bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Calvino at a Crossroads
Authors: Duncan Dennis 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
The movement described in Chapter 3—from anti-authorial procedures to a new accommodation with the author-subject—should not be seen purely as a division between one generation of writers and another. During the late 1960s, the structuralist climate was thawing in Paris, and it was natural that individual writers and thinkers should modulate their positions. This chapter charts a shift in the thinking of Italo Calvino, around the time that he first meets and then joins the group. It finds him first of all thrilling to the idea of writing machines, where humans are no longer required in the act of literary creation. Within a couple of years, however, he is softening, insisting that the clinamen—the swerve, the deviation from the rules: a concept he takes from Lucretius—is a necessary feature in great literature, and one that can only be provided by a conscious writer.
Semantics for Reasons
Authors: Weaver Bryan R. , Scharp Kevin 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
The focus of the book is the semantics of reasons locutions, for example reasons for someone to do something or believe something or be a certain way. Given the leading role that talk of reasons plays in many different kinds of philosophy, the book addresses issues in the theory of reasons, metaethics, epistemology, the philosophies of language and perception, and linguistics. The primary aim of the book is to present and defend a contextualist semantics of reasons locutions. the book’s contextualism for reasons locutions is based on the idea that conversations have a particular question under discussion (QUD). The QUD in a conversation determines which meaning the word ‘reason’ has in that context. The book shows why reasons contextualism is preferable to four competing views on the topic: Simon Blackburn’s expressivism, Stephen Finlay’s conceptual analysis, Tim Henning’s alternative contextualism, and Niko Kolodny’s relativism. In addition, the work pursues secondary aims of consolidating insights about the nature of reasons from different philosophical subfields and establishing results about reasons in several debates ranging across philosophy. In particular, the book draws the implications of reasons contextualism for the ontology of reasons, indexical facts, whether there are reasons to be rational, the nature of moral reasons, and the idea that reasons have a special place in the realm of normative phenomena in general.
Reasons
Authors: Weaver Bryan R. , Scharp Kevin 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 1 clarifies, organizes, and in some case corrects the extensive literature on the different kinds of reasons. We focus in particular on (i) contributory, conclusive, and sufficient reasons, (ii) adaptive, evaluative, and practical reasons, (iii) normative, motivating, and explanatory reasons, (iv) permissive and obligatory reasons, (v) internal and external reasons, and (vi) agent-neutral and agent-relative reasons. In each case, the chapter traces the history of these terms involved and establish the best way to understand them. The result is the most systematic and comprehensive reasons lexicon to date.
Logical Form
Authors: Weaver Bryan R. , Scharp Kevin 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 2 presents the particular reasons locutions on which the book focuses, and argue that one of them is fundamental. The chapter identifies the logical form of this fundamental reasons locution by introducing the idea that ‘reason’ is a predicate/operator hybrid. It then shows why ‘reason’ as a count noun is not ambiguous in any way (contra Mark Schroeder and John Broome), and offer arguments against Justin Snedegar’s claim that reasons locutions are contrastive and John Skorupski’s claim that reasons locutions have an epistemic parameter and/or a weight parameter.
The Consumer’s Decade
Authors: Garavini Giuliano 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 3 describes the impact of increasing oil revenues of petrostates in the Middle East, as well as the difficulties OPEC had in succeeding during the first negotiations with the oil companies on the so-called royalty-expensing. Even though oil market prices still remained low and the oil market still favored consumers, OPEC managed to approve in 1968 the “Petroleum Policy Statement”; one of its more important documents with which OPEC members for the first time outlined a common policy to control oil production in their countries.
The Energy Crisis
Authors: Garavini Giuliano 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 4 describes the rapid shift from a “consumer” to a “producer” market at the end of the 1960s. This shift was characterized by the radicalization of the political and social climate in most petrostates, by the emergence “peak” oil production in two crucial producers such as the US and Venezuela, and generally by the passage from the era of “cheap oil” to that of “expensive oil.” The chapter will also explain the cultural context of this passage with the rise of environmentalist movements and criticism towards overconsumption that had characterized the societies in industrialized countries. All of these factors led to the first two major victories of OPEC during the Tehran and Tripoli negotiation with the international oil companies in 1971.
The Oil Revolution
Authors: Garavini Giuliano 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 5 describes the OAPEC oil embargo and then explains the reasons for the “oil shock”, with its fourfold increase in the price of crude oil by December 1973. After the price increases of 1973 the governments of consuming countries now entered directly the arena of international energy politics with the convening of the Washington Energy Conference of 1974 and then the creation of the International Energy Agency (IEA) by the end of the same year. This chapter also explains why OPEC strived to present itself as the “spearhead” for Third World countries, hoping to establish a New International Economic Order that would reform international economic institutions and promote a kind of globalization more in line with the needs of raw materials producers and developing countries. The apex of this effort by OPEC was achieved in March 1975 with the convening of the OPEC summit of Algiers.
Prologue
Authors: Garavini Giuliano 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
The Prologue describes the rise of Anglo-American “petrocapital” after WWII and the formation of the “concessions system” in the Middle East in the 1920s and 1930s. The chapter concentrates on the formation of the first “petrostate”, Venezuela, that by the end of the 1920s had become totally dependent on oil rent, as well as being the largest petroleum exporter in the world up to the end of the 1960s. The chapter also describes the first nationalist reactions in Latin America as well as in the Middle East to the dominant role of the oligopoly of international oil companies.
Diplomatic Pathos
Authors: Watkins John 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 4 explores the cultural resonances of the sixteenth-century realization that the greatest diplomatic achievements, even treaties ending a half-century of war between major powers, are vulnerable to ongoing historical experience. A conflict between extravagant hope that lasting peace might be achieved—expressed in the wake of peace settlements—and disillusioning experience—found in dispatches, speeches, legal treatises, and literary works by diplomats—repeatedly manifested itself in a pathos, sometime even a despair, that haunted diplomatic culture throughout the early modern period. The chapter traces the wider dissemination of this diplomatic pathos in works by the legal theorist Alberico Gentili and the Elizabethan writer-diplomat Sir Philip Sidney. The two men were closely enough associated that their understandings and critiques of the law of nations probably developed through mutual dialogue. Sidney was at least as interested in abstract questions of legal and diplomatic principle as he was in contemporary politics. In the Arcadia, his fantasy Mediterranean turns out to be a laboratory for experimenting with legal and strategic problems, with his two heroes, Pyrocles and Musidorus, providing military and diplomatic solutions. Nevertheless, the endpoint of both Gentili’s and Sidney’s anatomies of the emergent international system was Protestant despair over the possibility of lasting diplomatic achievements in a fallen world.
Translation and Communication
Authors: Pérez Fernández José María 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Based on a survey of how the tropes of community, commerce, and communication pervaded the rhetoric of political theory and also of certain forms of prose fiction, Chapter 5 suggests a new approach to some of the agents and networks that wove the early modern international community. It focuses in particular on works written or translated by Edward Hoby, James Mabbe, Bernardino de Mendoza, and Justus Lipsius. Its approach to these works, which is founded upon a communicative (and not merely linguistic) turn, reveals the existence of diplomatic third spaces in which ritual, symbolic, or written conventions and semantics converged, despite particular oppositions and differences. Translation, for instance, was used both to consolidate diplomatic alliances and for competitive, international self-fashioning. Translations of political treatises were communicative strategies within the general pragmatics of self-representation—and even more so in an international context dominated by conflict. Literary translation both created diplomatic communities and formed a means of articulating difference within and between those communities. As tokens of exchange between different communities, the texts that this chapter surveys helped to build up symbolic capital for self-representation vis-à-vis the originals whose materials they were appropriating, constructing a common identity (political, religious, linguistic, or otherwise) that relied on the dialectical confrontation with an ‘other’.
The Politics of Translation
Authors: Fouto Catarina 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
The significance of Camões’s The Lusiads (pub. 1572) as a symbol of Portuguese imperialism was such that between 1580 and 1660 the epic was printed at important moments of political change, rendered in different languages, and made available to different European audiences. This European chain of reception and translation, and its contextualization within the European diplomatic circles of this period, illustrates the role played by translation and diplomacy in cultural exchange, but also, crucially, in the very evolution of the political imagination of Europe at a time of conflict and shifting political balance. Diplomats were instrumental in the translation of the epic for the various political ends of Portugal, Spain, Italy, and England, while the political gestures associated with these translations demonstrate how the translation of a single text could be used to further either political conflict or cultural convergence, depending upon the allegiances, tastes, networks, and professional status of the translators.
Diplomatic Writing as Aristocratic Self-Fashioning
Authors: Vogel Christine 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Taking French ambassadorial reports from the reign of Louis XIV as an example, this chapter argues that in their letters to their superiors, French ambassadors expressed themselves not primarily as professional diplomats, but as eminent members of French court society and potential aspirants to even higher charges and honours. First and foremost, early modern diplomats abided by the ethos of patronage. Far from home, the ambassador still obeyed the social logic of court factions, clientele networks, and competition for prestige. His letters had to compensate for his physical absence from Versailles, as his only currency in the French court society’s economy of honour. The ambassador therefore used his letters as a specific means of displaying his skills and abilities, and distinguishing and expressing himself. He could fashion himself as honnête homme, noble warrior, or pious man of letters—or whatever aristocratic virtue seemed appropriate. In this sense, his letters were genuine self-narratives, and diplomatic history could therefore benefit greatly from methods and concepts elaborated in the dynamic research field of early modern ego-documents. By understanding diplomatic writing as noble self-fashioning and analysing diplomatic correspondence as self-narratives, this chapter reassesses the proper role and specific functioning of diplomacy in early modern political culture.
Negotiating with the Material Text
Authors: Sowerby Tracey A. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Royal letters were an integral part of early modern diplomatic communication, intended to shape inter-princely relationships through their content and their material form. The exchange of letters was a communicative mechanism on multiple, not simply textual, levels. Utilizing an interdisciplinary methodology and focusing on letters sent to and from English monarchs in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, this chapter demonstrates the dynamic interactions between material text and the diplomatic conventions—ceremonial, material, visual, spatial—in which they need to be understood. Knowledge of the ceremonial context into which letters were sent shaped the considerations of how they looked and how they travelled. Although the predominant form of inter-princely letter exchanged within Europe was different from the predominant form of letters between European and non-European rulers, several of the same factors were at play. Rather than indicating a lack of cultural understanding between English diplomats and non-European princes, the epistolary practice of Elizabeth I and James VI/I suggests that many of the semiotics of power at extra-European courts were adeptly recognized by English diplomats.
Ritual Practice and Textual Representations
Authors: Krischer André J. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Early modern diplomacy was never a princely and aristocratic province alone. Republics also sent and received diplomats or participated in peace conferences. Whereas this sort of republican diplomacy was basically accepted at the princely courts, Free Imperial Cities such as Bremen and Cologne faced significant difficulties when trying to gain recognition. Nonetheless, there were continuous efforts by the imperial cities to play their part in early modern diplomacy, not least because of the prestige that could be earned by participating in this sphere and its rituals. For them foreign relations were always a ritual process: ceremonial interaction was at its centre, since princely recognition of ceremonial receptions or urban emissaries conferred political and social acceptance of the imperial cities’ status. Ceremonial interaction between princes and cities often involved a reciprocal exchange of capital: of economic capital paid back as symbolic capital, as gestures of social recognition which were recorded in detail in the urban books of ceremony. Writing was therefore crucial for the symbolic dimensions of urban diplomacy. The imperial cities’ ceremony books were meant to be filled with reports about ceremony which were regarded as a gain of symbolic capital materialized in writing.
Presidential Term Limits in Latin America: c.1820–1985
Authors: Marsteintredet Leiv 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Latin America holds a 200-year-long history of presidential constitutions. The region’s constitutional and democratic experimentation throughout history makes it an interesting laboratory to study the origins, development, and effects of presidential term limits. Based primarily on data from constitutions, this chapter provides an overview of presidential term limits in Latin America from independence until 1985. The chapter shows how term limits have varied across countries and time, and that the implementation of strict term limits often came as a reaction to prior dictatorial rules. Whereas both proponents and critics of consecutive reelection invoked arguments of democracy in their favour, the Latin American experience up until the Third Wave of Democracy shows that stable, republican, and democratic rule has only been possible under a ban on immediate presidential re-election.
Establishing Authority in Poitiers
Authors: Edwards Jennifer C. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 1 examines the sixth-century foundation of female monastic authority in Poitiers and its model created through artifacts of Radegund’s life written by Gregory of Tours, Venantius Fortunatus, and Baudonivia. Radegund’s biographies articulated her sanctity and established Radegund’s two strategies for protecting her monastery: first, she relied on networks of allies, primarily bishops and kings, to support her; and second, she created a set of cultural ideas, symbols, and materials that later nuns used to attach new allies to the Abbey. Radegund left two holy objects that became key elements in the abbess’s efforts to assert her authority: the True Cross relic and her own physical relics. Radegund sought to free Sainte-Croix’s abbesses from their local bishop and connect them, instead, to the bishop of Tours, Frankish kings, the Byzantine emperor, and the papacy, believing that this would strengthen Sainte-Croix. Documents Radegund secured began an archive of privileges crucial to the authority of future abbesses.
Early Tests of Radegund’s Strategies
Authors: Edwards Jennifer C. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 2 examines the first tests of Radegund’s two strategies for protecting Sainte-Croix through three examples. First, it traces Radegund’s pursuit and installation of a prestigious relic at Sainte-Croix, over the hostile objections of her local bishop, through the support of kings, emperors, and more prominent bishops. Second, the chapter recalls the absence of this hostile bishop from Radegund’s funeral and how the Sainte-Croix’s Abbess Agnes calls on Gregory of Tours for assistance. And third, it examines the struggles of Leubovera, first abbess after the death of Sainte-Croix’s “founding generation,” as she dealt with an extensive rebellion within Sainte-Croix. All three of these women succeed over their local officials or rivals through the support of Frankish kings and bishops, whose alliances Radegund had established and subsequent leaders in the monastery cultivated.
The Miracles and Decoration of Sainte-Radegonde
Authors: Edwards Jennifer C. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 5 examines the efforts of the canons of Sainte-Radegonde to enhance their community’s status in the thirteenth century. The canons commissioned new manuscripts, building projects, and church decoration that challenged previous depictions of Saint Radegund controlled by the abbess of Sainte-Croix, and asserted stronger ties between the saint and the canons’ church. Decoration, including a program of stained-glass windows, created a new biography for the saint that shifted Radegund’s power from the monastery to the church; new miracle tales recording healings at Radegund’s tomb demonstrated the power housed within the church. The canons also drew in royal patrons by focusing on Radegund’s royal, rather than monastic, identity. The canons worked subtle challenges in text and image to oppose the nuns’ control of the saint’s cult. Their work resulted in greater patronage and prestige, which placed new pressures on the abbess of Sainte-Croix, and new difficulties in asserting her authority.
Processions and Privileges
Authors: Edwards Jennifer C. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
In the fifteenth century the abbess fought to maintain her superiority over the canons of Sainte-Radegonde when citizens were crafting a new identity for Poitiers. The flashpoints for this contest were the town’s public processions during Rogation Days and the nuns’ demand to have control over Sainte-Radegonde. While the canons drew upon rhetorical strategies that denied female competence, the abbess drew on theories championing women’s political abilities and demanded the canons serve in public displays according to her strict requirements. The king and his seneschal supported the nun’s position, suggesting that office trumped gender, and the female sex of the abbess did not diminish her claims to hold authority. Chapter 6 emphasizes the importance of material objects such as Radegund’s relics, the relic of the True Cross, and banners recalling her sanctity in the public performance of civic and ecclesiastical identity during town processions.
Contested Elections and Reform
Authors: Edwards Jennifer C. 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Chapter 7 investigates conflicts within Sainte-Croix around contentious abbatial elections. These conflicts demonstrate that Sainte-Croix’s advocates respected a properly elected abbess’s authority, and reveal that an abbess could be seriously challenged by accusations of immorality or mismanagement of resources, even if there was little merit to the charges. A running theme through these conflicts was a desire for reform, either from a minority of the abbey community or by the abbess herself, with these two often in tension. The last of these conflicts, in 1512, resulted in the removal of Sainte-Croix’s abbess by the king of France and the imposition of monastic reform on the abbey. The chapter investigates the king’s motivations for reforming the abbey, and his selection of Fontevraud as a reform model. Since the king of France had long been an ally of the monastery, this chapter especially investigates Francis’s change from that established pattern of support.
Injustice, Reparation, and Legitimacy
Authors: Galoob Stephen , Winter Stephen 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
Legitimate states have the right to rule over specific people and territory. This right to rule is not immutable. A state’s wrongdoing can undermine its legitimacy. Likewise, acts of reparation can bolster a state’s legitimacy. Because injustice and reparation can directly affect a state’s legitimacy, any adequate theory of political legitimacy must be able to explain these phenomena. However, many prominent theories of legitimacy cannot straightforwardly account for the significance of injustice and reparation. We demonstrate this point by analyzing A. John Simmons’s voluntarist theory of legitimacy. Although Simmons accepts many of the effects we identify, his theory ultimately fails to explain how injustice can compromise and reparation can bolster a state’s legitimacy. We then describe four strategies for explaining the significance of injustice and reparation, two of which seem particularly promising. We conclude by highlighting some broader implications of our insights for theorizing legitimacy.
Justifying Uncivil Disobedience
Authors: Lai Ten-Herng 
Published: August 2019

Abstract
A prominent way of justifying civil disobedience is to postulate a pro tanto duty to obey the law and to argue that the considerations that ground this duty sometimes justify forms of civil disobedience. However, this view entails that certain kinds of uncivil disobedience are also justified. Thus, either a) civil disobedience is never justified or b) uncivil disobedience is sometimes justified. Since a) is implausible, we should accept b). I respond to the objection that this ignores the fact that civil disobedience enjoys a special normative status on account of instantiating certain special features: nonviolence, publicity, the acceptance of legal consequences, and conscientiousness. I then show that my view is superior to two rivals: the view that we should expand the notion of civility and that civil disobedience, expansively construed, is uniquely appropriate; and the view that uncivil disobedience is justifiable in but only in unfavorable conditions.