bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Reign of the Second King Aleksandar
Authors: Hoare Marko Attila 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
For all the emphasis of historians on the national question as the reason for interwar Yugoslavia’s instability, it is remarkable how little it changed the nature of the political struggle in Serbia. King Petar turned out to represent not the start of constitutional monarchy but a mere interlude arising from the temporary destruction of royal authority in 1903. Serbia’s immersion in Yugoslavia shifted the balance of power in the state back toward the crown, giving it a much larger range of parties to play off against each other and much more plausible internal enemies against which to mobilize the Serbian population, while socio-economic change weakened the once mighty Radical party. The establishment of King Aleksandar’s dictatorship marked the culmination of the authoritarian, elitist policies pursued by Serbian monarchs since the Obrenović era. His much greater use of violence than previous Serbian monarchs reflected the difference between dominating a small, ethnically homogeneous state and dominating a large multinational one with many unwilling subjects. Nevertheless, Aleksandar’s was still a personal regime like Mihailo’s and the first Aleksandar’s, so his murder in 1934 meant not just a change of ruler but a change of regime.
Fascism and Court Radicalism
Authors: Hoare Marko Attila 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
King Aleksandar’s death in 1934, like the death or fall of previous Serbian monarchs, began the transition to a more liberal regime, but once again this was a question of degrees as the regime remained one of controlled parliamentarism in which power remained with the court. Power passed to a regency headed and solely controlled by Aleksandar’s first cousin, Prince Pavle Karađorđević, pending the new King Petar II's attainment of his majority. Like Aleksandar Obrenović in 1900, Prince Pavle sought to sideline hardline authoritarian and militarist elements and share power with Radical and other civilian politicians enjoying a degree of popular support. Again, the transition to a gentler regime created enemies from among the authoritarian elements without mollifying the pro-parliamentary opposition. And again, the regime’s supposed “betrayal” of Serbian national interests catalyzed opposition to it. The regime's Agreement with the Croat opposition, reached in 1939 and establishing an autonomous Croatian province within Yugoslavia, did not end the power struggle in Yugoslavia between Serbia and Croatia while it exacerbated political strife in Bosnia-Hercegovina. Meanwhile, the 1930s witnessed also the appearance of fascist groups and ideologies in Serbia, reflecting the spirit of the times.
End of the Yugoslav Kingdom
Authors: Hoare Marko Attila 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In 1939-1941, as its strategic position worsened, Yugoslavia’s government tried to remain neutral and stay out of World War II, but this was sabotaged by the domestic opposition in Serbia. This opposition culminated in a military putsch in March 1941, triggered by the government’s attempt to avert a German invasion by joining the Tripartite Pact of Germany, Italy and Japan. This was a reprise of the 1903 putsch and would plunge Yugoslavia into World War II as the earlier putsch, albeit less directly, had set Serbia on the road to World War I. The 1941 putsch was the product of Serbian opposition to the authoritarian court regime that had ruled Yugoslavia since 1929, when King Aleksandar had overthrown the Serbian political parties, and particularly since 1935, when Prince Regent Pavle and prime minister Milan Stojadinović had sidelined the military in favor of the new generation of Court Radicals. For all that interwar Yugoslav politics had apparently been dominated by the national question, the act that finally triggered the kingdom’s destruction was carried out by Serbs from Serbia against other Serbs from Serbia. It was a chapter in an inter-Serbian power struggle that the unification of Yugoslavia had not fundamentally changed.
Conclusion
Authors: Hoare Marko Attila 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The first Yugoslavia that existed from 1918 to 1941 is widely viewed as having been brought down by its unresolved national conflict. Yet it was destroyed by a foreign invasion triggered by a putsch that represented merely the latest battle in a long-standing internal conflict between two rival factions of Serbia’s elite, in which Croats, Slovenes, prečani Serbs and other non-Serbian Yugoslavs played wholly secondary roles. The way in which the first modern Serbian state ended should not, however, obscure its achievements. From the verge of national destruction in 1813, Serbia emerged from humble peasant beginnings to become a modern European country with an educated elite, university, schools, theatres, libraries, banks, factories, embassies, cinemas, automobiles and other trappings of modern life common to European states. The state-building process culminated at the turn of the century in the creation of a modern army, militarily effective but highly politicized, responsible for the spectacular victories of 1912–1914 and 1918 but also for the tragedies of 1903, 28 June 1914, 1915, and 1941. The ambiguous outcome of Serbia’s state-building process thus has contradictory lessons.
The intellectual underpinnings of the AfCFTA
Authors: Mangeni Francis , Mold Andrew 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Chapter 3 summarizes some of the main tenets of the thinking on regional integration of two leading African academics, Adebajo Adedeji and Thandika Mkandawire, making the links with the current agenda of the AfCFTA. As Minister of Planning in Nigeria in the period after the Biafran war, Adedeji was one of the founders of ECOWAS in 1975, and was also instrumental in the creation of the 1991 treaty establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), which lays out the broad framework for the future steps in continental integration, including the AfCFTA. Mkandawire, a Malawian national, argued that to succeed, the continental project needed to be built up from within and could not depend on outside help. He believed there was a need to build up bureaucratic capacity on the continent with the capacity to articulate an African-centric view of priorities. He also firmly believed that continental integration needed to be built up from below, rather than through top-down approaches. Chapter 3 concludes by stressing commonalities in the views of Adedeji and Mkandawire on continental integration.
Weaknesses of Africa’s Current Patterns of Integration Into the Global Economy
Authors: Mangeni Francis , Mold Andrew 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter focuses on reviewing the record of African exports through taking advantage of preferential market access schemes like the United States’ Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the EU’s Everything But Arms initiative. Preferential market access to high-income economies was started in the 1960s and 1970s—mostly with good intentions (to help economic diversification). Yet the empirical evidence reveals that the outcomes have generally been disappointing—Africa still principally exports commodities to the high-income economies, in exchange for their manufactured products. This failure to catalyze structural change is reflected in the fact that, over the last two decades, trading relations with high income countries have gradually been eclipsed in favor of trade with other developing countries—particularly India and China. However, like the trading relations with the EU or the US, trade with China and India also suffers from a structural weakness—it too is dominated by commodity exports and manufactured imports. The chapter concludes that these challenges lend even more weight to arguments that the regional route to economic diversification should be pursued vigorously through the AfCFTA.
Africa’s Trials and Tribulations with Global Trade Governance
Authors: Mangeni Francis , Mold Andrew 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Rather than depending on preferential market access, the multilateral system offers an alternative—and, many economists would say, better—way for African countries to engage in the global trading system. In the mid-1990s, the WTO emerged as a key organ of the governance and management of global trade. In principle, it is one the most democratic of global institutions where the principle of “one country, one vote” is followed. Yet the WTO remains the international institution in which the African voice is, perhaps, least heard. This chapter discusses the limitations and frustrations for the Africa group of countries in terms of reaping benefits from WTO agreements. Not only has the continent struggled to speak with one voice, it has gained very few concessions in terms of opening up agricultural markets in high income economies. The WTO agenda has tended to be dominated by the priorities of high-income economies—e.g. strengthening intellectual property, liberalising services trade, investment-related rules, etc. The informal governance of trade through global value chains is also critically reviewed. Expectations that there will be a sudden sea-change in the global trading system that favors the African continent are misplaced.
Conclusions
Authors: Mangeni Francis , Mold Andrew 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The final chapter focusses on some critical aspects for the effective implementation of the AfCFTA, including the need for Africa’s largest economies to take a lead in the process; greater efforts to coordinate economic policy, particularly industrial policy; and a rapid adoption of a comprehensive framework on competition regulation. Greater competitiveness within the African market is needed to help spur innovation and minimize anti-competitive practices. Moreover, an accelerated programme for addressing non-tariff barriers is required—tariff-reductions alone will not stimulate the greater intra-African trade flows. Encouraing the formation of sectoral coalitions, such as the African Auto Pact, would help increase political pressure at the highest levels for the removal of the NTBs. The AfCFTA needs to build constituencies of winners that will coalesce around continental integration. The AfCFTA will not be able to address all of Africa’s developmental challenges. Nor does it exonerate member states form the responsibility of having well developed national policies to tackle some of other pressing developmental challenges. It is clearly a project that is going to be decades in the making. But it will ultimately change the prospects for the continent achieving its developmental objectives.
How to Draw the World
Authors: Nel Philip 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Crockett Johnson’s Harold and the Purple Crayon is a small book about big ideas—ideas about childhood, creativity, politics, psychology, art, and reality itself. In thirty brief chapters, this book explores those ideas, illuminates the creative process, and offers a primer on how picture books work. To that end, How to Draw the World considers the book’s small size, Harold’s clear line, the real “Harolds” who inspired the title character, the role of the book’s three colors (purple, brown, white), the apparent invisibility of Johnson’s design choices, the limits imposed by the offset color lithography printing process, the history of the crayon, and the book’s circulation into the hands of many real children around the world.
Introduction
Authors: Nel Philip 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces Crockett Johnson’s Harold and the Purple Crayon (1955). It highlights the significance of the book, an inspiration for Prince, improvisational theatre, and experiments in virtual reality. Moreover, Harold and the Purple Crayon is one of the most succinct expressions of imaginative possibility ever created. The book shows how the mind can change the world, and how dreams can make realities while telling readers they can improvise, invent, and draw a new path despite the forces beyond their control. The chapter references Harold and the Purple Crayon as a case study to examine the art and design of the picture book.
Harold and Me
Authors: Nel Philip 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This autobiographical chapter looks into the author’s memories of reading Harold and the Purple Crayon. It highlights the book’s vivid sense of how the imagination can change reality. Whether reading or writing them, stories both transported the author to other worlds and changed the way they saw his own. The chapter reflects on how getting reacquainted with Harold returned the author to the delights of early childhood, such as the magic of getting pulled into a story. Children’s books have much to teach those who are no longer children. Adults may reach understandings unavailable to less experienced readers, just as children may arrive at interpretations lost to adults who have forgotten their childhoods.
General Hastings 'Pug' Ismay
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
General Lord Ismay’s name is little known today, but he participated in, and was witness to, decision-making at the highest level of government, before, during and after the Second World War. Immediately prior to the outbreak of hostilities, he was Secretary of the Committee of Imperial Defence responsible for advising government on strategy and preparations for war. As wartime Chief Staff Officer to Prime Minister Winston Churchill, he became a close confidant and rarely left Churchill’s side, whether in Britain or abroad at international conferences. He was instrumental in conciliating the sometimes-fractious relationship between the Prime Minister and the Service Chiefs of Staff. In 1947, Ismay went to India as Chief of Staff to the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, and was closely involved in the drama of Partition. As the first Secretary General of NATO from 1952 to 1957, he was instrumental in building the foundations of the Alliance and preserving its unity and cohesion at the height of the Cold War. He also played a central role in reshaping the higher management of defense in Britain, including the creation of the Ministry of Defence. This fascinating book tells the story of his life and work.
Corridors of Power
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter recounts Ismay’s return to the Committee of Imperial Defence, first as deputy to Sir Maurice Hankey, its secretary, and then as his successor. It describes Ismay’s policy disagreements with Hankey over subjects such as appeasement and rearmament, his admiration for Churchill, and his advice to Prime Minster Chamberlain prior to the Munich agreement. It also describes the important initiatives which he took to prepare the government for war, including the coordination of departmental action through the government War Book and the construction of the Cabinet War Rooms beneath Whitehall. In addition, it describes Ismay’s criticisms of government action during the disastrous campaign in Norway in April-June 1940. It concludes with his appointment by Chamberlain as head of a central staff reporting to the chairman of the Military Coordination Committee: Winston Churchill.
Discord and Harmony
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter describes Ismay’s role in mediating the deteriorating relationship between Churchill and senior military officers: the service Chiefs of Staff—in particular the CIGS General Dill; and the commanders in the Middle East—successively Generals Wavell and Auchinleck. The chapter also describes Ismay’s role in strengthening Anglo-American relations, establishing friendships with, amongst others, Harry Hopkins and Avrell Harriman, and advocating the creation of a Joint Staff in Washington. It recounts his participation in an Anglo-American delegation to Moscow and his meeting with Stalin. It also examines Ismay’s role in the establishment of the strategic deception organization: the London Controlling Section. The chapter concludes with the replacement of General Dill by General Brooke.
‘The Trough of the War’
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter describes Ismay’s experiences and observations in the year that he referred to at the time as being “the trough of the war.” It examines his role in Churchill’s incorrect assumptions about the security of Singapore, his attempts to mediate in the relationship between Churchill and General Auchinleck, and his role in the further development of the strategic deception organization: the London Controlling Section. It covers Ismay’s participation in Churchill’s visit to Washington for an Anglo-American conference, his observations of the American Combined Chiefs of Staff and of the state of training of the American army, his developing relationship with General Eisenhower, and his temporary rift with Eisenhower’s chief of staff, General Bedell Smith. It recounts further disputes between Churchill and the Service Chiefs of Staff, and between the Chiefs of Staff themselves, and Ismay’s continuing role as mediator.
‘Conference Year’
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines Ismay’s participation in, and observations of, the seven international conferences which took place in 1943 and which determined the high-level strategy of the Allied nations. It describes the initial tense, confrontational atmosphere which characterized the Anglo-American conferences—often with General Marshal and General Brooke in opposite corners—and Ismay’s efforts (in addition to General Dill’s) to achieve harmony and cohesion. The chapter also covers the conference of foreign ministers in Moscow at which Ismay accompanied Foreign Secretary Eden and won plaudits from him for establishing an atmosphere of trust with the Russian Foreign Minister Molotov. It concludes with an account of Ismay’s collapse with mental exhaustion at the end of the Cairo conference in December 1943 and his subsequent four-week convalescence.
From War to Peace
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In covering the final months of the war, this chapter includes Ismay’s recollections of the Allied conferences at Malta, Yalta, and Potsdam, an account of one of Churchill’s final clashes with the Chiefs of Staff (over Air Marshal Tedder), and the feasibility study commissioned by Churchill for an offensive (codenamed “Unthinkable”) against the Soviet Union. The chapter describes Ismay’s farewell to Churchill as Prime Minister and his relationship with the new Prime Minister Attlee, Ismay’s proposals for the central organization of defense and his cooperation with Eisenhower about a joint Anglo-American approach to the developing Soviet threat. It also includes his initial work assisting Churchill in the research and writing of Churchill’s memoirs.
Partition—Making the Plan
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter follows Ismay’s appointment as chief of staff to Viceroy Mountbatten and the planning for the termination of British rule in India which was announced in June 1947. It gives a short background to Ismay’s relationship with Mountbatten and to the events in India (including the 1943-44 Bengal Famine) leading up to their arrival in India in March 1947. It recounts the intense and rushed planning which took place, including Ismay’s meetings with Nehru, Jinnah, and Gandhi (and his candid opinion of them), and his private assessment of the situation as described in letters to his wife. It covers his return to London to brief the Cabinet, the sudden amendment to the plan which resulted from Nehru’s rejection of it, and the meeting in early June in Delhi at which Mountbatten announced the plan to the political leaders.
Interlude
Authors: Kiszely John 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter recounts the four years of Ismay’s life following his return from India in December 1947. It describes his appointment as chairman of the council of the Festival of Britain and the efforts to which he went to ensure its success. It also describes his membership of the advisory group that Churchill formed to assist him with his memoirs and the extent of Ismay’s influence in this role. In particular, it details his input to Churchill’s account of the events of 1940, the ill-fated 1941 campaign in Greece, and Churchill`s references to numerous individuals including Admiral Keyes, General Auchinleck and Lord Halifax. It describes Ismay’s tenure as Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations 1951-52, his involvement in the controversy surrounding Seretse Khama, and the circumstances of Ismay’s appointment as the first Secretary General of NATO.
Itinerant Judges on a Part-Time Court
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In some respects, the early Supreme Court was very different from today’s Court. It sat for only a few months each year because the justices spent most of their time traveling around the country conducting trials. The Court had no courthouse and scarcely any employees apart from the justices themselves. It heard cases in a room in the Capitol. While they were in Washington, the justices lived and worked together in boarding houses. Most of the justices had previously held political office. They were nominated and confirmed by the Senate behind closed doors, often within a few days. In other respects, however, the early Court closely resembled today’s Court, particularly in the political calculations that went into the appointment of justices. Presidents tried to appoint, and senators tried to confirm, justices who belonged to their political party and who would implement their preferred views.
Federal and State Power
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Many of the Court’s famous early cases called upon the Court to settle the boundary between federal and state power. In one line of cases, including Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee (1816) and McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the Court reinforced the power of the federal government. In another line of cases, including Fletcher v. Peck (1810) and Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819), the Court limited the power of state governments. After a big turnover in personnel that occurred in the 1830s, the justices were more willing to approve state regulation of the economy, in cases like Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge (1837) and New York v. Miln (1837). But even with a firm Jacksonian majority, the Court ensured that the United States would remain a common market free from inconsistent state regulation, in cases such as Swift v. Tyson (1842) and Cooley v. Board of Wardens (1852).
Slaves and Indians
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Race discrimination was such an ordinary part of life in the early nineteenth century that the Court’s cases involving American Indians and African Americans concerned the details of how discrimination would be implemented, not the lawfulness of discrimination itself. In Johnson v. M’Intosh (1823), the Court held that Indians did not own their land but merely had a right to occupy it until it was taken from them by the federal government, while in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831), the Court held that Indian tribes lacked the sovereignty possessed by settler governments. In cases involving slavery, including Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857), the Court took a broad view of the southern states’ authority over slaves, and a narrow view of the power of the northern states and the federal government to curtail the rights of slaveowners.