bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
High School Dropouts’ Movements In and Out of Work and Education During the Transition to Adulthood
Authors: Lavoie Laurence , Thouin Éliane , Dupéré Véronique , Dion Eric 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
High school dropouts are likely to experience challenges during the transition to adulthood, notably in terms of employment. For them, jobs are often hard to find, low-paid, and unstable. Many dropouts thus re-enroll in school, and some go on to obtain a high school or vocational diploma or even a college degree. However, others do not re-enroll or abandon school again, while some disengage from both education and employment. In other words, high school dropouts experience heterogeneous pathways during their transition to adulthood. A small but growing body of research attempt to document these pathways and their antecedents and consequences, as well as effective programs and services to reconnect those at risk of marginalization. This chapter provides a broad overview of this literature, focusing on the transition to adulthood among high school dropouts in Canada, the United States, and Europe. In closing, key policies and practical implications are discussed.
A Strategy for Building Transition-Focused Education Capacity to Support Disabled Students in Australian Schools
Authors: Milford Todd , Lawrence Breanna , Beamish Wendi , Davies Michael , Meadows Denis W. 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter explores how an ongoing collaboration between a local university and an educational district within Queensland, Australia, has assisted educational professionals to better address the requirements of students with disabilities to transition successfully from high school to adulthood. The collaboration was a response to federal data that identified poor outcomes for students with disabilities and provided funding to improve these outcomes through school and system capacity-building. In Australia, there is a paucity of research into transition-focused education and postschool outcomes, a lack of research and technical assistance centers, poor professional preparation and development for teaching staff, and poor systemic structures to support this student population at school and in their early adult life. The study outlined here addresses this lack of research on school to adulthood transitions for students with disabilities and offers an example of implementing recommended practice to support transitions.
Young Adult Transnational School- to-Work Transitions in the Context of Work Migration in Europe
Authors: Negru-Subtirica Oana 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Today, an increasing number of young adults’ first systematic work experiences occur beyond the boundaries of their homelands, leading to transnational school-to-work transitions. Work migration trends in the past decades indicate that more young adults choose or are forced to live their first systematic work experiences in a new country. This chapter explores transnational school-to-work transitions in the European context in emerging adults who migrate to find work. First, the author analyzes the dynamics of transnational school-to-work transitions for European emerging adults who have completed extensive schooling (university graduates). Next, the author examines how educational and labor market factors may influence the development of meanings of work and of work identities in these young adults. Lastly, the author details implications for educational and occupational policies targeting immigrant young adults.
News Deserts, Echo Chambers, Algorithmic Editors, and the Siren Call of Revenues
Authors: Minow Martha 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Chapter 1 traces monumental shifts in the news industry and in the communications technologies and companies that have brought about a new ecosystem of news. Failing business models for newspapers, changes in media ownership, and the rise of digital platforms have all drawn viewership or financial support away from legacy media—and local news in particular. The effects signify nothing short of a crisis in journalism, characterized by growing news deserts, the development of echo chambers, and concentrated media ownership. These shifts in the news ecosystem affect not only individuals and communities but also the very workings of the American system of government: They threaten the critical role of the press in American democracy—the only private industry expected and relied upon by the nation’s founders.
Comparing Intelligence Accountability
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter reviews the literature of intelligence accountability, reviews different theories, and introduces readers to key terms such as oversight, review, control, and governance. This book complements the process of intelligence oversight—the practice of holding ISAs to account, whereby ISAs have to justify their activities—with other types and levels of accountability. Typologically, accountability bodies differ by ways and methods they use to hold ISAs accountable: they can review, oversee, or control Intelligence and Security Agencies (ISA), and/or accept and address complaints concerning actions or activities of an ISA. Although conventionally they assessed compliance within an intelligence community, as of late they have been performing additional functions, such as promoting innovation. The different types of accountability are complemented by various layers in which Intelligence and Security Agencies are held accountable: internal, managerial, and external. The chapter introduces readers to the institutional architecture of intelligence accountability: legislative committees, judicial and quasi-judicial bodies, bureaucratic and administrative bodies, and executive oversight. It goes on to review intelligence accountability frameworks: laws, legislatures, the executive, the judiciary, the media, the public, civil society, and the democratic interest. The chapter closes on developments in international and supranational accountability cooperation.
United States of America
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter reviews the member organizations of the United States Intelligence Community, the strategic environment that has informed intelligence and accountability in the United States, including scandals as a key driver of innovation, and the current and future threat environment as seen by the United States. The chapter examines the US intelligence accountability architecture: the House of Representative Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, the Inspectors General, the Government Accountability Office, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Office, and the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board. The sheer number and complexity of accountability bodies in the US gives rise to inefficiencies, ineffectiveness, and duplication. The accountability system is replete with gaps and vulnerabilities: partisanship, collective-action problems, resource allocation, and inconsistent quality of review in congressional accountability; GAO’s limited authority to review the USIC and sensitive operations; the adequacy of the FISA court in adequately protecting the rights of Americans; and Presidential discretion in appointing and removing IGs. These issues have implications not just for the United States, but for allies, partners as well as regional and global stability.
United Kingdom
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
The United Kingdom’s intelligence accountability system reviews and oversees the Five Eyes’ oldest intelligence and security community. Her Majesty’s intelligence community illustrates the challenge of managing the tension between state security with human security: a cycle of reform driven in an attempt to (re)gain the trust of a sceptical UK public and in response to technological progression. Over the course of the last century, the UK and its intelligence and security agencies assisted other Five Eyes members in establishing their own ISAs, while its cycle of reform has had equally important ramifications for driving innovation in intelligence accountability across the Five Eyes community. Controversies have undermined the prospect for public trust on which the legitimacy of the UK’s intelligence community ultimately depends. Changes from the initial focus on general administrative and executive review and oversight were driven by domestic and transnational legal challenges. The European Convention on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights have had a notable impact on security and intelligence in the United Kingdom. The chapter reviews the member organizations of the UK’s intelligence community, the strategic environment that has informed intelligence and accountability in the UK, national security threats from the vantage point of the UK, and the UK’s intelligence accountability architecture: the Investigatory Powers Commissioner and Judicial Commissioners Office, the Investigatory Powers Tribunal, the Intelligence and Security Committee composed of members of both Houses of Parliament, and the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation.
New Zealand
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
As the smallest and most centralized in the Five Eyes community, New Zealand’s intelligence and security community, and the system that holds it accountable, is an outlier. New Zealand’s proximity to Australia is reflected in parallels in intelligence accountability between the two Tasman allies. On the one hand, its relatively smaller size is reflected in certain unique attributes of intelligence accountability, such as its limited scope and access to sensitive material. On the other hand, its more modest size has been beneficial in driving innovation that has subsequently been adopted elsewhere, notably the double lock system for warrants. The chapter reviews the member organizations of the New Zealand’s National Intelligence Community, the particular strategic environment that has informed intelligence and accountability in New Zealand, its rather distinct national security threats, as well as New Zealand’s modest, centralized yet innovative intelligence accountability architecture: the Inspector General of Intelligence and Security, which has an Advisory Panel that is an attribute unique to New Zealand, the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament, and the Commissioner of Intelligence Warrants. New Zealand’s experience draws attention to economies of effort to be harnessed for scarce resources on the big collectors and assessor rather than other government clients that only receive intelligence. New Zealand also differs from other Five Eyes parliamentary intelligence committees in granting only limited access to sensitive operational matters or information. Mandatory regular review of legislation offers an opportunity to assess for efficacy and propose comprehensive improvements to innovate agencies and practices.
Varieties of Intelligence Accountability
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter uses a comparative approach to identify findings among accountability systems across the Five Eyes intelligence community. Commonalities and trends of convergence in intelligence accountability are relevant for and beyond the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. These observations show challenges and opportunities in democracies to reconcile the different logics that inform security and rule-of-law systems. It begins by comparing across types of accountability: review, oversight, compliance, and benchmark criteria such as reasonableness, propriety, proportionality, necessity, efficiency, and effectiveness. Specifically, the comparative findings suggest potential for innovation to play a greater role in signalling trends to governments and improving consistency and quality. The chapter then compares types of accountability bodies and commissions. The remainder of the chapter compares attributes of accountability: mandates, appointment processes, and qualifications for membership, reports, powers, access to information, security requirements, and procedural discretion. It closes on the emerging need to coordinate accountability across an intelligence system. Coordination within an accountability system allows accountability bodies to avert duplication, fill accountability gaps, and help inform each other about issues of potential importance. Coordination and de-confliction are essential for maximizing overall efficiency and effectiveness of accountability systems where mandates of multiple bodies may overlap or conflict.
Conclusion
Authors: Leuprecht Christian 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter historicizes, contextualizes, and theorizes the triangular relationship among governments, intelligence agencies, and democratic citizens in light of the observations and comparisons in this book. It posits accountability as a means to reconcile the apparent contradictions between the openness and transparency of democratic first principles on the one hand, and the power and secrecy of state intelligence on the other. Democracies constantly have to demonstrate their steadfast commitment to playing by the same rules they claim to value and defend as this practice ultimately sets them apart from authoritarianism. Intelligence accountability thus emerges as a quintessentially social process that is both integral and existential to democracy. Accountability tethers intelligence and security communities to the democratic society they serve and the rules, authorizations, and limitations it has imposed. In response to global threats and technological change, however, intelligence now coalesces as an epistemic community that cooperates across agencies, departments, and jurisdictions. Domestic, international, and supranational coordination and collaboration within intelligence communities and across the Five Eyes, other allies, partners, and beyond, vastly complicate the seemingly straightforward task of holding any one intelligence agency or community accountable. Accountability lags changing and expanded intelligence powers and capabilities, which can have deleterious consequences for public trust and support under which intelligence operates in a democratic society. Ergo, the lessons in the comparative study of intelligence are as much about reconciling intelligence and democracy as they are about innovation and adaptation in defending democracy as hostile state and non-state threat actors and vectors proliferate.
A socialist, French commissioner
Authors: Mérand Frédéric 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Before he became a European commissioner, Pierre Moscovici was a French Minister of Finance, close to President François Hollande, and an influential member of the Socialist Party. Even after he moved to Brussels, Moscovici never neglected French politics. Members of his cabinet worked hard to make sure he remained politically relevant in France, and kept his options open there. Meanwhile, the commissioner also tried to position himself as a leader of the European left. This chapter shows how, after Emmanuel Macron’s victory, the prominent socialist politician gradually lost his political base in his home country, which led to tense relations with both the Socialist Party and the Elysée Palace—a key European player.
Italian populists and the Pact
Authors: Mérand Frédéric 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Still on the Stability and Growth Pact, this chapter focuses on the Italian case, the third largest economy in the eurozone. After years of trying to find with Matteo Renzi’s Democrats a “narrow path” that would allow Italy to reduce its public debt, relations between the commissioner and Italy turn into an open political crisis when the Lega–Five Star Movement coalition government comes to power and decides to openly flout budgetary rules. After the Greek summer of 2015, the Italian autumn of 2018 is the most dramatic moment in the cabinet’s life. The chapter explains why, despite Rome’s growing isolation, the Commission ended up not sanctioning Italy.
The failed reform of the eurozone
Authors: Mérand Frédéric 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
This chapter is the story of a political failure. When Moscovici arrived in Brussels, he promised to reform eurozone governance, with a eurozone budget and a European finance minister. The Commission’s ambition was laid out in a Five-President Report that promised great institutional advances. Moscovici’s staff devoted considerable time and effort to push for federalist and Keynesian ideas against the ordoliberal consensus originating from Berlin and The Hague. Focusing on discussions and working meetings between political advisors and DG ECFIN officials, this chapter documents the battle of ideas waged—and lost—by the Moscos against the New Hanseatic League…until COVID-19 changed everything.
No representation without taxation
Authors: Mérand Frédéric 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
In addition to economic and financial affairs, Moscovici was in charge of taxation and customs union. In recent years, there have been growing calls for and initiatives to harmonize tax rules at the global level. Now, the day Juncker and Moscovici came to office, the EU was marred by tax scandals, notably in Juncker’s home country, Luxembourg. This chapter describes how the commissioner and his staff, alongside Competition commissioner Margarethe Vestager, forged an alliance with civil society groups and members of the European Parliament to adopt a series of new legislation against tax evasion, including a list of tax havens. They did so despite the need for unanimity in the Council and against the will of several member states such as the Netherlands. The chapter also recounts the Moscovici cabinet’s political role on two seemingly technical issues: the reform of the Value Added Tax code and the impact of Brexit on the customs union.
Multiparty Democracy in Zimbabwe after the Adoption of the 2013 Constitution
Authors: Chigwata Tinashe Carlton 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other objectives, sought to give greater legitimacy to multiparty democracy. This Constitution strengthens the role of an independent electoral commission, entrenches an array of political rights and freedoms, and requires multilevel government elections. The harmonized elections of 2013 and 2018, which were held under its regime, did not seem to have changed the previous patterns of disputed electoral processes and outcome. Both the electoral process and outcomes for these elections were disputed and subjected to court challenges. The main opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), continue to cry foul that elections are stolen in favour of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union—Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) political party. On the other hand, ZANU-PF argues that it wins elections fairly and squarely as it has always done in the past because it is the most popular political party. This chapter addresses the question of whether the new Constitution has been able to end a culture of disputed elections and, therefore promote effective multiparty democracy. If not, what are the major obstacles and areas of contention? It will do so by examining the harmonized elections that have so far been held under its regime—the 2013 and 2018 harmonized elections.
Constitutionalism and Electoral Authoritarianism in Ethiopia
Authors: Ayele Zemelak Ayitenew 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
After centuries of monarchical rule, 14 years of military rule, and three years of a one-party political system, Ethiopia adopted a constitution that provides for multiparty democracy. The Constitution establishes democratic institutions and contains democratic principles that are vital for competitive multiparty democracy; it also guarantees civil liberties and political rights, including freedom of expression and association that are critical in this regard. Be that as it may, in the past two-and-a-half decades, no competitive multiparty democracy has existed in Ethiopia. Instead, an electoral authoritarian system was instituted that allowed the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates to enjoy exclusive control over every level and unit of government. This was so because, among other things, even if the domestic and global political dynamics that were at work when the EPRDF came to power in the 1990s left it with no choice but to constitutionalize multipartyism, its violent history, its vanguardist self-perception, and the developmental-state paradigm it later endorsed have driven it into electoral authoritarianism. The various formal and informal mechanisms that the party put in place, the socioeconomic structure of the country, and the minimal international pressure it faced when not democratizing allowed it successfully to retain its incumbency for more than two decades. New domestic and international dynamics put pressure on the EPRDF to open up the political space and to change its leadership leading to the rise to power of Abiy Ahmed who, having begun as a reformer, is now showing the tell-tale signs of authoritarianism and harbingers of one-man rule.
Women’s Participation in Elections and Legislatures in Kenya under the 2010 Constitution
Authors: Ghai Jill Cottrell 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
The chapter outlines the progress made with women’s representation in legislature since independence and then assesses the impact of the 2010 Constitution on this matter. Although Kenyan women had been active in the struggle for independence, there were no women in independent Kenya’s first parliament. By 1997 the total was nine (4.1 per cent of the total membership), five of whom were nominated by parties after the election. Women were again active in the agitation for a new Constitution, and in the official constitutional review bodies during 2000–2010. The Constitution finally adopted in 2010 includes various provisions designed to ensure that women are far more prominent in elected bodies, at national or devolved level, though none guarantees the constitutional principle of ‘no more than two-thirds of either gender’ at the national level. The chapter shows that at the county (devolved) level enough women must be selected from party lists, in proportion to the seats each party obtained, to top-up the total to one-third women. Special constituencies and a few list seats for women at the national level are a guarantee of only nearly 15 per cent women. The chapter reviews the reasons for women struggling to get nominated and elected, and traces the efforts, legislative and other, to achieve the constitutional percentage. It also analyses how the push for legislation to ensure the ‘no more than two-thirds’ of one gender at national level through quotas.
The 1870s
Authors: Smith Gary Scott 
Published: July 2021

Abstract
The 1870s were generally happy and successful ones for Twain and his family as they became part of a congenial community in Hartford, Connecticut, and writings flowed from his pen. During this decade, Twain wrote Roughing It (1872), The Gilded Age (1873), and The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (1876). He lampooned greed and corruption in The Gilded Age and numerous essays. Tom Sawyer contains several stories about Sunday school escapades and revival meetings based on Twain’s childhood. Twain’s friendship with Joseph Twichell, the pastor of the Asylum Hill (Congregational) Church in Hartford, was deep, meaningful, and long-lasting. Their relationship as well as an examination of Twain’s view of Christ, human nature, sin, salvation, Christianity, and the church helps illuminate Twain’s religious convictions during the 1870s.