bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Lower Blood pH as a High Predisposing Factor for a Fatal Outcome in Critically Ill COVID-19 Patients at Intensive Care Unit: a Multivariable Analysis
Authors: Kieninger Martin , Sinning Annemarie , Vadász Timea , Gruber Michael , Gronwald Wolfram , Zeman Florian , Lunz Dirk , Dienemann Thomas , Schmid Stephan , Graf Bernhard , Lubnow Matthias , Müller Thomas , Holzmann Thomas , Salzberger Bernd , Kieninger Bärbel 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Background: Data of critically ill COVID-19 patients are being evaluated worldwide, not only to understand the various aspects of this disease and to refine treatment strategies but also to improve clinical decision-making. For the last aspect in particular, predictors of a lethal course of disease would be highly relevant.Methods:In this retrospective cohort study, we analyzed the first 59 adult critically ill Covid-19 patients treated in one of the intensive care units of the University Medical Center Regensburg, Germany. Using uni- and multivariable regression models, we extracted a set of parameters that allowed predictions of in-hospital mortality.Results:Blood pH value, mean arterial pressure, base excess, troponin, and procalcitonin were identified as highly significant predictors (p < 0.001) of in-hospital mortality. In the multivariable logistic regression analysis, the pH value and the mean arterial pressure turned out to be the most influential predictors and thus predisposing factors for a lethal course.Conclusions:We developed a formula that enables the easy calculation of the probability of a fatal outcome in COVID-19 intensive care patients. Currently a follow-up study with a larger group of patients is in progress to re-evaluate the established predictors.
Impact of human wound exudate on the bactericidal efficacy of antiseptic products in quantitative suspension according to the European standard (DIN EN 13727)
Authors: Augustin Matthias , Herberger Katharina , Wille Andreas , Twarock Sören 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
By default, antimicrobial efficacy of antiseptics used in wound management is tested in vitro under standardized conditions according to DIN EN 13727, with albumin and sheep erythrocytes used as organic challenge. However, it is not clear whether these testing conditions do adequately reflect the wound bed environment. Therefore, the aim of this study was to compare the efficacy of different antiseptic products based on octenidine dihydrochloride (OCT), polyhexamethylene biguanide (PHX), and povidone-iodine under challenge with human wound exudate instead of standardized organic load in an in vitro setting according to DIN EN 13727. Bactericidal efficacy of the tested products was reduced to different extend when challenged with human wound exudate compared to standardized conditions. Overall, OCT-based products showed the necessary germ count reductions at the shortest exposure times (e.g., 15 seconds for octenisept®). PHX-based products were the least efficient. In addition to the protein content, other components of wound exudates, such as the microflora, seem to influence the efficacy of antiseptics. This study demonstrates that standardized in vitro test conditions only partly reflect actual wound bed conditions. Consequences for an amendment of existing test methods adapting organic load requirements and the feasibility of standardization of wound exudates are to be discussed.
PENGARUH DIVIDEN PAYOUT RATIO, EARNING PER SHARE DAN KURS DOLLAR TERHADAP HARGA SAHAM
Authors: Pramesti Hernawati 
Published: July 2021

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh faktor dividend payout ratio, earning per share dan kurs dollar terhadap harga saham perusahaan manufaktur yang terdaftar di BEI tahun 2016 sampai 2018. Populasi semua perusahaan yang terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia tahun 2016 sampai 2018. Sampel perusahaan manufaktur yang terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia dari tahun 2016 sampai 2018. Dengan kriteria pengambilan sampel dengan purposive sampling. Metode yang digunakan untuk menguji hipotesis yang diajukan uji t dan uji f. Berdasarkan hasil analisis data dapat dinyatakan simpulan sebagai berikut: Ha1 ditolak, hal ini berarti DPR tidak berpengaruh signifikan terhadap harga saham. Ha2 diterima, hal ini berarti variabel EPS mempunyai pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap harga saham. Ha3 diterima, hal ini berarti variabel kurs dollar mempunyai pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap harga saham. Hasil analisis uji F disimpulkan terdapat pengaruh yang signifikan dari DPR, EPS dan kurs dollar secara bersama-sama terhadap harga saham yang terdaftar di BEI.Kata Kunci: dividend payout ratio (DPR), earning per share (EPS), kurs dollar, harga saham ABSTRACTThis study aims to analyze the effect of the dividend payout ratio, earnings per share and dollar exchange rate on the stock prices of manufacturing companies listed on the IDX from 2016 to 2018. The population of all companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange from 2016 to 2018. Sample listed manufacturing companies on the Indonesia Stock Exchange from 2016 to 2018. With the sampling criteria with purposive sampling. The method used to test the hypothesis proposed by the t test and f test. Based on the results of data analysis, the following conclusions can be stated: Ha1 is rejected, this means that the DPR does not have a significant effect on stock prices. Ha2 is accepted, this means that the EPS variable has a significant effect on stock prices. Ha3 is accepted, this means that the dollar exchange rate variable has a significant effect on stock prices. The results of the F test analysis concluded that there is a significant effect of the DPR, EPS and the dollar exchange rate simultaneously on stock prices listed on the IDX.Keywords: dividend payout ratio (DPR), earning per share (EPS), dollar exchange rate, stock prices
Les élections législatives du 10 mars 19 74 : Analyse des résultats
Authors: Fraeys William 
Published: July 2021

The parliamentary election of 10 March 1974 was marked by a great steadiness of the electorate. The vote movements, which could nevertheless be observed, consisted, on the one part, in an advance of the Christian Democrats in Flanders and in Wallonia and, on the other part, in a generalized receding of the community parties. The backward move wasrather obvious for the FDF in Brussels, less evident for the RassemblementWallon and the slightest for the Volksunie. The Socialists gained ground in Wallonia but receded in Flanders, whereas an inverse situation characterized the Liberal lists.It appears rather clearly that the personality of the candidates played a large part in this election. Same well-known candidates scored a great number of votes.Although the Belgian electorate very largely confirmed its choice of 1971, it seems that the community problems failed to catch the voter's attention as they had in the past ; moreover a certain return to the traditional political families could be observed under the influence of the economical, social and ethical problems.
Quelques jugements portés par les belges sur le présent et l'avenir de leur société
Authors: Bernard Stéphanie 
Published: July 2021

T he article studies the answers collected for seven questions : four of these deal with the present functioning of the socio-political system ; the three last questions concern the future of the system. One has studied respectively : the attitudes towards the basic values of the consumers' society ; the level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with life in Belgium ; the developments in satisfaction or dissatisfaction during the last four years ; how the various main social categories judge their living conditions ; the attitudes towards an eventual redistribution of national income; the opinions about the probable development of the political system ; those opinions which reveal how one wants the political system to develop. The study of these two last items has allowed to tackle some problems of theoretical interpretation : revolutionary vs. authoritarian risk, dissatisfaction «within the regime» vs. «against the regime», ambivalence of political attitudes, social function of the political power, revolutionary attitudes and rational calculus.
Besluitvorming en de metamorfosen van de ideologie
Authors: Dierickx Guido 
Published: July 2021

The communication process between the political elites and the general public, crucial as it is in a democratie system, is suffering increasingly from an information overlaad. The best way to tackle this problem seems to be the improvement of the communication medium, i.e. ofthe political language. Ideology is the most «rational» political language available : it can carry more information about elite decision-making to a relatively modest cost.This problem-definition suggest a sequence of three critical questions. Do the decisionmakers have a political ideology ? If so, is it instrumental in the actual decision-making process ? If so, why does this ideological factor rarely reach the general public ? The article deals with the two last questions from a format point of view. It can be shown, after the necessary conceptual clarifications and contrary to current opinion, that ideology can hold its own in the private forum of political decision-making and fades away when the elites address the public (not the loyalists) in the public forum.The private forum is dominated by the need for policy output and by the necessity of coalition-formation. The adaptation of ideology to this situation depends on its degree of articulation and on the type of coalition-formation. In general the «salience» aspect of ideology is likelyto suffer less than its «position» aspect.The public forum is dominated by the needs of recruiting support and legitimizing proposals. Generally ideology is too costly a device to be used for these purposes.
De Europese programma's van Fianna Fail, FDF-RW en Volksunie : Een gemene noemer voor Ierse nationalisten en Belgische federalisten ?
Authors: Hart Joan , De Witte Bruno 
Published: July 2021

The article compares the attitude of the Irish Fianna Fait, the Flemish Volksunie, and the coalition of the Rassemblement Wallon and the Francophone Brussels' PDF, towards Europe and their programmes for the European elections.These parties do not define themselves on a socio-economic or religious basis, as most of the other European political parties do, but give ideological priority to the ethnic or national factor. Does this imply a common and distinctive attitude to European integration ?The answer must be no; they disagree not only on sectoral policies, but their fundamental outlook is different. FDF-RW and VU, on the one hand, though bitter opponents on the national level, both favour a federal Europe, in order to promote autonomy for their respective regions.Fianna Fait on the other hand, white recognizing the political and economic importance of Europe, is sceptical on the institutional level. Fianna Faits approach is essentially pragmatic, being a government party identifying its interests with the national interest, whereas the Belgian federalists cannot identify themselves with the existing Belgian state. Therefore it is unlikely at present that Fianna Fait wilt leave its European allies - the Gaullists - to join a hypothetic regionalist grouping in European Parliament.
L'année économique en Wallonie : 1978, des perspectives inquiétantes pour l'avenir de l'économie wallonne ?
Authors: Quévit Michel 
Published: July 2021

The present article endeavours to place the economic results of 1978 in the framework of the crisis that has characterized the Walloon region since two decades. The increasing vulnerability of the W alloon industrial texture does not only proceed from the intrinsic aspects of the present international crisis, but also from the fact that the Wallon regional economy is strongly dependent of the semi-manufacturing industrial sectors that made the prosperity of industrial capitalism of the end of the 19th century, but that are in decline since about two decades. Thus, the reorganization of the european steel sector, decided in 1978, has a direct effect upon economie performance in this region.In this respect, the article examines the evolution of industrial production, employment, closing-down of enterprises, as well as the investment policies of both public authorities and foreign companies duringthe year 1978.
La formation des families politiques en Belgique (1830-1914)
Authors: Delfosse Pascale 
Published: July 2021

The aim of this article is to provide some historical insights about the origins of the three traditional Belgian politica[ families (the catholic, the liberal and the socialist) from the independance of the country to 1914. It shows the dynamic of a growing institutional stratification, due to the competition between the different families, trying to take the popular masses in charge, or by manipulation or by self representation. By that way, this research does put the historical basis of the problem of the movement for the fusion of the «progressists» and the trade unions fronts.
Eén jaar zelfstandige Vlaamse executieve
Authors: Ceuleers Jan 
Published: July 2021

Since December 23rd, 1981 the Flemish Community has an autonomous organ : the Flemish Executive.Its first year of activity was characterized by difficulties on four levels.1. The lack of an own administration seriously hindered its functioning. I t had to appeal to «national» civil servants, who were not subject to its higher authority. The setting up of an own Flemish administration occurred laboriously because of delay (it wilt only be operational on June 1st, 1983) and the fact that approximatively one fifth of the jobs is not filled .2. There were also numerous disagreements with the central authority, due to the not always perfect delimitation between the respective competences and as a result of the urge of that central authority to keep it on tutelage.3. The central authority granted rather limited pecuniary means to the communities and regions. They seriously impede the conduct of an autonomous Flemish policy.4. The proportional political composition of the Flemish Executive led to internal tensions ; nevertheless it has not caused the apprehended paralyzing effect.
Les partis politiques
Authors: Gerard Emmanuel 
Published: July 2021

The Belgian scientific literature dealing with political parties has four main characteristics. First it pays great attention to party doctrines and to parliamentary struggle. Indeed, in the nineteenth century political parties do not strike by their organization, which is still undeveloped, nor by their functions, which are still limited, but by the public debate they are stimulating in Parliament and in the press. Only from the end of the century, when the suffrage is extended, the organization of the parties wilt get more articulated and their functions more complicated. Secondly the literature pays great attention to the legitimation of the political parties, which are still controversial particularly because they should threaten the national union. The authors exert oneselves to prove that parliamentary government is by definition a party government. They distinguish parties from factions in order to make the first acceptable. Thirdly the literature deals with the party system.The Belgian authors take the two party system which exists in Great Britain as example and try to prove that the alternation of two parties, the party of conservation and the party of progress, is necessary for the good working of the institutions. Fourthly, the literature, particularly the historica!, is rather descriptive and is characterized by a lack of comparisons, generalizations and hypothesis.Two periods can be distinguished in the literature. In the first period, 1830-1894, the suffrage is limited and the political scene is dominated by two parties (the liberal and the conservative or catholic parties) .This period is marked by the publications of Emile de Laveleye (1822-1892), one of the most prolific writers of the second half of the nineteenth century. In the second period, 1894-1914, the advent of the socialist party disturbs the working of the classical party government. Maurice Vauthier (1860-1931) is the main author of this period. He tries to establish the characteristics of the party government and its chances in the future.
De samenstelling van de kandidatenlijsten in de Vlaamse partijen
Authors: Ceuleers Jan , De Winter Lieven 
Published: July 2021

This paper describes the common techniques used in the constitution of candidates-lists for parliamentary elections. A common feature of these techniques is the consultation of party members. But the way in which this is done differs among the parties. AGALEV, the ecologist party, offers every member the possibility to have his say about every candidate. The socialist party (SP) uses this system in two constituencies ; in the other constituencies a special congress decides. The christiandemocrats (CVP), the liberals (PVV) and the Flemish nationalists(VOLKSUNIE) constitute their lists by indirect vote : the leadership performs a first selection and the members then either approve or disapprove of this choice.Our research indicates that there are no essential differences between these two techniques from the point of view of membership participation.In both the ecologist and the socialist party the majority of members does not participate in the candidates-elections. Therefore, as with the indirect vote, candidates-lists are constituted by an active, militant and elitist group of members. Whatever the technique used the infl,uence of the rank-and-file-member is small.
Het zicht uit de Kamers : Verslag van een enquête bij de parlementsleden
Authors: Deschouwer Kris 
Published: July 2021

Democracy is intimately linked with the institution of parliament. If there are problems with the functioning of the parliament, democracy is considered as being in danger. Three kinds of problems are aften raised in this respect : technical problems, politica! problems and personnel problems. The technical problems refer to the technicity and complexity of the subjects to be dealt with in parliament. The political problems refer mainly to the loss of political power of the parliament, to the benefit of political parties and pressure groups. The personnel problems refer to the job of MP itself, which has become a full-time job, but which is still a very unstable position.Two hundred and fifty Belgian MP's were asked for their opinion about all this. The results show that they are primarily concerned with the technical problems, and that they suggest technical remedies for a better functioning of the parliament. The Belgian MP's do recognize the importance of the political problems, especially the domination of the political scene by the political parties, but they are not very eager to propose measures with a direct impact on this.
Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen : Een terreinverkenning in de provincie Limburg
Authors: Ackaert Johan 
Published: July 2021

There is only few information available about the use of preferential votes at local elections, since the Belgian Home Department does not publish that particular statistical material. This article registers the size of preferential voting and discusses its consequences for the local political system, based on statistical data collected in the 43 municipalities of the Limburg province where local elections were held in 1988.Nearly 9 of the 10 voters used the preferential vote to express their choice. This is a much higher level than the one noticed at the general elections. The use of preferential votes is varying according to the size of the municipalities (more preferential votes in the smaller ones) and differs from one party to another (f.e. 92.7 % for the christian-democratic parties to 47.1 % for the radical left) .The local election system and the size of preferential votes at local elections explain why nearly 7 of the 10 local councillors broke through the order of the candidate-list. For the comparison, this occured only twice at the 1991 general elections.
Nationalisme et parlementarisme : La percée complexe du nationalisme flamand au Parlement belge (1873-1914)
Authors: Delfosse Pasal 
Published: July 2021

This article is related with the linguistic conflict in Belgium and the role of the parties and parties factions in the Parliament during the period 1873-1914. As a contribution to the history of the belgian Parliament, it illustrates the way the flemish claims for more autonomy were transformed in complex agreements in which non-linguistic matters, related to the system of cleavages of the belgian society, somestimes played a crucial role.
Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag
Authors: Billiet Jaak 
Published: July 2021

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement). Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.
Regionalism, federalism and minority rights : The Italian case
Authors: Dani Mario 
Published: July 2021

Three distinctive dynamics may be identified in the post-war developmentsof territorial and minority rights polities in Italy. The first focuses on recession attempts in peripheral areas in the aftermath of the world war, and on their interplay with the regional reform. The second peaks in the late '60s-early '70s, and relates territorial minorities' demands for recognition to broader protest movements and 'internal colonialism 'perspectives. The third consists of the recent success of regional Leagues in the North, and largely reverses previous approaches to territorial issues. Autonomy is still emphasized here, yet disconnected from, and often in explicit opposition to, social equality ideas. 'Minority rights' are largely replaced with a peculiar version of territorial populist politics.