bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
La proposition infinitive, la quantification et la théorie-thêta
Authors: Dubé Lison 
Published: February 2018

Cet article porte sur des constructions françaises d’un type particulier. Ces constructions sont illustrées par les exemples suivants:
i)Jean a le plaisir de vivre à la campagneii)Jean a un plaisir vif à vivre à la campagneiii)Jean a du plaisir à vivre à la campagne.Ces constructions ne diffèrent qu’au niveau de l’élément prépositionnel introduisant la proposition infinitive et qu’au niveau du spécifieur, ou détermineur, du substantif.
Voyelles/consonnes: Hiérarchie phonématique
Authors: Léon Pierre 
Published: February 2018

La plupart des études typologiques entreprises par les linguistes s’en tiennent généralement aux trois étapes citées par Bernard Pottier (1968:300): inventaire des traits typologiques; caractérisation d’une langue par ses traits; classement des langues du monde d’après certains de ces traits. Après un survol méthodique, mais bref, de tous les traits envisageables dans une telle investigation, Pottier conclut: “Les recherches actuelles s’efforcent d’introduire la notion de hiérarchie dans le fonctionnement de la langue” (1968:318).C’est ce dernier point que j’aimerais envisager pour le français en comparant le rôle des voyelles par rapport à celui des consonnes dans le système de la langue.
De la sémantique duoraffectif et des coordinations elliptiques
Authors: Authier J.-Marc 
Published: February 2018

Parmi les analyses récentes dont le but est de rendre compte de la distribution des lexèmes à polarité négative (LPN) en anglais, comme par exemple les faits contrastifs concernantanyen (1a) vs (1b), deux traitements radicalement opposés retiennent l’attention du linguiste.(1)a.Paul didn’t catchanyfish today.b.*Paul caughtanyfish today.
La nominalisation d’un participe passé: la suppléance mettre/mise en composition lexicale
Authors: Barbaud Philippe 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe nominalization of several French idioms constructed with the verb mettre contrasts with that of derived nominais such as la destruction de Rome par les barbares. This contrast is mainly due to the quasi mandatory shift of the internal arguments of NPs such as la mise en oeuvre de X ‘the implementation of X’ which corresponds to mettre X en oeuvre ‘to implement X’. A standard morphological treatment of the nominalization of mettre cannot account for the “parasitic gap” associated with this shift. A treatment in terms of “derivational syntax” appears to be more adequate, in that it attributes to the verbal suppletion the preservation of the categorial identity and the semantic unity of the lexical entry shared by the NP and the VP. A major theoretical consequence of this analysis is that it challenges the generally agreed upon claims that X-bar structures are necessarily endocentric and that lexical entries always constitute atomic categories.
Concurrence structurale, conditions d’appréhensibilité et changement syntaxique: la chute de la structure V2 en français
Authors: Côté Marie-Hélène 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article proposes a solution to two unresolved issues regarding the V2 structure in the history of French: to which type of V2 languages — symmetrical or asymmetrical—does Old French belong, and why did V2 later disappear? It appears that Old French is not homogeneous with respect to V2: it is symmetric up to the 12th century and then goes through a period of grammatical competition between the two types of V2 structure. This indicates a syntactic change in progress, from a symmetrical to an asymmetrical structure. But French never completed this transition and lost V2 after the period of competition, contrary to Continental Scandinavian which underwent the same change. This contrast follows from the fact that Old French failed to meet the learnability conditions of the asymmetrical V2 structure. This analysis thus raises the issue of the relation between syntactic change and learnability.
Aspect Licensing in Serbo-Croatian
Authors: Milovanovic Snezana 
Published: February 2018

AbstractIn this article, it is argued that perfective aspect in Serbo-Croatian is licensed in the syntax. Licensing of Aspect requires the presence of a hierarchically higher category. In compound tenses, perfective aspect is licensed by a governing auxiliary in Infl while, in the present tense forms, it may only be licensed by an overt complementizer in Comp. A Comp-Aspect Agreement mechanism is proposed based on the requirement for licensing in the present tense forms. This agreement also obtains between a covert complementizer and perfective aspect in imperative constructions (perfective imperatives move to an empty Comp position to satisfy the Aspect licensing requirement) and between an overt complementizer and the auxiliaries in compound tenses (auxiliaries move to an empty Comp to satisfy the Tense licensing requirement). Although Tense may be licensed by any governor in root sentences, the presence of an overt complementizer, which is a hierarchically higher category, takes precedence for licensing in embedded sentences.
The Conjunct Order in Algonquian
Authors: Campana Mark 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article examines the conjunct order found in Algonquian languages and attempts to characterize the difference between the conjunct and the independent orders in formal terms. Most of the examples are drawn from Passamaquoddy-Maliseet and Montagnais. Specific morphological properties of the two orders are considered: the ability to take person prefixes, the richness of agreement features, and the phonological conditioning of stem-initial vowels. A weak word order effect is observed in Montagnais, and the overall distribution of the two verb paradigms is examined. All of these facts are related to the hypothesis that verbs bearing conjunct morphology move to Comp, while independent verbs remain in Infl. This operation is motivated by the dependence of a conjunct clause on a higher verb or noun, as in subordination or relativization. In some cases, the dependency may derive from the adjunct status of the conjunct clause itself. The overall picture is one of a configurational language type, with superficial differences reducible to parametric variation.
Grammaire et pouvoir global de computation: deux sources de difficultés possibles dans la production des relatives chez les enfants francophones
Authors: Fragman Cathy 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe present study compares relative clause production in French learners and in mature speakers. Previous studies on French postulate deficiencies in children’s grammar of relatives in order to explain their defective production (Labelle 1990; Guasti and Shlonsky 1995). However, these studies do not strictly compare child and adult data. A new production task was administered to 25 French learners ages 4 to 7, and to 25 adults. Three types of stimuli were presented in order to elicit subject, direct object and indirect object relatives. Results show that children’s performance varies according to the type of stimuli presented, and that the performance of adults is qualitatively similar. These patterns undermine the notion that a given component of UG is either inoperative or unspecified in the developing grammar. Such unsteady lacunae point more naturally to peripheral processing limitations in learners rather than core deficiencies within their grammar proper (cf. Goodluck and Tavakolian 1982).
Un effet du principe C chez l’enfant francophone
Authors: Goodluck Helen , Solan Lawrence 
Published: February 2018

AbstractWe report a study that tests children’s knowledge of an effect of Principle C of the binding theory: In the adult grammar of English and French, coreference between a main clause object pronoun and a non-pronominal subject of a sentence-final temporal clause is permitted, whereas coreference between a subject pronoun and the subject of a temporal clause is blocked. In an act-out task, both French-speaking adults and children aged 3–7 were found to be sensitive to the position of a main clause pronoun (subject vs object) in selecting a referent for the subject of a temporal clause, permitting coreference more frequently when the pronoun was in object position. This result replicates earlier work done on English. A sentence judgement task produced clear results only for adults. Results from the act-out suggest that children are relatively inept at integrating non-mentioned participants into their interpretation of sentences. We suggest that children’s knowledge of the principle C effect we tested constitutes a “poverty of the stimulus” argument for innateness.
L’acquisition des pronoms clitiques français par un enfant bilingue français-néerlandais
Authors: Hulk Aafke 
Published: February 2018

AbstractIn this article, the acquisition of French subject and object pronouns by Anouk, a French-Dutch bilingual girl is studied and compared with the acquisition by monolingual French children. At first sight there are no major differences between Anouk and the children discussed in the literature. There are however some indications that the status of the pronouns in Anouk’s data is not the same as that in the monolingual data. In Anouk’s data, there are no utterances where a quantified nominal subject is doubled by a subject clitic. Consequently, it is impossible to argue that her subject pronouns have the status of agreement markers which they are claimed to have in the case of monolingual children. Moreover, Anouk acquires both subject and object pronouns at roughly the same moment—to what is found for the monolinguals. Finally, Anouk makes position errors with object pronouns which are similar to those found in French L2 acquisition data. It is proposed that this may be due to the (indirect) influence of Dutch, her other language.
The Unaccusative Hypothesis and the Impersonal Construction in French
Authors: Cummins Sarah 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article argues that the Impersonal Contruction (IC) of French, which displays unaccusative syntax but allows unergative verbs, refutes the Unaccusative Hypothesis (UH) and the principles of lexically driven mapping. It is demonstrated that three types of argument intended to explain unaccusative mismatches are untenable while maintaining the UH. An account of the verbs appearing in the IC is proposed, based on the principles of free linking of arguments and postsyntactic compositional interpretation, taking into account meaning contributed by diverse sources, including lexical, syntactic, constructional, and morphological meaning, which must be compatible. It is argued that the shape of IC sentences requires that a state of affairs be predicated of a locative; various consequences for verb and argument selection and tense arise from this requirement. By removing certain semantico-syntactic functions from the lexicon, economy is achieved in both the lexicon and the syntactic component.
L’accent focal et l’accent d’emphase dans la description de l’intonation du français
Authors: Poiré François 
Published: February 2018

AbstractMany questions about the expressive or distinctive character of focal accent and emphatic prominence remain unanswered in studies concerning natural language prosody. Recent works show that fundamental frequency variation underlies a categorial perception that permits a differenciation in the representation of these two types of prominence. Using data from French, the contribution of each type of prominence to the intonation contour is analyzed. This study reconciles the difference in expressive character and phonological description associated with each prominence type through the use of association rules linking tones and text in different prosodic domains. An instrumental study of 280 utterances documents the phonetic particularities in the production of both prominences, and in neutral utterances.
The Role of Perception in Differential Substitution
Authors: Brannen Kathleen 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article examines differential substitution of the L2 English voiceless interdental fricative, [θ]. The L1s investigated in this study—European French, Québec French, and Japanese—have been reported to substitute [s], [t], and [s] respectively in production. Two main hypotheses are explored: 1) Transfer is perceptually based; 2) Substitution involves an assessment of non-contrastive in addition to contrastive features. Results of an AXB task show that advanced learners are unable to perceive certain non-contrastive distinctions; however, unlike Japanese listeners, French listeners do perceive Strident and Mellow, features which are non-contrastive in their L1. Results indicate a clear perceptual basis for the Japanese substitute. The difference between Québec and European French is less clear; however, there is a trend which suggests a perceptual basis for the European French substitute. Another finding is that confusion of [f] and [θ] is greater for French than it is for Japanese listeners. It is proposed that the composition of the L1 phonetic inventory influences which features listeners attend to during perception.
Contrastive Focus, French N-words and Variation
Authors: Vinet Marie-Thérèse 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe aim of this article is to argue that the similarities and differences in the interpretation ofn-words (personne, rien, etc.) in two closely related dialects of French can be explained by considerations linked to lexical properties as well as to properties of contrastive stress in Universal Grammar. The minor lexical differences in the two systems are related to the fact that only in Standard French is a single negation reading ruled out when an adverbial negative marker bearing [+neg, −T, −Asp] features, i.e.,pas, appears in the scope of an unstressedn-word. A general principle is proposed to account for the fact that a contrastively focusedn-word always blocks the local relation which seems necessary for a negative concord reading. It is observed that the presence of an intervening quantifier between the negative quantifier and then-word always induces a Double Negation reading.
Expletive NPs in Object-Position
Authors: Stroik Thomas 
Published: February 2018

Chomsky (1981, 1986b) formulates the Theta Criterion so that it prohibits non-argument NPs such as the expletives it and there from occurring in theta-marked positions. One consequence of this formulation is that raising-to-object analyses for (1) are disallowed because they would permit an expletive to occupy an object position, a position which is theta-marked by the verb:(1)John believes there to be a woman outside.
Word Blends as Sublexical Substitutions
Authors: Laubstein Ann Stuart 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe standard structural approach to word blends, such asnoise1/sound2→nound, has been to assume they involve a splicing together of the two words, where part of word2is used to complete part of word1. The splice position has then been used as the source of mental lexicon generalizations. On the basis of 166 naturally occurring word blends, this article argues for a different approach—a “substitution” approach. The approach allows a comparison of the properties that word blends share with sublexical exchanges, anticipations, perseverations and substitutions; in addition, it accounts for the convergence of these properties. The substitution analysis allows a principled distinction between target and intruder; it predicts metrical structure output, and possible and impossible errors; moreover, the substitution analysis simplifies and constrains language production models.
Le concept de réseau social dans une communauté acadienne rurale
Authors: Beaulieu Louise , Cichocki Wladyslaw 
Published: February 2018

AbstractCet article réexamine le concept de réseau social utilisé en sociolinguistique variationniste en analysant le rôle que jouent divers domaines d’affiliation liés aux liens forts et aux liens faibles à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la communauté dans la variation morphosyntaxique dans les expressions en tête des propositions adverbiales du français acadien du nord-est du Nouveau-Brunswick (Canada). D’après les résultats d’analyses de type règle variable, le facteur réseau social est en mesure de prédire l’emploi des formes traditionnellescomme que, quand queetsi quede manière plus stable que tout autre facteur extralinguistique, incluant la classe sociale. L’analyse des correspondances est utilisée pour opérationnaliser le facteur réseau social à partir des affiliations des sujets dans les domaines d’affiliation. Cette étude suggère que, dans l’explication de la variation sociolinguistique, les liens faibles méritent un examen plus approfondi et que les statistiques multivariées sont un outil des plus appropriés pour ce genre d’étude.
Sulawesi Relatives, V-Raising, and the CP-Complement Hypothesis
Authors: Finer Daniel L. 
Published: February 2018

AbstractDPs in several Austronesian languages from southwestern Sulawesi show the D head as an enclitic on an element within the DP. Where N is unmodified, D cliticizes to N, and where D is modified, D cliticizes to the modifier. A structure in which NP and the modifying phrase are treated as arguments of D is proposed, and the cliticization pattern is analyzed as resulting from head movement. Depending on the valency of the DP, NP will either be specifier or complement of D. This analysis extends easily to account for some otherwise puzzling patterns shown in relative clauses where D cliticizes to the right periphery of the verb of the modifying CP. Under the minimalist hypotheses that overt movement is a function of feature strength and that the strength of the relevant features can vary from language to language, certain patterns of head-adjunction involving V, I, C, and D are expected and the predictions are discussed.
Diachronic Aspects of Micronesian Clause Structure
Authors: Hale Mark 
Published: February 2018

AbstractA number of interesting syntactic processes in a variety of Micronesian languages arose in response to a restructuring of Proto-Micronesian verbal morphology, the restructuring itself triggered by purely phonological changes. This article provides an account of these changes, revealing at the same time aspects of Proto-Micronesian clause structure which have not previously been noted.
Theta-Positions and Binding in Balinese and Malagasy
Authors: Travis Lisa DeMena 
Published: February 2018

AbstractIn this article, an argument is made for representing theta-positions structurally through a UTAH-like mapping onto articulated VP structures. Further, an argument is made for giving these positions a distinct status. It is argued, using data from binding in Balinese and Malagasy, that binding may be sensitive to theta-positions (T-positions), which are a subset of A-positions. Specs of lexical categories must be T-positions, Specs of functional categories cannot be T-positions. It is argued further that, once it can be shown that binding may be sensitive to T-positions, one is forced to revise what can count as a T-position in order to account for raising constructions. Categories which bind event variables (such as Aspect) are seen to be non-distinct from lexical categories and from functional categories. As such, their Specs may count as T-positions, explaining why an NP in a derived position may act as an antecedent.
Le facteur sémantique dans l'attribution du genre aux inanimés en français
Authors: Surridge Marie E. 
Published: February 2018

Dans deux articles récents, (Surridge 1985, 1986), l'auteur a examiné le rôle de la morphologie lexicale dans l'attribution du genre grammatical en français, ainsi que la relation des facteurs morphologiques avec les facteurs phonétiques identifiés par Tucker, Rigault et Lambert (1970). Parmi les linguistes et les grammairiens qui ont traité les facteurs déterminant le genre des noms en français, la majorité sinon tous attribuent un certain rôle à un autre facteur: c'est-à-dire l'élément sémantique. Jusquéà présent, cependant, ni le facteur sémantique en tant que tel ni la relation entre les facteurs sémantiques et les autres n'a été soumis à une étude formelle. Ceci résulte pour les intéressés (linguistes, enseignants et apprenants du français) en une image confuse du système d'attribution comme le fait, par exemple, la constatation suivante:Les genres sont conditionnés par les suffixes, et peut-être motivés par les sens, à moins que les sens ne soient conditionnés par les genres … GLLF 1971(3): 2205
Of nouns, and kinds, and properties, and why one D is null or not
Authors: Guillemin Diana 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis paper assumes that the basic denotation of nouns can be that of kind or property and that the determiner system of a language is a direct consequence of this cross-linguistic variation. An analysis of how definiteness and specificity are marked across three languages with different determiner systems, namely, English, French and Mauritian Creole (MC), provides evidence of the co-relation between noun denotation and determiner system. Languages with kind denoting nouns (English and MC) admit bare nominal arguments, which are barred in French, whose nouns denote properties. However, English and MC differ in that English has an overt definite article, which is a lacking in MC. This null element requires licensing by an overt specificity marker in some syntactic environments. The English and MC definite articles are analyzed as operators that quantify over sets of kind denoting nouns, and they serve a different function from the French definite article, which is specified for number and selects properties.
Vietnamese and the NP/DP parameter
Authors: Phan Trang , Lander Eric T. 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis paper investigates the place of Vietnamese in the binary NP/DP typology as formulated by Bošković (2005, 2008, 2009, 2010). Vietnamese patterns with NP languages when it comes to its lack of a genuine definite determiner, the presence of radical pro-drop, and its lack of number morphology, but it patterns with DP languages when it comes to the presence of TP, subject expletives, and subject-object extraction asymmetries. The mixed status of Vietnamese suggests that the difference between article and article-less languages might not be as straightforward or clearcut as Bošković claims. In fact, the way these properties pattern in Vietnamese reveals that there are at least three smaller parameters (nominal, clausal, and quantificational) at stake, not just the presence or absence of DP, and that these three are independently fixed as [-DP], [+TP], and [-movement], respectively. Also important is the fact that Vietnamese is a topic-prominent language.
Reconciling Shared Rule: Liberal Theory, Electoral-Districting Law and “National Group” Representation in Canada
Authors: Spitzer Aaron John 
Published: February 2018

AbstractCanada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indigenous peoples and francophones have appealed for representation as “national groups,” leading to constitutional challenges. Courts have either failed to address the constitutionality of “national group” representation or have rejected it as irreconcilable with individual voting rights. I suggest the former is unnecessary and the latter procedurally illogical. Drawing on the liberal principles of individualism, egalitarianism and universalism, I develop a framework contextualizing such representation within liberal theory. I then deploy this framework to analyze recent Canadian case law. I show that appeals for “national group” representation should be approached not through the lens of individual rights, but rather through the “constitutionally prior” lens of universalism.