bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Court and the Civil War
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The Supreme Court’s remarkable power was ambivalently displayed during the Civil War and its aftermath, when the justices decided several important cases challenging the legality of the Union’s conduct of the war and the federal government’s postwar program of Reconstruction. In the Prize Cases (1863), the Court affirmed the constitutionality of the Union blockade of southern ports. After the war, the Court invalidated several aspects of Reconstruction, including the use of military commissions in Ex parte Milligan (1866) and the exclusion of former Confederates from government positions in Cummings v. Missouri (1867). In the Legal Tender Cases (1871), the Court overruled one of its own decisions from just one year before and affirmed the constitutionality of the paper currency the federal government issued to finance the war.
Life at the Court, 1870–1930
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
As the importance of regional diversity on the Court declined with the end of circuit-riding, religious diversity took its place. Beginning with the appointment of Edward White in 1894, there would nearly always be at least one Catholic justice. After Louis Brandeis became the first Jewish justice in 1916, there would nearly always be at least one Jewish justice. Unlike in the years before the Civil War, the Court’s most highly regarded justices were not the chief justice. They included, in the late nineteenth century, John Harlan, Stephen Field, and Samuel Miller; and in the early twentieth century, Louis Brandeis and Oliver Wendell Holmes.
The Birth of the Modern Court
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Three important changes in the 1920s created the modern Supreme Court. First, the Court gained the power to choose which cases it would hear. Previously, the Court had to decide every case that litigants presented to it. In the 1920s, however, the Court became what it is today—an institution that primarily decides important questions of law and only incidentally resolves disputes between the litigants who happen to appear before it. Second, the Court got its own building, the one it still occupies today. The building’s design presented the justices to the public as distant oracles, while its location and its massive scale signified the Court’s equality with the other two branches of government. Third, the Court gradually began to enforce the noneconomic constitutional rights of individuals against the government. Nearly all the Court’s best-known modern cases are in this category.
A Partial Counterrevolution
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Between 1969 and 1991, ten consecutive justices were appointed by Republican presidents, with the aim of overruling the Court’s major liberal decisions of the 1960s and early 1970s. But the Court did not fulfill these expectations. Rather than overruling the big liberal decisions, the justices merely chipped away at them. By the early 1990s, the Court had created a variety of exceptions to the constitutional doctrines restricting police officers, but the police were still governed by all sorts of rules that had not existed before the 1960s. Judges had less authority to remedy some kinds of discrimination, but the Court gave them more authority to remedy other kinds. The Court shaved some height off the wall separating church and state, but not much—the wall was still higher than it had been before the 1960s. And, perhaps most surprising of all, Roe v. Wade was still standing.
Ahab, Walking
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Melville learned from Shakespeare how to stage Ahab’s disability and his crew’s reaction to his “barbaric white leg.” The chapter combines Melville’s portraits of limb loss in Mardi and White Jacket with extensive archival research into nineteenth-century surgical methods, views on amputation, and medical technologies. It weighs the merits of seeing Ahab as a narrative prosthesis (as Mitchell and Snyder describe him) or as a victim of trauma (as Berger suggests.) Immersed in disability studies, the chapter discusses how Melville carefully imagines Ahab’s disability onboard the ship, focusing on his use of assistive devices and the efforts of Stubb, Starbuck, Pip, and Ishmael to comprehend his impairment. Ahab was less a representative of Melville’s vision of disability than he was an example of the power of loss in democratic societies. Ahab uses his aggrievement to turn others into prosthetic extensions of himself.
Bone to Bone
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The manufacture of prosthetics was a thriving industry in the antebellum United States. In “Ahab and the Carpenter,” Melville turns the decks of the Pequod into a Shakespearean stage, as the carpenter constructs an ivory leg that must encompass the natural leg of the past, the severed leg of the present, and the prosthesis the captain will wear into the future. Although filled with comedy, the scene highlights the problems of trauma, embodiment, and phantom limb pain. This chapter compares Ahab’s whalebone leg to the whalebone arm that Captain Boomer displays on the Samuel Enderby, an English ship that stands in contrast to the grim Pequod. Ahab’s prosthesis defines not just the avenger’s body, but his relation to other bodies as well. That relation is best expressed in the oval slate the carpenter attaches to Ahab’s ivory limb.
The Phantom Fedallah
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Drawing on numerous historical and cultural materials, the chapter focuses on Fedallah as the most important of Ahab’s prostheses, the crewmember who props up his wounded body, elevates his vengeance, and mystically tracks the white whale. The Parsee extends Ahab’s quest into a metaphysical realm. Ishmael’s physical description of Fedallah turns him into an amalgam of racist stereotypes and the racial embodiment of Ahab’s wounds and monomaniacal will. Tracing Fedallah to Beckwith’s Vathek and De Quincey’s Confessions of an English Opium Eater, the chapter aligns him with the Turkish and Islamic imagery the novel uses to characterize the threat of violent power, both Ahab and Moby-Dick. Using the work of Erich Fromm, the chapter examines the degree to which Fedallah becomes a projection of the American Ahab’s violence.
We have to make a list
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This part starts in the midst of war in 2007 with the everyday projects and efforts of borderland villagers who refused to move into refugee camps to access humanitarian aid. Knowing that as “war-zone dwellers” they did not qualify for the kind of humanitarian aid offered in refugee camps, they made use of the author’s presence to generate a “boundary object” (following Star and Griesemer, 1989): a list, supposed to represent in name and numberall the borderland people who had to flee their villages (this list making is depicted on the book’s cover). The chapter builds on the borderlanders’ approach to spontaneously seize and resort to new options in times of turmoil. The chapter shows how people know about and deliberately cross category-boundaries to develop new options for action. The chapter leads into the book’s first part on how war arrived in the borderlands.
In general, they are comfortable
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces a perspective on war of the more privileged people who had lived in the Chadian border town of Adré before and now during the war. It shows how they experienced uncertainty from a comparatively well-off position, facing hardships of their own. A brief story of a midwife who experienced the rebel attack while working at the hospital introduces this perspective. When the gunfire started, she ran to look for her young daughter who was in school. Shaken by laughter and utterly relieved to have found her safe and sound, she later remembered how her daughter had thrown away her bookbag, but held on to her shoes, when running for safety. Stressing kin solidarity as well as ethnic labels, this chapter looks at current practices of defining oneself and one’s family and community that can be traced back to the French occupation of the area and the founding of the border town.
Epilogue
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
As another brutal war began during the publication phase of the book, this short epilogue takes account of the events leading to it by drawing a direct line between the former war (which this book is about) and the current war. It reflects on why people took to arms faster now than before; and states that media coverage is almost non-existent, in contrast to the former war. It concludes with the borderland population’s utter incomprehension for this renewed outbreak of violence, just like the author remarked when she first arrived in the region twenty years ago.
The Crisis of Culture
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Are we confronting a new culture—global, online, individualistic? Or is our existing concept of culture in crisis, as explicit, normative systems replace implicit, social values? This book explains today's fractures via the extension of individual political and sexual freedoms from the 1960s. The book explains that the twentieth-century youth culture disconnected traditional political protest from class, region or ethnicity, fashioning an identity premised on repudiation rather than inheritance of shared history or values. Having spread across generations under neoliberalism and the internet, youth culture is now individualized, ersatz. Without a shared culture, everything becomes an explicit code of how to speak and act, often online. Identities are now defined by socially fragmenting personal traits, creating affinity-based sub-cultures seeking safe spaces: universities for the left, gated communities and hard borders for the right. Increased left- and right-wing references to “identity” fail to confront this deeper crisis of culture and community. Our only option, the book argues, is to restore social bonds at the grassroots or citizenship level.
Introduction
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This introductory chapter begins by recounting how, on January 27, 2018, United Airlines refused to allow a passenger onto an airplane with a peacock, even though the passenger had a medical certificate stating that the presence of the bird was vital to enable her to bear the mental stress of flying. After a while, American airline companies decided to establish new guidelines stating which pets were acceptable and which were not. Why were new guidelines needed? Because things that had seemed obvious, at least within the same culture, are suddenly no longer so. There were new issues here, two of which are immediately apparent: the place of animals—which questions the place of human beings by comparison—and the passenger's distress, which could not be simply disregarded without the risk of being sued. What was once regarded as the settled line between humans and animals is now being challenged. The chapter then considers the crisis of culture. It assesses why the great utopia of 1960s liberation has led to an expansion of systems of moral and legal normativity, in the absence of any call to order.
The Crisis in Question
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter discusses the crisis of culture. From feminism and the crisis of masculinity to racism and intersectionality, gender versus biological sex, identity versus universalism, cultural appropriation, “wokeism,” cancel culture, “dumbing down,” censorship and the purging of artworks and literary classics—not to mention immigration—today's political conflicts are focused more on values and identity than on the economy and specifically social questions. Central to all these debates is the issue of culture. At stake are the very codes and symbols that comprise social ties, and which are encapsulated rigidly in discussions about identity. All this has led to the ever-increasing moral and judicial indictment of social relations. Beyond a debate of ideas, there is an attempt not only to impose new norms, but to extend the very domain of normativity. The chapter looks at four sequences of civilizational rupture that took place during the single period between 1960 and 2000: the May 1968 revolution and the war of values; neoliberalism; the internet boom; and globalization. It argues that we are not in the midst of a cultural transition but a crisis over the very notion of culture.
Can We Choose Our Sex or Race?
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores how coding and sequencing go hand in hand with an expansion of taxonomies. We classify and create categories by selecting a few markers that define a person's identity. The next stage is to obtain recognition for that identity, on the grounds of the suffering caused by non-recognition. Sex and race are the two main domains of this new fight, since both raise the problem of nature in its biological form. Why is sexuality now caught in a system of normative coding, where the question of explicit consent becomes central? Because sexuality has become autonomous in relation to culture. The revolution of the 1960s freed sexuality from cultural constraint. Fifty years later it is obvious that this sexual liberation has not abolished relations of domination while simultaneously making them less tolerable: rape, sexual harassment, femicides, paedocriminality, and incest have become more visible as they become less and less socially acceptable. This reaction is not indicative of a desire to go back to a conservative culture centered on the family, but of sexual liberation turning on itself. The chapter then looks at the concepts of sexual contract, sexual consent and pornographic coding, code switching, and racialization.
Suffering and Reparation
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter studies how, from the 1960s to the 1980s, the conquest of rights for the dominated gradually became the overarching slogan for mobilization. Revolt is only “right” if it respects what is “good”, in this case human rights. The struggle for civil rights in the United States during the 1960s is archetypal in this regard. Demonstrations, petitions, political mobilization and a concrete program for change (affirmative action and bussing) sought to advance the cause without integrating it into a more all-encompassing ideological program. Feminism and the movement for gay rights adopted this model into the late twentieth century. The demand is for reparation, and the demand for reparation assumes a transactional relationship with domination: instead of overturning the system because it is bad, the aim is to require the system to recognize that it is not “good.” The chapter then considers how, rather than the acquisition of new legal or political rights, the aim is to obtain protection for one's identity. It looks at the depoliticization of struggles, as well as the return of a morality of suffering. Finally, it assesses why moralism and culture do not make a good match.
The Joy of Norms
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter begins by presenting the concept of “uberisation,” which is on the way to becoming the model both for work and for social relations as a whole. While individuals are allowed and indeed encouraged to choose for themselves, this is solely in domains that do not undermine their relationship to the “real” domination. Their imaginary emancipation leads them to consume the products of their alienation. The chapter then looks at the end of the private space and its commodification. The ideal of individual emancipation is entirely compatible with neoliberalism. Both sides share this “inclusive” culture of desiring individuals, self-fulfillment, autonomy, and a kind of self-harmonization of social relations. While adopting a progressive posture, neoliberalism avoids any consideration of the structural reasons for discrimination. It makes individuals responsible for their actions, turning racism, sexism, and discrimination more broadly into a moral problem caused by bad thoughts or individual drives, and which can thus be solved by the establishment of ethical rules, promulgated and imposed by ethics committees and resulting in sanctions, always against individuals. Ultimately, neoliberalism brings with it a considerable expansion of systems of normativity and the bureaucracy that goes with them. The chapter then considers the concept of authoritarian pedagogy.
Conclusion
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This concluding chapter discusses how the trilogy of deculturation, coding, and normativity seems to structure all debates and strategies on every side, be they conservative, progressive, secular, religious, feminist, masculinist, populist, multiculturalist, sovereignist, or globalist. Deculturation also produces derealization, and is fuelled by it, to the point where the difference between real and virtual becomes hard to assert. Particularly noteworthy in this regard is the extraordinary capacity of Russians not to want to know what is happening in Ukraine. Faced with this derealization, the terrain seems open to domination. Protests and challenges are imprisoned in individualism, closed spaces, and a competitive victimhood that the theory of intersectionality cannot resolve. The insistence on suffering and all kinds of redemption and compensation means the issue of power is not addressed. Power itself remains invisible. The chapter then considers the demand for sociability. Things change when individuals seek to regain social connection in their real lives, in whatever remains of the social fabric.
Introduction
Authors: Trim D. J. B. , Simms Brendan 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter introduces the volume, defining terminology, and setting out key concepts, themes, and the contribution the volume makes to scholarship. It highlights the issue of relations between England/Britain and Europe, suggests that the distinction between Anglo-British action in its colonies and action in Europe is misplaced when it comes to warfare, and addresses the book’s contribution to the history of violence and the history of strategy. It identifies that the ruthless violence and atrocities addressed by the book as a whole are top down, being ordered by high political and/or military authorities, rather than being the autonomous action of rank-and-file military—indeed, independent, bottom-up violence was disapproved of by military authorities who tried to stamp it out, bringing into sharp focus the violence that was ordered from above.
Gujarat Under Modi
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In 2012 Narendra Modi became the first Hindu nationalist politician thrice elected to lead a state of the Indian Union, his stewardship as Chief Minister of Gujarat being the longest in that state’s history. Modi and his BJP supporters explained his achievement by pointing to economic growth under his leadership, yet detractors point out that Modi has been more business-friendly than market-friendly—to the benefit of large industrial corporations, and at the cost of great social polarization.In 2002, an anti-Muslim pogrom of unparalleled ferocity occurred in Gujarat, leading to the biggest number of Muslim deaths since Partition. The state’s Hindu majority immediately rallied around Modi. No serious riot has occurred in Gujarat since, but polarization was key to Modi’s strategy there, and he has deployed that strategy again and again since he became Prime Minister of India in 2014. For Modi has cultivated a communal image. A marketing genius, his messaging combines the politics of Hindutva with economic modernization, to the clear appreciation of Gujarat’s middle class.Christophe Jaffrelot’s revealing book shows how Modi’s Gujarat served as the laboratory of Modi’s India, not only in terms of Hindu majoritarianism and national populism, but also of caste and class politics.
Gujarat before Modi
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In Gujarat, Congress shared important dimensions of Hindutva in the 1940s and 50s. That was largely due to the ambivalent legacy of Mahatma Gandhi in a state whose political culture he had largely shaped. But Indira Gandhi’s Congress (I) unwittingly prepared the ground for Hindutva politics by exploiting the policy of reservations for the lower castes and the Tribals in the 1980s. In response, the upper castes joined hands and supported Hindu nationalism in order to counter reservation politics. But the Sangh Parivar rose to power in the 1990s on its own “merits” too. In the 1980 and 1990s it was reaping the harvest of fifty years of political activism at the grass roots and benefited from communal polarization resulting from a series of Hindu–Muslim riots that its activists had triggered.
The Saffronisation of the Police and the Judiciary
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
After 2002, Gujarat was the scene of a growing deinstitutionalization of the police forces, which were used in a dozen fake encounters between 2003 and 2007 and were invited to engage in communal attitudes—as the promotion of the guilty officers of the 2002 riots showed. By contrast, honest policemen were sidelined. A similar deinstitutionalization of the judiciary occurred in parallel, due to the infiltration of the judicial machinery and a sophisticated strategy of appointing reliable men to key posts. This policy, was intended to cope with the fallout of the events of 2002– as in the case of the police—whose victims could not get justice.
Social Polarisation
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The so-called Gujarat “model” has resulted in a very inegalitarian society. Industry—the engine of growth—did not create many (good) jobs and growth did not bring significant benefits either to the rural part of the state or to the weaker sections. While the growth rate of Modi’s Gujarat was remarkable, the state recorded poor results in terms of social indicators, largely because the government was not interested in fighting inequalities by investing in pro-poor policies, such as public health and education.
The Backing of the Elite and the Growing Support of the “Neo-middle Class”
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Modi not only defended the interest of the middle class—a group designated as a social elite in India—but he attracted a new emerging social group, the “neo-middle class”, by instrumentalizing religion and exploiting their aspirations. His promotion of both categories—who supported the BJP election after election—at the expense of the poor is evident from the manner in which cities were developed, especially Ahmedabad whose modernization was epitomized by the new Sabarmati River Front.
Conclusion
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Modi’s Gujarat has been the laboratory of Modi’s India, as he could scale up at the national level the four pillars of his success in the state after 2014: communal polarization, institutions capture, crony capitalism and national populism.Besides, the victims of the policies and the political economy of the Modi government in New Delhi remained the poor and the minorities as well as the Dalits and the Adivasis. Authoritarianism found expression in the same kind of marginalization of parliament that had already affected the state assembly in Gujarat and in the same kind of surveillance as well as deeper state as what Gujarat had just experienced.