bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Lochner Era
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The Supreme Court of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is remembered primarily as a pro-business Court. In several cases between the 1890s and the 1930s, the Court struck down state and federal regulation as an infringement of the constitutional rights of business enterprises. Some historians have echoed the critique prevalent during the era—that the justices were hostile to regulation and that they adopted constitutional theories that allowed them to implement their laissez-faire philosophy. Others have argued that this method of interpreting the Constitution had deep roots in American legal thought, and that the justices were merely applying traditional principles to new factual circumstances. Each explanation is true in its own way. Several of the justices genuinely were hostile to some forms of regulation. But they drew upon legal traditions under which some, but not most, of the era’s regulation was beyond the authority of legislatures to enact.
The Justices at War
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The Court played an important role in World War II and the Cold War. Several of the justices took on wartime tasks, including Robert Jackson’s role as prosecutor in the Nuremberg Trials. The Court was deferential to the military during wartime. In Ex parte Quirin (1942), the Court upheld the military’s authority to try captured German saboteurs. In cases challenging the internment of Japanese Americans, including Korematsu v. United States (1944), the Court again sided with the government. In the early years of the Cold War, the Court likewise deferred to the government’s assessment of its security needs. In cases such as Dennis v. United States (1951), the justices consistently allowed the government to punish people for their political views.
Desegregation
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The Court took no interest in desegregation until the mid-twentieth century, when elite white opinion outside the South began to move in that direction. In Smith v. Allwright (1944), the Court invalidated white-only primary elections. In Shelley v. Kraemer (1948), the Court held racially restrictive real estate covenants unconstitutional. In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950) and Sweatt v. Painter (1950), the Court required the integration of graduate schools. And in the most momentous of these cases, Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Court barred segregation in elementary and high schools. In the 1960s, when Congress began enacting statutes requiring racial equality, the Court affirmed the statutes’ constitutionality in Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States (1964) and South Carolina v. Katzenbach (1966). By 1967, when Thurgood Marshall became the first black justice, enormous changes had taken place in the past twenty years.
Back to the Right
Authors: Banner Stuart 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the Court reverted to form. It became a conservative institution once again—not on every issue, but on most. The Court’s return to the right was a matter of personnel. After Republican presidents appointed ten consecutive new justices between 1969 and 1991, the Court’s Republican majority was so overwhelming that it would endure, throughout alternating Democratic and Republican administrations, right up to the present. In the mid-twentieth century, liberals extolled the Court for protecting important constitutional rights, while conservatives complained of activist justices who improperly intruded into political issues. Now the tables were turned. Now it was conservatives who praised the justices for being true to the law, while liberals accused them of squandering the Court’s legitimacy by letting their political beliefs dictate the outcomes of cases.
The Prosthetic Arts of Moby-Dick
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The Prosthetic Arts of Moby-Dick examines how disability shapes one of the world’s most iconic novels. For generations, readers have viewed Captain Ahab’s whalebone leg as a symbol of what he lacks, the limb he lost fighting the white whale off the coast of Japan. This book considers the artificial leg in a historical, medical, and geopolitical context. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book situates Ahab’s prosthesis at the center of the novel’s reflections on wounding, embodiment, and the role that Islamic cultures play in American narratives of revenge. Sawed from a sperm whale’s jaw, Ahab’s artificial leg helps him stand, walk, and fight. But the prosthesis that marks him as different also creates the basis for his “irresistible dictatorship.” Blake connects the novel’s prosthetic arts with the use of Islamic imagery in nineteenth-century America to characterize overwhelming power. He identifies the character Fedallah as the captain’s most important prosthesis on ship, as the hair-turbaned soothsayer pilots the captain to his final battle with Moby Dick. Spanning each stage of Melville’s career, The Prosthetic Arts of Moby-Dick meditates on democracy, aggrievement, and the challenges of living in a global age.
Introduction
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Melville’s Moby-Dick is a meditation on how grief turns into grievance and grievance into the desire for revenge. Ahab transforms his dismemberment into a sense of aggrievement, turning his injury into the basis of his power. That power, the introduction argues, is most represented in Ahab’s whalebone limb. Ahab’s ivory leg is material object, but it is also a useful way to understand the novel’s use of Islamic imagery to estrange the captain from the power it simultaneously incorporates in him. Placing the book’s analysis in the context of disability studies and the representation of Islam as an extension of Western identity, the introduction lays out the emotional, philosophic, aesthetic, and geopolitical meanings associated with Ahab’s prosthesis. It positions the novel’s prosthetic arts alongside the work of scholars such as Altschuler, Garland-Thomson, Mitchell and Snyder, Siebers, Stiegler, Sobchak, and Wills.
Ishmael, Salaaming
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The chapter argues that Fedallah’s disappearance during the second day’s hunt allows for Ishmael’s survival. Fedallah, it proposes, is the “phantom hand” behind the novel’s narrative design. In a reading of “The Counterpane,” the chapter contrasts Ishmael’s warm acceptance of Queequeg with his aversion the Parsee, who awakens in him a conflation of narrative and racial anxieties. Like many of Melville’s contemporaries (including Ralph Waldo Emerson and Lydia Marie Child), Ishmael embraces Islamic religious experiences. In trying to understand Ishmael’s racism toward Fedallah and his Filipino oarsmen, the chapter examines Western attitudes toward Malaysia and the Philippines in the middle of the nineteenth century. Ishmael, it concludes, invokes his whiteness when he encounters populations that resist American expansion into the Pacific Ocean. Discussions of Siebers, Sanborn, Spivak, and Vafa supplement this chapter.
The Unnatural Stump
Authors: Blake David Haven 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Moby-Dick reveals significant tensions between Ishmael’s sympathetic portrait of whales and his dehumanization of Muslim peoples in Maritime Southeast Asia. Using a critique of democratic capitalism that Melville offers in Clarel, the chapter examines the portrait of environmental violence in Moby-Dick. In an obvious parallel to Ahab, “The Pequod Meets the Virgin” describes the cruelty inflicted on old bull whale that is missing one of its fins. The scene reveals Flask to be a maliciously exploitative capitalist. When the Pequod accidentally kill a series of whales in “The Grand Armada,” Ishmael seems to develop an environmental consciousness, and yet he remains an apologist for commercial expansion into the Pacific. The chapter argues that environmental destruction intersects in the novel with disability, capitalism, and the representation of Islamic peoples in the area surrounding the Sunda Strait.
So, we went with them
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In a narrative manner and by introducing personal experiences, this chapter shows how war arrived and how people individually or collectively coped with it. It proceeds to emphasize the production of belonging through deliberate foregrounding and backgrounding (or “un/making”) of differences over longer periods of time. It provides insight into the borderland population’s historical experiences of war and their current anticipation of futures as individuals and (village) collectives, which result in the decision of either becoming (poor) town-dwellers or refugee camp-dwellers as strategies of survival. This section addresses competition and belonging between newcomers and locals, farmers, herders, NGO workers, community groups and others in the acceleration decrease of turbulence due to war and displacement.
Those are the only real refugees
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The book’s second part proceeds by introducing a group of former villagers who decided to move to the refugee camps when the war began. Here, the focus lies on how they deal with the strict rules and regulations inside camps: by having to resist, confront, accept, merge or tinker with the categories inflicted upon them by international aid agencies. What exactly do ascriptions and categories do to the people they explicitly frame? In answering this question, the author turns away from clear-cut categories altogether. Instead, the author shows how people actively attempt to change ascriptions inflicted upon them as they narrate their changing, partly contingent, and temporally created forms of belonging—to a village community, an age group, a town’s quarter, a profession, an aid category, etc.—through interaction.
The camps are very different
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Three characters are the focus of this chapter: a school teacher from Darfur who became the first president of the refugees in Camp Farchana, a head of a Chadian-led development agency who remembers the first registering of refugees in the camp, and a former rebel turned refugee who later became the camp’s president of refugees. The chapter looks at their different ways of individually negotiating status and networking during the period of highest uncertainty in the war. This also includes how they thought of ways how to live on, after this crisis, in a possible future with communal and individual ambitions and pathways.
They are our relatives now
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This part concludes with a focus on what happened “after” the war, a phase representing a transition from what aid organizations considered to be a state of emergency to post-emergency. To start closing down the camps and to integrate refugees into the Chadian state, aid agencies rely upon the peoples’ existing modes of belonging. The re-categorization of refugees is shown via two examples: one concerns how aid agencies integrate camp dwellers into the surrounding villages by following the camp dwellers’ long-term and so far “illegal” practices of temporarily leaving the camp in order to farm or trade outside; and the other focuses on the procedures of biometric registration of refugees to officially change their status to “refugee citizens”.
This is neither my first nor second time seeing war
Authors: Behrends Andrea 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The book’s third part starts with a view from the Chadian capital, N’Djamena, which lies at a 500 miles distance from the Chad-Sudan border region. What is the national government’s position in view of the situation on this remote, and troublesome, border? Again, the section begins with a story from the time during the war, about the rebel attack on N’Djamena. The story of the upcoming tensions days before the actual attack, the population’s reactions during the hours of attack, and the attack’s immediate aftermath is told and put to paper by Brahim Mahamat Ali. The chapter goes on to analyze the effects of the attack, which failed for the rebels, but became a full-scale game-changer for the Chadian government. Not only did it end the war on the Chadian side, but it led the government into an aggressive new phase, characterized by urban expulsions, arbitrary arrests and killings while, at the same time, displaying a spirit of national renewal made possible by oil revenues.
The Crisis of Imaginaries
Authors: Roy Olivier 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter assesses how the crisis of religion mirrors the crisis of culture in general. Neither high culture nor anthropological culture provide the stuff of dreams today. “Ways of believing” now come within the realm of subcultures; they are associated with sects, fandoms, conspiracy theories and the like. The end of grand ideologies has also been a defeat for the imagination, just as secularization has been, as it leaves no other foundation for the political order than a theory of the social contract at odds with everyday experience. Imaginaries are thus relegated to the margins of societies, leaving the grand narratives in the hands of radicals. Without a common imaginary, it is hard to project oneself into the future: for the first time, a cause mobilizing youth (the fight against climate change) is driven not by hope but by fear. Ultimately, the erasure of a shared “cultured” imaginary does not erase the need for imaginaries but shifts it onto deculturated products that still fire the imagination. The chapter then considers the kitsch culture, culinary culture, religious culture, and indigenous culture.
Strategy, Piety, and Chivalry Violence and Restraint Under Henry V in 1415
Authors: Rogers Clifford J. 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
When Henry V invaded France in 1415, he issued formal disciplinary ordinances that offered substantial protections to noncombatant women, children, and clergymen. Even the burning of buildings was forbidden, unless by specific royal command, and a subsequent proclamation ordered his troops not to take peasants prisoner to hold them for ransom. As this chapter demonstrates, this represented a significant shift from earlier English practices and rules of engagement, and even more so from French or Scottish ones. On the other hand, Henry was willing to bombard the civilian population of Harfleur during the siege of that town, and famously ordered the killing of many of the French prisoners captured during the battle of Agincourt. The ordinances, the bombardment, and the battlefield killing were all within the boundaries of the contemporary laws of war, and are all explicable largely in terms of strategic or tactical advantage, but the unusually strong protection of the noncombatant rural population also reflects King Henry’s personal piety and shifting norms of chivalry.
English Atrocities in the Reign of Elizabeth i and Their Context
Authors: Trim D. J. B. 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter on ruthless military violence during the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) considers some violence directed by the English state, but has as its focus the violence of English soldiers who were not serving the Tudor state. This reflects the fact that up to 1585, English soldiers were serving French and Dutch Protestants, effectively as mercenaries (albeit with English state approval and connivance). The chapter shows that extreme violence and massacres became more common from the 1560s onwards, the ultimate fruit of the confessional divisions caused by the Reformation. English soldiers in Protestant service were themselves subject to many massacres, and some of the violence that English commanders sanctioned or ordered was retaliatory. However, at other times, English atrocities went beyond what would have been accepted even in this very violent age, and beyond retaliation. Ruthless violence was part of the tool kit of English soldiers and would be deployed when needed.
State of Emergency the English Subjection of Early Modern Ireland
Authors: Edwards David 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
With good reason the September 1649 storming of Drogheda by Oliver Cromwell’s parliamentary army is remembered as probably the worst atrocity ever committed by English forces in Ireland. It was certainly among the bloodiest. Thousands were killed, mostly royalist soldiers, but a high proportion of the victims were also civilians, including women and children. However, when discussing the legacy of English state violence in Early Modern Ireland it is important to realise that the Cromwellian conquest of 1649-50, brutal though it was, was actually the second English conquest of the country in just over a hundred years, following an earlier and more prolonged conquest by the Tudor monarchy, 1534-1603. This chapter draws the two conquests together, examining the reasons that motivated English military intervention, and the types of measures that were deployed, often extreme, up to and including elements of genocide.
Operation Gomorrah Ruthlessness and the British Air War, 1943
Authors: Overy Richard 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The chapter looks at the background and planning of the bombing of Hamburg in July/August 1943 which resulted in widespread incendiary destruction and the death of 34,000 people. While seldom discussed in the same way as the bombing of Dresden, Operation Gomorrah against Hamburg was a milestone in the campaign by RAF Bomber Command. It convinced Harris, commander-in-chief of Bomber Command, that urban firebombing was the most effective strategy against Germany. The operation stemmed from the changes in tactics and objectives in 1941 in favor of wide civilian damage and was made possible by adopting tactics for incendiary rather than high-explosive bombing. The chapter asks why scientists and commanders were able to endorse deliberate civilian bombing despite earlier government restrictions on what could be bombed.
Introduction
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The political identity of Gujarat, its Asmita, has been influenced by the perception of Islam (and then Pakistan) that Hindu reformists (including literary figures like Narmad and Dalpatram), revivalists (including Arya Samaj leaders), and nationalists have cultivated from the nineteenth century onwards. This sub nationalism based on Hinduism had affinities with the ethos of dominant castes (including the merchant castes, the Vanyas)—in a province where the more flexible caste system differs significantly from what it is in the neighboring regions—and some sectarian movements (including the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS)). The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh developed its network in this context, in parallel to the Hindu Mahasabha and with the support of Hindu traditionalists of the Congress.
A New Brand of Crony Capitalism
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
In the name of development, Modi launched business-friendly policies focusing on mega infrastructure projects (roads, ports, energy). These measures found expression in growth without development and in a new form of crony capitalism: land was sold at a very low price to few industrialists. This was seen especially in Special Economic Zones like Mundra where Gautam Adani, the rising star of Gujarati oligarchs created a deep seaport at the expense of all regulations (environmental of otherwise).
Relating to the People the National-Populist Way
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
Narendra Modi related directly to the people via the social media, by touring Gujarat and by orchestrating a state of quasi-permanent mobilization. People could even wear a mask with his face and the “Modi kurta”. This technique is typical of populism, a political approach that relies more than others on an unmediated communication between the leader and the masses, at the expense of intermediate bodies including political parties. Modi resorted to all kinds of channels to reach out to the people and create a state of quasi-permanent popular mobilization. However, his populism relied wholly on the ideology of Hindu nationalism, such that the people he was defending consisted only of the majority community.
Resisters, Dissenters and Victims
Authors: Jaffrelot Christophe 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The underclass and minorities were the first casualties of the Modi government, but not the only ones. Liberals, NGOs, intellectuals and all dissenting voices were attacked because they defended a vision of society that was not that of the BJP. The political opposition was also at the receiving end. Congress tried to cope with the new hegemon but failed completely, partly because of Modi’s politics, and partly because of its own limitations. Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims suffered the greatest casualties of the BJP’s policies in Gujarat, from a socio-economic point of view. This is one of the reasons why they did not support the BJP electorally as much as other groups did.
Fractured Union
Authors: Kenny Michael 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
The question of the United Kingdom’s survival, for a long time taken for granted, looms large in British politics. This book uncovers the roots of today’s crisis, exploring British MPs’ and civil servants’ assumptions about, and understandings of, the Union, and highlights a growing sense of pessimism about its long-term viability. It explores the following key questions. Why has the UK’s political class struggled to engage productively with devolution? Has the growing disenchantment of many English citizens with government based in London challenged how politicians and bureaucrats have approached the UK Union, and the governance of England in particular. How and why have recent crises—most notably the 2014 vote on Scottish independence, Brexit, and the covid-19 pandemic—damaged trust and created conflicts between central and devolved governments. And will the UK Union break apart in the next few decades? Fractured Union offers an account of the gradual loss of British unity, illuminating the forces and pressures now shaping the future of both nations and peoples. As nationalism rises across Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and England, this book issues a sharp challenge to those who believe in a united kingdom: deliver better, more responsive government—or risk the UK falling apart.
Future-proofing the Union?
Authors: Kenny Michael 
Published: November 2024

Abstract
This chapter explores different potential futures for the UK's Union, considering three main scenarios: dissolution, reconfiguration, and continuity. The chapter emphasizes the need for more strategic foresight and capability within British government in relation to the Union. The first scenario includes the possibility of referendums in Scotland or Northern Ireland. The second considers the possibility of a major reconfiguration of the union along federal lines. The third, and most likely, scenario envisions the UK continuing on its current path, with incremental reforms designed to manage emerging conflicts and adapt to new political and administrative realities.