bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Forced migration, citizenship, and space: the case of Syrian Kurdish refugees in İstanbul
Authors: Kılıçaslan Gülay 
Published: August 2016

AbstractThe influx of hundreds of thousands of people from Syria to Turkey, especially into major cities such as İstanbul, together with the Turkish government’s policies towards Syrian refugees, has led to various changes in urban spaces. This article has a twofold objective: it examines and discusses the everyday lives of these refugees with regards to the processes and mechanisms of their exclusion and inclusion in İstanbul, while employing a multiscalar analysis of migration in terms of combining nation-state policies of migration, citizenship, space, and the concept of the “right to the city.” Relying upon interviews and participant observation in the Kanarya and Bayramtepe neighborhoods of İstanbul between 2011 and 2015, I outline the ways in which Syrian Kurdish refugees have been actively transforming İstanbul’s peripheries through their interactions with the Kurds who were forcibly displaced from their rural homes in southeastern Turkey in the 1990s.
FRAMES IN HILBERT C*-MODULES AND MORITA EQUIVALENT C*-ALGEBRAS
Authors: AMINI MASSOUD , ASADI MOHAMMAD B. , ELLIOTT GEORGE A. , KHOSRAVI FATEMEH 
Published: August 2016

AbstractWe show that the property of a C*-algebra that all its Hilbert modules have a frame, in the case of σ-unital C*-algebras, is preserved under Rieffel–Morita equivalence. In particular, we show that a σ-unital continuous-trace C*-algebra with trivial Dixmier–Douady class, all of whose Hilbert modules admit a frame, has discrete spectrum. We also show this for the tensor product of any commutative C*-algebra with the C*-algebra of compact operators on any Hilbert space.
Le rôle des symboles figurés attribués aux membres de la Cour de Sargon II: Des emblèmes créés par les lettrés du palais au service de l'idéologie royale
Authors: Niederreiter Zoltán 
Published: August 2016

Les recherches récentes ont permis d'identifier certains symboles personnels des rois néo-assyriens. Parmi les figures emblématiques on trouve le lion et le taureau dont le rôle est primordial dans l'art et la poésie de la Cour pour symboliser le pouvoir du monarque. Il est évident que le scorpion, symbole des reines, donc du harem royal, est à mettre en parallèle avec le lion et le taureau, symboles des rois. Il reste à savoir si d'autres symboles ont été attribués aux membres de la Cour.Cet article porte, en premier lieu, sur les figures symboliques de la maison royale et en identifie deux nouvelles, le symbole en forme d'oméga et le dromadaire, qui sont associés à Sîn-ah-uṣur, le frère favori et grand vizir de Sargon II. Notre interprétation essaye de prouver que les symboles figurés reconnus sur les briques à empreinte et les sceaux provenant de Dûr-Šarrukîn et de Kalhu ont permis d'identifier les symboles de dignitaires. Ces figures constituaient l'emblème ou la marque de propriété des membres de la maison royale (le roi, son épouse et son frère) et des dignitaires de la Cour. Tout cela permet d'interpréter de nouveau les figures symboliques dont l'importance apparaît de premier ordre dans l'idéologie royale à la Cour de Sargon II.
Assyrian high-relief bricks from Nineveh and the fragments of a royal name
Authors: Nadali Davide 
Published: August 2016

During the excavations in Nineveh carried out by R. Campbell Thompson on behalf of the British Museum in the years 1929 to 1932, many glazed Assyrian bricks were recovered and partly published in the excavation reports. Bricks were found in the years 1927–8 and 1929–30, respectively, when the Temple of Nabu and the so-called Palace of Assurnasirpal II were being excavated. Bricks were said to have come from the South-East area of the Temple of Nabu, where the excavators thought they had found the palace of King Assurnasirpal II. Actually, as recognised then by Thompson himself, the area between the temples of Nabu and Ishtar, where the palace of Assurnasirpal was thought to be, is characterised by later installations that reused Assyrian materials and structures (Fig. 1a–b). Confusion is due to the frequent presence of the wordé.gal(“palace”) at the beginning of the inscription that was stamped onto the bricks. However, the wordé.galprobably does not refer to a palace proper, but was used as a production mark: the brick was produced by and/or within the administrative structure (“palace”) of the Assyrian king, whose name usually follows the wordé.gal(“palace” of + Assyrian king's name), independently from its final location or use either for a palace or a temple.Thus, as reconstructed by Julian Reade, the Temple of Ishtar should be considered the likely source for the Assyrian materials found when excavating the South-East quadrant in the years 1927–8 and 1929–30, although the Temple of Nabu itself cannota prioribe totally excluded.
Pre-trial negotiations: The Case of the run-away slave inDar. 53
Authors: Magdalene F. Rachel , Wells Bruce , Wunsch Cornelia 
Published: August 2016

The study of ancient Near Eastern trial procedure has a long history, and the judicial systems of several periods have been investigated in detail. What remains lacking is a thorough and systematic treatment of the trial law and procedure from the Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods, though numerous legal texts have been studied. Recently two dissertations by F. R. Magdalene and S. E. Holtz have described the adjudicative process from the bringing of charges by an accuser through various stages and actions, including the taking of witness statements, interrogation, the examination of physical evidence, courts' demands for further evidence, summonses, and the issuing of conditional and final verdicts. Both also provide a basis for further investigation of this southern Mesopotamian legal system, which seems to have followed longstanding traditions but also contains indications of new developments.While both studies examine several hundred trial-related documents, one particular text that has been the subject of interpretation since the late nineteenth century receives scant attention. The document in question isDar.53. A close analysis of its text raises significant questions with regard to a particular aspect of trial procedure during the Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods. The text has never been satisfactorily treated, and recent references to it in scholarly literature in fact have led to erroneous conclusions about what it reveals in general, and regarding law and procedure in particular. Despite a consistent belief that the text records a trial,Dar.53 actually arises from pre-trial demands and the resulting negotiations.
Sargonic dinner at Kaneš: The Old Assyrian Sargon legend
Authors: Alster Bendt , Oshima Takayoshi 
Published: August 2016

A very unusual literary tablet, Kt. j/k 97 from Kültepe, was published by C. Günbattı in 1997. It is inscribed with what already the first editor described as an Old Assyrian version of legends about Sargon. Since then the tablet has caused a good deal of discussion. Translations or editions have been made by M. Van De Mieroop (2000), K. Hecker (2001), B. Foster (2002, 2005), A. Cavigneaux (2005), and J. G. Dercksen (2005). These studies represent extremely different approaches: Hecker takes the text at face value and reads it as a laudatory royal inscription, whereas others see it as a kind of parody of inscriptions or legends about Sargon (Van De Mieroop 2000; Foster 2002, 2005), inspired by Mario Liverani. Dercksen (2005: 108) goes to the opposite extreme, stating that the “supposedly literary character of the text can be ignored, as this modern concept was alien to OA society”. He sees the text as “not a parody”, but instead as having “functioned to extol Sargon of Akkad duringkispumcelebrations that were part of the official cult of Assur”. Cavigneaux's study suggests a middle way between these extremes.The tablet was found — and probably written — in Anatolia within the community of Assyrian merchants living abroad in Kaneš, on a tablet that looks very much like a normal business letter. It was excavated in 1958 in the house of Aḫ-šalim, an ordinary merchant, from whose house a number of other texts have been published. It alludes to the legendSargon King of Battle, in which, following M. Liverani (1993: 52–6), Cavigneaux understands an expedition of Sargon to Anatolia, aided by the merchants of Purušḫaddum, as in fact referring to the Old Assyrian colonization in Anatolia. Cavigneaux further suggests what kind of situation lies behind our text (2005: 596): “Le nouveau texte … suggère de manière très concrète que les marchands assyriens berçaient leurs soirées au coin de la cheminée, au long des hivers anatoliens, d'histoires dont les rois d'Akkad étaient les héros”. He sees the text as anunicum, with hardly any chances of ever finding a duplicate (p. 597).
Notes on the Old Assyrian Sargon legend
Authors: Westenholz Joan Goodnick 
Published: August 2016

I would like to express my thanks to Bendt Alster and Takayoshi Oshima for giving me the opportunity to add a few comments on their article. Within the limits of these pages, I will restrict myself to certain general subjects and one theme in the Old Assyrian Sargon Legend.As Alster and Oshima suggest above, the Old Assyrian Sargon Legend is obviously a written improvisation. However, improvisation has little to do with whether the text is to be taken in a serious (Hecker, Dercksen) or trivial (“humorous”) manner (Van De Mieroop, Foster, Cavigneaux, Alster and Oshima) nor does it relate to accuracy (see Alster and Oshima, fn. 17). Rather, it relates to the mode of composition: whether or not a fixed text was followed, whether or not there was a written model (see Alster and Oshima, fn. 17). In my opinion, this text is a written “improvised” composition based on oral traditions (see also Alster and Oshima, pp. 2 and fn. 8, 6 and 8, Cavigneaux 2005: 596). In this period, orality and literacy existed alongside each other. This written composition may have developed from an oral set of thematic scenes, the building blocks of traditional oral literature. The episodic structure of the narrative reflects such a concatenation of scenes. These oral building blocks could be varied at will according to the needs of the moment, modified to suit the new purposes and new places. It can be deduced that such legends were known orally from internal evidence — the words placed in the mouth of Sargon in this Old Assyrian composition, “Why should I enlarge (upon this theme) in an inscription? Where do (peoples) noi know me (a-«a»)-nu-um lá i-tí-a-ni, suggested reading of Aage Westenholz), that I am the King, that I conquered the Upper and Lower Lands?” (ll. 63–5). In this writer's opinion, these lines indicate that the author implies that Sargon's fame is so well known that it does not need to be written down.
The Broken Obelisk
Authors: Curtis John 
Published: August 2016

The purpose of the present note is to alert scholars to the fact that following a cleaning programme undertaken in the late 1960s certain iconographic details apparently visible on the decorated face of the monument known as the Broken Obelisk should be treated with caution.As recounted by C. J. Gadd, the Broken Obelisk was found by Hormuzd Rassam in August 1853 at Nineveh, about halfway between Sennacherib's Palace and Ashurbanipal's Palace (Gadd 1936: 123; Rassam 1897: 9). It was probably in or near the Ishtar Temple (ibid.; Reade 2005: 373). The Obelisk was drawn on site (Fig. 1), either by Charles Hodder (Gadd 1936: 123) or by William Boucher, who arrived at Nineveh in March 1854 in order to help Rassam record some of the important sculptures he had found at Kouyunyik (Barnett 1975: 22; Rassam 1897: 37). Gadd describes how the obelisk was shipped with other sculptures from Basra to Bombay in the steam-frigate Acbar in March 1854, and from Bombay to London in the ship Merchantman, arriving in February 1855 (Gadd 1936: 123). It now has the British Museum number 118898 (56-9-9, 59).It is known as the Broken Obelisk because it is the upper part only of an obelisk with a stepped top. At the bottom it measures 65 × 41 cm, and it has an overall surviving height of 63 cm. There is a lengthy cuneiform inscription on three of the four sides (the short left side is blank) and on one of the long sides there is, in addition to the cuneiform inscription, a panel of carved decoration showing a king holding a rod and ring or (more likely) a mace and a coil of rope. In front of the king are two pairs of prisoners roped together. In the field above the prisoners, and in front of the king, are five divine symbols, comprising a horned cap, a crescent, a winged disc from which emerge two hands, one of them holding a bow, a bolt of lightning, and a rosette. The text (Grayson 1991: 99–105) recounts the achievements of a king who is thought to be Ashur-bel-kala (1073–1056 BC). It is usually inferred from the text that the obelisk was originally set up at Ashur.
Who is holding the lead rope? The relief of the Broken Obelisk
Authors: Ornan Tallay 
Published: August 2016

The step-topped, free-standing square monument called in modern literature the Broken Obelisk was found by Hormuzd Rassam at Nineveh, near the Ishtar temple on the mound of Kuyunjik. It is the earliest monument of this kind, and it differs in its pictorial rendering from the later, so-called Assyrian obelisks. Whereas the succeeding examples display reliefs on their four sides, creating consecutive narratives, the Broken Obelisk exhibits a single, motionless relief on its front, the subject of the present paper (Börker-Klähn 1982, Nos. 132, 138–45, 152; Bär 1996, 57-68, 88–99, 101–5, 148–65).My aim here is to shed light on the motif of the king holding prisoners of war by means of lead ropes and to examine the bearing of this motif on the status of the royal image in pictorial renderings. According to different interpretations of the scene, the king holds a ring and rod (Börker-Klähn 1982, 178, No. 131 with earlier bibliography), or a ceremonial mace (Russell 2003, 4) as well as lead rope(s) with which he binds prisoners of war standing in front of him (e.g. Pritchard 1969, 300, No. 440; Strommenger 1964, 437, PI. 188, bottom; Börker-Klähn 1982, 178; Collon 1995, 117; Russell 2003, 4). My initial interest in the iconography of the Broken Obelisk was aroused by the fact that on it the so-called ring and rod symbols of kingship granted by the gods, are held by the king, whereas usually they are held by a deity in compositions conveying the very act of the divine giving (Hallo 2005, 150–1, 161; Suter 2000, 6–7; Ornan 2005, 12).
Esarhaddon's glazed bricks from Nimrud: The Egyptian campaign depicted
Authors: Nadali Davide 
Published: August 2016

During his excavations “in the south-east corner of the mound” at Nimrud, ancient Kalhu, A. H. Layard discovered some fragments of painted bricks (1853b: 164–7; 1867: 52–7). These can be dated to Esarhaddon on the basis of both iconographic style and subject matter. Thanks to the name “Tell of Athur” reported in Layard's accounts, we can plausibly identify the location as the site of Fort Shalmaneser; unfortunately, Layard does not give a more precise location. Although we can assert that the fragments belong to Fort Shalmaneser at the time of its renovation by Esarhaddon in the seventh century BC, we are not able to define exactly the rooms or outer façade that these fragments originally decorated.Some hypotheses have been suggested as to the original location of the glazed bricks, either in the south-east corner of the inner south-east courtyard (Oates 1959: 111, fn. 20; Nunn 1988: 183) or in Courtyard T (Postgate and Reade 1976–80: 317; Oates and Oates 2001: 183–4) (Fig. 1), where they seem to have adorned an outer façade, either the façade of Throne Room T1 or that of Courtyard T, where Shalmaneser's glazed-brick panel was found lying in front of the doorway of ante-chamber T3 (Reade 1963: 38–47; Dayton 1978: PL 24,1).
The authenticity of the Arslan Tash Amulets
Authors: van Dijk Jacobus 
Published: August 2016

The pair of amulets which form the subject of this brief contribution were bought in October 1933 by R. du Mesnil du Buisson from a local peasant while visiting the site of Arslan Tash, a town in northern Syria, some 160 km north-east of Aleppo, near the present-day border with Turkey. The site, which is the location of the ancient Assyrian colony Hadattu, had been excavated a few years earlier, and it is not impossible that the objects had in fact been stolen from the excavation. Both amulets are now preserved in the National Museum in Aleppo.The purchase of the amulets was announced by du Mesnil in a meeting of the Société nationale des Antiquitaires de France in 1937 and this was soon followed by the editio princeps of the first amulet. His article, often justly praised as a remarkable achievement, is accompanied by a set of very reasonable photographs, but, owing to the rounded edges of the tablet and the use of light coming from one direction only, a number of signs cannot actually be seen on them. To supplement the photographs, the editor provided handcopies of the inscriptions; these naturally reflect his own readings of the often problematical text, rather than being an accurate facsimile of each individual sign. With few exceptions most of the subsequent students of the amulet have inevitably had to base themselves on du Mesnil's photographs, and this has not always led to readings better than his. It was not until 1970 that a new impulse was given to the study of the first amulet by the publication of an article by F. M. Cross and R. Saley. These authors were able to use two new sets of photographs (each using light coming from opposite directions) provided by the Museum in Aleppo, and presented several new readings based on these photographs. It is much to be regretted that of this double set of photographs only a single one was published in their article, so that most of their readings cannot be checked. This oversight is only partly compensated by the subsequent publication of a few more of Cross and Saley's photographs by W. Röllig. The next major step forward was a short but very informative article by A. Caquot, who was able to use a cast of the amulet in the possession of R. du Mesnil du Buisson which had been made at the time of its discovery. Caquot's new readings confirm most but not all of those proposed by Cross and Saley, and subsequent treatments of the text usually follow either or both of these authorities.
Third millennium oasis towns and environmental constraints on settlement in the Al-Hajar region: Part II: Environmental Factors Affecting Early Settlement South of the Jabal Al-Akhḍar, Oman
Authors: Stanger Gordon 
Published: August 2016

AbstractEnvironmental factors within the southward draining basins of the Jabal al-Akhḍar, in the Oman mountains, are described and considered in terms of the constraints which they impose upon early agricultural settlement. There is some conflict between the palaeoclimatic deductions from the South Akhḍar sedimentary record, and the generally accepted regional view of late Holocene climatic deterioration.
Tablets from the Sippar library IV. Lugale
Authors: Al-Rawi F. N. H. 
Published: August 2016

To the memory of the library's excavator,my good friend Walid al-JadirAs reported in Iraq 49, four tablets of the bilingual version of Lugale, the myth of Ninurta, were excavated in the library of Šamaš's temple at Sippar: complete manuscripts of Tablets I, III and IX, and a fragment of Tablet XIII. All the tablets have brief colophons, three of which identify the owner of the tablet as Nabû-ēṭir-napšāti, a member of the Potter family (Paḫāru), who is known from other colophons as the son of one Marduk-šuma-uṣur. They all come from niche 3 A.The tablets are given here in copy, photograph and transliteration. The transliterations are based on a first draft made directly from the original tablets in 1986, the year that they were discovered. The copies are provisional, having been traced from the photographs, which, with the transliterations, must be regarded as the primary witnesses to the cuneiform. Collations were made from a different set of photographs, not published here, which became available after the copies were made. Such collations are marked in the text with an asterisk.Since the text of the Tablets given here was already fundamentally complete in the Old Babylonian version when the myth as a whole was last edited, there is no call for a fresh translation. Where the new sources add significantly to our knowledge is in filling out the often extensive lacunae of the bilingual version, especially in Tablets III and IX. The changes in the Sumerian text that seem to have been engendered by the exercise of furnishing it with an Akkadian translation are a matter which needs to be tackled with reference to the whole text, and a topic which cannot be addressed at length here. Nevertheless, some commentary on these and other points has been provided by A. R. George and follows the transliterated text as an appendix.
Gertrude Bell—The Last Years in Iraq
Authors: Mallowan Max 
Published: August 2016

Gertrude Bell died peacefully in the morning hours of Monday 12th July 1926, two days before her 58th birthday. Fifty years later we recall her devotion to a country in which she had dedicated the last years of her life. Her bones rest where she had wished them to rest, in the soil of Iraq.I saw her for the last time, three months before she died, together with A. H. Whitburn, the architect at Ur, towards the end of March 1926, in her little house behind what was then named New Street Baghdad. We reached, as Victoria Sackville West has described it, “a door in the blank wall, … a creaking of hinges, a broadly smiling servant, a rush of dogs, a vista of garden-path edged with carnations in pots, a little veranda and a little low house at the end of the garden path, an English voice—Gertrude Bell”. She received us courteously—“Ah you two”, she said, “I am glad you have come”, for she was tired and dispirited, long overdue for the leave that she never took, and now that she had discarded her activities in politics, archaeology had become the ruling passion of what was left of her life.
Introduction
Authors: Rader Richard , Collins James 
Published: August 2016

In 1990 Jack Winkler and Froma Zeitlin dropped a bomb on the study of Greek drama with the publication of Nothing to Do with Dionysos? Taking their departure from the narrow formalist historicism of prior scholarship, with its interest in properly historical persons, events and trends, Winkler and Zeitlin shifted their attention toward ‘the entire social context of the [dramatic] festival’ (3). Greek drama would now be a window into the sociocultural pulse of fifth-century Athens. This new praxis came to be known as ‘cultural poetics’, and its practitioners viewed Greek drama as an embedded and constitutive element of a society in constant negotiation with itself. Drama now reflected or symptomatised historical, religious and political context. As Simon Goldhill put it in the introduction to his study of the Oresteia:Tragedy takes place…at the moment of maximal unresolved tension between…systems of ideas… It explores the different and competing ideals, different and competing obligations, different and competing sense of words in the developing polis, different and competing ideas of glory and success… It discovers tensions and ambiguities with the very civic ideology of democracy that is the context of tragedy's performance… Tragedy takes the developing notions, vocabulary, commitments of democracy and places them under rigorous, polemical, violent and public scrutiny.The impact and aftershock of Nothing to Do with Dionysos? can still be felt today. In one way or another, we might say, we are all the children (and grandchildren) of Winkler and Zeitlin. The question remains, however, what type of children we have been in the time since (kaloi men k'agathoi, kakoi de k'aischroi?) and how we will honour their legacy as we move forward with the study of Greek drama.