discourses (arguments and interpretations) and the cognitive elements (beliefs, goals, desires, expertise, knowledge) as the driving-force behind societal transformations. The discourse theory applied here – logocentrism and econocentrism – also serves both as a political arena of struggle to confer legitimacy on a specific socio-political project and as a distinctive cog ni tive and evaluative framework for understanding societal transformations. The conceptualization of the paper is informed by the work
of David Apter and Tony Saich on discourse theory.
Henimod entreprenant miljøpraksis - en præliminær analyse af dansk miljøekspertise som socialt felt
Authors: Dezalay Yves , Madsen Mikael Rask 
Published: January 2018

From militant to entrepreneu-rial environmental practice:
on the construction and trans-formation of a Danish field of environmental expertise

By tracing the trajectories of holders of environmental expertise, this article attempts to understand the social construction of environmental protection measures in Denmark. The focus is not on these measures, per se, but rather on them as the product of inter-professional battles in, out and around that state. With an analytical starting point in the reflexive sociology developed by Pierre Bourdieu, the social space in which these struggles are taking place is seen as an open fluid field constituted by a mixture of loosely connected symbolic practices occupying different (and changing) positions within the field of state power. The article argues that the environmental space was initially dominated by a group of older lawyers and social scientists and was reconstructed by the arrival of young engineers and biologists, who came from the radicalized parts of the university milieu and similar social networks. The environmental field has recently developed in several directions. The original experts are still involved in the mainstream technical way of dealing with the environment. At the same time they are links to a new generation of environmental experts engaged in market-oriented symbolic investments in eco-management and accountancy. The success of the environmental movement has caused both renewed interest and a diffusion of the groups of agents at the same time.
Moderne refleksiv ledelse
Authors: Larsen Øjvind 
Published: January 2018

Modern reflexive ledership

The communicative transformation of modernity has made it necessary to formulate a new understanding of leader-ship which is in contrast to the dominating management thinking. The global communication society opens up for a new form of leadership, which could be called reflexive leadership. The reflexive leadership is founded on a radical free communication, where there is no hinderance of the possibility to get information and where all participants have the possibility to have a reflexive relation to communication.
The concept of reflexive leadership is developed both from a sociological and a philosophical perspective. From the sociological perspective it is developed through a critique of Max Weber’s three ideal types of leadership, namely the traditional, the charismatic and the legal form of leadership. From the philosophical perspective the concept is developed through a critique of the concept of leader-ship by Plato, Aristotle, Kant, Hegel and Habermas. It is shown that communication has to be in the centre of leadership in a communicative oriented modern society.
On this background it is shown that reflexive leadership has the advantage that it makes possible to reflect normative problems in modern society. Reflexive leadership can be seen as a further development of modern demo-cratic society towards an open society which is building on reflexive social relations in all the institutions of society.
Hvornår er man ung?
Authors: Gundelach Peter , Nørregård-Nielsen Esther 
Published: January 2018

Peter Gundelach and Ester Nørregård-Nielsen: When is one young?

The article analyses the making of value boundaries between youth and adulthood based on data from the Danish part of the European Values Survey 1981-1999. Two
approaches are discussed - an age perspective and a generation perspective - and the article investigates variations in the values of the population inrelation to work and politics. Multivariate analyses show that the values of the 18-30 year old respondents vary according to the respondent’s gender and life situation. The age perspective demonstrates that there are only small value differences in the population as such and significant age-differences occur only on a few specific variables around the age of 50. The generation perspective on the other hand shows several differences among generations, but the significant value differences appear among the generations born around 1950. If being young is associated with an age span from 18 to 30 - as it is often seen in the literature - the analysis presented here questions the existence of specific sets of values for young persons. To the degree that age or generation is important to understand value differences it is our conclusion that is not important whether the respondent is younger or older than 30 years or belong to the youngest generations. In general in Denmark the main value differences instead appear between persons born before or after the 1950s. One explanation might be that people born after the 1950s are raised in a welfare system characterised by freedom, independence, and high levels of education and consumption These values were acquired when the respondents were young and are maintained as they grow older. In a value sense the respondents wish to stay young forever.