bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Poeta in Vinculis I
Authors: Fludernik Monika 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 2 contrasts the writings of Thomas More and John Bunyan. The chapter foregrounds these authors’ strategies of imaginative and psychological coping, considering how their texts reflect the traumatic experience of incarceration in the imaginative re-enactment of their fiction. The chapter introduces a number of prison tropes besides the world as prison/prison as world metaphor, most prominently in Bunyan the sin as prison trope. A major focus of the chapter concerns the difficult relationship between fact, fiction, and allegory in the work of the two authors and their contemporaries. A final section of the chapter links Bunyan’s poetry to the tradition of late medieval and early modern prison verse.
Prisons as Homes and Homes as Prisons
Authors: Fludernik Monika 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 4 discusses the common home as prison/prison as home tropes. It first illustrates the paradox of the happy prison in a discussion of Dickens’s Little Dorrit. Turning to the negative trope of the home as prison, it traces its ramifications in Dombey and Son and Little Dorrit as well as Nathaniel Hawthorne’s House of the Seven Gables. The uncanny ambivalence of metaphoric imprisonment is then illustrated in the poetry of Emily Dickinson. Focusing on domesticity, the chapter next turns to the home as prison topos and its manifestation in the marriage as prison metaphor. Case studies include texts about both male and female marital incarceration: Charles Johnson’s Middle Passage, George Eliot’s Middlemarch, Doris Lessing’s ‘To Room Nineteen’ and Fay Weldon’s ‘Weekend’.
The Prison as Cage
Authors: Fludernik Monika 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 5 analyses recurrent cage metaphors, discussing how this trope both evokes sympathy in the image of the unhappy bird in the cage and supplies more ambivalent reactions in reference to caged wild beasts. One section of the chapter illustrates the golden cage metaphor on the example of D. H. Lawrence’s novella ‘The Captain’s Doll’. Eugene O’Neill’s Hairy Ape serves to delineate the political and social ramifications of the beast in the cage metaphor. The second half of the chapter looks to the possibility of transcending one’s state of imprisonment. It outlines tropes of transcendence in English poetry from the Renaissance to the Romantic period and uses William Godwin’s Caleb Williams (1794) to mark an important turning point in that history.
Enthralment and Bondage
Authors: Fludernik Monika 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 8 introduces the prison amoureuse topos featuring the enslavement of the Petrarchan lover to his innamorata. The chapter opens with a reading of Mary Cholmondeley’s Prisoners (1906) as an instance of a juxtaposition of literal and metaphorical imprisonment. The following section introduces the medieval prison amoureuse trope (Boethius, Froissart, Diego de San Pedro, Charles d’Orléans, James I), and its Renaissance repercussions in the work of Shakespeare, Spenser, and Lovelace. This leads on to a consideration of masochism and bondage, with Angela Carter’s short story ‘The Bloody Chamber’ as an illustrative example. John Dryden’s play All for Love with its opposition of love and duty as bondage concludes the chapter.
Sustainable Materialism
Authors: Schlosberg David , Craven Luke 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
A growing number of environmental groups focus on more sustainable practices in everyday life, from the development of new food systems, to community solar, to more sustainable fashion. No longer willing to take part in unsustainable practices and institutions, and not satisfied with either purely individualistic and consumer responses or standard political processes and movement tactics, many activists and groups are increasingly focusing on restructuring everyday practices of the circulation of the basic needs of everyday life. This work labels such action sustainable materialism, and examines the political and social motivations of activists and movement groups involved in this growing and expanding practice. The central argument is that these movements are motivated by four key factors: frustration with the lack of accomplishments on broader environmental policies; a desire for environmental and social justice; an active and material resistance to the power of traditional industries; and a form of sustainability that is attentive to the flow of materials through bodies, communities, economies, and environments. In addition to these motivations, these movements demonstrate such material action as political action, in contrast to existing critiques of new materialism as apolitical or post-political. Overall, sustainable materialism is explored as a set of movements with unique qualities, based in collective rather than individual action, a dedication to local and prefigurative politics, and a demand that sustainability be practiced in everyday life—starting with the materials and flows that provide food, power, clothing, and other basic needs.
Environmental and Social Justice in Sustainable Materialist Movements
Authors: Schlosberg David , Craven Luke 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Many of the movements we examine define themselves, in part and in name, as movements for social and environmental justice. We explore what activists and organizations actually mean by justice. Unlike other movements for environmental justice, equity is rarely an explicit concern. We find three key areas of justice articulated by movement activists: the crucial nature of political and material participation, the importance of responding to power, and, in particular, the necessity to address basic capabilities and everyday needs. All of these are articulated at both individual and community levels, with the functioning of communities, and social attachments to that community, central to conceptions of justice.
Sustainability and the Politics of Materialist Action
Authors: Schlosberg David , Craven Luke 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Sustainable materialist movements have a very particular, and vital, understanding of the meaning and practice of sustainability. Activists are actively trying to replace a politics of separation with one of immersion and flow, a politics of the domination of nature with one that recognizes human beings as animals in embedded material relationships with ecosystems and the non-human realm. A key focus is the importance of ethically informed material action that embodies such sustainable practice. One core argument is that sustainable materialist action offers a substantive response to the misplaced critiques of the ‘apolitical’ or ‘post-political’ nature of such materialist-focused environmental and social movements.
New Directions and Virtues in Sustainable Materialist Movements
Authors: Schlosberg David , Craven Luke 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
After extensive examination of the specifically political motivations of sustainable materialist movements, this chapter focuses on what is new and unique about these movements, and what differentiates them from past notions of environmentalism and ethical or political consumerism. We discuss three key unique properties or strategies of the movements: that they are explicitly focused on collective action, engage a specific notion of systems-based and material sustainability, and embody a prefigurative politics or practice that is based in everyday material needs. Sustainable materialist movements also illustrate a set of key values or virtues, including humility, critical pluralism, and a political boldness that pushes beyond classic and limited notions of political action.
Status and Intervention in Darfur, Sudan 2004–2008
Authors: Fung Courtney J. 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 4 analyzes China’s decision to shift its position on intervention in Sudan over the Darfur crisis. China went from viewing Sudan’s problems as domestic affairs not for the UN Security Council’s purview, to actively supporting intervention. China wrangled and effectively “enforced” consent from Khartoum for a UN Charter Chapter VII peacekeeping mission, and acquiesced to a referral of the Sudan case to the International Criminal Court, which led to an indictment of sitting President Omar al-Bashir. Though this case is popularly understood as being determined by material drivers—like shielding the Sino-Sudanese economic relationship, or addressing the reputational threat of the “Genocide Olympics” to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games—the chapter demonstrates that status is the key variable to explain China’s shifting position. Under mounting pressure from both the great powers (the “P3” of the United States, the United Kingdom, France) and the African Union, in particular, China gravitated to supporting and permitting intervention with a yes vote for the UN-AU Hybrid Peace Operation (UNAMID) and an abstention vote for an International Criminal Court referral in 2005, and again in 2008.
Status and Intervention in Libya, 2011–2012
Authors: Fung Courtney J. 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 5 analyzes China’s response to the 2011 Libya crisis. In the space of three weeks, China would vote on two landmark resolutions at the UN Security Council: a yes vote for a unanimous referral of a sitting head of state to the International Criminal Court, and shortly after, an abstention vote permitting sanctions and a “no-fly zone plus” over Libyan territory. China’s votes were largely a surprise—many analyses had predicted that China and Russia would cast tandem vetoes. Status is key to understanding China’s response. China was particularly sensitized to status due to a well-publicized speech by Colonel Gaddafi citing his domestic repression as a parallel to the Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. Against this status trigger, the great powers (the “P3” of the United States, the United Kingdom, France) came out forcefully for intervention, and representatives of China’s Global South peer group—the African Union, the League of Arab States, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the Gulf Cooperation Council—were among the first to call for a strong response. China was able to reconcile its concerns regarding an International Criminal Court referral of the Libya case as China prioritized status; China was socially isolated from its great powers peers at the UN Security Council and from its Global South peers in regional organizations. When the Global South reference group disagreed about the call for a no-fly zone, China viewed the next most feasible option as an abstention vote, so as to offend no peer.
Introduction
Authors: Fung Courtney J. 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The introduction outlines the puzzle and research question for the book: what explains China’s response to intervention at the UN Security Council? China is increasingly forthright about the specter of regime change, viewing the UN Security Council as directly or indirectly executing regime change—the forcible or coerced removal of the political leadership of a state by outside actors—via non-consensual intervention. Broad changes in the international system, like the norms of protection of civilians, accountability, and the responsibility to protect are invoked to secure populations under threat of mass abuse by their governments. However, China’s response to UN Security Council intervention in the trinity of post-9/11 cases where heads of state were marked for dispatch by public discourse is varied: China condoned, acquiesced or prevented action. China’s record cannot be robustly explained by existing theory. This book argues that status is an overlooked determinant in understanding China’s varying position regarding intervention at the UN Security Council. Under certain conditions, China’s status peer groups can modify China’s intervention-resistant preferences in these most difficult cases. China’s pursuit of status is partly driven by consequentialist calculation, but it is also inherently social, to conform to an intersubjective standard of good behavior as a member of the peer group guided by a logic of appropriateness. China faces a status dilemma in that China seeks status from two sometimes competing peer groups: the great powers and the Global South.
Internalism to the Rescue?
Authors: Richard Mark 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
If meanings are interestingly like species, meanings are multitudes and what our words mean isn’t up to us. This chapter doesn’t deny that one finds things that can reasonably be labeled ‘meanings’ at the level of the individual, or that these are of theoretical interest. It does deny that internalist theorizing about meaning provides a way to resuscitate the notion of analyticity. It also argues that meanings turn out to be much like diachronic ensembles of mental states related by analogs of descent—i.e. analogous to species. The first half of this chapter discusses a popular response to ‘Two Dogmas’ and demonstrates that this response requires an untenable picture of meaning. The second half takes up an internalist response to Quine due to David Chalmers, who suggests we think of conceptual constancy only in the intrapersonal case, identifying it with constancy of conditional credence. Chalmers’ proposal is worth serious consideration. But even from an internalist perspective, it’s unacceptable.
Bottom-Up or Top-Down?
Authors: Green-Pedersen Christoffer 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter presents an overview of the literature that deals with the issue content of West European party politics. As argued by de Vries and Marks (2012), there are basically two theoretical approaches to the struggle for the content of party politics. First, a bottom-up approach that sees the issue content of party politics as a reflection of social conflicts. Second, a top-down or strategic approach in which the issue content of party politics reflects the strategic competition among political parties. The presentation of the bottom-up approach focuses on presenting the most recent, prominent examples of such an approach, namely the works by Kriesi et al. (2008, 2012) and Hooghe and Marks (2018). The presentation of the top-down approach is more fragmented as the literature within this approach mainly consists of journal articles in which different elements of this approach have been developed.
The Development of the Party System Agenda in Western Europe
Authors: Green-Pedersen Christoffer 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter provides an overview of the general patterns that the following chapters on particular issues aim to explain. The development after 1980 should be seen in a more long-term perspective in which the decline of class politics has led not only to an expansion of the party system agenda as seen by the substantial growth in the length of party manifestos, but also to a more complex agenda on which more issues receive substantial attention. This development matches the idea of party politics becoming more issue-based. In terms of issue attention, traditional left–right related issues such as the economy, labour, and business, but also defence and foreign policy have seen declining attention, but they have not disappeared from the agenda. Other issues such as health care, education, crime and justice, and to a more limited extent, immigration have gained attention. Attention to the environment grew considerably in the beginning of the period, but then declined somewhat again. Attention to social policy has remained stable at a high level throughout the period, whereas European integration has remained an issue with limited attention.
The Dynamics of the Party System Agenda
Authors: Green-Pedersen Christoffer 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter first addresses the question of whether the 23 issues included in the book can be reduced to a few dimensions in order to study attention to these dimensions. Such an approach would be very much in line with studies focusing on positional competition among political parties. To discuss this further, the chapter presents the results of a multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis for each country based on the correlations of the 23 issues presented. MDS is a way of analysing whether groups of issues grow or decline together over time, which indicates that they are driven by similar attention dynamics. The MDS analysis does not find that issues argued to belong to the new, second dimension constitute a distinct group of issues in terms of issue attention dynamics. The chapter furthermore presents the reasons for studying immigration, the EU, the environment, education, and health care in the following chapters, including the ‘nested’ analytical strategy that will be pursued.
An Ever-Sleeping Giant?
Authors: Green-Pedersen Christoffer 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter provides an analysis of party system attention to European integration. The expectation based on the issue incentive model was that large, mainstream parties were not interested in, and largely able to avoid the issue becoming an important issue on the party system agenda despite pressure from EU-sceptic issue entrepreneurs. This expectation was, by and large, confirmed. European integration continues to play a rather limited role on the party system agenda. Even events like the European debt crisis, which can be used by issue entrepreneurs to push the issue on the party system agenda, may generate ‘punctuations’, but not a stable position of the issue as important on the party system agenda. The deepening and broadening of the European Union has only led to a limited increase in the party system attention. Furthermore, referendums only function as alternative venues of attention if they have dramatic results like Brexit.
Up and Down with the Environment
Authors: Green-Pedersen Christoffer 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter provides an analysis of party system attention to the environment based on the issue incentive model. The importance of issue characteristics and especially problem information is clear. During the 1980s, all countries struggled with environmental performance, and focusing events like the Chernobyl disaster drew attention to the issue. The conditions were perfect for parties that wanted to draw attention to the environment, and in the second half of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, party system attention to the environment peaked in almost all countries. The improvement of the state of the environment in all countries from the 1990s has generated less attractive conditions for parties wanting to draw attention to the environment, and party system attention has declined, but far from disappeared. Green parties, and to a lesser extent Social Liberal parties, are the ones that focus more on the environment than do other parties. The importance of studying the incentives of the large, mainstream left-wing parties is also clear. These parties do not automatically focus on the issue, but coalition considerations can make it attractive, and then they are able to push the environment towards the top of the party system agenda. There are typically two situations when coalition incentives make the issue attractive. One is when a Social Democratic party is seeking to win government power with a Green party. The other is when Social Democratic parties are trying to draw environmentally friendly Social Liberal/Centre parties away from the right-wing bloc.
The Contestation of the IMF
Authors: Tokhi Alexandros 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Few international organizations wield as much political authority over nation states, and provoke substantial political controversies, as does the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This chapter investigates the extent to which rising powers in the global economy, notably Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS), contest the IMF’s policies and rules. Do they express a general discomfort with its economic policy paradigm, or do they seek to improve their position within the institution and extend their influence over it? In a quantitative analysis of statements during the meetings of the International Monetary and Financial Committee over time, the chapter finds that both rising and established powers contest the IMF to a comparable extent. Yet, the BRICS’ contestation behaviour differs qualitatively from that of the major advanced economies. While the latter demand institutional reforms, the former strongly criticize institutional procedures and rules. The BRICS most strongly contest the issue of their institutional representation in the IMF’s quota-based decision-making system and the Fund’s (neo)-liberal policy paradigm does not seem to play an important role in that behaviour.
Negotiating the UN Human Rights Council
Authors: Binder Martin , Eisentraut Sophie 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter examines the negotiation of the UN Human Rights Council in order to systematically analyse and compare the preferences that rising powers, established powers, and NGOs have expressed with regard to its institutional design. The UN Human Rights Council is the key institution in the human rights regime and one of the few recent cases of institutional reform. The negotiation surrounding its creation offers unique insight into the conflict lines that run between ‘old’ powers, ‘new’ powers, and NGOs in the field of human rights. In this chapter, new data have been collected and analysed consisting of more than 500 written statements in which states and NGOs express their demands about the policy content and the authority structure of the new human rights institution.
Contestation in the UNFCCC
Authors: Prys-Hansen Miriam , Hahn Kristina , Lellmann Malte , Röseler Milan 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter analyses contestation surrounding the issue of climate finance and its regulation in global climate regime, within the institutional boundaries of the UNFCCC. It focuses on the BRICS and several pivotal NGO coalitions, including the Climate Action Network and the International Chamber of Commerce. Using techniques of qualitative content analysis, the chapter outlines the shifts on positions and conflict lines over time as a result of a change in status of at least some of the BRICS states. While the chapter shows that the BASIC coalition (formed by Brazil, South Africa, India, and China as part of the Copenhagen summit in 2009) has lost cohesion, the results also present the BRICS states as defenders, rather than challengers, of the institutional status quo, particularly when it comes to the continued relevance of the central norm of the UNFCCC original treaty, the ‘Common But Differentiated Responsibilities’. Particularly the conflict over who should take on the responsibility to pay for mitigation divides the community of transnational NGOs, which has been shown to lower their overall impact.