bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Adult instructed SLA of English subject properties
Authors: Ballester Elisabet Pladevall 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe acquisition of subject properties in adult instructed L2 English by Spanish speakers still constitutes an area of difficulty, especially in situations of minimal exposure where explicit teaching of the syntax of subjects rarely occurs. By exploring the L2 learners’ intuitions and corrections of grammatical and ungrammatical sentences containing subject properties, this article contributes new cross-sectional data from adult learners at three stages of L2 development: beginners, intermediate, and advanced groups. The data show initial L1 transfer and subsequent developmental progress. Yet results are clearly not target-like even among advanced learners, which suggests that adult learners do not resort to parameter-resetting in instructed L2A and necessarily apply general learning mechanisms to adopt L2 structures with feature specifications different from those of their L1.
Academic Career Paths in Linguistics: A Report on the CLA Questionnaire
Authors: Balcom Patricia , Clarke Sandra 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis paper presents the results of a survey conducted by the CLA in 1996-1997. Mail-in questionnaires were completed by 110 Canadian linguists from all regions of the country, 71 of whom (65%) were female, and 39 (35%) male. Following an overview of the literature dealing with women in academia in general and linguistics in particular, a summary of the background and status of the respondents is given. The results are presented thematically, exploring (i) the division between teaching, research and committee work; (ii) mentoring; (iii) financial support; (iv) the relative prestige of sub-disciplines. Of note is the fact that SPSS analyses show very few significant differences when sex was taken as a variable. The quantitative results provide a snapshot of linguistics in Canada in the late 1990s, and coupled with the numerous comments provided by respondents, point to issues that need to be addressed by the Canadian Linguistics Association. These are summarized in the Conclusion as a series of recommendations to the Association.
A participle account of Blackfoot relative clauses
Authors: Johansson Sara 
Published: February 2018

AbstractBlackfoot verbs are marked with nominal agreement morphology in relative clauses, in place of verbal inflection. These relative clauses have previously been analyzed as nominalizations. The present study shows that a nominalization analysis makes incorrect predictions about the morphological composition of relative clauses, as well as the availability of non-agentive and possessive constructions, and adjectival modification. This study demonstrates that relative clauses can relativize subjects, direct objects, and indirect objects. Based on observations about obviation, recursion, long-distance extraction, inflection, and word order, I propose that relative clauses are participles: clausal entities with a nominal superstructure. This accounts for their mixed clausal and nominal properties, and provides an analysis of Blackfoot relative clauses similar to those proposed for related Algonquian languages.
Wh-agreement in Ojibwe relative clauses: Evidence for CP Structure
Authors: Lochbihler Bethany , Mathieu Eric 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article discusses the morphological and syntactic structure of relative clauses in Ojibwe (Algonquian), in particular their status aswh-constructions. Relatives in this language are full clauses that bear special morphology, show evidence of A′-movement of awh-operator, and consequently exhibitwh-agreement also found in interrogatives and certain types of focus constructions. Ojibwe shows the possibility ofwh-agreement realized on T (in addition to C andvfor other languages), as it appears on tense prefixes. We account for the realization ofwh-agreement on T in Ojibwe via the mechanism of feature inheritance. We propose that while declarative matrix clauses are canonical in that C introducesφ-features in Ojibwe, the role of C in embedded orwh-contexts is to introduceδ-features (discourse features), such as [uwh], rather thanφ-features. Theseδ-features can be introduced by C, but are transferred down to T where they spell out aswh-agreement.
On the syntax of relative clauses in Korean
Authors: Han Chung-Hye 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThere are two main approaches to the syntax of Korean relative clauses: the operator-movement analysis and the operator-binding analysis. Although the predictions made by the two analyses are clear, no consensus is found in the literature regarding the two approaches, as there is disagreement on what the facts are. This situation thus calls for adopting a controlled experimental methodology to obtain the relevant data. In this article, I present findings from two magnitude estimation task experiments that support the operator-movement analysis. Experiment 1 tested whether a subject gap can occur in islands in relative clauses and whether it can be replaced with an overt pronoun, and Experiment 2 tested whether an object gap can occur in islands in relative clauses and whether it can be replaced with an overt pronoun. In both experiments, a gap could not occur in an island and could not be replaced with an overt pronoun. According to these findings, relativization into islands is ruled out in Korean, and thus the operator-movement analysis is supported.
Oblique marked relatives in Southern Interior Salish: Implications for the movement analysis
Authors: Lyon John 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article examines relativization strategies in Southern Interior Salish, and focuses specifically on an analytical problem introduced by a subset of Okanagan relative clauses which are introduced by the oblique marker t. I first show that Okanagan relative clauses, like those in Northern Interior Salish languages, are formed by movement of a clause-internal DP or PP to the left-periphery of the relative clause CP. As such, the particles which introduce an Okanagan relative clause code the relation of a clause-internal gap to the relative clause predicate. For some relatives introduced by the oblique marker t, however, the oblique marker does not code this relation, and so by hypothesis cannot have undergone movement. These problematic cases can be explained if clause-internal movement in Southern Interior Salish targets a higher structural position than in Northern Interior Salish. This analysis also potentially explains the DP-internal “prepositions” characteristic of Southern Interior Salish.
Phonetic Measurement and Metalinguistic Judgment
Authors: Lameli Alfred 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article compares the results of measurements of objective language data with the subjective judgments of linguistically naïve individuals. The comparison is based upon recordings of speech orientated towards the standard language. The data surveyed are from the West Middle German city of Mainz and the northern Low German city of Neumünster. In both cases, recordings of council meetings, in which members of a defined social group are acting in an authentic situation, were evaluated. The data were first measured using a technique designed to quantify the phonetic divergence from the standard language. Subsequently, the recordings were played to various groups of non-specialists from different regions in both the Low German and Middle German dialect areas. Participants were asked to assess the speech of the councillors on a seven-step rating scale. The results show a high similarity between the intersubjective measurement of linguistic items and the metalinguistic judgments of the listeners.
Language Varieties as Social Practices: Evidence from Two Minority Francophone Communities in Canada
Authors: Roy Sylvie 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article shows that linguistic variation is part of a speaker’s social repertoire and is used to achieve specific purposes. In order to better understand how social forces in specific contexts influence language varieties, I examine linguistic practices and the representation of these practices unfold in two economic settings involving minority francophone communities in Canada: a call centre (in southern Ontario) and the tourism sector (in Alberta).
There Are No Back Vowels: The Larygeal Articulator Model
Authors: Esling John H. 
Published: February 2018

AbstractAs an alternative to the high-low-front-back model of vowel specification, thelaryngeal articulator modelis proposed, based on a reinterpretation of how the vocal tract functions to produce laryngeal and pharyngeal sounds. Evidence drawn from numerous laryngoscopic studies demonstrates the scope of articulatory behaviours possible in the pharynx. For a broad sample of languages, lingual retraction is shown to accompany laryngeal/pharyngeal gestures, motivating the redistribution of vowel quality designations. The vocal tract is divided into two articulatory components: the laryngeal articulator and the oral articulator. The vowel chart is split into three sectors: front, raised, and retracted. Whereas front vowels can be qualified as close or open, so-called back vowels are re-designated as either raised or retracted, and the role of retraction as a function of the laryngeal constrictor mechanism is elaborated.
Everything is Psycholinguistics: Material and Methodological Considerations in the Study of Compound Processing
Authors: Libben Gary 
Published: February 2018

AbstractCompound words allow us to investigate lexical storage, retrieval, and interpretation. The role of storage and computation in compound processing is reviewed. It is claimed that morphological processing is automatic and obligatory, and that multi-morphemic words require resolution of a conflict between whole-word and constituent activation. This leads to the conclusion that morphological constituents are created through morphological processing so that strawberry comes to be composed of straw- and -berry; these constituents are positionally bound so that berry-, -berry, and berry are distinct processing units. This proliferation of morphological representations resolves long-standing puzzles concerning semantic transparency and challenges traditional psycholinguistic approaches that investigate the effect of some independent variable (such as semantic transparency) on task performance as a dependent variable. It is suggested that psycholinguistic inquiry may be understood as the study of the correlation of dependent variables within the language processing system.
Canadian English in a Francophone Family
Authors: Walker Douglas C. 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe French language in Alberta is evolving in a strongly minority context. An examination of three generations of speakers from the Peace River region in northwestern Alberta—the area with the highest proportion of francophones—shows the progressive effects of longstanding contact with English. While the grandparents have fluent spontaneous speech with little calquing or code switching, the father’s speech is less spontaneous and shows increased calquing and switching, and the son’s speech has extensive calquing, code switching, and lexical gaps. Despite strong external and community support, the Peace River community manifests many of the traditional indices of minority languages faced with assimilatory pressures.
Eh? and Hein?: Discourse Particles or National Icons?
Authors: Gold Elaine , Tremblay Mireille 
Published: February 2018

AbstractWe compare the use and function of two discourse particles that show many similarities: Canadian English eh and Canadian French hein. Surveys of anglophone students at the University of Toronto and francophone students at Université Laval reveal that these particles have similar discourse functions and that there are many parallels in their patterns of use. However, francophone students report a higher use of hein than do anglophone students of eh. Moreover, francophones have more positive attitudes towards constructions with hein than do their anglophone counterparts with respect to eh. In addition, eh—used both less often and valued less positively—has taken on additional functions as an identity marker: it is used to identify speakers of Canadian English and, in print, to evoke Canadian solidarity. In contrast, hein does not have an identity marking function. We propose that the development of an identity marking function for eh—and the lack of such a function for hein—reflects differences in how linguistic identities are constructed in English and French Canada.
Dialect Mixture versus Monogenesis in Colonial Varieties: The Inevitability of Canadian English?
Authors: Trudgill Peter 
Published: February 2018

AbstractSimilarities between varieties of the same languages can be explained in terms of shared retentions or innovations. Conversely, differences can be explained in terms of new vocabulary items, divergent changes, language contact, and dialect contact. The latter has been challenged by proponents of monogenetic theories. Evidence for and against monogenetic hypotheses are considered on the basis of two case studies. First, I demonstrate that the dialect enclave of Lunenberg County, Nova Scotia, is a mixed colonial dialect. Second, I argue that the phenomenon of Canadian Raising is the result of dialect mixture. The Canadian English data provide evidence for a connection between dialect contact, mixture, and genesis. The data support the idea that there is a deterministic outcome in situations where the target language is not spoken by a prior-existing population, which in turn accounts for why widely separated varieties of English are similar.
What to do to ‘do-to . . .’: Notes on an Object Marker in Nuu-chah-nulth
Authors: Woo Florence 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThe syntactic behaviour of the object marker?uukwiłin Nuu-chah-nulth is documented based on fieldwork data that illustrate patterns not previously discussed in the literature. A Minimalist-type analysis is presented, in which?uukwiłis a light verb of the categoryvand is generated in the complement position of the main verb. This captures certain traits of?uukwiłthat have hitherto not been unified under a single analysis: its morphological and syntactic autonomy, its semantic dependence on another predicate for argument structure, its link to discourse saliency, and its use as an auxiliary item in A′-raising constructions.
Condition C Effects in Nuu-chah-nulth
Authors: Davis Henry , Waldie Ryan , Wojdak Rachel 
Published: February 2018

AbstractNuu-chah-nulth presents a set of exceptions to Condition C of the Binding Theory that involves co-construal between certain R-expressions and a c-commanding pronoun. These exceptions to Condition C are not reducible to structural properties of the language, and are not confined to coreference anaphora, as they extend to bound variables without quantificational antecedents. Nuu-chah-nulth also shows strong crossover effects, and more generally obeys a strict c-command condition on variables bound by quantifiers. We account for these facts by distinguishing quantifier binding from other types of dependent reference, and parameterize the latter based on reverse dependency, where a pronoun may precede and/or c-command its antecedent. Reverse dependency reflects the non-presuppositional nature of Nuu-chah-nulth pronouns, which allows them to be introduced ahead of their descriptive content.
Prosodie et émergence du sens : propositions pour une étude cognitive de l’intonation
Authors: Col Gilles 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis paper aims at giving English intonation a driving role in the building and the emergence of meaning. It presents four propositions, going from the perception of intonation to its role in the representation of meaning. First, the concept of intonational form, based on the gestalt model of good form, is introduced. Second, the fundamental characteristic of intonational form is its dynamic nature. Third, intonation is positioned in the semantic layer, and is on par with the other linguistic components (syntax, lexicon, grammar). Finally, it is the evolution of the verbal scene that gives intonation its fundamental role.
Coercion without Lexical Decomposition: Type-Shifting Effects Revisited
Authors: de Almeida Roberto G. , Dwivedi Veena D. 
Published: February 2018

AbstractRecently, there has been a surge of psycholinguistic research on the interpretation of type-shifting constructions. We evaluate some of the theoretical and empirical research in this area and propose a reassessment of the nature of type-shifting operations.We argue, in particular, for a structural gap in type-shifting constructions, motivated mainly by the restructuring nature of the verbs employed. We also argue that the putative underspecification (or indeterminacy) of type-shifting constructions is resolved via pragmatic inferences.
A Derivational Approach to Focus Structure
Authors: Irurtzun Aritz 
Published: February 2018

AbstractI present a derivational analysis of the construal of the focus structure of the sentence. I propose that the [+FOCUS] feature is an optional formal feature that can be assigned to multiple tokens of the numeration. Hence, the focus structure is derived via Merge (creation of a set) in a strictly compositional way. This theory circumvents the empirical and theoretical shortcomings of Nuclear Stress Rule-based approaches, and accounts for split focus constructions (answers to multiple wh-questions).
On the status of inversion in an inverse language
Authors: Massam Diane 
Published: February 2018

AbstractThis article addresses inversion in an inverse (VSO) language, Niuean, focusing on two issues. First, it has been proposed that in certain types of copular sentences, such as pseudo-cleft constructions (PCCs), the predicate rather than the subject may move into the specifier position of TP. This raises the question of PCCs in a language in which the predicate normally moves there. Such sentences might exhibit their normal inverse order or the inverse of this. The second issue is what constitutes the predicate in a PCC. The headless relative (and not the DP) is usually analyzed as the predicate because, in standard theories of predication, a referential nominal cannot be a predicate. However, in Niuean PCCs, the DP is usually analyzed as the predicate. I propose that it is in fact a reduced headless relative with a null predicate. It becomes clear that there is no special copular inversion: the inversion requirement is taken care of by the general predicate-fronting process. The analysis thus sheds new light on the general nature of copular inversion and allows Niuean PCCs to fall into the standard view of predication theory.
Glottalization and Gemination In an English Urban Dialect
Authors: Shorrocks Graham 
Published: February 2018

The following is an account of glottalization and gemination in the traditional vernacular of the Greater Bolton area. Bolton is a town situated 12 miles north-west of Manchester in northwestern England. The Greater Bolton area consists of the county borough of Bolton, Farnworth municipal borough, and the urban districts of Horwich, Turton, Little Lever and Kearsley. Its population is approximately 230,000.From a consideration of various historical, industrial, economic, social and administrative factors, the Greater Bolton area can be shown to be a relatively homogeneous cultural unit within the urban field of influence of Bolton. This cultural homogeneity is reflected in the speech of the area, which is also relatively homogeneous in character, and distinctive when compared to the speech of other parts of Greater Manchester County, South Lancashire and Merseyside (cf. Shorrocks 1980:1–27).
Contextual Motivation and Working Memory
Authors: Smyth Ronald H. 
Published: February 2018

This study examines certain properties of human memory which impose limits on topic accessibility in discourse. While the discussion is centred on so-called “dative” and “cleft” sentences in English, the work is motivated by more general concerns which have been variously referred to as “topicworthiness” (Thompson 1988), “information flow” (Chafe 1987; Kuno, 1987), “topic continuity” (Givón 1983), “degree of presuppositionality” (Givón 1979), “pragmatic perspective” (Dik 1978), “packaging phenomena” (Chafe 1976), “staging” (Grimes 1975), “communicative dynamism” (Firbas 1967), “the theme system” (Halliday 1967), and “linear modification” (Bolinger 1952). The term adopted here is “information flow”.One important aspect of the study of information flow is the attempt to determine the conditions under which speakers make selections from among alternative syntactic expressions of identical propositional meaning. While some of the motivation for such choices lies in sentence-internal factors such as the animacy or definiteness of NPs (e.g., Ransom 1979), I shall restrict the discussion here to the issue ofcontextual motivationas originally developed in Smyth (1977) and in Smyth et al (1979). A particular syntactic choice is said to be contextually motivated if the information flow features which govern it are external to the sentence, and the alternative structure is contextually inappropriate. Where contextual motivation is absent, I claim that either of the candidate syntactic forms is appropriate, although sentence-internal information flow factors may then exert a weaker influence on syntactic choice.
The External Reality of Linguistic Descriptions
Authors: Dasgupta Probal 
Published: February 2018

Many working syntacticians or phonologists do not care about what all linguists tend to call philosophical issues, such as “What kind of object is a language?” They are happy to leave the ontological basis of their work unanalyzed. It is possible to accept this situation. We may choose to inquire directly and separately in what way pieces of external evidence from Acquisition, Borrowing, Change, and Damage may have an impact on ideas considered seriously by working linguists. However, the moment we decide to group the ABCD of these four domains together under the E of Externality, thus trying to organize them into an area of inquiry, this decision leads naturally to a more general type of question. Unless we grapple with such a question, our ABCD list begins to look like the well-known Borges quotation from a fictitious Chinese encyclopaedia stating that animals are divided into:(a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) suckling pigs, (e) sirens, (f) fabulous, (g) stray dogs, (h) included in the present classification, (i) frenzied, (j) innumerable, (k) drawn with a very fine camel hair brush, (l) et cetera, (m) having just broken the water pitcher, (n) that from a long way off look like flies, (quoted by Foucault 1974:xv)
Topic Islands and the Subjacency Parameter
Authors: Rochemont Michael 
Published: February 2018

This paper proposes a formulation of the Subjacency condition and related parametric variation in terms of the notion “barrier” of Chomsky (1986), adapting features of the analysis of Lasnik and Saito (1989). The discussion centers around topic constructions such as (1) and what will be referred to here as the topic island effect, illustrated in (2):
(1)Under the table Bill noticed a small iron box.(2)a.*What under the table did Bill notice?b.*I wonder what under the table Bill noticed.c.*The box that under the table Bill noticed was locked.