bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Encore les cabinets ministériels
Authors: Snoy et d'Oppuers Baron 
Published: July 2021

The ministerial cabinets are growing in number and in cost. They constitute a nuisance for the good functioning of the civil service. However, there is a functional necessity for the Minister to dispose of a reduced personal staff.The suppression of ministerial cabinets would hurt the feelings of the political parties who are eager to use them as a source of power and of influence which they consider as an electoral asset. The only practical solution is to keep under strict control the number of the cabinet members and to convince the political parties that they have a fundamental interest to keep a high standard of functioning for the civil service.
Confusions idéologiques et dimensions religieuses
Authors: Hersch Jeanne 
Published: July 2021

«Ideology» means here a collective project, immanent to society, «religion», a collective committment towards an absolute, a transcendent source of meaning and value.To day the ideological belief that we could, by destroying present social structures and the use of new technics, enjory happiness, brotherhood and justice at once becomes a substitute for the absolute of religion.Absolutized ideologies destroy the conditions of meaning in life by dissimulating «the perfect imperfection» of human condition. Ideological eschatology expects «an end of history» located in future time, to be reached under the scientific guidance of political ingenieurs. For religious eschatology, the end of history is transcendent, «beyond time», in eternity. Christians and marxists in search for understanding and common action are usually confusing the future with eternity, immanence with transcendence.Even in a fight to death, transcendence allows a beyond, a dimension of possible brotherhood or communion. After its destruction by absolutisation of an immanent project, there only remains total war and technical power.
A la veille des fusions : les paradoxes des comportements politiques communaux : Une enquête dans les communes de plus de 18.000 habitants en Wallonie
Authors: Delruelle Nicole , Frognier André-Paul 
Published: July 2021

This article gives a first account of a survey conducted in Wallonia in May 1976, before the municipal elections.A specific survey was conducted in each town of more than 18.000 citizen.The complete sample is of ± 8000 persons. Comments are introduced on two type of questions : 1° thoseconcerning the relation of people with the municipality (sense of community, political interest, opinion concerning the environment) and 2° those concerning the electoral motivations.
lnfluences des modifications de la loi électorale communale
Authors: Breny Henri 
Published: July 2021

The technical changes in the local-elections law that were recently implemented have only had a negligible effect on the electoral results. As a matter of fact they did not bring about any change in the two major evils that beset local elections in Belgium. These are indeed dominated by a particular system (Imperiali) of allocation of seats that systematically deviates from proportional representation and is heavily resented as such by a considerable part of the public opinion. The recent modifications allow a voting method (the multiple vote) that wilt - from now on and increasingly so in the future - give a possibility to particular factions that are slightly stronger within a certain party to conquer a far more than proportional share of the party seats andmight well come close to the total number of seats allocated to a certain party. It is indeed the democratic nature of the electoral system in Belgium that is at stake here.
De machtshiërarchie van de staten
Authors: Dewachter Wilfried , Tegenbos Guy , Clijsters Edi 
Published: July 2021

Most theorists on International Relations agree on recognizing natural resources, economic strength, technologica! development, political stability and military strength as the five bases of a state's power.This unanimity is in sharp contrast with the divergence in the operationalizations of the power of states. Most operationalizations use only one or two bases of a state's power and thus are very limited in scope.Therefore, the demand for an operationalization sticking as closely as possible to the unanimity among theorists, farces itself on the researcher. The present study is an attempt to transform the theoretical unanimity into an operational measuring.Such an operationalization was obtained by granting all five power bases an equal share in the index (in this operationalization each power base is represented by 3 subindicators), and by giving an equal weight to the sums of the arithmetical values for fifteen subindicators and thus for the five indicators. The nations'power index thus obtained was applied for 110 nation states (a number of very small states had to be kept out of the present research) as they existed in the beginning of the '70s. On this power scale, ratings diHer from 29,046 IWM (index points of world power) for the USA to 276 IWM for Gambia, and even less for a number of the smaller states that could not be investigated.
L'année 1977 pour les immigrés
Authors: Taverne Michel , Martens Albert 
Published: July 2021

Although immigration of foreign workers had practically ceased since 1974, a series of important facts or developments took place in 1977.1. Unemployment increased and maintained itself on a high level. Immigrants, who make up 10 % of the active population, were affected by 14 % of the total unemployment. This percentage has remained constant since 1967. Nevertheless, these figures do not seem to have been noted by the Members of Parliament. They merely intend to propose either sending back all foreign unemployed workers, or simply expelling all working foreigners.2. In 1977, the Foreign Office replaced the former «Foreign Police». This does not mean, however, that the situation of the immigrants has improved.3. The granting of voting and eligibility rights to immigrants with respect to local elections is an idea which made progress in 1977. However, the political parties have very different ideas on this. Also, the issue of whether granting such rights does or does not imply a revisionof the Belgian Constitution has still not been solved.4. Previous to 1977, the immigration policy had fallen under the competency of the Ministers of Employment and Labor and of Justice. The recently concluded policy agreement, the Egmont Pact, calls for the regions and communities to play an important role in this matter. So far, this modification has barely been noted by the legislature.
Maatschappelijk probleem en probleemervaring
Authors: Holvoet Luk 
Published: July 2021

This theoretical study starts from the observation that nearly any social problem is hierarchically structured. In order to elucidate the importance of this hierarchical aspect for the eventual solution of the problem, the concepts «problem domain» and «context» are introduced. With respect to each problem the nature of the problem defining instance, the problem definition and the problem experience are considered under a double aspect : the three of them can be individual as well as collective. As for the problem itself a distinction is made between a subjective and an objective component. One also examines the elements that make a problem into a real social problem.Eventually one observes that each problem situation leads to the formation of a «field of power» involving various problem defining instances, each with its particular problem definition and problem experience. A valuable solution to any problem can hardly be reached without taking into account each of the forces in this field of power.
L'absentéisme parlementaire : Diagnostic et remèdes
Authors: Drion Françoise 
Published: July 2021

Various causes are responsible for the important absenteeism which prevails in the public sessions and committees of the legislative assemblies: the various activities to be accomplished by Representatives andSenators outside Parliament (particularly obligations in their district and within the party) are more and more numerous and time-consuming.However, they cannot afford to neglect these since they favour the contacts indispensable for re-election. Additionally, absenteeism can be explained by the M.P.s' lack of interest for debates which they consider insignificant, either because these are too specialized, or because they concern matters largely aired by the media before being submitted to Parliament, or because they cover political choices already made.Within the parliamentary institution there are means to reduce this absenteeism. It would be appropriate to reduce drastically the number of public sessions of the Assemblies and to multiply the written proceedings. It is important to make use of the existing procedures such as permanent sections, as these are better adapted than the large assemblies to the requirements of contemporary parliamentarism. Finally, it is necessary that group leaders and commission presidents should be more vigilant to absenteeism in the commissions, because it impedes correct and functional parliamentary work and can in no manner be justified.
De regeringsvorming Martens I
Authors: Holvoet Luk , Platel Marc 
Published: July 2021

The first months of political life in Belgium in 1979 were essentially characterized by the great difficulties encoutered in the formation of a new cabinet. In 1979 Belgium lived its longest cabinet crisis in its history.As usual, the process of cabinet formation started with the nomination of an «informateur», followed by that of a «formateur». However, formateur Wilfried Martens did not succeed in forming a cabinet : oppositions on issues and strategies between the parties proved to a high to be surmounted. The King there upon introduced an innovation: he designated two «mediators». These, however, also failed to find some ground for agreement. Eventually, after elaborate informal contacts, the resigning Prime-Minister, Paul Vanden Boeynants, was nominated as formateur. After a month of laborious negotiations he successfully completed his mission. However, he preferred to leave the post of Prime-Minister of the new five party cabinet to Mr. Martens, till then president of the FlemishChristian-Democrats.
Le FDF : seize ans d'expérience pluraliste
Authors: Lefevre Pierre 
Published: July 2021

With its sixteen years, experience of pluralism, the FDF appears to represent a new type of political party in Belgian politics. Owing to the multiplicity of its origins the federalist party of Brussels was obliged in an initial stage to reconcile manifold philosophical, ideological and political tendencies; in later years it has succeeding in giving an even more concrete contents to this pluralism. lt now consciously tends to make this pluralism a political advantage in its competition with the traditional parties. Both the evolution and the structure of the party were strongly determined by this specific characteristic.
"Conference Committees" in het Congres van de Verenigde Staten van Amerika
Authors: Tillekaerts Guy 
Published: July 2021

The conference committee is one of the most important joint committees in het American Congress, appointed to reconcile differences between bills adopted in the two houses of Congress in different forms.Each house is authorized to call for a conference. Usually, only the most important bills are submitted to a conference committee, and minor bills wilt be adopted by concessions of one of the houses.Each house commits his conferees, and can give them instructions on how to vote. These instructions however are not imperative. The number of conferees in each delegation is not necessarily equal, but each delegation votes as a unit and in the way determined by the majority in the delegation. The committee only is allowed to examine the matters in disagreement and cannot add any new provisions to the bills.When an agreement is reached a conference report is written and signed by the majority of the conferees in each delegation, after which it is sent back to the houses for approval.The bill as modified by the conference committee can be adopted or rejected, in which case a second conference can be asked for. No amendments are allowed. The conference committee, sometimes called the «Third House of Congress» not only has become a very powerful institution but also a necessary one. It is responsible for about one third of the legislation including the most important bills.lts necessity is confirmed by its two century-existence, and the fact that it has been copied in other federal states such as the Federal Republic of Germany and Switzerland.
De rationaliteit van het overheidsmanagement in het Belgisch politiek systeem
Authors: Van Haegendoren Mieke 
Published: July 2021

Rational public decision-making is nearly impossible for two reasons : the organisational complexity of public services and the existence of two circuits, a political one (parties, parliament...), and an administrativeone (bureaucracy).Moreover, public decisions are made by different pressure groups, and from different decision centres. In Belgium the impact of political parties is steadily increasing, up to the point where they function as master-organisations that have set up their own institutions to carry out public tasks (e.g. education). In thesocio-economie field the government acts more often as an arbitrator and money-supplier than as a decision-maker.In the welfare state the government's position in the whole field of decision-making amounts to delegating decisions to private organisations and pressure groups, which in due course leads to corporatism andirrationality. Finally, the organisation structure of the civil service itself stimulates irrationality because it was set up as a pyramid hierarchy in a time when the government did not have many tasks.
De politieke macht en de sociaal-economische status van de buurten binnen de Brusselse agglomeratie
Authors: Holvoet Luc 
Published: July 2021

Political power in Brussels is not distributed randomly over its area. There is hardly any political power situated in districts with a very low socio-economic status ( SES), white there is an overconcentration of political power in districts with a high SES in relation to their population. The residents of very low SES districts are deprived in two ways : almost no power is situated in their districts and the office bolders who do live in them are generally among the least powerful.It is noted that the power of the Dutch-language parties is distributed over the Brussels agglomeration in another way than the French-language parties. The power of the Dutch-language parties is situated primarily in low SES districts, while French-language parties have their power mainly in districts with a high SES.The lack of political power of very low SES districts is not new. Since World War II, there has never been much power located in the zones where the part of the population that occupies the base of the production process lives. Democracy is still not able to prevent the formation of areas within the Brussels agglomeration in which the residents have a very small share in the power of the political parties.
De staatshervorming van 1980 als niet-oplossing
Authors: Ceuleers Jan 
Published: July 2021

The 1980 state reform is unsatisfactory for two main reasons. It remained unfinished on crucial points, e.g. the definitive settlement for the Brussels region and the transformation of the senate into a chamber for regions and communities. As the preparations for a revision of the constitution, necessary for such a change in the senate's assignment, have not even started, the independance of regions and communities has remained a dead letter.Secondly, the laws which should have executed the state reform concerning the competence-division between central, regional and communal government, remain obscure on many instances. No homogeneous policy-packages have been transfered to the communities or to the regions ; moreover in the transfered policies certain parts were reserved for the central government and finally the limits between the several fields of competence are far from clear-cut.The result is policy-dispersion, endless competence-conflicts and immobility. The fundamental question remains whether the equivalence of central laws and regional and communal laws is a correct decision, or whether one should return to a hierarchy between the different policy-levels.
De evolutie van het communautair gebeuren op economisch vlak : evaluatie en alternatief
Authors: Maton Jozef 
Published: July 2021

The Belgian conflict can be compared with a game theoretical model with two groups (Flemish and Walloons) and a negative sum-game. Within each of the groups there is hierarchisation, role playing and formation ofcoalitions. On the Flemish side the main actor is the CVP, on the Walloon side it is the PS.The main objectives of the communities in the economie field are: temporary boarding employment in depressed industries and, simultaneously, the creation of high tech industries. Policy instruments to attain those goals are : general economie measures (such as wage level, interest-rate and exchange rate); selective-protective measures ( with respect to depressed industries); selective-innovative measures (with respect to high techindustries).Why is the sum-game negative or at least suboptimal?1. Mentioned policy instruments are spread over an incoherent set of institutions on the national and regional level, with rules that are partly centralist, partly federalist, partly confederalist. This leads to a complicated, unstable set of game rules in which the financial implications of decisions are shifted from the regional to the national level and vice versa.2. Selective-protective measures are of such large size that they offset and erode the beneficial effects of general policy measures regarding wages, taxes and exchange rate.Federalism or confederalism would and should establish a new set of rules between the two regions and between regional and (con) federal state. Since a return to the ancien régime is politically unfeasible, this is the only logical way out of the present chaotic decision making process. Federalism would, inter alia, shift the financial responsibility of decisions in the field of industrial policy, education, health and public works towards the regions.This political reform requires a new constitution and therefore an agreement between the two communities. The chances for a new «talk» are presently not very high. Among the many reasons, one in particular strikes the eye : the major partner on the Flemish side, namely the Christian Democrats, have a multi-dimensional utility function, which not only is «concealed» for the others, but also undefined and unclear for the party itself.
De evolutie van de uitgaven van de Belgische gemeenten sinds 1974 : Analyse in functie van het inwonersaantal en van de regionale ligging
Authors: Coens Johan 
Published: July 2021

In view of a better comprehension of the current bad situation of the municipal finances, the evolution of the expenses of the Belgian municipalities has been investigated. Although the attention is focussed on a descriptive analysis, some explanatory indications are also given by analysing the expenses in functionof the number of inhabitants and of the geographical situation (i.c. belonging to the Flemish, Walloon or Brussels region). Special attention was given to the evaluation of the potential inffoence of the amalgamation of the municipalities, which in 1976 reduced their number from 2 359 to 596.The global municipal expenses have increased by circa 25 % (in real terms). The pattern of expenditures (i.e. the relative share of the different earmarks) remained fairly stable. There was a positive - although not rectilinear, and important exceptions exist - correlation between the population number and the level of expenses. The number of inhabitants also infiuences the destination of the revenues in a significantway. The amalgamation process seems to have only an indirect repercussion on the expenses, particularly by the change in the spreading of the municipalities over the different categories.Especially the remarkable and relevant inter-regional differentiation of the expenses - W alloon municipalities spend more money per inhabitant and following other priorities - needs further research.
Opinion publique et politique extérieure en Belgique de 1945 à 1962 : Orientation des études et perspectives de la recherche en Belgique
Authors: Dumoulin Michel 
Published: July 2021

There are very few publications concerning the history of the foreign policy of Belgium. Those concerning the relation between public opinion and international relations are even less frequent. Based on publications of the results of public opinion polls organized by the Universitary lnstitute for Economic and Social Information (INSOC), and a limitedchoice of other written sources, it is possible to prove that the call on the public opinion concerning the history of international relations, and even more for the decision making, must be treated very carefully. In fact, there doesn't exist just one but several public opinions. The reactions in Belgium on the resolution of the United Nation concerningthe division of Palestine may be a clear example of the latter.
De la classification des partis politiques
Authors: Seiler Daniel-Louis 
Published: July 2021

This article is concerned with the epistemological and methodological problems related to the taxonomy of political parties whett based on noorganizational criteria.The study of parties represents a starting point for modern Political Science : i.e. the seminal researches of Bryce, Ostrogorski and Michels. However this important field of knowledge hasn't known that much progress since the classical Duverger's Political Parties. Why?Two kind of approaches are used in order to classify parties: individualistic versus holistic. «Individualistic classifications» often suffer from a lack of theoretical background. Same of them use a spurious criterium like party names : i.e. Radical means extreme-left in the USA and conservatism in Switzerland, secularist activism in Italy and evangelical left in the Netherlands etc.Some classifications are based on political platforms which is a meaningless criterium: «A general election campaign is about a choice between organizations, not ideas.» (Richard Rose) The third criterium is far better: policies really implemented by political parties. However when properly used it gives a typology of countries, not parties.«Holistic classifications» either functionnalist or marxist opposed each other : the first stressed on equilibrium, the latter on class warfare. One suggests Rokkan's four cleavages paradigm to classify parties : each side of a cleavage should correspond to a definite «Political Family».Which items to use in order to assess a party to a permanent cleavage line ? ( 1) The historical function performed by the party at its creation. (2a) The sociological structure of the party's : electorate, membership and inner group; (2b) The linkage structure between the party and a given network of pressure groups, movements and associations.
De niet-aanwezige burger midden de jaren zeventig
Authors: Cleymans Anne 
Published: July 2021

The object of this article is to focus on a survey on political participation in Belgium in the mid seventies. By political participation, the author refers to a set of political activities - conventional and less conventional, electoral and pre-electoral - which are hierarchical structured on a Guttman scale.Although the research is more or less unique - in Belgian terms - in this respect, the results are at first glance compatible with earlier findings. Most Belgians are rather passive citizens; 30 % of the survey sample performs none of the activities integrated in the scale.A closer look learns that male, middle aged citizens with some education and a decent job are most involved in polities, but it reveals also that gender, age, socio-economie class and educational attainment are not the one and only reliable predictors of political activity.