bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Two‐Phase Exhumation of the Santa Rosa Mountains: Low‐ and High‐Angle Normal Faulting During Initiation and Evolution of the Southern San Andreas Fault System
Authors: Mason Cody C. , Spotila James A. , Axen Gary , Dorsey Rebecca J. , Luther Amy , Stockli Daniel F. 
Published: October 2017

AbstractLow‐angle detachment fault systems are important elements of oblique‐divergent plate boundaries, yet the role detachment faulting plays in the development of such boundaries is poorly understood. The West Salton Detachment Fault (WSDF) is a major low‐angle normal fault that formed coeval with localization of the Pacific‐North America plate boundary in the northern Salton Trough, CA. Apatite U‐Th/He thermochronometry (AHe; n = 29 samples) and thermal history modeling of samples from the Santa Rosa Mountains (SRM) reveal that initial exhumation along the WSDF began at circa 8 Ma, exhuming footwall material from depths of >2 to 3 km. An uplifted fossil (Miocene) helium partial retention zone is present in the eastern SRM, while a deeper crustal section has been exhumed along the Pleistocene high‐angle Santa Rosa Fault (SFR) to much higher elevations in the southwest SRM. Detachment‐related vertical exhumation rates in the SRM were ~0.15–0.36 km/Myr, with maximum fault slip rates of ~1.2–3.0 km/Myr. Miocene AHe isochrons across the SRM are consistent with northeast crustal tilting of the SRM block and suggest that the post‐WSDF vertical exhumation rate along the SRF was ~1.3 km/Myr. The timing of extension initiation in the Salton Trough suggests that clockwise rotation of relative plate motions that began at 8 Ma is associated with initiation of the southern San Andreas system. Pleistocene regional tectonic reorganization was contemporaneous with an abrupt transition from low‐ to high‐angle faulting and indicates that local fault geometry may at times exert a fundamental control on rock uplift rates along strike‐slip fault systems.
Cenozoic Shift From Compression to Strike‐Slip Stress Regime in the High Andes at 30°S, During the Shallowing of the Slab: Implications for the El Indio/Tambo Mineral District
Authors: Giambiagi Laura , Álvarez Patricia Pamela , Creixell Christian , Mardonez Diego , Murillo Ismael , Velásquez Ricardo , Lossada Ana , Suriano Julieta , Mescua José , Barrionuevo Matías 
Published: October 2017

AbstractIn the High Andes of central Chile, above the flat‐slab segment, analysis of more than 1,000 fault slip data from Miocene outcrops provides evidence for a change of the regional tectonic regime from compressional to strike slip. This shift in tectonic regime occurred during the waning stages of arc volcanism between 14 and 11 Ma, as a result of the shallowing of the Nazca plate, in conjunction with the migration of deformation to the Precordillera. During the early to middle Miocene, a compressive regime with horizontal σ1 axis (N86°E) was responsible for reverse slip along NNE to N‐striking faults. During the late Miocene, a shift to strike‐slip tectonics took place due to an increase in the absolute magnitude of the vertical stress component as the crust thickened and the gravitational potential energy increase. We argue that instead of the previously accepted highly compressional setting in the arc region during the slab flattening, the change to a strike‐slip regime was the main control on mineralization. Mineralization was controlled by the promotion of fluid expulsion from the magma chambers along active, subvertical strike‐slip fault systems with a high slip tendency, and focusing of fluids in localized areas undergoing extension. Under this strike‐slip regime, the El Indio, Tambo, and La Despensa fault systems formed as dextral strike‐slip systems. The tips and jogsites along these faults experienced local extensional stress fields, forming the El Indio and Tambo mineral districts.
Linking Late Cretaceous to Eocene Tectonostratigraphy of the San Jacinto Fold Belt of NW Colombia With Caribbean Plateau Collision and Flat Subduction
Authors: Mora J. Alejandro , Oncken Onno , Le Breton Eline , Ibánez‐Mejia Mauricio , Faccenna Claudio , Veloza Gabriel , Vélez Vickye , de Freitas Mario , Mesa Andrés 
Published: October 2017

AbstractCollision with and subduction of an oceanic plateau is a rare and transient process that usually leaves an indirect imprint only. Through a tectonostratigraphic analysis of pre‐Oligocene sequences in the San Jacinto fold belt of northern Colombia, we show the Late Cretaceous to Eocene tectonic evolution of northwestern South America upon collision and ongoing subduction with the Caribbean Plate. We linked the deposition of four fore‐arc basin sequences to specific collision/subduction stages and related their bounding unconformities to major tectonic episodes. The Upper Cretaceous Cansona sequence was deposited in a marine fore‐arc setting in which the Caribbean Plate was being subducted beneath northwestern South America, producing contemporaneous magmatism in the present‐day Lower Magdalena Valley basin. Coeval strike‐slip faulting by the Romeral wrench fault system accommodated right‐lateral displacement due to oblique convergence. In latest Cretaceous times, the Caribbean Plateau collided with South America marking a change to more terrestrially influenced marine environments characteristic of the upper Paleocene to lower Eocene San Cayetano sequence, also deposited in a fore‐arc setting with an active volcanic arc. A lower to middle Eocene angular unconformity at the top of the San Cayetano sequence, the termination of the activity of the Romeral Fault System, and the cessation of arc magmatism are interpreted to indicate the onset of low‐angle subduction of the thick and buoyant Caribbean Plateau beneath South America, which occurred between 56 and 43 Ma. Flat subduction of the plateau has continued to the present and would be the main cause of amagmatic post‐Eocene deposition.
Bed Surface Adjustments to Spatially Variable Flow in Low Relative Submergence Regimes
Authors: Monsalve A. , Yager E. M. 
Published: October 2017

AbstractIn mountainous rivers, large relatively immobile grains partly control the local and reach‐averaged flow hydraulics and sediment fluxes. When the flow depth is similar to the size of these grains (low relative submergence), heterogeneous flow structures and plunging flow cause spatial distributions of bed surface elevations, textures, and sedimentation rates. To explore how the bed surface responds to these flow variations we conducted a set of experiments in which we varied the relative submergence of staggered hemispheres (simulated large boulders) between runs. All experiments had the same average sediment transport capacity, upstream sediment supply, and initial bed thickness and grain size distribution. We combined our laboratory measurements with a 3‐D flow model to obtain the detailed flow structure around the hemispheres. The local bed shear stress field displayed substantial variability and controlled the bed load transport rates and direction in which sediment moved. The divergence in bed shear stress caused by the hemispheres promoted size‐selective bed load deposition, which formed patches of coarse sediment upstream of the hemisphere. Sediment deposition caused a decrease in local bed shear stress, which combined with the coarser grain size, enhanced the stability of this patch. The region downstream of the hemispheres was largely controlled by a recirculation zone and had little to no change in grain size, bed elevation, and bed shear stress. The formation, development, and stability of sediment patches in mountain streams is controlled by the bed shear stress divergence and magnitude and direction of the local bed shear stress field.
The Gas‐Absorption/Chemical‐Reaction Method for Measuring Air‐Water Interfacial Area in Natural Porous Media
Authors: Lyu Ying , Brusseau Mark L. , El Ouni Asma , Araujo Juliana B. , Su Xiaosi 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThe gas‐absorption/chemical‐reaction (GACR) method used in chemical engineering to quantify gas‐liquid interfacial area in reactor systems is adapted for the first time to measure the effective air‐water interfacial area of natural porous media. Experiments were conducted with the GACR method, and two standard methods (X‐ray microtomographic imaging and interfacial partitioning tracer tests) for comparison, using model glass beads and a natural sand. The results of a series of experiments conducted under identical conditions demonstrated that the GACR method exhibited excellent repeatability for measurement of interfacial area (Aia). Coefficients of variation for Aia were 3.5% for the glass beads and 11% for the sand. Extrapolated maximum interfacial areas (Am) obtained with the GACR method were statistically identical to independent measures of the specific solid surface areas of the media. For example, the Am for the glass beads is 29 (±1) cm−1, compared to 32 (±3), 30 (±2), and 31 (±2) cm−1 determined from geometric calculation, N2/BET measurement, and microtomographic measurement, respectively. This indicates that the method produced accurate measures of interfacial area. Interfacial areas determined with the GACR method were similar to those obtained with the standard methods. For example, Aias of 47 and 44 cm−1 were measured with the GACR and XMT methods, respectively, for the sand at a water saturation of 0.57. The results of the study indicate that the GACR method is a viable alternative for measuring air‐water interfacial areas. The method is relatively quick, inexpensive, and requires no specialized instrumentation compared to the standard methods.
Pseudoclefts and Other Specificational Copular Sentences
Authors: den Dikken Marcel 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThis is a survey chapter on specificational copular sentences, including specificational pseudoclefts. Section 1 will address the typology of copular sentences in some detail, laying out the various types of copular constructions identified in the literature and highlighting their properties and differences. Section 2 will repeat the typological exercise of section 1 with specific reference to a subtype of copular sentence referred to as the pseudocleft construction. Sections 3 and 4 will subsequently home in on specificational copular sentences (pseudocleft and non‐cleft alike) and discuss their characteristics. Sections 5 and 6 address questions arising specifically in the context of specificational pseudoclefts and discusses the various analyses proposed for these constructions in the literature. Finally, section 7 discusses semi‐clefts (constructions that superficially resemble pseudoclefts but lack awh‐operator) and their relationship with pseudoclefts.
Reconstruction, Binding, and Scope
Authors: Sportiche Dominique 
Published: October 2017

Abstract

There are mismatches found in movement constructions between surface syntactic structures and associated semantic interpretations, suggesting a failure of incremental compositionality: some moved phrases appear to behave interpretively as if they had not moved. The extent of this phenomenon, called
reconstruction
, is presented, and its treatments discussed in connection with the interpretive properties of binding and scope. We document that reconstruction effects are found in all types of phrasal movement with respect to both binding principles and principles of scope computation. We also document and discuss asymmetries with respect to reconstruction between pied‐piped complements and pied‐piped adjuncts, on the one hand, and between argument movement and predicate movement, on the other.
Affectedness
Authors: Anderson Mona 
Published: October 2017

AbstractAffectedness is a factor in many different syntactic constructions: NP preposing, middles, datives of possession, depictive predicates, floating numeral quantifiers, thebaconstruction, null objects, secondary resultative predicates. The effects are claimed in many different languages. In “destruction of the city” the logical object of the noun is affected and can appear as the possessive, but in “knowledge of history” it cannot. One mechanism for describing the effect is making affectedness a semantic primitive which constrains the subcategorization frames. Another system uses features. Another makes affectedness a constraint on possible theta‐grids. In another there is a thematic hierarchy which dictates that the affected patient will be the external argument. This connection between the semantic notion of affectedness and the closeness of the connection between the complement and the head is the most salient feature of the different approaches. Experimental work adds weight to the idea that affectedness is a semantic primitive.
Quantifier Scope Ambiguities
Authors: Kiss Katalin É. , Pafel Jürgen 
Published: October 2017

AbstractSentences containing quantifiers are often ambiguous, as quantificational DPs interact with one another, and withwh‐phrases, negation, and adverbials. This kind of ambiguity is an ambiguity with respect to the scope of the quantifiers. However, sentences containing several quantifiers or operators are not always scope ambiguous: compare, for example, the ambiguousSome of us always showed upwith the unequivocalAlways, some of us showed up. Thus, the scope of quantifiers is not essentially free; there is a complex pattern of ambiguous and unequivocal sentences containing quantifiers and operators. An adequate analysis of scope ambiguities should be able to predict this complex pattern in a principled way, which should encompass a sensible view of the interface between syntax and semantics. According to the dominant view in generative grammar, scope relations can be deduced from the c‐command relations on Logical Form, where quantifiers are assigned scope by quantifier raising. Variants of and alternatives to this dominant view have been proposed, for some partly motivated by the scope facts in languages other than English (in particular, Mandarin Chinese and Hungarian have been taken into consideration), and for some partly motivated by a more thorough look at the (English) data and/or by modification or substitution of the basic framework. It became apparent that quantifier scope relations crucially depend on certain properties of the quantifiers, whose exact nature is not yet settled, however. The interplay of these properties seems to determine the complex pattern of ambiguous and unequivocal sentences containing quantifiers and operators. The challenge is to uncover the nature of these scope‐relevant properties and account for their interplay within a general conception of the interface between syntax and semantics.
Modal Auxiliaries
Authors: Barbiers Sjef , van Dooren Annemarie 
Published: October 2017

AbstractIn many languages modal auxiliaries such as Englishcan,must,may,need,will,ought,wantare ambiguous between two types of interpretations: epistemic and root interpretations. In the epistemic interpretation the modal expresses how likely it is that a proposition is true (for example, necessarily, possibly, probably true) while in the root interpretations the modal expresses the obligatoriness, permissibility, desirability, or possibility of a state or event. A central question in much syntactic research on modal auxiliaries has been whether this systematic semantic ambiguity corresponds to a syntactic distinction. A commonly accepted answer has been that in epistemic interpretations the modal verb is a monadic predicate while in root interpretations it is a dyadic predicate, typically a relation between a subject and an infinitival verb. This distinction between monadic and dyadic modal predicates has been modeled syntactically in various ways: (i) in terms of lexical argument structure, that is, as the distinction between raising and control verbs; (ii) in terms of different base positions in the array of functional heads making up the clausal spine, with epistemic modals being higher than root modals; (iii) in terms of a higher syntactic position for epistemically interpreted modals after raising at the level of semantic interpretation (LF raising); (iv) in terms of the nature of the complement of the modal. This chapter evaluates these proposals, drawing on data from, among others, English, Dutch, Icelandic, German, and Catalan and taking into account cross‐linguistic differences in the modal systems. One important conclusion is that the alleged correspondence between the epistemic/root distinction and the raising/control distinction is too simple, as there are sentences with root interpretations but a raising syntax. The chapter ends with a list of questions for future research.
Left Dislocation
Authors: Alexiadou Artemis 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThis chapter offers an overview of the three main types of left dislocation – contrastive left dislocation, clitic left dislocation, and hanging topic left dislocation – across languages. While they all involve a phrasal element appearing in the left periphery of the clause, which is resumed by some element within the clause, they differ with respect to a number of properties, for example the nature of the resumptive element and the position of the resumptive element, as well as with respect to the nature of the element that can undergo left dislocation. The chapter then addresses the question as to whether or not these types of left dislocation involve movement or base‐generation of the dislocated element. Finally, the chapter briefly discusses cases of left dislocation in the noun phrase, pointing at similarities between clausal and nominal left dislocation.
Bridge Phenomena
Authors: Erteschik‐Shir Nomi 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThe term “bridge” characterizes a matrix clauses in which extraction out of its complement or other subordinate clause is licensed. Examples include extraction out ofthat‐complements of manner‐of‐speaking verbs, picture‐noun phrases, and relative clauses. The properties of bridge phenomena are outlined showing that they are gradient‐ and context‐dependent. These properties are shown to argue against a syntactic analysis of islandhood in general and bridge phenomena in particular. Instead an account in terms of information structure is proposed, arguing that only such an account can explain the gradient‐ and context‐dependent data involved in bridge phenomena.
Grammatical and Light Verbs
Authors: Mohanan Tara 
Published: October 2017

AbstractOver the decades, syntacticians have found lexical items that refuse to fit neatly into the division between grammatical morphemes (pronouns, conjunctions, and determiners) and lexical morphemes (nouns, adjectives, and verbs). Among these is a special class of grammatical verbs (other than auxiliaries, modals, and verbal clitics), namely,light verbs, perhaps more appropriately termedsemi‐lexical verbs(Corver and van Riemsdijk 2001). This entry outlines what distinguishes light verbs from other grammatical verbs, and from full verbs, and discusses research questions that light verbs raise. Light verbs combine with a host to form alight verb construction, a syntactically monoclausal complex predicate, which calls for distinguishing it from compound verb, composite predicate, serial verb, and control constructions. Light verbs have full counterparts, and can contribute to the valency and semantic substance of the clause, but they differ from them in not carrying their full predicative burden. The issues we explore are: what are the systematic cross‐linguistically recurrent relations between a light verb and its full counterpart? If we view a light verb and its host as forming a complex predicate, how do they jointly determine the semantic structure and syntactic valency of the construction? What special patterns of phenomena are found in the light verb construction with nominal, adjectival, and verbal hosts? What are the cross‐linguistically recurrent patterns observed in light verb constructions that serve as passives, causatives, applicatives, resultatives, and so on? What are the theoretical concepts, structural patterns, and assumptions – as distinct from the formalisms that articulate particular theories or frameworks – needed for capturing the patterns observed in light verb constructions? These questions are illustrated with case studies from different languages, pointing to possible directions and tentative conclusions without always arriving at definitive answers.
Partitive Constructions
Authors: Tănase‐Dogaru Mihaela 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThis chapter treats partitive constructions and the relation between the genitive and the partitive from a crosslinguistic perspective, showing that in Universal Grammar the partitive and the pseudopartitive are values of the genitive case. Partitive constructions fall into two categories, that is, partitives proper (1) and pseudopartitives (2):
Extraction from ComplexNPsand Detachment
Authors: Bošković Željko 
Published: October 2017

AbstractThis chapter overviews a number of issues regarding extraction out of complex NPs, starting with the traditional ban on extraction out of complex NPs (i.e. NPs modified by clauses), referred to as the Complex NP Constraint. The chapter also discusses cross‐linguistic variation regarding extraction of NP‐adjuncts and extraction of nominal complements. While languages differ with respect to such extraction when the relevant NP functions as a verbal complement, such extraction is uniformly ruled out when the relevant NP functions as a nominal complement. What these cases have in common with the Complex NP Constraint configuration (i.e. the case where the noun takes a clausal complement) is that they all involve extraction out of a nominal complement. They can then be unified with the Complex NP Constraint under a larger generalization where extraction is disallowed out of nominal complements, regardless of their categorial status. In other words, NP is an island for elements that its head does not theta‐mark, which can be captured in a phasal framework in a contextual approach to phases where the phasal status of NP is sensitive to the syntactic configuration in which it occurs as well as its theta‐relations. In addition to extraction out of complex NPs, the chapter discusses several cases where “parts” of a complex NP may not be base‐generated together.
Internally Headed Relative Clauses
Authors: Hiraiwa Ken 
Published: October 2017

AbstractLanguages show a restricted number of relativization strategies. Depending on the linear position in which a relativized head noun appears, relative clauses (RCs) are classified intoprenominal/right‐headed,postnominal/left‐headed, andin‐situRCs. This classification is further refined depending on the structural position of a relativized head noun: whether it is syntacticallyexternalto the relative clause CP orinternalto it. The latter type are called internally headed RCs (IHRCs). Thus, there can be logically three types of IHRCs:in‐situIHRCs,left‐headedIHRCs, andright‐headedIHRCs.IHRCs are observed in a relatively small number of languages of the world, but are by no means typologically rare. They are indeed found in geographically diverse areas, across genetically unrelated languages.An important goal from the perspective of generative grammar is to investigate the structures of IHRCs and to reveal universals and parameters that make IHRCs available in some languages but not in others. In search of them, various linguists have proposed typological generalizations that are claimed to hold of IHRCs universally, such as a word‐order generalization and awh‐in‐situgeneralization. However, each generalization faces limits and exceptions. This chapter examines what the studies on IHRCs have discovered so far over the years and carefully considers what universals should be extracted from them and what should be taken as parameterized. It will focus on two sides of syntax of IHRCs: the internal syntax and the external syntax. A language with an IHRC must have a syntactic mechanism available that allows a relativized head to remain internal to a relative clause but to be linked as an argument of an element external to the relative clause. The chapter will also discuss syntactic subtypes of IHRCs from a cross‐linguistic perspective.