bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Best Practices and Challenges of Deaf Education in Mexico
Authors: Rodríguez Mercedes Obregón , Weeke Maribel Valero 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Education for the deaf in Mexico has gone through many stages. It started out with a school for the deaf where Mexican Sign Language flourished, then moved across the spectrum to a medical-rehabilitation paradigm in which sign language was seen as a threat to the development and use of spoken language, and then focused on the integration of deaf students with children with other disabilities. Today the public school system promotes inclusion for deaf students in regular classrooms with very poor or no specialized support. Although the normative and legal framework in Mexico supports the use of sign language and bilingual education, the situation on the ground is less than optimal. This chapter discusses the achievements and the challenges we face in providing quality education that establishes a firm basis for the total inclusion of the deaf in Mexico. The experience of the Instituto Pedagógico para Problemas del Lenguaje (IPPLIAP) with a bilingual educational model is covered. Results of a survey of teachers who work with deaf learners throughout the country are reviewed.
When “Inclusion” Jeopardizes the Learning Opportunities of Deaf Students: The Case of Chile
Authors: Lissi María Rosa , Sebastián Christian , Vergara Martín , Iturriaga Cristián 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Deaf education in Chile has made important progress during the past 30 years, particularly during the past decade. However, many of these achievements have brought new problems and challenges. This chapter gives an overview of the paths followed by educational policy, school practices, and research in deaf education. The authors’ review of official documents and published research was enriched by the voices of eight key informants connected to deaf education. From the analysis of all the material gathered, they identified several important issues, such as the tension between policies that promote the education of deaf students in regular schools and those that acknowledge the importance of sign language in deaf education. They also included some proposals for further research and for moving forward in educational policy and practices, with a focus on the important role deaf adults can play in these processes.
More Alike than Different: Educational and Social Aspirations and Paths to Successful Adulthood of Polish Deaf and Hard-of-Hearing Adolescents
Authors: Domagala-Zysk Ewa 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter outlines the history and current status of education for deaf and hard-of-hearing (DHH) learners in Poland. In the past 30 years, Poland has undergone significant social and educational changes that have influenced the education of all students, including those with special needs, as well as ideas about their position in society. These changes have empowered many young people (including DHH students) to pursue university education, to work abroad in richer Western countries, and to generally lead lives that are more independent and self-directed than those of their parents. The authors also discuss the important influences that the country’s universal neonatal hearing screening program and today’s technology play in improving the lives of Polish DHH young people.
Conversion and the Rehabilitation of the Penal System
Authors: Skotnicki Andrew 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
The contemporary practice of criminal detention is a protracted exercise in needless violence predicated upon two foundational errors. The first is the inability to view those enmeshed in its rubrics and institutions as human beings fully capable of responding to an affirmative accompaniment rather than maltreatment and invasive forms of therapy. The second is a pervasive dualism that erects an illusory barrier between criminal detainees and those empowered to supervise, punish, and/or rehabilitate them. This book maintains that the criminal justice system can only be “rehabilitated” by eliminating punishment and policies based upon deterrence, rehabilitation, and the hyper-incapacitation of the urban poor in favor of the original justification for the practice of confinement: conversion. The latter will be presented as a progressive expansion of one’s intellectual, moral, and spiritual horizons that is self-generated and leads to the goal of including everyone and everything in a careful embrace.
Cyber Harassment and Free Speech
Authors: Weinstein James 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
For most people the internet has been a dream come true, allowing instantaneous access to a vast array of information, opinion, and entertainment and facilitating communication with friends and family throughout the world. For others, however, the internet has wrought a nightmare, allowing often anonymous enemies a platform for vicious attacks on the character of their victims and a means for revealing to the world embarrassing private information about them. To combat these attacks, victims and law enforcement officials in the United States have employed both analogue remedies such as harassment and stalking laws as well as cyber-specific provisions. Since the attacks involve speech, however, all these remedies must comport with the First Amendment. The typical response of courts and commentators to the First Amendment issues raised in these cases is to ask whether the perpetrator’s speech falls within one of the limited and narrow traditional exceptions to First Amendment coverage, such as true threats, defamation, obscenity, or fighting words. This approach is understandable in light of unfortunate dicta in several United States Supreme Court decisions—that all content-based restrictions of speech other than speech falling within one of these exceptions are subject to “strict scrutiny,” a rigorous test that few speech restrictions can pass. This chapter argues that this approach to dealing with cyber harassment is misguided. This methodology often results in shoehorning the speech at issue into exceptions into which the speech does not fit, or worse yet, in a finding that the speech is protected by the First Amendment simply because it does not fall within a recognized exception.
“Not Where Bodies Live”
Authors: Anne Franks Mary 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
John Perry Barlow, one of the founders of the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), famously claimed in 1996 that the internet “is a world that is both everywhere and nowhere, but it is not where bodies live.” The conception of cyberspace as a realm of pure expression has encouraged an aggressively anti-regulatory approach to the internet. This approach was essentially codified in U.S. federal law in Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which invokes free speech principles to provide broad immunity for online intermediaries against liability for the actions of those who use their services. The free speech frame has encouraged an abstract approach to online conduct that downplays its material conditions and impact. Online intermediaries use Section 230 as both a shield and a sword—simultaneously avoiding liability for the speech of others while benefiting from that speech. In the name of free expression, Section 230 allows powerful internet corporations to profit from harmful online conduct while absorbing none of its costs.
A Monastery in Revolt
Authors: Diefendorf Barbara B. 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
King Henri III brought the reformed Cistercian congregation of Feuillants to Paris in 1587 out of admiration for the penitential piety of the congregation’s founder and abbot, Jean de La Barrière. Yet within two years, the Paris monks had rebelled against both their abbot’s royalist politics and the strict asceticism of his reform. Left in charge of the Paris house when La Barrière returned to Feuillants, Bernard de Montgaillard led the Paris monks to join the rebellion against Henri III, known as the Holy League, at the same time that they fought to free themselves from their abbot’s control. The chapter traces the parallels between the monks’ revolt against monastic absolutism and the city’s revolt against its monarch. Analyzing their claims to be perfecting—and not rejecting—the Feuillant reform by returning to their order’s original purity, it illuminates ongoing debates about the nature and ends of monastic reform.
Catholic Militants in France’s Protestant Heartland
Authors: Diefendorf Barbara B. 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
In 1582, eighteen Capuchin friars arrived in Toulouse from Rome to establish houses from which to fight the Protestant heresy then spreading in Languedoc. Members of a strictly reformed congregation of Franciscans, Capuchins were famed for ardent preaching and ascetic lives. The chapter examines the strategies used to spread their message and shows how they claimed a prominent place in the urban fabric by adapting ritual practices and public service during plague to battle heresy in the streets, as well as from the pulpit. Refused admission to Protestant-dominated towns, they were forced by the continuing conflicts to focus instead on stimulating a renewal of Catholic piety in the towns where they settled. Joining an internalized spirituality with exuberant exterior displays of faith, they helped spread a still-nascent Catholic Reformation in the South. Their militancy nevertheless alienated Protestant onlookers rather than inspiring conversion and hardened confessional boundaries instead of erasing them.
Who is to Judge?
Authors: Geyh Charles Gardner 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
An elected judiciary is virtually unique to the American experience, and creates a paradox in a representative democracy. Elected judges take an oath to uphold the law impartially, which calls upon them to swear off the influence of the very constituencies they must cultivate in order to attain and retain judicial office. This paradox has given rise to perennially shrill and unproductive binary arguments over the merits and demerits of elected and appointed judiciaries, which this project seeks to transcend and reconceptualize with a search for middle ground. When the exaggerated arguments of disputants on both sides of the debate are identified and discounted, it becomes possible to approach consensus. By better informing the judicial selection debate with the lessons of law, politics, psychology, history, and anthropology, participants are better able to sort wheat from chaff and limit the scope of their disagreements. While consensus can thus be approached, it is unlikely to be achieved, because disuniformity is both inevitable and desirable. It is inevitable as long as state and regional histories, political cultures, and current events differ significantly enough to cultivate competing views as to whether judges can be better trusted to uphold the law with or without voter supervision. It is desirable, because a menu of viable, alternative selection systems enables states to address the legitimacy problems that their courts encounter over time, without devolving into constitutional crisis.
Why Everyone Is Wrong
Authors: Geyh Charles Gardner 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Chapter 5 revisits the arguments summarized in chapter 4, to the end of showing how and why arguments for and against each system are exaggerated, misleading, and wrong. The focus is on work that seeks to support or refute claims contributing to the binary arguments that dominate the public discussion of judicial selection—work that is most vulnerable to being overstated in the service of winning debates. The discussion begins by deconstructing the arguments, describing the foundational dispute over judges and their roles; the specific arguments for and against elective systems, and for and against appointive systems; and the arguments over incremental reform. The chapter concludes by discussing the topics of why disputants overstate their claims, path dependence and competing narratives, coping with cognitive dissonance, and dueling publics.
Toward a Critical Understanding of News Media, Public Opinion, and the Politics of Economic Inequality
Authors: Guardino Matt 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter sets the conceptual and historical context of the argument and describes patterns of U.S. public opinion that the book seeks to explain. It situates the book’s argument within scholarship on the politics of economic inequality, public opinion, news framing of policy debates, and the political economy of the media. The chapter also develops a new theory of media dynamics. This theory explains how corporate and governmental influences shaped by media policies filter news coverage of economic and social welfare policy issues. The chapter also summarizes the book’s contribution to empirical research on material power in American politics and to scholarship about the tensions between neoliberalism and democracy.
“Gipper Sweeps Congress”
Authors: Guardino Matt 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter analyzes media content, elite discourse, and public opinion surrounding Ronald Reagan’s 1981 economic plan. It demonstrates that major television and newspaper coverage of this early neoliberal policy significantly favored free-market perspectives that justified economic inequality. It also shows that media outlets marginalized elite and nongovernmental criticism of the Reagan plan. Commercial tendencies of the media system in that historical context are connected to these patterns in the news. Survey data suggest that such media coverage shaped public opinion to support this influential model of regressive tax policy.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Authors: Guardino Matt 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter summarizes the book’s conclusions and suggests directions for future research. It also explores the book’s broader implications for democracy and the dynamics of political-economic power. The chapter stresses the need for interdisciplinary analyses that employ multiple methods and sources of evidence to better understand the role of media and public opinion in American political development. It also discusses how news coverage may contribute to the durability of key aspects of the broader neoliberal policy regime. It ends by situating the book’s analyses within scholarship on inequalities in political and economic power, arguing that political scientists should recognize the news media’s central institutional role at the intersection of American politics and American capitalism.
Death and Retribution
Authors: Yost Benjamin S. 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Any retributivist defense of capital punishment must establish that execution is a morally permissible punishment for at least some first-degree murderers. This chapter makes a case for the permissibility of execution, suggesting that it is sometimes a proportionate punishment. The existence of reasons to execute is thus made plausible. After outlining objections to competing deterrence theories of sentencing, the chapter returns to retributivist considerations, illuminating the affinities of cardinal proportionality and the lex talionis, which states that offenders deserve whatever harm they impose on their victims. Although the talion has a suspect reputation, it can be understood as standing for the unobjectionable principle that punishments must reproduce the relevant wrong-making features of the offense. Accordingly, it can be used to establish the cardinal proportionality of murder and execution. Chapter 1 concludes by showing how the retentionist can repel abolitionist attacks based on the right to life and human dignity.
The Irrevocability of Execution
Authors: Yost Benjamin S. 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Chapter 3 furnishes the first step of the book’s main argument by defending the irrevocability of execution. The irrevocability of the death penalty might seem self-evident, but Michael Davis argues that the death penalty is not irrevocable; the state, he says, can compensate the wrongly executed by posthumously advancing their personal interests. Davis’s efforts are strengthened by considerations adopted from the literature on the metaphysics of death and posthumous harm, especially the Pitcher–Feinberg theory of posthumous harm. This chapter vindicates irrevocability by showing that the revocability rejoinder overlooks the full set of practical requirements incumbent on legal institutions in the wake of wrongful punishment. Legal institutions must compensate the wrongfully sanctioned and return to them control over their lives. Because control cannot be returned to the wrongly executed, execution is irrevocable. Chapter 3’s second aim is to defuse the problem of controversial consequences by demonstrating the revocability of incarceration.
Introduction
Authors: Philpott Daniel 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter details the rationale behind the book’s central question: Is Islam hospitable to religious freedom? It offers three reasons why religious freedom is marshalled to assess Islam. First, religious freedom serves as a good criterion for adjudicating an intense public debate over the character of Islam that has been raging in the West at least as far back as the attacks of September 11, 2001. The chapter details the positions of “Islamoskeptics” and “Islamopluralists,” the two major positions in this debate, and explains why religious freedom captures what is at stake. Second, religious freedom is associated positively with social goods like democracy and peace and negatively with social ills like terrorism and civil war—goods that are disproportionately lacking and ills that are disproportionately present in the Muslim world. Finally, religious freedom is a matter of justice. It is a universal human right, not a parochial Western value.
Seven Seeds of Freedom
Authors: Philpott Daniel 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
This chapter looks at potentialities for freedom in the Islamic tradition, identifying these potentialities as “seeds of freedom,” which are concepts or practices that express religious freedom in a significant way but that fall short of a full human right of religious freedom that is articulated in its many dimensions, enshrined in law, protected in contemporary political orders, and broadly accepted by Muslims. Nurtured, these seeds might grow into religious freedom in full bloom. These include verses in the Qur’an and their interpretation; the life of the Prophet Muhammad; the history of Muslim toleration of non-Muslims; liberal Islam; contemporary Muslim advocates of religious freedom; freedom in law and institutions in Muslim-majority states; and the history of the separation of religion and state.
Multiculturalism Versus Polycentric Pluralism
Authors: Eisenstadt Todd A. , West Karleen Jones 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
In this chapter we analyze data from our original nationwide survey in Ecuador and find that respondents do not express concern for the environment in accordance with predictions of post-materialist norms. In fact, our evidence indicates that the poor who live off the land—those on the front lines of experiencing environmental degradation as a result of oil and mineral extraction—have even stronger perceptions of the importance of environmental problems. This chapter offers the core argument from which succeeding chapters part. After operationalizing our hypotheses and discussing our statistical findings, we utilize extensive interviews with leaders to further illustrate how vulnerability and extraction affect environmental attitudes.
Does Prior Consultation Diminish Extractive Conflict or Channel It to New Venues?
Authors: Eisenstadt Todd A. , West Karleen Jones 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Extending the argument that individual political interests overrule structural identities based on ethnicities or social values, we argue in chapter 3 that mobilization against extraction has emerged because Ecuador’s government exploits institutional mechanisms meant to protect the environment to pursue extractive populism and maintain power. We define populism as putting short-term interests such as re-election and the provision of patronage and other goods ahead of long-term interests like balancing budgets and cleaning the environment after extractive projects generate revenue. Populist leaders like Ecuador’s Rafael Correa sought both to “speak for nature” as a leftist and pro-indigenous leader, while also needing to finance social programs through extractive royalties. Specifically, we show that the mechanism of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC, also referred to as consulta previa, prior consultation, or CP), which was designed to protect indigenous communities from unwanted extraction by requiring their explicit permission for extractive activities, has become a political tool of the Ecuadorian government. As such, the factors that influence public support for prior consultation are largely political, and individuals who hope to protect the environment are less supportive of the process. Prior consultation is neither explicitly individual nor explicitly collective, and thus we consider it as an individual practice and analyze survey findings, and as an interest group process, for which we evaluate group decisions relating to prior consultation.
How to Effectively Speak for Nature?
Authors: Eisenstadt Todd A. , West Karleen Jones 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
Our conclusion strives to reconcile environmentalism as studied via survey responses with environmentalism as studied via social movements. We conclude that these two approaches may seem to yield different results to the question of Who Speaks for Nature? However, we argue, subject to further research, that movement leaders’ abstract and symbolic appeals may help improve bargaining positions to attain the concrete objectives individuals actually care about most. More broadly, we conclude with a summation of extensive evidence presented, that indigenous communities and other victims of some of extractivism’s excesses are best served by polycentric pluralist interest articulation, where individual interests can aggregate into a range of organizations and networks, rather than multiculturalism, where the interests represented are primordial, predictable, and static.
Indigenous Gender Justice as Restructuring Relations
Authors: Kuokkanen Rauna 
Published: March 2019

Abstract
The concluding chapter argues that there is no Indigenous self-determination without Indigenous gender justice. Whatever is put in place in the name of Indigenous self-determination (or sovereignty) without interrogating gender and gender regimes of existing political organizations will be a smokescreen for upholding the status quo, and the subordination of groups and individuals whose interests and concerns do not correspond with the established agendas. The author proposes an approach of Indigenous gender justice based on key issues and concerns raised and discussed by the research participants in the three regions. To some extent, there is an overlap of concerns and priorities with non-Indigenous feminist considerations of gender justice, but there are also a host of issues that standard gender justice theories do not consider. The theoretical starting point is Nancy Fraser’s three-dimensional theory of gender justice based on distribution, recognition, and representation, which is built upon drawing from the interview data. This concluding chapter returns to the idea of self-determination as a foundational value and explores it in relation to Indigenous gender justice. The author focuses on three issues that Indigenous women considered most pressing with regard to the quest for self-determination: the welfare of children, violence against women, and the legitimacy of Indigenous political systems vis-à-vis existing self-government institutions.