bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Parlementaire kritiek op het functioneren van het parlement
Authors: Verhaegen Guido 
Published: July 2021

The role of Parliament has been fundamentally changed by the following factors : 1° the growing technicality of society, 2° the growing influence of administration and the executive, 3° the new forms of democratic practice, 4° the management of political parties.In practice, the legislative function turns more and more into a control of the general objectives of the law rather than of the technical and juridical aspects. Besides, it is important to examine, from a constitutional point of view, the different forms of delegation .The control of both executive power and ombudsfunction remain the basic tasks of Parliament. The technical means, needed to perform these tasks, have therefore to be considerably improved. Beside the evolution of these two classical functions, it is vital to meet the growing power conflicts between government, parties, social partners and Parliament by creating new patterns of deliberation.To maintain the parliamentary system it is essential to carry through such constitutional reforms as will prevent arbitrary dissolution of Parliament.
Politieke beroepsethiek en politieke corruptie
Authors: De Clercq Bertrand J. 
Published: July 2021

«Without a theory of corruption there cannot be a remedy for corruption unless by happy accident» (J.Q. Wilson). There are empirical theories, such as the functional approach of the political process, but how useful they may be, they essentially fall short. One needs a normative, i.e. an ethical theory of political action.After having evaluated the idea, that politicians and rulers have the right to make use of violence, lies and ruses in order to combat violence and ruse within the community, the article draws some important conclusions from the general democratic principle «no power without control and possibility of sanction by those being subject to that power».Applied to the problem of corruption, this principle can be used as a guideline for a systematic exploration of the structural sources of corruption, defined in a general way as abuse of power («détournement de pouvoir»). The main thesis reads as follows. The sources of corruption are to be found in those «deficiencies of the system» that create chances for a particular pressure of power to exert an overweight - without possibilities of control and sanction - in the processes of actual definition of the «public interest» or the «common good».An elaboration of the thesis is made by means of an analysis of this kind of «deficiencies» in the Belgian political-administrative system, most of them however not specific for the Belgian situation in particular.Finally, some suggestions for «remedies » against corruption are made, especially in the field of legislative measures.
Kind en politiek : Een veldonderzoek naar de politieke kennis en houdingen bij kinderen van twaalf tot veertien jaar
Authors: Sterck Stefaan 
Published: July 2021

Our research on political socialisation of children in Belgium between 12 and 14 years old (sample size : 372) by the technique of Annick Percheron, reveals a great deal of hostility towards the political system. The children were asked to judge of a number of political words. They dislike politicians, the political regime and even the basic democratic principles and institutions. Most children do not make any difference between political theory, but they react even more negatively towards politicians and are also less conservative. The difference in political knowledge and attitudes between boys and girls seems negligible. Children, who belong to the upper middle class, have the best political knowledge, working class children the worst. The latter show great aversion towards the political system, and also towards trade-unions and social action. In generalthey react in a conservative way.
Oorlog en politiek in het denken van Carl von Clausewitz
Authors: Verstraeten Johan 
Published: July 2021

Clausewitz is not as some misinterpretations suggest a philosopher of total war. An analysis of his hermeneutical key presented in the first chapter of the first book of 'On War' makes it clear that there is a crucial distinction between his pure abstract concept of war - the notion of absolute war - and his theory of real war, where the irrationality ofviolence and the force of the military will, are subjected to political rationality. According to Clausewitz politicians carry the ultimate responsibility in determining the ends of war, and this can only be done after a thorough appraisal of national and international realities.
One of the consequences of his position is that the military and political levels are not, as A. Rapoport suggests, interchangeable but in a subordinate position. Military leaders should always follow the logic of politics, politicians however should not neglect the grammar of war. Despite some texts that might suggest the contrary, Clausewitz held a clear option for a defensive policy. Value judgments are left to philosophers.
Méthodes et résultats inédits pour l'analyse des voix de préférences
Authors: Doutrelepont René 
Published: July 2021

This article has two goals: 1° to illustrate certain methods which are completely new in their application and ; 2° to communicate and analyse the results obtained by these methods.The first part of this study concerns the application of a mathematical model to the nominal votes in the French-speaking electoral college for the European elections of June 1984. The statistical categories of the log linear model, logically translated, permit to isolate and to measure the effects of list, position, and personality of each candidate.The second part of the article studies in more detail the results for the candidates Happart and Nols. This provides the occasion to introduce and to illustrate a method which permits the measurement of the nature of the performance of each candidate in terms of votes and percentages. The application of this method to the totality of French - and Flemish -speaking candidates, with an interpretation of the significance of themeasures (relative importance of the list and of the candidate), forms the last part of this study.
Clarté du discours et représentation politique
Authors: Capron Henri , Kruseman Jean-Claude 
Published: July 2021

Assuming that the political information provided to the voters directly determines the communication efficiency of the political system in a democratic framework, this paper therefore proposes and tests some hypotheses explaining the politician's behaviour in that respect. Those hypotheses are tested on statements made by major Belgian parties' leaders at the eve of the 1978 and 1981 national elections. Having first related the degree of reserve on the politician's statement with his party's share in the constituency, a positive relationship is found. The second hypothesis states that the degree of reserve in the politician's statement is explained by his reaction either offensive or defensive triggered by the variation in his party's share given the outcome of the precedent election. It is observed that a defensive attitude is adopted by parties having known a reduction of their market share. The third question dealt with examines the infiuence of the size of the party on the abovementioned relationship between the variation of the market share and the degree of reservedness. The results show that apparently the elimination of the size effect does not affect the findings concerning the second hypothesis.
Neo-corporatisme en het Belgisch sociaal-economisch overlegsysteem
Authors: Vanderstraeten Alex 
Published: July 2021

The aim of this article is to demonstrate the discussion on neocorporatism with refering to the Belgian socio-economie concertation system. The central thesis is to understand neo-corporatism as a functional specific concertation system alongside or in function of the traditional parliamentary-democratic decision-system. The fact that this neo-corporatist socio-economic concertation system is interwoven with the parliamentary system (and especially with the particracy or compromise democracy in Belgium) stands for its strength and strategie facilities to come to a socio-economic concensus between trade unions, business organizations and the state. Specially the fact that neo-corporatism is not always very structured, and works more or less in an informal way puts our attention to the traditional formal democratic way of decision-making and the informal concertation between workers, employers and the state. This difference between formal and informal, or legally institutionalized and semi-institutionalized concertation plays a major role in the functioning of the Belgian socio-economic concertation system.
Les élections législatives du 13 décembre 1987 : Analyse des résultats
Authors: Fraeys William 
Published: July 2021

Organized only two years after the previous genera! elections, the 1987 poll, characterized by a great stability of the electorale, wilt probably have a deep political impact on the country's future.If the rate of external mobility suitably gauges the extent of the citizens' shifts in votes, the 1987 elections will have ranged among the four most stable general elections out of the twenty-two that have taken place since universal suffrage has been introduced. And yet, because of the decline of the outgoing coalition, on the one hand, which is mainly due to the loss suffered by the CVP, and because of the change of majority within the Walloon Regional Council and the French-speaking Community Council, on the other, the political situation appears very different after the 13th December 1987 elections.
The observer can only be struck by the asymmetrical behaviour of the voters in the northern and southern parts of the country. In Flanders, the main party is on the decline white all other parties are winning votes.However, everything seems to show that the motivation of the voters who did not vote twice for the same party in 1985 and 1987, but who, as we said, are not very numerous, was an economic and social motivationrather than a language or community-related one. The gains of Agalev, the PVV and the SP in the face of the Volksunie's status quo cannot be explained otherwise. The gains of the Vlaams Blok, notably in Antwerp, are probably due to social (attitude towards immigrants) rather than community-linked motivations too. In the W alloon Region, on the contrary, the main party is registering an obvious gain, white the other parties are declining or stagnating. In this case, the motivations seem to be numerous : they have a social and economic background on the part of voters who trusted the main opposition party, but they are also community linked and inspired by considerations that have to do with the relationships between the Walloon and Flemish people in the Belgian State under transformation.The political prospects then appear uncertain. This is even more true that two other elections are to take place in the next eighteen months.These concern the opposite levels of the elected Assemblies: the municipal Council and the European Parliament.
De provincieraadsverkiezingen van 13 december 1987
Authors: Toelen Danny 
Published: July 2021

At the provincial council elections of the 13th of december 1987 only one of the three traditional political families made a general progress, namely the socialists. Mainly in Wallonia the socialists improved their position seriously. In this part of the country they are the only and absolute winners of these provincial elections. The christian-democrats and the liberals were subject of a severe decline. Por the christian-democrats this decline was mainly situated in Flanders. The liberals had a serious decline in W allonia, that couldn't be counterbalanced by the small progress they made in Flanders. The ecologists made progress, mostly in the Flemish part of the country and in Brussels. By the federalist parties the Volksunie had a loss of three provincial council seats in Flanders, but the seperatistic and extreme right party Vlaams Blok won two seats. The communists disappeared totally from the provincial councils in Belgium. The results of the provincial council elections had a similar profile as these of the House of Representatives and the Senate which where held at the same day.
De verhouding ACV-ABVV in de jaren 1970-1985
Authors: Houthuys Jef 
Published: July 2021

Trade Union Mouvement in Belgium has never been an enduring structured entity. In pluralistic political systems, trade unions develop rather pragmatic relations and act as competitors. Economic recession determined the trade union strategy in the seventies : focus of the policy switches towards employment (instead of income and wages). ABVV (socialist trade union) and ACV (Chrisian trade union) cultivated different viewpoints concerning the solution of crisis, which resulted in a tense relationship.In the early eighties, relations sunk to the ultimate point of rare contacts, none or few common statements and many accusations. From 1982 on, cooperation grew again: contacts intensified and common actions got higher frequency again.
Politieke betrokkenheid en activiteit in Nederland 1973-1986
Authors: Castenmiller Peter , Dekker Paul 
Published: July 2021

In 1985 Cleymans showed in this journal that politica! participation in Belgium did not differ much from what was found in international research in other European countries. In this article some pieces of "conventional wisdom" in the international literature about structure and selectivity of political participation are questioned with Dutch data. Furthermore, information about participation in the Netherlands is important in itself. As neighbouring countries with close connections and interrelated histories, Belgium and Holland certainly deserve more attention as objects for comparative study. In a range of ten activities from trying to contact politicians to joining a demonstration it seems to make less and less sense to look for a polarity of conventional and unconventional participation in the Netherlands. The overall political participation since 1973 appears to remain at the same level. This finding questions popular beliefs about shifts from a rebellious beginning of the seventies to a quiet period in the second half of that decade to spectacular outbursts of unconventional political behaviour at the beginning of the eighties (new social movements) and resulting in political apathy at the moment. On a macro-level the stability of participation seems to be combined with a constant or slowly rising passive political involvement. Political involvement and participation in the 1980'sare still related with individual and social background characteristics as education, sex, age, involvement in the Labour force and religion. However, relationships are not very strong in the 1980's. Following political participation of some social categories in the 1973-1986 period, it appeared that education and leftright-selfrating are of most and possibly still growing importance. Besides the higher educated and leftisht people, public employees are the "big participators" during all the years. Students evidently lose position. The gap between the sexes seems to disappear. Whereas in Belgium working outside the home does not seem to be a factor that stimulates the participation of wamen, in the Netherlands it seems to be of an utmost importance.It turns out that there are similarities and differences in political involvement and participation between Belgium and the Netherlands. Same differences may result from the fact that Cleymans used data of 1975, whereas we used data until 1986. It is clear, however, that there have been developments in the structure andselectivity of participation in the Netherlands and it would be interesting to have more recent comparative information about Belgium.
Parlementsleden over het parlement en hun taak : Onderzoek van gepercipieerde en gepropageerde beelden inzake het parlement bij de Vlaamse Kamerleden van 1977 tot 1987
Authors: Weckx Peter 
Published: July 2021

This article focuses on opinions of 185 Flemish members of Parliament on the functioning of Parliament, the position of Parliament in the decision making process and their task as a member of Parliament. For that purpose, members of Parliament were not interviewed, hut other sources were used, such as (daily and weekly) papers, papers of political parties and parliamentary documents. They all were situated in the period 1977-1987.The study shows that members of Parliament do not wish to affect a revaluation of Parliament because of different opinions of opposition and majority members conceming its position in the decision making process. Nevertheless, they extensively discussed this theme. In this way they want to express their concern for the functioning of parliamentary democracy, in which Parliament constitutionally is focused in the center.
Beeldvorming van het politieke bedrijf via de openbare omroep : Inhoudsanalyse van de politieke verslaggeving in het BRTn-televisie journaal in de periode 1982-1991
Authors: Goyvaerts Peter 
Published: July 2021

The image-building of the political system through the public broadcasting corporation BRTn is analysed on the base of a content analysis of the political information in the television news during the period 1982-1991. The study shows that political coverage in the public television news is subject to actualisation, fragmentation, personifying, dramatisation and the introduction of entertainment-techniques. Political items are transferred to the back of the newsbroadcast and there is less room for interpretation of the facts. Journalists point out that the attention for politics has diminished because the audience is less interested. However it is very likely that this is the result of the fact that the audience is uniformed because of the lack of information. In that way we enter a vicious circle that can only be broken through the media themselves. In order to achieve this, television shoud bring more interpretation and explanation of the facts. A parliamentary feature, incorporated in a current alfairs programme could attribute to this, but can do no miracles when commercial tendencies become stronger in the news itself.
Hoe zwart is Vlaanderen ? : Een exploratief onderzoek naar uiterst-rechtse denkbeelden in Vlaanderen in 1991
Authors: De Witte Hans , Billiet Jaak , Scheepers Peer 
Published: July 2021

On the basis of the research literature, five aspects of the extreme right-wing ideology were distinguished : racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the preference for a strong leadership, anti-parliamentarianism, and an anti-left attitude. The data of a postal survey in the spring of 1991 of a representative sample of the Flemish population in Belgium show that the items with which these extreme right-wing topics were operationalized show a one dimensional structure. About 10% to 25% of the interviewees agree with the individual items and about 20% of the subjects scored on the extreme right-wing side of the scale. The 'hardcore' of extreme right-wing respondents is, however, much smaller (about 1% to 2%), and does not seem to be higher in Flanders than in most of the surrounding countries. The right-wing extremism scale developed correlates as expected with a previously developed typology that integrates the attitude with respect to autochthons and allochthons. The analysis confirms that the voters for the Vlaams Blok - taken as a whole - may not be considered right-wing extremists, as suggested by previous research. Right-wing extremism correlates with a large number of attitudes and seems to be embedded in the broader opinion dimension of socio-cultural conservatism. This may also explain why it is associated primarily with the age, educational level, and religiosity of the respondents.
Démocratie directe : Un moyen pour remédier aux défauts fonctionnels de la démocratie représentative ?
Authors: Möckli Silvano 
Published: July 2021

Devices of direct democracy are an important structural element in Switzerland's political system. In this article, institutions and functions of Switzerland's direct democracy will be presented. Then the author will pursue whether the direct democracy can be used as a device to prevent a dysfunctional parliamentary system of government. He comes to the conclusion that Switzerland's direct democracy is not an exportable good. We know from the Swiss experience that there is no single model that describes how initiatives and referendums function in every state.
De profilering van Luc Van Den Brande : Kroniek van het politieke leven in Vlaanderen in 1993
Authors: Tastenhoye Guido 
Published: July 2021

The year 1993 in Flanders wilt be remembered as the year in which the Flemish prime minister, Luc Van den Brande, builds himself a very sharp profile. He very explicitly occupies the new domains on which the Flemish authorities can now decide on their own policy. He clearly defends the economical interests of Flanders, even if this leads to conflicts with French-speaking Belgians and/or with unitarist Belgians. Van den Brande launches his project for thefuture ("Flanders-Europe 2002'') and promotes Flanders as a good place for economical investments. Within his own party, the CVP, he counterbalances the weight of the federal prime minister Jean-Luc Dehaene.
L'identité Wallonne saisie par l'enquête : Une approche constructiviste de l'identité collective
Authors: Jacquemain Marc , Doutrelepont René , Vandekeere Michel 
Published: July 2021

At first view, the methodology of survey research may seem rather unsuitable to the study of such "holistic" phenomena as collective and social identities. That difficulty vanishes - at least partly - as soon as we consider social identity as the link between the individual and his belongings, as does the "social identity theory", developed from the work of Taffel and Turner. From there on, survey research may prove to be a useful device to cope with some main characteristics of social identity: mainly its variability among groups and classes within a same society and its particular sensitivity to socio-political contexts. Survey research, combined with the social identity theory may help to test historical assumptions at a macro-social level. It may also give some ''flesh" and some additional realism to the micro-theories of social behaviour, which are too often limited by their conception of a strictly rational and interested agent.