bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Big Democracy
Authors: Andreas Joel 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 5 recounts the initial upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on workers to form “rebel” organizations to challenge the authority of the party leadership in their factories. Mao called this unbridled political participation “Big Democracy,” which he contrasted to more civil and institutionalized forms. By fomenting a movement independent of the party organization and loyal to no one but himself, Mao was able to introduce greater autonomy into mass supervision, with lasting consequences for cadre behavior. Local party cadres were criticized for abusing their power, seeking privileges, suppressing criticism from below, isolating themselves from the masses, and governing in a bureaucratic fashion. Virtually all were thrown out of office, and rebel groups were invited to help decide who among them were fit to be rehabilitated. After the party organization was paralyzed, however, factories polarized into rebel and conservative camps and the country descended into increasingly violent factional contention.
Revolutionary Committees
Authors: Andreas Joel 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 6 recounts what happened after Mao, unwilling to allow the establishment of permanent autonomous organizations, called for factories to be governed by new “revolutionary committees,” that included veteran cadres and rebel leaders, as well as military officers assigned to oversee this volatile combination. Rebel leaders were supposed to serve as “mass representatives,” but after their organizations were disbanded, they lost the political base that had given them autonomous power and were no longer accountable to their constituencies. With the masses sidelined, the subsequent factional contention between “new” and “old” cadres hardly served as effective mass supervision. Moreover, this institutionalized form of contention was entirely dependent on Mao’s personal authority and was dismantled with the purge of the radical faction that followed his death in 1976. For all their destructive power, the political experiments of this period failed to do much to make leaders more accountable to those below them.
Reforming the Work Unit System
Authors: Andreas Joel 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 7 looks at the impact on factory governance of the initial reforms carried out during the first decade and a half after Mao’s death in 1976. These reforms left the fundamental features of the work unit system—public ownership and permanent job tenure—in place, and institutional forms of participation, including staff and workers congresses, were revived and enhanced. During the “long 1980s” workers enjoyed substantial influence, especially with regard to the distribution of wages and bonuses, housing, and other welfare entitlements. Although the Chinese Communist Party had by then renounced its original class-leveling mission, workers effectively resisted new distribution policies that violated the egalitarian ethos that had long prevailed under the work unit system. The latter years of this period, however, also marked the beginning of the erosion of industrial citizenship as temporary employment was expanded and the power of the factory director was reinforced in the second half of the decade.
Lessons and Prospects
Authors: Andreas Joel 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 9 looks back over China’s history since 1949 and considers prospects for the future. Chinese workers are beginning to reorganize, this time largely outside the confines of party-controlled institutions, and their strikes and protests have won important victories. Until they are able to regain some form of workplace citizenship rights, however, their gains will be limited and precarious. The chapter closes with an overview of parallel developments around the globe. It first examines three waves of labor unrest during the twentieth century that gave rise to the participatory institutions that characterized the era of industrial citizenship, before describing the subsequent demise of these institutions.
Emigrants, Immigrants, and Refugees
Authors: Carter Niambi Michele 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter presents a historical view of black opinion on immigration. In particular, it looks at the colonization movement of the nineteenth century and the ways in which blacks employed the concept of immigration as a way to escape racial oppression. In fact, blacks applied the term immigrant to their community and seriously considered leaving the United States, with some relocating to Canada and Liberia, for example. The goal of this chapter is to demonstrate blacks’ long-term engagement with the issue of immigration as part of their political tradition. Using primary documents, the chapter helps to demonstrate the depth and range of ways in which blacks have viewed immigration over time.
Conflicted Nativism
Authors: Carter Niambi Michele 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter tests a number of the propositions of the book empirically, using an original survey. The data demonstrate blacks have some superficially nativist attitudes, particularly those blacks who see themselves as prototypical Americans. These nativist attitudes are attenuated, however, by increasing levels of national pride. Moreover, blacks express a feeling of closeness with immigrants, particularly continental Africans, than native-born whites. At the same time, blacks support the idea of more border security but, in the main, have not even participated in the most minimal of political acts either in support of or against any immigration policy. This suggests immigration is not a salient issue for blacks, and to the extent they care about immigration, they are not willing to put any of their political energies toward the issue.
From Europhilia to Europhobia?
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter introduces the author’s argument about Europeanization in the period since 1989, including the idea of a “Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient” that guides understandings about Europe on both sides of the former Iron Curtain. It identifies three main phases of Europeanization since 1989: Europhoria, Europhilia, and Europhobia; three sets of actors working together to produce new institutional and ideational understandings of Europe since 1989: European gatekeepers in European institutions, the other great power in the region (Russia), and the ex-Soviet republics themselves; and three forces that animate the processes of Europeanization: the Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient, values-based commitments of European institutions like the EU and NATO, and the instrumental concerns of Russia and the post-Soviet states. The chapter also briefly explores the three realms within which these processes of Europeanization play themselves out—the cultural-civilizational, the political, and the security realm.
Political Europeanization since 1989
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines the process of EU expansion into the former Soviet Union since 1989, identifying the different criteria that have been used to judge candidates for EU membership. The Central European and Baltic states successfully made arguments about their “intrinsic Europeanness” and “belonging” to Europe and the EU, while the Balkan states have had a harder time proving their suitability for Europe. Unlike the Baltic states, the other ex-Soviet republics, like Ukraine and Georgia, have had a harder time convincing the EU of their fitness for membership, that is, their “intrinsic Europeanness,” and have had to settle for being made “Eastern Partners” of the EU and signers of Association Agreements with the EU. Russia has sought a form of partnership with the EU, while rejecting any idea of conditionality. Finally, the EU shows little concern for the ex-Soviet states of Central Asia, not seeing them as fundamentally European in any way.
Security Europeanization since 1989
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines the process of NATO expansion since 1989, highlighting the strange fact that NATO claims to be a community of “European” values and identity as much as, if not more than, a strategic and military alliance. This has led NATO gatekeepers to pursue enlargement for rationales other than strict realist self-interest and has led NATO into direct conflict with Russia over the security policies of the ex-Soviet republics, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The chapter examines the unsuccessful efforts of NATO to find ways to cooperate with Russia, and of Russia to reshape the European security sphere to its own ends and according to its own values.
Russia
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines Russia’s tortured history and present with the idea of its own “Europeanness” and sense of belonging to Europe. It argues that we must see the period of 1989 as the newest iteration of a long historical cycle, wherein Russia is seen as both part of and central to, and also apart from and threating to, “Europe.” After a brief discussion of the historical trajectory of arguments about the level of Russian and Soviet “Europeanness,” the chapter identifies the four different discourses of Europe that are found in contemporary Russian self-identity and politics. It then examines Russia’s Europeanization efforts in the cultural-civilizational, political, and security realms, focusing in particular on Russia’s attempt to create “Euro-alternatives” to the EU and NATO in the form of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).
Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter presents case studies of three of the Eastern Partnership states that all share similar positions on the European-Orientalist Cultural Gradient but have pursued Europeanization projects of different strengths. Belarus is a weak-moderate Europeanizer that claims to be intrinsically European according to its own idiosyncratic criteria, and despite frequent criticism from European institutions for its autocratic ways. Ukraine has become famous as the home of people who have twice put their lives on the line in the name of European values (in the Orange Revolution and the EuroMaidan), but whose leaders have trouble realizing the promise of Europeanization. Moldova’s unique historical and contemporary relationship with Romania has spurred it to a strong pursuit of Europeanization, though like Ukraine, cultural and economic factors threaten those ambitions. Detailed case studies explicate the different paths toward Europeanization for each of the three states.
The Caucasus States
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines the Caucasus states of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. It first discusses the Caucasus as a unique region within the Russian and Soviet empires, seen as those entities’ “own Orient,” and the place where the border into the “non-Christian” world is breached. Georgia’s strong desire for Europeanization is contrasted with Armenia’s more moderate pursuit, despite the two sharing similar levels of “intrinsic” Europeanization. Georgia’s peculiarly Euro-oriented elite, and Armenia’s historical and contemporary reliance on Russia as a protector of its survival and sovereignty, are invoked to explain this difference. Azerbaijan, a resource-rich state with the unique claim to be “the first democracy in the Muslim World,” has combined a nonaligned political and security policy with a strong effort to be identified as part of the European cultural-civilizational sphere.
Conclusion
Authors: Graney Katherine 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This concluding chapter argues that it is premature to declare the “end of Europe” and that European institutions, as well as ideas and understandings about Europe and Europeanness, can demonstrate “concrete achievements” in and continue to inspire post-Soviet states. The chapter identifies the extent to which the fifteen post-Soviet states conform to the expectations of the European-Orientalist Cultural Gradient and identifies the factors that help determine the differing strengths of Europeanization projects among the six Eastern Partner states. It also identifies the factors that are likely to influence the future of Europeanization projects in those states and encourages both scholars and policymakers to respect the importance of the postwar liberal European experiment to the present and future of the post-Soviet world.
What Makes Pop So Catchy
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 7 examines Ariana Grande’s “Break Free,” a platonic pop song designed to grab listeners’ ears and never let go. It works its infectious magic through a constellation of hooks, some of the more derided elements of modern pop music. Hooks may be engineered for mass appeal, but no two are created alike. “Break Free” is an ideal site for analyzing how hooks work because it utilizes a number of different types: motif hooks, section hooks, and conceptual hooks. Producers Zedd and Max Martin don’t just create catchy melodies, riffs, and choruses, they connect them through an over-arching theme of “breaking free.” Together, they make Grande’s hit impossible to resist.
I Like Everything . . . Except Country and Hip Hop
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Country and hip hop are divisive genres not just for their disparate sonic palettes but for how those sounds communicate identity. This aspect of modern popular music is captured in two songs that share the same title and release date but otherwise come from different worlds: “Made in America” by Toby Keith and “Made in America” by Jay Z and Kanye West, featuring Frank Ocean. This chapter shows that close listening to each track reveals surprising similarities between the two despite their apparent differences. Historicizing sounds that are strongly associated with each style—the banjo and the 808 drum machine—makes clear that they emerge from vastly different origins than suggested by their modern meanings.
The Past, Present, and Future of Silly Little Love Songs
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Paul McCartney is a legend of popular music who shows no interest in resting on his laurels. He has made forays into disco, opera, classical, and techno—but he always returns to the silly little love songs of pop. His 2019 release “Get Enough,” discussed in the Conclusion, references his classic hits with the Beatles while making use of modern musical devices and co-composers such as OneRepublic’s Ryan Tedder. The unexpected effect of Auto-Tune places the song in a liminal space between the singer’s past and the song’s present. The classic timbres in the bridge are the “tried and traditional” sounds McCartney fans expect, but on the final refrain the past merges with the present as Auto-Tuned harmonies recur over his raw voice. “Get Enough” expresses at once the newness and the timelessness of pop. By song’s end, it feels like McCartney’s object of affection is pop itself, the sound of which he “can’t get enough.”
Staging Peace
Authors: Zech Steven T. 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines the ways in which civil action by nonstate actors influenced the trajectory of armed conflict in Peru during the 1980s and 1990s. Religious organizations, labor unions, and NGOs are just a few examples of groups that affected conflict outcomes. The chapter provides a brief overview of how a variety of groups affected violence in Peru, focusing on the role of artists and theater groups in particular, and argues that art serves as a mobilizing force that can move collective actors both toward and away from violent action. Based on an examination of the theater group Vichama Teatro, the chapter argues that Vichama’s members worked inside activist networks in a civil way to resist revolutionary violence and to make demands on an increasingly abusive state. Vichama members used theatrical performances to articulate the importance of nonviolent strategies and to communicate the political objectives of activist allies.
The Impact of Civil Action on Levels of Violence
Authors: Grubb Amy E. 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This study explores the impact of civil action in two communities with different levels of violence during the 1971–1976 period in Northern Ireland’s Troubles. This chapter argues that although members of the police, military, Irish Republican Army (IRA), and loyalist paramilitaries perpetrated violence, the degree of civil action in interactions between these groups and civil rights protesters, counterprotesters, politicians, and community members impacted the trajectory and level of violence within communities. In the Dungannon district, uncivil action in the form of the police colluding with loyalist counterprotesters exacerbated local polarization and subsequent republican and loyalist radicalization. A retaliatory cycle of IRA and loyalist violence began that institutionalized a sectarian, community-wide conflict as paramilitaries targeted civilians based on identity and many residents, particularly Catholics, refused to support police and military security efforts given their fear of state collusion, inadvertently benefiting the paramilitaries. Conversely, the Omagh district experienced more civil action on the part of police, protesters, and counterprotesters, which limited polarization and led to more outwardly oriented republican radicalization and minimal loyalist radicalization, containing violence. Overall, these cases suggest that examining on-the-ground interactions during the process of violence is necessary to explain civil action’s impact on the trajectory and intensity of violence within a community and within the larger intrastate conflict.
Doing Business amid Criminal Violence
Authors: Ley Sandra , Guzmán Magdalena 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Criminal violence has risen dramatically across Mexico in the last decade, and it has had devastating economic, social, and political consequences. How have Mexicans reacted to these violent trends? This chapter explores the civil actions of the Mexican business sector and their potential effects. It focuses on Monterrey, Mexico, where companies actively helped to create a new, more accountable police force, launched an innovative crime-reporting mechanism to better monitor and prosecute crimes, and engaged with local governments to enhance political accountability and citizen oversight. The chapter briefly compares the experience of the business sector in Monterrey with that of Ciudad Juárez and Acapulco, where the role of businesses respectively resulted in an array of broader civil and “uncivil” actions amid criminal violence,. Overall, the chapter shows that in the face of organized crime, the private sector and governments can potentially collaborate with each other, both as allies and as a system of societal checks and accountability.
Nonviolent Communal Strategies in Insurgencies Case Study on Afghanistan
Authors: Zürcher Christoph 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
In insurgencies, rural communities are the most vulnerable segment of society. Rural communities in Afghanistan are traditionally highly self-organized and capable of collective action. It is therefore reasonable to assume that communities will make collective efforts to minimize the risks of getting harmed. Using qualitative and survey data, this chapter investigates this proposition and shows that three strategies are often used and believed by respondents to be effective: negotiating with armed groups, neutrality, and self-defense. It describes these strategies and highlights the conditions under which they may be more or less effective. It then discusses how external actors can inadvertently reduce the space for such civil actions and make communities less safe, and what can be done to avoid this.
Cases
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter presents several cases of Scrupulosity that are revisited throughout the book. The cases raise questions almost immediately: Why are these people like this? Do they really believe what they say? Are they mentally ill or mistaken? If they’re mentally ill, what is wrong with them? If they’re mistaken, what are they mistaken about? Cases of Scrupulosity are contrasted with other cases of extreme moral or religious concern. The disorder Scrupulosity is distinguished from nonclinical scrupulous behavior and the question is raised of how to categorize a particular case. The method of starting with cases to build a characterization of Scrupulosity is defended in the following chapters.
Character and Virtue
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Scrupulosity is not religious devotion or moral virtue. Those with Scrupulosity are concerned with moral behavior primarily as a way to reduce their underlying doubts and anxiety. Moral character requires attention to, concern for, and responsiveness to the morally relevant features of situations, acts, and people. Moral character also requires a stable set of underlying traits and beliefs that noncoincidentally lead to the appropriate motivations and endorsements. Some with Scrupulosity are ego-dystonic, rejecting their scrupulous symptoms, but one might also reject one’s own character. Those whose Scrupulosity is ego-syntonic—who endorse their scrupulous symptoms—also differ from those with moral character because those with Scrupulosity display fixation on certain issues to the exclusion of others, are inflexible with respect to circumstances, are overly concerned with merely possible—not probable—events, have an inflated sense of personal responsibility, and care about moral issues for the wrong reasons.
Moral Judgments
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Scrupulous moral judgments vary from moral judgments made by those without Scrupulosity. The content of Scrupulous moral judgments are perfectionist, which conflates what is ideal with what is obligatory, conflates the moral evaluation of thoughts and actions, and is influenced by chronic doubt and intolerance of uncertainty. Anxiety motivates Scrupulous moral judgments. Scrupulosity is both judgment-driven—one’s judgments evoke anxiety—and anxiety-driven—anxiety prompts rationalizing judgments and even causes beliefs. Anxiety leads to systematic distortions in one’s moral judgments. Anxiety leads one to act in a way that soothes one’s anxiety. Genuine moral judgments respond to all morally relevant features, not just a narrow set thereof. Anxiety narrows one’s attention, often to features that are not the most morally relevant, and is unresponsive to counterevidence. Scrupulous moral thought leads to excessive precision and to focus on features that rationalize one’s anxiety.