bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
A predictive model for conversion to psychosis in clinical high-risk patients
Authors: Ciarleglio Adam J. , Brucato Gary , Masucci Michael D. , Altschuler Rebecca , Colibazzi Tiziano , Corcoran Cheryl M. , Crump Francesca M. , Horga Guillermo , Lehembre-Shiah Eugénie , Leong Wei , Schobel Scott A. , Wall Melanie M. , Yang Lawrence H. , Lieberman Jeffrey A. , Girgis Ragy R. 
Published: June 2018

AbstractBackgroundThe authors developed a practical and clinically useful model to predict the risk of psychosis that utilizes clinical characteristics empirically demonstrated to be strong predictors of conversion to psychosis in clinical high-risk (CHR) individuals. The model is based upon the Structured Interview for Psychosis Risk Syndromes (SIPS) and accompanying clinical interview, and yields scores indicating one's risk of conversion.MethodsBaseline data, including demographic and clinical characteristics measured by the SIPS, were obtained on 199 CHR individuals seeking evaluation in the early detection and intervention for mental disorders program at the New York State Psychiatric Institute at Columbia University Medical Center. Each patient was followed for up to 2 years or until they developed a syndromal DSM-4 disorder. A LASSO logistic fitting procedure was used to construct a model for conversion specifically to a psychotic disorder.ResultsAt 2 years, 64 patients (32.2%) converted to a psychotic disorder. The top five variables with relatively large standardized effect sizes included SIPS subscales of visual perceptual abnormalities, dysphoric mood, unusual thought content, disorganized communication, and violent ideation. The concordance index (c-index) was 0.73, indicating a moderately strong ability to discriminate between converters and non-converters.ConclusionsThe prediction model performed well in classifying converters and non-converters and revealed SIPS measures that are relatively strong predictors of conversion, comparable with the risk calculator published by NAPLS (c-index = 0.71), but requiring only a structured clinical interview. Future work will seek to externally validate the model and enhance its performance with the incorporation of relevant biomarkers.
III Tchefuncte Period Burials
Authors: Ford James A. , Quimby George I. 
Published: June 2018

It appears that in the original excavations of the Little Woods site Czajkowski found skeletons in the middens at different points. The following is taken from his article in the Louisiana Conservation Review:Most of the burials on the shell ridge were solitary and no funeral furniture or artifacts were found with them, with two exceptions: (1) On March 20th, two skeletons were found in a semi-flexed, east-west position. The following day, five more skeletons were uncovered, making a total of seven, all lying in the same position, parallel to each other about four feet apart, at a depth of about five feet …(2) On June 1st at a depth of six feet, a single skull impaled on a tree stump was found. Underneath the skull was a single fragment of decorated pottery.Burial Ground: Seven skeletons found on March 20th, 950 feet northwest from the location. Adults, in fairly good condition; all skulls crushed except one…. Six in semi-flexed position on their backs … (the illustration to which Czajkowski here refers shows a fully flexed skeleton). All lying parallel in an east-west position with their heads west. The seventh at full length on its face. They were lying at a depth of about four feet from the surface and overlain with a shell bed from two to twelve inches in thickness. The distance between the skeletons was from three to four feet (Czajkowski, 1934, pp. 14-15).
V Pottery
Authors: Ford James A. , Quimby George I. 
Published: June 2018

The pottery from the sites of the Tchefuncte period has been classified into a number of different types. As used by us, the type is a kind of average of an arbitrarily limited range of overlapping traits which have been abstracted from whole vessels and sherds that appear to be similar. Typology is checked against stratigraphy and stratigraphy against typology, to determine the utility of the type as an indicator of cultural change in time and space. Following are descriptions of the pottery types found in sites of the Tchefuncte period.Paste.—Method of Manufacture: Coiled. Sherds break readily along coil junctions. Flattened coils average 3-4 cm. wide.Tempering: Angular particles of clay. Small amount of fine sand. There are occasionally small particles of carbonized vegetal material and rarely bits of red ochre.Texture: Clay of paste is very fine. Clay was very poorly wedged, and this feature, added to the large angular tempering particles, gives a laminated and contorted appearance to cross sections of sherds. Surfaces have been floated and are soft and chalky.
VI Ceramic Stratigraphy
Authors: Ford James A. , Quimby George I. 
Published: June 2018

The only excavations of Tchefuncte sites which produced materials suitable for laboratory analyses of the temporal behavior of the pottery types characteristic of the period were those undertaken at the Tchefuncte middens and Big Oak Island. In Tchefuncte midden A, five hundred five-foot squares were dug to the bottom of the midden by six-inch levels. For purposes of analysis, adjoining squares of uniform total depth were grouped together in order to provide large units suitable for stratigraphic studies. These units were selected in the parts of the midden where the strata were most nearly horizontal. Areas on the periphery, or in which burials occurred, were not used for stratigraphic analysis. The various units, their size, and depth are as follows:By means of these analysis units, not only are the trends of popularity of the pottery types of the Tchefuncte period made apparent, but also the relative temporal position of the Tchefuncte complex is conclusively shown.
The Paleoeskimo in Northern Baffinland
Authors: Mary-Rousselière Guy 
Published: June 2018

Paleoeskimo artifacts from the Pond Inlet region have been known since Mathiassen carried out archaeological excavations in 1923, although for some time they were not recognized as such by their discoverer. A short description of the main sites known at the present time and of the most characteristic artifacts will be given here. Some conclusions will then be drawn concerning the local aspects of the Pre-Dorset and Dorset cultures, and their implications.By a strange coincidence, the oldest dated remains of the whole region come from a point only 6 m distant from the Thule house excavated by Mathiassen at Mittimatalik (in which he found a few Dorset and perhaps Pre-Dorset artifacts) (Fig. 1). The site is situated on the west bank of a stream, in the middle of the present village of Pond Inlet, and is now covered in part by new houses and roads. In 1969, a pre-Dorset layer was found at 8 m above sea level, under modern, Thule, and Dorset remains. Underlaid by gravel and sand, it does not seem to have been too much disturbed by solifluxion, but the stratigraphy is confused by numerous crevices cutting through the sod and peat. Besides a few flint artifacts, mostly burins and burin spalls, a complete barbed harpoon head and a similar one with the point cut off were found. Seal bones from the same layer have provided a date of 4385±155 radiocarbon years (S-589), or 2435 B.C. (adjusted date: 2035 B.C.). Local conditions have made it impossible to carry out investigation of the site during the last four years.
The Archaeological Evidence of Cultivated Wheat and Barley in Near Eastern Prehistory
Authors: Dyson Robert H. 
Published: June 2018

The data for this paper are taken from a larger manuscript study (Dyson, ms.) aimed at the collation of the specific evidence available at the present time on the first occurrences of the major traits of material culture in each sub-area of the Near East for the period from 5000 to 2500 B.C. Such a survey has not previously existed and it provides a solid reference work for checking on the exact locations of key items in the fields of agriculture, husbandry, textiles, metallurgy, transportation, and so on.In making a survey of this nature the problem of chronology is paramount, for it is upon this basis that priority in discovery must be accredited to any one area, and that directions of diffusion must be determined. In this region, as in other parts of the world, the correlation of cultural events with Christian chronology has yet to be satisfactorily completed. We cannot, therefore, deal with any degree of accuracy in terms of particular years. The presence of stratigraphic deposits, however, does allow us to deal with periods of relative cultural time.
Possibilities of Genetic Relationship in Northern Pacific Moiety Structures
Authors: Garfield Viola E. 
Published: June 2018

Moieties and/or SIBS occur in all the major culture areas of North and South America with the exception of Eskimo and Patagonia. In North America they are also lacking on the Pacific Coast from Vancouver Island to California and in all but the northern part of the Plateau. Data are incomplete for much of Argentina and Brazil and for parts of Meso-America.Many Siberian nomads are organized into patrilineal sibs or into extended families stressing the male line. The Koryak, Kamchadal and Chukchi are sibless, forming a continuous bilateral area with the Aleut and Eskimo on both sides of Bering Sea. Moieties and sibs are not characteristic of China, Japan, and Mongolia, but there is consistent stressing of the paternal line, whatever the kinship system. Patri-sibs occur in Manchuria.
Plants Across the Pacific
Authors: Carter George F. 
Published: June 2018

The Value of plant evidence has been pointed out. Man does not invent plants. The identical plant in cultivation in pre-Columbian times in the Old World and the New World virtually proves that voyages were made between these two cultural worlds. “Virtually proves” because the domestic plants in question have at best only remote possibilities of being carried to or from America by natural means and even less possibility of parallel evolution to botanical identity.To establish a case only two things must be done. First, the pre-Columbian presence in both the Old and the New World of a given plant must be established. Second, the question of its possible natural dispersal must be examined. The homeland of the plant in question need not be determined, for our interest is only in its transfer. When the identical plant occurs in both hemispheres in pre-Columbian times and when natural means of dispersal are improbable, human carriage is the only probable alternative.
A Possible Focus of Asiatic Influence in the Late Classic Cultures of Mesoamerica
Authors: Ekholm Gordon F. 
Published: June 2018

There is a Growing trend, I believe, for American archaeologists to look beyond the limits of their specialized and local areas of research and to take more interest in some of the basic problems of culture history — of the processes of origin and growth of cultures and civilizations. The Americanist looks at these problems in terms of the American Indian cultures, but in doing so, to be logically consistent, he must make some judgment on the old question as to whether or not influences from the civilizations of Asia had anything to do with the growth of those in America.This problem, or what turns out to be a great series of problems when one looks into it at all, is of great practical and theoretical interest, and will, I am convinced, receive much attention in future years. Such attention is somewhat slow in coming, however, because of the uncompromisingly isolationist point of view held up to now by most Americanists and reflected in the almost complete lack of research on the problems of Asiatic-American cultural relationships.
2 The Types of Evidence for Prehistoric Southwestern Agriculture
Authors: Woodbury Richard B. 
Published: June 2018

Over the past decade many authors have briefly cited or discussed several kinds of evidence for the prehistoric agriculture of the Southwest. Most of this evidence, however, has not received careful scrutiny, nor has it been given major emphasis in any but a few archaeological studies. The importance of agriculture has been more often assumed than demonstrated, and a critical reading of Southwestern archaeological literature reveals that all too often reference to “agriculture” (or “horticulture“) is unaccompanied by any consideration of the many different types of activity that are subsumed by such a term.From the earliest days of exploration among the “cliff-dwellings” and other ruins the presence of stored corn made it clear that the occupants had been farmers. Other evidence seemed superfluous, since the surviving Pueblo Indians were also farmers, and it could be assumed that farming methods had changed but little over the centuries. Therefore, none of the earlier archaeologists in the Southwest gave serious attention to the agricultural evidence.
Archaeological Implications of Social Stratification at the Etowah Site, Georgia
Authors: Larson Lewis H. 
Published: June 2018

AbstractThe excavation of Mound C, at the Etowah site, near Cartersville, Georgia, revealed a series of burials which suggests social stratification within the resident population. The differences between burials in the mound and those within the village cemeteries is to be seen not only in the more elaborate goods which accompany the mound burials, but also in the fact that the mound burials are accompanied by goods made of exotic and rare materials. The duplication of certain kinds of materials with individuals who represent different age groups suggests that the costume and paraphernalia is symbolic of an office and does not reflect individual taste in ornamentation.
Moundville and Surrounding Sites: Some Structural Considerations of Mortuary Practices II
Authors: Peebles Christopher S. 
Published: June 2018

AbstractAnalysis of differential distribution of mortuary artifacts from the major site units at Moundville and the Pickwick Reservoir in northern Alabama has yielded structural similarities and differences. The occurrence of certain classes of artifacts, symbolic of high status positions, is limited to a restricted number of individuals interred in platform mounds. These artifacts are not found with individuals buried in the cemeteries either at Moundville or in surrounding sites. In turn, within the cemeteries and platform mounds there is observed differentiation and regularity in and between classes of individuals in terms of skeletal orientation and mortuary treatment. The model suggested from the archaeological remains is one of a complexly ranked and functionally specialized politico-religious organization as part of this cultural system.
11 Non-Articulated Bones
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben 
Published: June 2018

The Olsen-Chubbuck Bone Bed (Table 15) produced a total of 4264 non-articulated bones, of which 4007 were found in the eastern part of the site, where nearly every bone was recorded. The figure of 257 bones recorded for the central and western parts of the site is undoubtedly low, although it is indicative of the generally lesser concentration of individual bones as well as articulated units in that part of the arroyo.It should not be imagined that all of the non-articulated bones represent complete butchering of those bones. No doubt, some of the individual bones became disarticulated through weathering between the butchering phase and final entombment in the bone deposit. This would certainly appear to be the case with such elements as vertebrae, sternal and costal elements, tarsal and carpal bones, phalanges, patellae, sesamoids, and isolated teeth. On the other hand, the butchering process, itself, probably resulted in the disarticulation of certain other kinds of skeletal parts. Removal and breakage of the mandible to get to the tongue, the consequent removal of the hyoid, breakage of the ribs, removal of the legs from the pelvis and the scapula, and removal of the lower leg, are examples of this kind of disarticulation. Even so, some of the leg components, such as femora and tibiae, humeri, radii, and ulnae, may have weathered apart. Some bones may also have been pulled apart by scavengers, but it should be noted in passing that remarkably little evidence was found that the bones had been gnawed by such animals. In any case, it would be difficult to assess completely the role played by weathering, washing, settling, and possible disturbance by scavengers, in the ultimate position of the bones. Even after covering, settling must have continued, and occasional animal burrows must have played a part in the final position of loose bones.
13 Utilization of Bison in the Great Plains
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben 
Published: June 2018

The Olsen-Chubbuck Site is a bison kill. Therefore, it is pertinent to review some of the characteristics of the quarry, for if the archaeologist is to understand the nature and meaning of such kills, he must first understand something about the nature and habits of the bison, particularly the characteristics which made these great beasts susceptible to the techniques of mass slaughter employed by the Indians who hunted them. Moreover, he must understand the methods which the Indians used to kill and butcher the bison, in order to extract the maximum amount of information from his excavations.If the archaeologist is dealing with prehistoric kills, he must assume that the habits of prehistoric and historic bison were essentially the same, and that the methods of hunting and utilizing them were similar. There can be no doubt that acculturation of the Indian to the use of gun and horse changed, in some cases drastically, the hunting methods of the historic Indians. Yet, the techniques observed by the earliest explorers of interior North America must have remained essentially unchanged over thousands of years. If these assumptions are valid, then we are in a position to comprehend and interpret the evidence recovered in our excavations of bison kills.
14 Cultural Material from the Olsen-Chubbuck Site
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben 
Published: June 2018

Sixty Artifacts and Other Specimens denoting or suggesting human activity were found in and near the Olsen-Chubbuck fossil arroyo and in the bone bed which it contained (Table 20). Forty-seven specimens came either from within the bone bed itself or form the surface among the bones exposed by weathering. One specimen came from the upper, later fill of the arroyo where it had been partly exposed by weathering, and the remaining 12 specimens came from the surface of the site near the arroyo. Along the ridges to the north and west of the arroyo a number of artifacts deriving from later occupation of the area were found.Twenty-seven of the 47 specimens from the bone bed and the bone-bed surface are projectile points, of which 21 are whole or nearly so, and 6 are tips, midsections, or bases of projectile points.Those specimens found by Chubbuck and Olsen are designated F-l, F-2, etc. for whole projectile points, and PF-1, PF-2, and so on, for point fragments. All specimens found by the University of Colorado Museum party bear University of Colorado Museum catalog numbers.
Chapter 1. Postulate One
Authors: Williams B. J. 
Published: June 2018

In Order to justify choosing a particular residence and social system as the system most likely to typify the majority of hunting societies, it is not enough that this system is ethnographically the most commonly known among hunting-gathering groups. It is desirable to state general reasons why this should be the case such that we may ask to what extent these conditions were present prior to the ethnographic present. If possible, especially for archaeologically testable deductions, this should include an estimate of temporal extent as well as the range of geographic and ecological diversity under which such a system would be expected.Any such endeavor must, of course, be highly tentative. It will be approached in Section I through a series of postulates. Each postulate will be elaborated and its choice justified separately. These six postulates—rather, the conditions postulated—lead to a social organization which, it is believed, is a reasonable approximation to a system that typified most, although not all, past and recent hunting societies. The elaboration of the postulates should lead to an estimate of the range of conditions under which the postulates can be taken as valid.
Chapter 4. The Field Investigation
Authors: Williams B. J. 
Published: June 2018

Investigations of the Birhor were confined to Hazaribagh District in the southern part of the state of Bihar, India. Hazaribagh District is on the northern edge of the Chota Nagpur plateau. The plateau is 540 to 600 meters in height with isolated rocky hills rising sharply from this surface as much as another 270 meters in altitude. At its northern edge, the plateau drops off sharply to the Gangetic Plain. When approached from this plain, the escarpment appears as a range of rugged, densely forested hills. This topography is the major reason for the continued existence of tribal people in the area despite the existence of a center of fairly advanced civilization in northern Bihar for over 2000 years.To the west are the central mountain ranges of Madhya Pradesh. To the east, toward the coastal plain of Bengal and Orissa, the plateau is dissected by river drainages to give the configuration of successive ranges of low hills rather than a plateau. The study area is shown in Figs. 7 and 8.Plant and animal populations on the plateau have been greatly changed in the past three centuries due to the agency of man. All areas of forest have been cut over in the past and most areas are recut often enough to give a dense scrub-forest cover.
Chapter 6. Demography
Authors: Williams B. J. 
Published: June 2018

As brought out in the discussion of Birhor social organization, the band can be viewed as a loose union of families bound together by ties of kinship. This union easily splits or coalesces into smaller or larger units during the course of the year. These changes in composition of the residential unit are facilitated by fairly regular migratory movements of the yearly round.This yearly round of the Birhor is not nearly so patterned as is found in agricultural populations, as there are a number of factors influencing their movement other than seasonal climatic changes. So far as economic activities are concerned, the three seasons for the Birhor are the wet season, June to October; the cold season, October to February; and the dry season, February to June. The relation of hunting, gathering, and ropemaking to these seasonal changes is described in the chapter on subsistence activities. This pattern of response to the distribution of economic resources leads to a general pattern of movement in which bands reach a maximum average size during the dry season. They may or may not remain in the same size unit during the wet season; however, they split into the smallest average size units at the end of the wet season.