bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Truth About Denial
Authors: Bardon Adrian 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
It is a striking—yet all too familiar—fact about human beings that our belief-forming processes can be so distorted by fears, desires, and prejudices that an otherwise sensible person may sincerely uphold false claims about the world in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary. When we describe someone as being “in denial,” we mean that he or she is personally, emotionally threatened by some situation—and consequently has failed to assess the situation properly according to the evidence. People in denial engage in motivated reasoning about their situation: They (sincerely) argue and interpret evidence in light of a preestablished conclusion. One significant type of reason-distorting emotional threat is a threat to one’s ideological worldview. When group interests, creeds, or dogmas are threatened by unwelcome factual information, biased thinking becomes ideological denialism. (One critical example of such denialism is the widespread denial of settled climate science.) Denial can stand in the way of individual well-being, and ideological denialism can stand in the way of good public policy. This book is a wide-ranging examination of denial and denialism. It offers a readable overview of the social psychology of denial, and examines the role of ideological denialism in conflicts over public policy, politics, and culture. Chapters focus on our philosophical and scientific understanding of denial, denial of scientific consensus, denialism in political economy, and denialism in religious belief. An afterword examines proposals for improving science communication in light of findings about motivated reasoning and denial.
Introduction
Authors: Vogt Manuel 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter introduces the puzzle that the book seeks to explain. Ethnic movements—that is, organized political campaigns by groups whose collective identity is defined by language, religion, or other ethnic markers to influence state policy—have haunted politics in almost all of today’s states. Yet, while they have provoked violent conflict in some countries, they have remained peaceful in others. Strikingly, some of the most unequal societies of today’s world have experienced mostly nonviolent ethnic group mobilization. Starting from concrete case examples, the chapter presents the book’s central question: why is ethnic mobilization more likely to trigger violent conflict in some countries than in others? By discussing the merits and shortcomings of existing studies, it reveals the need for a theory that explains both why ethnic groups rebel and how they rebel. The chapter then describes the study’s empirical approach and outlines the plan of the book.
Inside Ethnic Movements
Authors: Vogt Manuel 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter looks inside ethnic movements to shed light on the role of ethnic organizations as agents of collective action. It theorizes the three causal mechanisms through which ethnic organizations influence outcomes of equality or inequality, and peace or violence in multiethnic states: the “aggregating and institutionalizing,” the “power seizing,” and the “mobilizing” mechanisms. The outcomes of these mechanisms differ as a consequence of countries’ ethnic cleavage types. In segmented unranked societies, ethnic organizations exacerbate existing intergroup competition, undermining ethnic equality and increasing the risk of civil conflict. In contrast, in stratified societies, ethnic organizations assume an emancipatory function, fostering the political inclusion of historically marginalized groups and, thus, enhancing ethnic equality while promoting nonviolent contentious action.
Cleavage Types and Conflict in Multiethnic States
Authors: Vogt Manuel 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter tests the structural part of the book’s theory from a global perspective. It analyzes the relationship between ethnic cleavage types and the prevalence of different forms of ethnopolitical contention. Relying on large-n statistical analyses, it shows, first, that the extremely unequal colonial settler states experience fewer and less lethal ethnic civil conflicts but higher levels of peaceful ethnopolitical contention than the decolonized states and other multiethnic countries. These results are robust when considering the immediate postindependence period of the settler states and when testing for the possible endogeneity of cleavage types. Second, the chapter confirms that the theorized effects of hierarchization and social integration apply to all multiethnic states in general. Ethnic civil conflict is generally more likely the more segmented and less hierarchically structured multiethnic states are. Specifically, stable between-group hierarchies reduce the risk of governmental conflict, whereas segmentation only affects secessionist conflicts.
The Power and Limits of Nonviolent Ethnic Movements
Authors: Vogt Manuel 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter analyzes the impact of, and obstacles to, ethnic mobilization in Guatemala and Ecuador. Using evidence from in-depth interviews with leaders of ethnic organizations, state officials, political party leaders, and other elite individuals, it sheds light on the causal path between ethnic group mobilization, inclusion, and contention in the stratified societies of Latin America’s colonial settler states. Specifically, the within-country comparison of Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous mobilization in Ecuador demonstrates the importance of autonomous ethnic organizations for the prospects of marginalized groups’ political empowerment. Their infrastructural power facilitates the aggregation of the interests of discriminated individuals into ethnopolitical movements and enables groups to carry out large-scale popular protests. However, the evidence from the Guatemalan case also uncovers the strategies employed by state elites from the dominant ethnoclass to block fundamental change and maintain the status quo.
Two Logics of Ethnic Mobilization
Authors: Vogt Manuel 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter first summarizes the main empirical findings of the foregoing chapters. It then elaborates on their theoretical and practical implications, describing how they contribute to a number of central debates in recent conflict research and related fields of political science. In particular, the chapter discusses how the book’s theory and empirical results relate to other types of political contention and violence, such as ethnonationalist terrorism, ethnic cleansing, and state repression, and what they imply for the study of conflict outcomes and diffusion. The chapter concludes by elaborating the adequate political responses to ethnic mobilization in different types of multiethnic states. Specifically, stratified societies require political institutions that permit the collective mobilization of historically discriminated groups in order to rectify the existing inequalities. In contrast, the decolonized states and other segmented unranked societies need institutions that promote strong transethnic organizations to counter the threat of violent conflict.
Explaining Gendered Patterns of Cabinet Formation
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 1 introduces the three research questions guiding the book and outlines the patterns of timing, magnitude, and persistence of women’s cabinet inclusion in Australia, Canada, Chile, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It identifies the year of appointment of the first woman to cabinet; the year of the last all-male cabinet; and addresses the questions of cross-country and cross-time variation in numbers of women in cabinet. The chapter identifies formal and informal rules as forces shaping women’s opportunities for cabinet appointment, and introduces the concept of the “concrete floor,” the minimum proportion or number of women for the cabinet team to be perceived as legitimate.
Institutionalist Approaches to Cabinet Appointments
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Chapter 2 sets out the book’s theoretical, conceptual, and methodological approaches for explaining gendered patterns and processes of cabinet formation. Employing a feminist institutionalist approach, the chapter explains how formal and informal rules create and maintain gendered hierarchies that have historically advantaged men in the cabinet appointment process. The chapter also shows how rules change over time, emphasizing the importance of agency, ambiguity, and ideas. The chapter offers a model of the relationship among sets of rules to produce cabinets that include women. The chapter provides justification of the case selection, methods of data collection and organization, and a description of each country case.
Who Can Be a Minister?
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 4 focuses on the formal and informal rules that determine who is eligible and qualified for inclusion in cabinets (ministrables). Emphasizing that cabinets are formed as teams, the chapter identifies three different types of qualifications that cabinets as collectivities must include: qualifications involving experiential criteria (political experience and policy expertise), affiliational criteria (membership in a selector’s personal network of friendship, trust, and loyalty), and representational criteria (membership in a relevant political, territorial, or social group). The chapter also challenges the concept of “merit” as a qualifying criterion for cabinet appointment, identifying merit claims as a political strategy to defend the status quo, rather than an objective criterion.
How to Qualify for Cabinet: Affiliational Criteria
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 6 reveals the importance of affiliational criteria, defined as membership in the selector’s personal networks of friendship, trust, and loyalty, as a historically strong and enduring set of qualifications for inclusion in cabinet. The chapter shows that in the absence of rules prohibiting presidents and prime ministers from choosing political friends and trusted allies, selectors will, when unconstrained by competing rules about selecting ministers, use affiliational criteria when assembling their cabinet. A key finding in the chapter, however, is that the use of affiliational criteria differs across the book’s cases, identifying three patterns: (1) countries with strong and consistent affiliational linkages, with more than half of cabinet appointees meeting at least one of the affiliational relationships; (2) countries with occasional affiliational linkages (between 20 and 50 percent); and (3) countries with rare affiliational links (fewer than a fifth of all appointees).
The Gendered Consequences of Rules about Selection
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 8 shows that formal and informal rules that empower or constrain presidents and prime ministers when selecting ministers affect women and men differently, thereby contributing to gendered outcomes. The chapter finds that rules that empower selectors can serve as a double-edged sword. On the one hand, empowered selectors can decide to appoint women in significant numbers, including the construction of gender parity cabinets. The chapter contrasts the cases of two highly empowered selectors (Justin Trudeau and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero) who formed gender parity cabinets with Tony Abbott’s formation of a cabinet with just one female minister. The chapter also contrasts the cases of two female selectors (Michelle Bachelet and Julia Gillard), finding that institutional context is more consequential than the selector’s sex in influencing the number of women in cabinet. Finally, the chapter finds that increasing the number of selectors does not necessarily disadvantage women.
The Gendered Consequences of Qualifying Criteria
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan 
Published: September 2019

AbstractChapter 9 analyzes the gendered consequences of rules about qualification and investigates whether there are differences in the types of experience that male and female ministrables bring to a cabinet team and whether deploying affiliational criteria when selecting ministers disadvantages women. The chapter finds that the type of experience men and women bring to cabinet does not differ substantially, but shows that there are barriers to women accumulating political experience, that women’s experience is often invisible to selectors, and that selectors exploit the flexibility inherent in experiential criteria to identify qualified men rather than women. The chapter also finds that the affiliational criteria that play a role in allocating ministerial opportunities are traditionally gendered to men’s advantage. Overall, the findings are that, where affiliation is a strong and consistent criterion for ministerial qualification, women’s presence in cabinet remains low for longer and does not reach high magnitudes.
Introduction
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
In 2011 Egypt witnessed more protests than any other country in the world, kicking off a revolutionary process that would unfold in three waves of revolution, followed by two waves of counterrevolution. This chapter briefly contrasts the period of Gamal Abdel Nasser to the recent wave of upheaval. Nasser and the Free Officers implemented wide-ranging reforms by overthrowing the monarchy, declaring a republic, implementing land reform, expropriating the Suez Canal, expelling British troops from Egypt, and joining the nonaligned movement in efforts to move away from the colonial past. In so doing they turned a coup into a “revolution from above.” By contrast, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has not implemented any major reforms. His actions have led to the reconstitution of the old Mubarak regime, but with even greater authoritarianism aimed to crush any entity that is seen as independent of the regime. Instead of setting Egypt on a path of greater economic independence, Egypt’s reliance on foreign donors has grown, with increased financial flows from the Gulf. As a crude form of “payback” for this financial support, Egypt handed over the Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia.
Revolutions and Coups
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Because the revolution in Egypt was directed at the state, it is important to properly conceptualize the state apparatus and the regime that ruled it. Thus, chapter 2 provides an overview of the literature on authoritarian regimes and explains why it is important to distinguish between states and regimes. Hosni Mubarak’s powerful presidency did not preclude the development of a diverse and unruly civil society, including tens of thousands of nongovernmental organizations. A new framework is employed in order to understand which parts of the state apparatus are most crucial during a period of revolutionary upheaval. It is important to distinguish between tools of the regime and pillars of support for the regime; the latter have the ability to either prop up or potentially withdraw their support. Mubarak relied on four pillars of regime support: the military, the business elite, the United States, and the acquiescence of the people. The chapter then turns to an overview of the literature on revolutions and military coups, which have usually been studied separately, as well as the literature on how establishing civilian control over the military constitutes the neuralgic point of democratic consolidation.
“The People want to overthrow the Regime”
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.
“Tiran and Sanafir are Egyptian!”
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The second wave of the counterrevolution is covered in chapter 7. With the election of Abdel Fattah El-Sisi as president, the level and form of state repression changed again. During the second wave of the counterrevolution, the regime turned against civil society at large, including both groups that played no role in mobilizing for street protests and those who had supported the coup or the first wave of the crackdown. The objective was to silence independent civil society: nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), charities, the media, universities, researchers, and minority groups including the LGBTQ community and the Nubian minority. An NGO law criminalized normal NGO activity, including the work of those organizations that were engaging in apolitical work that supported Egypt’s development goals. As a rule, security forces took action before legislation was issued to justify the action.
Conclusion
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The concluding chapter summarizes the role of the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the opposition during each of the waves of revolution and counterrevolution. If we expand our conceptual vocabulary to include “coups from below,” this would allow scholars to properly conceptualize the unique confluence of military intervention and mass mobilization without resorting to normative terms like “democratic coup d’état.” Furthermore, it could allow US policymakers to suspend military aid in the future should there be similar events. By comparing the period from 1952 to 1956 that experienced a revolution from above with a coup from below between 2011 and 2018, it becomes clear that it may in fact be Egypt’s own revolutionary legacy that is the biggest impediment to democratization.
“External Stakeholder Benevolence”
Authors: Bohlander Michael 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The debate about concerns surrounding the efficiency and legitimacy of international (criminal) courts has been joined by a new voice, judicial declarations on how proceedings can be expedited and the legitimacy deficit resolved, in particular the Paris Declaration of 2017 and the Oslo Recommendations of 2018, which deal with “enhancing their institutions’ legitimacy in the eyes of diverse stakeholders.” This article queries in detail whether either document manages to do that, as well as the emerging lens of “external stakeholder benevolence.” It argues that a traditional stakeholder theory approach must break down when the decision about the interest (fair trial) against which other stakeholders’ interests are to be balanced has been assigned exclusively to one stakeholder (judges), barring other stakeholders from encroaching on that stakeholder’s position (judicial independence). The judicial perspective on stakeholder-theory-based attempts at defining the parameters of the judicial core environment will thus always be one of intrusion.
Misdiagnosing the Human Rights Malaise
Authors: Hartmann Jacques 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
Contemporary populism is antagonistic towards human rights. As a result, the challenges now facing the human rights movement are fundamentally different from those of the past. Yet, proposed remedies to this malaise often seem ill-conceived. Populists tend to claim that the institutions charged with the protection of fundamental rights not only limit the capacity of the people to exercise their rightful power but are also the source of a growing discontent with the system itself. This narrative is often uncritically accepted and leads to suggestions that human rights must be fundamentally reformed. Although intuitively appealing, such suggestions commonly lack support from empirical evidence. In addition, much of the debate seemingly starts from the premise that the public is fully informed. Using Denmark as a case study, this Note shows that existing assumptions may be questioned. It further suggests that it may be dangerous to propose a cure before the malaise has been properly diagnosed.
A Constitutional-Driven Change of Heart: ISP Liability and Artificial Intelligence in the Digital Single Market
Authors: Pollicino Oreste , De Gregorio Giovanni 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The role of online intermediaries has changed since the adoption of the e-Commerce Directive in 2000. The implementation of artificial intelligence technologies in online content management has challenged the original passive role of online service providers in relation to third-party content. As a result, the EU strategy has shifted from a liberal approach to ensure the development of new digital services without overwhelming ISPs of monitoring and removal obligations to the regulation of online content management activities. The threats for fundamental rights deriving from opaque decision-making processes of online content have overcome the traditional narrative of ISPs’ freedom to conduct their business. The result of this process has led to a new regulatory phase within the framework of the Digital Single Market strategy.
The Continuity of Jurisprudential Cross-Fertilization in the Case-Law of International Tribunals in their Common Mission of Realization of Justice
Authors: Trindade Antônio Augusto Cançado 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
The continuity of jurisprudential cross-fertilization by some contemporary international tribunals evidences that, despite their distinct jurisdictions, their work is essentially complementary, in their common mission of imparting justice, in distinct domains of international law. Jurisprudential cross-fertilization fosters cohesion and the unity of law, in the endeavours of contemporary international tribunals to contribute to the progressive development of international law.
The ICC Appeals Chamber’s Judgment in The Prosecutor v. Bemba et al.— A Reminder of the Often Overlooked Value of International Jurisprudence Concerning Offences Against the Administration of Justice
Authors: Scarlat Anda 
Published: September 2019

Abstract
On March 8, 2018, the ICC Appeals Chamber issued its first judgment dealing with offences against the administration of justice under Article 70 of its Statute. Unsurprisingly, the Appeals Chamber made a number of important findings on the elements of various offences falling into this category, but also made a number of interesting, controversial and far-reaching findings concerning the ICC’s procedural framework, and in particular the collection and admission of evidence at trial. In doing so, the Appeals Chamber also touched on fundamental legal issues, such as the application of international human rights and its power to consider domestic law. The commentary will consider the most interesting and significant findings made by the Appeals Chamber, and will seek to show that the lack of attention traditionally given to judgments dealing with offences other than the “core” crimes is misguided, given the wealth of important and generally applicable findings they can contain.