bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Les aides de la région wallonne à l'investissement après la réforme de 1992
Authors: Eggermont S. , Pagano G. , Tilman M. 
Published: July 2021

In 1992, the Walloon Region modified its investment incentive legislation. The new legislation applies the notion of SME to any business employing up to 250 people and which turnover does not exceed 20 million ECU, and replaces the former interest subsidies and capital premiums by a grant calculated as a percentage of investment. According to the size of the business, the activity sector and the area, the maximum aid may vary from 13 to 21 %. The grant total percentage is calculated by summing up the percentage of aid obtained for five criteria under which job creation is by far the most important (up to 8 %). The new legislation gives a partial answer to traditional criticisms against investment incentives. First of all it aims at reducing the risk of accelerated substitution of capital for Labour. Besides, it simplifies adminsitrative procedures and reduces the "sprinkling" (spreading of the available budget over a large number of business which makes the impact by investment project almost negligible). It should also reduce the risk of inefficient allocation of resources thatarises when grants go to loss-making entreprises. But the question of whether investment incentives actually increase the level of investment (effectiveness) remains largely unanswered. Evidence suggests that investment incentives might have contributed to attract foreign investments hut have little impact on thelevel of domestic investment. Nevertheless, as far as SMEs are concerned, public grants might contribute to increased investment not by reducing the cost or increasing the profitability of the project but rather by increasing the means available in the business.
Het laatste jaar van de Twaalf : de Europese Unie in 1994
Authors: Kerremans Bart 
Published: July 2021

In view of the pessimism on the two EU presidencies (Greece and Germany) before 1994 and ofa number ofpolitica[ breakthroughs that has been reached during that year, one can say that the last year of the Tweve (since 1995 the EU consists of fifteen members) has been relatively succesful. It was a year in which the economic recession came to an end, in which the enlargement negotiations have been concluded, and in which the Europe Agreements entered into force. At the same time, however, 1994 showed the first signs of future problems with which the enlarged EU wilt have to cope. The expected eastern and southern enlargements wilt necessitate institutional adaptations and wilt intensify the already bitter discussions on the EU's budget. At the same time, the EU wilt have to find ways to cape with rising unemployment. This will have to happen in a period during which the member states are having difficulties to fullfil the budgetary conditions of Maastricht. In other words, the difficult years are not yet over for the process of European integration.
Italy : The decline of a Parliamentary Party Government
Authors: Fabbrini Sergio 
Published: July 2021

The article deals with the evolution and transformation of Italian party government in the period 1948-1996. Considering the two crucial dimensions of "government formation" and "cabinet organization and decision-making", the article compares the period before and after 1992 (till the elections of April 1996). The comparison shows the extraordinary experience of the Jour years 1992-1996: universally defined as the years of the "Italian transition". If the parties controlled both the processes of government formation and cabinet decisionmaking in the period 1948-1992, in the following period of 1992-1996 both processes were controlled more by the president of the Republic (and by the "technical" president of Council of ministers selected by him) than by the parties (with the partial exception of the Berlusconi government of May-December 1994). Theparties were so unimportant in the four years of the Italian transition, that we can define this one as a period of an unprecedented semipresidentialism with residual party government.
The Political role of the judiciary : The Belgian case
Authors: Van Outrive Lode 
Published: July 2021

We set out by tracking the political vicissitudes of the administration of justice and their connections with a range of phenomena: the neglect by politicians; a series of events and scandals and the very curious reactions of the judicial apparatus; several parliamentary investigation commissions without much effect. Then we take a critical look at partisan politicisation of the magistrature: negative evalution of their output thrives to it; but there are also partisan appointments and promotions, even absence and refusal of training. Many contextual factors hinder a normal, acceptable process of politicisation: over- and underregulation, bad legislation, misconception on contra! over the administration of justice and over judges, non-democratic decisionmaking within the organisation of the magistrature, the development of wrong relationship inside the trias politica; but also other more external conditions were not met neither. We wind up with an examination of the assesment of recent governmental proposals: an improvement of criminal and judicial inquiries; foundation of a national advisory body for the magistrature; simplification of the legislation; modernisation of the courts activities; a more objective recruitment and selection system; more easy access to justice etc. The question raises as to wether it suffices to tinker with the sy stem of the administration of justice alone ... Between the Belgian and the Italian situations are similarities and relevant differences.
On the 'Two Faces' of right-wing extremism in Belgium : Confronting the ideology of extreme right-wing parties in Belgium with the attitudes and motives of their voters
Authors: De Witte Hans 
Published: July 2021

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements: (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups. An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.
Hoe komen toekomstige mandatarissen in contact met de lokale politiek ? : Een verkennend onderzoek
Authors: Devos Carl , Matthyssen Elke , Reynaert Herwig , Van Hoe Jacqueline 
Published: July 2021

The way politicians get in contact with local polities in Flanders bas been examined based on the sociological distinction between ascribed and achieved status positions. Politically active relatives were considered characteristic of ascribed local mandates.Membership of different associations was seen as a way of personally achieving a local mandate. The results indicate that a combination of both was most frequently occuring. In spite of popular convictions, family was still quite important to get in contact with politics. This is shown in the high rates of respondents having politically active relatives.Next to this, a lot of political involvement occured via participation in a diversity of associations. Participations considered were membership, diligence and officeholding in a political party, a union, a health insurance organisation, an advisory body and all other political or non-political associations.
Arm (in de) stad : Medico-sociale uitdagingen voor het OCMW
Authors: Cools H.B. 
Published: July 2021

This account of poverty and deviance during recent times in the city of Antwerp compares situations of the 1930's with present times. Undoubtedly social security prevented, since the end of the war, that many people feit into poverty. Still in the presence of massive unemployment, public relieve organisations, such as the 0.C.M.W. (Municipal Centre for Health Care and Social Welfare) are more and more confronted with what is called precarity.About 25% of the Antwerp population is estimated to be living in a precair situation. After glancing on the near future and warningfor a number of social challenges, the article insists very much on preventional politics and coordinated total development projects in the depressed areas.
The Flemish Identity : Nascent or Existent ?
Authors: Kerremans Bart 
Published: July 2021

The existence of a Flemish identity is a much debated issue in the Flanders. Some deny its existence on the basis of a rejection of national identities all together. Others perceive it as just one variant of a Western European identity. Still others consider it, not as a identity on its own but as part of the Belgian identity. Whatever the outcome, the discussion itself seems to be restricted to a small elite. The general public in the Flanders is not interested in the issue and doesn't seem to identify itself with a Flemish identity. A small empirical research indicates however, that part of the Flemish politicians and journalists use this identity as a perspective on politics and society. For that reason, the Flemish identity seems to be a condition which is quite similar to the one attributed by Gellner to national identities in the nineteenth century. Isn't it better therefore, to talk about a nascent instead of an existent Flemish identity ?
Les institutions publiques belges au coeur du conflit linguistique dans l'entre-deux-guerres ou Le nationalisme flamand enquête d'identité politique
Authors: Delfosse Pascal 
Published: July 2021

This analysis concentrates on the linguistic laws of1921 and 1932 concerning the linguistic statuts of the civil servants, and on their contribution to the quest for political identity of Flanders. It exhibits the real political signification of the parliamentary debates on unilinguism and bilinguism. This debate is in the same time paradoxical and instructive for the future of the country. The paradox is that the Flemish circles were in favour of the bilinguism of the civil servants (which postulates a unitary conception of the State), and the Frenchspeakings for the other solution (supposing the linguistic duality ofthe civil servants). The unilinguist solution which was decided will certainly f acilitate the federalization of the civil services beginning in the sixties. In fact, every solution was in favour of Flanders: either the bilinguism would increase the number of Flemish civil servants (due to the ignorance of Dutch language by the Frenchspeakings), either the unilinguism would create the bases for Flemish own civil services.
De eigenheid van regio's in Europa : Een bijdrage tot het debat over regiovorming
Authors: Vos Hendrik 
Published: July 2021

Since the regional level has become important in European politics, it is necessary to examine the specifity of the regions. This contribution is a first attempt to develop a model to measure 'regional specifity' for the ten criteria which are most often used to define regions in academic literature. A first application of the model (for the NUTS1-regions) makes clear the characteristics of those regions and gives an understanding of the process of regionbuilding as well. Most regions with a certain degree of political autonomy do have a specificity on more criteria than those regions without any autonomy. These empirical data give a scientific basis to the thesis that regional specificity is (consciously or unconsciously, and at least to a certain degree) constructed by regional authorities.
Morfologie van het partijbureau bij de CVP en de BSP in de jaren vijftig
Authors: Biondi Peter 
Published: July 2021

The party executive is the most important organ within a political party especially in Belgium which is charaterised as one of the strongest particracies in Western Europe. Focusing on the functioning of the party executive within the CVP (1959-1960) and the BSP (1956-1957) at a moment both parties govern with the Liberal Party as coalition partner, the attendances and interventions within the party executive show a group of approximately fives persons playing a predominant role in the decision making process. In both cases the party president is the most important and powerful person. The almost complete absence of government membres within the party executive of the CVP forms a remarkabledifference to the BSP. The relationship between party and government is quite different in both parties. In the BSP the cooperation and support between party and government is much better than within the CVP.
De ontzuildheid nabij ? : Een exploratief inhoudsanalytisch onderzoek naar verzuildheid en ontzuiling van de naoorlogse geschreven pers in Vlaanderen
Authors: Distelmans Bart 
Published: July 2021

During the postwar period, the Flemish press-scene changed fundamentally. Alongside further commercialization and concentration, a process of structural depoliticization or depillarization took place: (financial) links betweenparties and trade unions on the one hand and newspapers on the other disappeared. This article examines the impact ofthese structural transformations on the newspapers' content. We emphasize marks of (de)pillarization in Flemish newspapers during cabinet formations. In 1958, the press took undeniably sides in the battle between the pillars: information about the formation of the new cabinet formed the background for these fights. In 1981 most attention went to the cabinet formation itself. The pillarization ofthe content was however on a more latent level not neglectable. Compared to 1958 and 1981 the old alliances between press and ideological institutions were far less visible in the content of 1995's newspapers. Apparently the depillarization ofthe Flemish press-content is an ongoing, longlasting process.
Het parlementaire optreden van de eerste minister in België en Nederland : Een vergelijking tussen de regeringen Martens VIII, Dehaene I en Lubbers III
Authors: Noppe Jo 
Published: July 2021

The relation between the constitutionally founded supremacy of the parliament and the authoriy of the Prime Minister (PM) based on common law, is of a great importance in the Low Countries. This relation constitutes the difference between parliamentary and presidential regimes. It is the PM's duty to take care of the permanent support ofthe parliamentary majority. This is not an easy exercise. Members of parliament are not always as positive about the PM's parliamentary performances. Characteristics of the parliamentary activity of the Belgian PM's Wilfried Martens, Jean-Luc Dehaene and the Dutch Ruud Lubbers are handled as: the frequency and the extent of the PM's parliamentary performances, the topics handled by the PM's in parliament, the PM's opponents in parliamentary debate and finally more generally the PM's parliamentary role behaviour. Due to the different position of both the parliament and the PM in the Belgian and the Dutch political system, the characteristics of the parliamenty activity of the Belgian and the Dutch PM are not always very similar. Additionally, remarkable differences occur between the parliamentary activity of different PM'swithin the same country.
On the Theoretical Acknowledgement of Diversity in Representation
Authors: Meier Petra 
Published: July 2021

This article provides a state of the art of the growing normative plea for enhanced representativeness, by which we understand a form of representation considering the sociodemographic particularities of society. We look at the Anglo-American plea for group representation and the (mainly) French debate on parity democracy. Concerned with the structural marginalisation of large numbers of citizens from the political arena, these scholars criticise the abstract concept ofcitizenship and the interpretation of the process of representation as such. The plea for enhanced representativeness faces more than one normative challenge. Dealing with these issues the scholars pleading for enhanced representativeness above all reveal that the issue for or against representation in terms of representativeness is a matter of choice on underlying normative assumptions.
Het Belgische kiessysteem : de klassieke en alternatieve methode D'Hondt
Authors: Vander Weyden Patrick 
Published: July 2021

In comparative electora/ studies, the Belgian electoral formula is classified in different, sometimes rather conflicting, classes. This paper is primarily concerned with the question if the Belgian electoral system truely is a D'Hondt system ? In the first part I argued that the D'Hondt method, as a divisor sequence, can be applied alternatively. This modified method departs from a Hare-quota in the first phase. To allocate the rest seats in the second phase, the parties' aggregated vote totals (and not rest totals) are divided by the number of seats obtained in phase one, added by 1, then 2, then 3 etc. Like all divisor methods, the highest averages are used to assign the rest seats. This alternative D'Hondt method produces exactly the same resu!ts as the classical method D'Hondt. Thus, it is also used in the Belgian two-tier-districting system. Furthermore, the Belgian electoral system can be classified as a proper D'Hondt system (in its form and results) while ignoring the primary districts.
Van de Bende Van Nijvel tot Dutroux : een beleidswetenschappelijke analyse van de politiehervorming in de jaren '80 en '90
Authors: Maesschalck Jeroen 
Published: July 2021

In May 1998 the Belgian government and Jour opposition parties reached the «Octopus agreement,» deciding on the most comprehensive police reform in Belgian history. However, the problems to which the reform was intended to be a solution were known long before and the basic option of this reform also existed for some time. Hence the research question: why did the reform only take place in May 1998 and not earlier ? To answer this question, the paper follows the narrative method : it tells the story that preceded this Octopus agreement from 1980 onwards. That narrative is «codified» in the language of a theoretical framework, a combination of the policy analysis models of Kingdon and Baumgartner and Jones. Together, these models turn out to be very useful to structure the narrative and provide a strong answer to the research question, allowing for analyticgeneralisation andJuture comparison.
Ministeriële kabinetten als flexibele brug tussen politiek en administratie : Een onderzoek naar de instroom in de ministeriële kabinetten
Authors: Pelgrims Christophe 
Published: July 2021

Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy. Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.
Assessment of soil fertility under northern light soil area of FCV tobacco in Andhra Pradesh
Authors: K PRASAD LAKKIMSETTI , BINDU J POORNA , REDDY D DAMODAR , RAO C CHANDRASEKHARA , RAVISANKAR H 
Published: July 2021

An assessment of soil fertility of Northern Light Soil area of FCV tobacco was carried out to study the status of soil macro and micronutrients. Soils of the study area are mostly moderately acidic in nature with low organic carbon and available nitrogen with a mean value of 0.29 % & 110 kg ha-1, respectively. Available phosphorus was high (88% samples) with a mean value of 92.6 kg ha-1. While the average available potassium content was 297 kg ha-1 with 48 % samples in medium class. Among available micronutrients, the available zinc content in 73 % of samples was very low – low (0.0 to 0.6 ppm). Whereas the availability of copper in 25 % samples was very low to low as per the fertility class (0.0 - 0.30 ppm). Available iron (18.8 -35.03 ppm) and manganese (17.03-21.5 ppm) contents were high in the region. Nutrient index of available nitrogen was 1.00 (Low) while, NI was 2.83 (High) & 2.36 (Medium) for available phosphorus and available potassium, respectively.
Sistema de indicadores para medir el comportamiento del consumidor del destino turístico Sucre - San Vicente
Authors: Lemoine Quintero Frank Ángel , Villacis Zambrano Lilia Moncerrate , Hernández Rodríguez Norma Rafaela , Panta Ronquillo Daniela Liceth , Castellano Pallerols Graciela 
Published: July 2021

El objetivo fue identificar los indicadores de comportamiento del consumidor, que permitan gestionar la sostenibilidad de la actividad turística. Se diseñó un cuestionario de doce preguntas y de cinco escalas para medir niveles de satisfacción de los consumidores en el destino. Los resultados de la encuesta más representativos correspondieron a la variedad de las ofertas turísticas que brindan hoteles y servicios del restaurante, donde un 42,1 % de los encuestados respondieron que es lo esperado, y a la seguridad turística donde el 43,2 % opinaron que es igual a lo esperado denotando un destino seguro. Se conformó un sistema de indicadores a través de la revisión de literatura y se puso a consideración de los expertos para su estimación con la aplicación del método Delphi, donde el coeficiente de concordancia resultó ser de 0,85 valorado de muy bueno. La metodología utilizada evidenció los diez indicadores que contribuirán a un comportamiento del consumidor acorde a las exigencias del destino turístico.
Otras opciones de política monetaria. Un análisis jurídico de las políticas monetarias no convencionales y su posible implementación en la República Dominicana
Authors: Mota Pacheco Francisco A. 
Published: July 2021

Este ensayo presenta un análisis jurídico de las políticas monetarias no convencionales aplicadas en respuesta a la crisis financiera de 2008 y la actual crisis económica generada por el Covid-19 en el sistema jurídico monetario de la República Dominicana. Discutimos sobre la implementación de nuevas herramientas para ejecutar la política monetaria, ya que los instrumentos convencionales en situaciones de crisis severas tienden a ser ineficaces. Abordamos los aspectos generales de la política monetaria no convencional: naturaleza y fundamentos; asimismo, examinamos la aplicación de los diferentes instrumentos de política monetaria no convencional por parte de los bancos centrales de las principales economías mundiales en el marco de la crisis financiera de 2008, así como su excelente aplicación en la crisis económica actual. Finalmente, el documento demuestra cómo es posible su implementación en el sistema jurídico dominicano, conforme a la Ley Monetaria y Financiera 183-02, de fecha 3 de noviembre de 2002.