bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Indian Civil Servants
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The chapter explores a case study of the 1829 prosecution by the young Charles Trevelyan of Sir Edward Colebrooke, the East India Company’s Resident in Delhi, as a means to illustrate many of the themes covered by the book. The case highlights the distinction between gifts and bribes; social norms that blurred definitions of corruption; the overlap between public and private interests; the reliance of Britons on native agents who could themselves be seen as corrupt; the ‘systems’ of corruption that grew up around powerful officers; the politics of anti-corruption; the role of the press in exposing or vindicating corruption allegations; and the ways in which corruption could be gendered and racialised. Trevelyan went on to help write a report in 1854 which is often seen as the blueprint for the modern civil service, and the interaction of Indian and British affairs is an important theme of the book.
Conceptualising Office
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The chapter examines what early modern Britons understood by ‘office’ and its relationship with corruption. It adopts a broad definition of office, since the boundary between ‘public’ and ‘private’ office was something worked out during the period 1600–1850, and office in a mercantile corporation such as the East India Company was something of a hybrid. The discussion traces the evolution over the period of the notion of ‘public office’ and highlights a landmark legal case in 1783 that defined misconduct in public office. The second half of the chapter examines the secondary literature on office and seeks to connect work on ‘modern’ conceptions of office, which is often seen as emerging from the 1780s onwards, with research into earlier ideas and practices.
Trust, Standards of Public Office, and Corruption
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The central contention of this chapter is that the legal and political history of trust is also a history of the development of public office. ‘Trust’ helped to define and restrain the abuse of office in the early modern period. Originally a Roman legal concept, fiduciary trust was designed in the sixteenth century to protect private property rights but came to be applied, in the mid-seventeenth century, to public (and commercial) office to help describe, but also tackle, the abuse of powers exercised by officeholders. By the nineteenth century its standards and criteria had become widely shared norms—so much so, that we have largely forgotten their origins and the cultural factors that shaped their genesis. Trust and ‘breach of trust’ had great discursive power but also had juridical reach.
Interest and Disinterestedness
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
This chapter explores the abuse of trust when an official’s interest conflicted with that of the entrusting power or beneficiary of the trust, or where an agent’s multiple roles conflicted with each other so that the performance of a trust was compromised. Trust and interest were, it is argued, intertwined, since entrusted power demanded disinterestedness. The chapter relates the emergence of the ‘language’ of interest in the seventeenth century to debates about the competing and conflicting interests. Over the period, measures were put in place in both commercial and political office to go some way to separating competing interests and to subordinate the pecuniary self-interests of officials to the trusts from their companies or the public. Long before 1850 ‘conflict of interest’ had become an established lexicon and concept, used to debate, define and tackle corruption in office.
Public Money, Public Accounts, and Accountability
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
Trust carried within it a duty of accountability, not only to show that the trustee acted in the interests of the entrustor or beneficiary but also to account financially for moneys that an entrusted official handled. This chapter examines formal methods of accountability in an age of an expanding state and empire. The chapter highlights the ambiguities over how far officials could, legally and morally, profit from public money in their hands and hence whether ‘abuse’ of public money constituted ‘corruption’. The failures of good oversight in the corporations and both the domestic and imperial contexts are stressed. The analysis then turns to the development and (at times transformative) influence of public accounts committees and commissions, beginning in the mid-seventeenth-century revolution. Throughout, the emphasis is on how long the process of achieving formal accountability took and the slow change of mentalities behind the regulatory innovations.
The Politics of Anti-Corruption
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
As other chapters have made clear, the corruption of politics was a concern of the pre-modern era, especially in relation to political officers. Yet alongside the corruption of politics there was also a very strong politics of corruption. ‘Anti-corruption’ was nearly always political, in the sense of having a political agenda, implicit or explicit, behind it. This chapter argues that these political dimensions need to be recognised more than they have been. The chapter examines the ‘work’ done by the discourse of corruption, underlining its emotive power and its capacity both to challenge political rules and to help define boundaries of legitimate behaviour. The politics of anti-corruption is highlighted in the imperial context through a case study of early eighteenth-century Barbados. The chapter then examines these political functions in relation to the many highly politicised impeachments for corruption, from 1621 to 1806.
Sale of Office
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The chapter charts a shift in attitudes to the sale of office, from the Jacobean period, when it seems to have been relatively commonplace, to the early nineteenth century, when the practice was formally banned for most offices (except those in the army). This reflected a shift away from the idea of office as personal property towards office as a public duty, and away from the idea of office as generating informal, personal profit beyond the public, formal remuneration decided by the state or corporation. But the shift was a protracted and messy one, with an ongoing contest between different ways of thinking about venality. For some it was a pragmatic issue, often related to customary norms, that did not imperil the morality or the smooth running of the state; for others, it represented an immoral pursuit of self-interest and avarice that posed a dangerous threat to the polity.
Conclusion
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The chapter summarises key changes between 1600 and 1850 in the concept and practice of corruption and officeholding, and examines the factors pushing for, and restraining, such shifts. The discussion underlines the importance of analysing trust and distrust; of examining the interaction of corruption and anti-corruption; taking a long view of corruption in office; and of combining metropolitan and colonial perspectives. Britain is also placed in a wider context including other European powers and empires, to show some similarities but also interesting differences in pathways. The latter suggest that reform had to be fitted to local contexts and that we need a future comparative research agenda to explore how these shaped varying chronologies, concepts and practices of corruption, anti-corruption, office, and accountability.
Policy Implications
Authors: Knights Mark 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
This chapter offers a short summary of policy implications raised by the book’s historical research. It comments on the speed and nature of change; the importance of context and state formation; the vital role of public deliberation as well as official compliance; the politics of anti-corruption; and the socio-cultural dimensions that frame what constitutes corruption in office. It is argued that policies should be bottom-up and deliberative as well as top-down and formal; that anti-corruption is a protracted, political and contested process which involves personal, institutional and systemic issues as well as extensive public discussion of ethical questions; that rule-change is easier to achieve than culture-change but reform requires both; that the art of governance is a balance between trust and distrust of office-holders, and between formal and informal modes of accountability; and that history is useful in offering data about the process of anti-corruption and influence of the past.
Immigration and the Progressive’s Dilemma
Authors: Holtug Nils 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
Chapter 5 considers an influential argument for severely limiting immigration, based on the progressive’s dilemma. According to this argument, immigration leads to ethnic diversity, and ethnic diversity drives down trust and solidarity and so the social basis for egalitarian redistribution. The premise that ethnic diversity drives down trust and solidarity is critically discussed, primarily by reviewing a large empirical literature. It is argued that the evidence is less clear than it is often thought, and that even in studies that do find a negative effect of diversity, it tends to be small. Furthermore, there are a number of ways in which states can moderate any negative impacts diversity may have on social cohesion. Finally, a number of theoretical explanations for why diversity might be expected to drive down trust and solidarity are considered, and it is argued that they do not ultimately support the argument for restrictive immigration policies.
Liberalism
Authors: Holtug Nils 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
Chapter 8 argues that liberal values of freedom and equality not only form the basis for social justice (as argued in Chapter 4), but shared liberal values also provide a social basis for trust, solidarity, and egalitarian redistribution. More specifically, it is argued that shared liberal values have positive institutional, distributive, and direct value effects on social cohesion. Rawls made similar claims, but here a more thorough argument is provided. First, shared liberal values facilitate electoral support for universal, social democratic welfare states, which are conducive to institutional and generalized trust and redistributive solidarity. Second, shared liberal values facilitate electoral support for egalitarian redistribution, where socio-economic equality tends to promote trust and solidarity. And third, shared liberal values have direct value effects, where people who share such values tend to have a more inclusive conception of their in-group, and extend their trust and solidarity to, for example, immigrants.
Multiculturalism
Authors: Holtug Nils 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
Where multiculturalists have argued that shared multicultural values and multicultural policies may form the basis for national unity and secure the allegiance of minorities to the polity and its members, critics have suggested that multiculturalism fractures society and promotes commitments to ethnic in-groups rather than trust and solidarity at the societal level. Based on a review of existing studies, this chapter concludes that multicultural policies do not seem to make much of a difference for these aspects of social cohesion, but that insofar as they do have an impact, it seems to be positive. More importantly, multicultural values seem to have positive direct value effects, not only on out-group trust and solidarity, but also on trust and solidarity in the in-group. Thus, as argued in Chapter 4, multicultural policies are in some cases supported by concerns for equality, and there is furthermore no evidence that such policies are detrimental to the social basis for egalitarian redistribution. In fact, the evidence suggests that states can strengthen social cohesion by engaging in community-building based on liberal and multicultural values.
Ten Canoes and 1066
Authors: D'Arcens Louise 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
This chapter examines the 2006 film Ten Canoes, an acclaimed Aboriginal Australian cross-cultural text in which a ‘Middle Age’ is both invoked and portrayed in an entirely defamiliarizing way. It explores the surprising potential, in the hands of indigenous agents, for invocations of a ‘Middle Age’ that displaces the Western timeline on which the idea of the medieval depends. The chapter raises the question of whether including pre-colonial-contact Aboriginal culture within the scope of world medievalism is an inescapably colonizing gesture that can only reinforce Eurocentric epistemologies, or whether this problem can be offset by bringing perceptions of the global medieval into dialogue with Aboriginal perceptions of time and history. It argues that the complexities of medievalism as a ‘world’ phenomenon are thrown into sharp relief by Ten Canoes as a text that narrates pre-contact time in a way that simultaneously addresses itself to Western and Yolŋu audiences.
Exiles as Representatives
Authors: Vasanthakumar Ashwini 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
This chapter considers whether exiles can advance valid representative claims and under what conditions. The representative claim is implicit in exiles’ efforts to assist those left behind and to enable transnational solidarity with them. But it is often made explicitly, both by those who have formed themselves into governments-in-exile and those who act less formally. The representative claim is powerful. When valid, it grants exiles authority, placing their political claims and preferences on the same footing as those left behind; it empowers them to negotiate and make settlements; and it obligates third parties to defer to them. This chapter identifies three elements of representation—authorization, acting for, and accountability—and assesses the extent to which exiles can satisfy these elements. It identifies the importance of ‘connecting criteria’ between exiles and their putative constituents in the homeland and the role of third parties in ensuring accountability.
Introduction
Authors: Kohlmann Benjamin 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The Introduction begins to outline a literary prehistory of the welfare state in Britain around 1900 by turning to a period that forces us to look beyond the connotations associated with the terms reform and revolution today. The chapter presents the book’s two intertwined goals, one reconstructive and literary-historical, the other conceptual and theoretical. First, British Literature and the Life of Institutions reconstructs the emergence of a reformist literary mode around 1900 by exploring how literary texts responded and adapted to the elongated rhythms of institutional change that characterized the emergence of new state structures in this period. But the book also, secondly, aims to make visible a reformist idiom which pervades literary, philosophical, political, and social writing of the period, and which insists that we need to think about the state as an idea, as a speculative figure, rather than as a set of administrative procedures and bureaucratic processes.
Literature as Speculative Thought
Authors: Kohlmann Benjamin 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
This chapter spells out the conceptual stakes of the reformist literary mode by turning to British state theory’s ‘Hegelian moment’. Hegel’s state theory converges on an understanding of the state as an aspect of social life (Sittlichkeit), making it possible to think about the state’s institutional structures as a moment in the actualization of social life rather than as a Foucauldian assemblage of administrative means external to social life. Britain’s Hegelian moment makes visible a reformist idiom in which the state appears as an aspirational figure that makes it possible to imagine the transition from capitalist society (Hegel’s bürgerliche Gesellschaft) towards a more egalitarian socio-political order. This transformation is imagined through close engagement with existing social forms rather than through a complete revolutionary overhaul of existing social arrangements. The chapter ends by asking why Britain’s Hegelian moment ended around 1914 and what were its more immediate afterlives.
Coda
Authors: Kohlmann Benjamin 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The Coda offers a short survey of the decline and eclipse of the speculative (literary) reformist mode around the mid-twentieth century. In doing so, it highlights one last reformist moment, namely the establishment of the Arts Council of Great Britain in 1946. The reformist vision associated with the Arts Council involved a self-reflexive artistic turn as writing itself came to be seen as the embodiment of a democratic Lebensform and the aesthetic image of a state-mediated classless future. This reformist vision is speculative insofar as it involved the successive democratization of an experimental (‘modernist’) artistic vision that had originated among the Bloomsbury modernists Williams had criticized as ‘a fraction of the upper class’.
Diversity and Demarcation
Authors: Gosewinkel Dieter 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The first chapter covers the outgoing epoch of the multinational empires and continental Middle and Eastern European colonial powers, which experienced the zenith of their expansion of power and their collapse. The period between the turn of the century and the outbreak of the First World War was the golden age of European imperialism. It also introduced the heyday of nationalism. The nineteenth differed from preceding centuries by establishing increasingly strict boundaries in the interest of demarcating state and nation in two regards: in territorializing state authority and defining who was subject to it. Citizenship became the pre-eminent legal tool for marking the bounds of nation-state authority over persons. Alongside the particularly intense manifestation of national and ethnic criteria for inclusion and exclusion, new hierarchical systems, based on citizenship, grading affiliation based on ethnicity and race developed, redefining the relationship between colonizing and colonized nations on the European continent as well as in the overseas colonial territories.
Conquest and Subjugation
Authors: Gosewinkel Dieter 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The chapter focuses on citizenship in colonial empires. It shows that the history of citizenship in Europe was not defined by the continent’s geographical boundaries and can be understood only if one bears in mind the long tradition of colonial hierarchization of citizenship. Examined are the genesis, justification, and impact of the structural confrontation between privilege (of the colonizers) and discrimination (of colonized people) in citizenship status. The chapter has a connective function, drawing a chronological arc from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the Second World War, from the first half of the century to the second. Looking at the overseas colonial empires of Great Britain, France, and Germany, as well as the continental empires of National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union, the chapter pursues the question of the continuity of colonial hierarchies of affiliation and inequality from the peak period of imperialism to the end of the epoch of European colonization.
Liberalization and Community Ties
Authors: Gosewinkel Dieter 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
The post-war period (Tony Judt) of citizenship, which was overshadowed by expulsions, decolonization, and the ideological division of Europe, embodied a long history of dealing politically with the consequences of war, violence, and discrimination. In the European dictatorships after 1945, integration into the community of class and the state-prescribed ideology remained decisive for political affiliation. By contrast, in Western European society, which became more open under the influence of post-colonial immigration and the sustained boom, citizenship (T. H. Marshall) evolved into the ultimate emblem of a social-welfare state, a state in which on the principles of constitutionally guaranteed and expanding civil rights political affiliation was based on consensus, participation, and consumerism. These two polar concepts of citizenship were overcome and politically overlaid by a new human rights policy that established the protection of civil rights beyond the state and contributed to the 1989 political transformation of Europe.
Note on Conquest and Cession
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: December 2021

AbstractIn this note Wight provided a brief survey of institutions for the conquest and cession of territories, illustrated by examples in European history since the fifteenth century. Some legal and political forms concealed de facto conquest and cession to spare the amour propre of the losing party and thereby minimize its humiliation. In some cases, enfeoffment combined conquest with continuing vassal status. Other methods of saving face and bargaining over status included granting an imperial vicariate, diplomatically evading the issue, camouflaging the cession, and making the cession conditional. Conquest and cession became more direct and undisguised with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, if not earlier. Since the eighteenth century, however, the consent of the residents of the territory to be ceded has become a more prominent issue. Since 1919 disregard for previous approaches to conquest and cession has led to new political and legal frameworks on recognition involving national policies such as the Stimson Doctrine, international treaties such as the Kellogg–Briand Pact, and international organizations such as the League of Nations and the United Nations.
Review of Kenneth W. Thompson, Political Realism and the Crisis of World Politics: An American Approach to Foreign Policy(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press; London, Oxford University Press, 1960)
Authors: Wight Martin 
Published: December 2021

AbstractWight described this book as a ‘primer or introduction’ to American realism concerning international politics, with attention to the views of Halle, Kennan, Lippmann, Morgenthau, Niebuhr, Nitze, and Spykman, among others. Thompson highlights continuities with traditional diplomatic theory, illustrated notably by Churchill’s statesmanship and political philosophy. In Wight’s view the book presents ‘original thinking of a high order’. Moreover, Thompson ‘brings out more clearly than some realists the limitations of the “national interest” principle’. Wight concludes that Thompson stands out as ‘a realist of the centre, likely neither to be accused of disparaging morality, nor to be so emotionally disturbed by the consequences of clear vision that he emigrates for Utopia.’
Disagreement and Religion: Problems and Prospects
Authors: Benton Matthew A. 
Published: December 2021

Abstract
Chapter 1 covers contemporary work on disagreement, detailing both the conceptual and normative issues in play in the debates in mainstream analytic epistemology, and how these relate to religious diversity and disagreement. Section 1 examines several sorts of disagreement, and considers several epistemological issues: in particular, what range of attitudes a body of evidence can support, how to understand higher-order evidence, and who counts as an epistemic “peer.” Section 2 considers how these questions surface when considering disagreements over religion, including debates over the nature of evidence and truth in religion, epistemic humility, concerns about irrelevant influences and about divine hiddenness, and arguments over exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Finally, section 3 summarizes the contributors’ essays in this volume.