bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
De politieke economie van de overheidsuitgaven in België (1960-1983)
Authors: De Grauwe Paul 
Published: July 2021

How is the growth and the structure of government spending in Belgium related to the political composition of the successive governments ? A distinction is made between center-right and center-left governments.We find that during 1960-83 bath the growth and the composition of government spending has been unrelated to these two types of governments. There is one major exception. Spending for social security increases significantly faster during periods of center-right governments, even after correction for business cycle variables. These results are interpreted in the framework of the median-voter model.
Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 1985
Authors: Verminck Mieke 
Published: July 2021

At the genera! elections in Belgium, the voter bas the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of October 13, 1985, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so. The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 66 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 34 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the christian-democratic parties : 58 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 22 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.
Naar een alternatieve Senaatsfunctie
Authors: Swaelen Frank 
Published: July 2021

The federalisation of the Belgian state requires a rethinking of the legislature, especially of the Senate. A 'Second Chamber' seems a necessary prerequisite for a federal system. It usually serves as a forum of representation of the different components of the federation, deliberation and national cohesion. In the future the Senate could also become closer involved into European politics.As far as the specific redrawing of the powers of the new Senate concerns, opinions differ considerably. Firstly, nearly all parties agree the Senate should have the same powers as the House of Representatives to revise the Constitution and laws on the political institutions. Secondly, there is far less unanimity on the question whether the control powers of the Senate should be as extensive as the House of Representatives. In the current state reform the Senate retains its right of investigation. Thirdly, the role that the Senate and the House of Representativesin the 'ordinary' legislative work can play has to be well defined. There are many ways to redistribute the legislative power. Whatever the principle will be, it is essential to work out a reasonable arbitration procedure between the two chambers. Fourthly, the Senate should retain its power to propose candidatures for the high courts and to act together with the House of Representatives in matters of the monarchy. Fifthly, the Senate should grow into the principal body of mediation for conflicts between the different components of the federal state. The last point of discussion in the reform of the Senate is its future composition. Guiding principles should be : a certain allegiance between the councils of regions and communities and the national Senate, an expression of political experience, no increase of the total number of representatives and a fair representation of the minorities.
Vrouwelijke en mannelijke kandidaten bij de verkiezingen van 24 november 1991 in Vlaanderen
Authors: Van Haegendoren Mieke 
Published: July 2021

This article deals with the differences that exist between the profile of Flemish male and female political candidates placed on election-lists. The survey, held amongst all female and male political candidates, shows that male candidates find themselves in a more favourable position due to the accumulation of small gender differences in education, professional and domestic life.Male candidates more often have university degrees and leading functions resulting in more important relations. They are better represented both in the party structure and in corporate life.Child care and domestic tasks seem to be (usually) their partner's responsability. Female political underrepresentation is a result of a generally weaker position of women in society. Notwithstanding the enormous progress made over the last five decades, the problem of female underrepresentation in politics remains a structural one. Hence, the question is wether a solution should ask for structural measures by the government.
L'engagement des intellectuels dans la France des années trente : entre culture et politique
Authors: Bradfer Philippe 
Published: July 2021

Because of the extent and evidence of political participation of intellectuals in France of the thirties, the latter may be considered as full actors of the political life and debates of these years. The historical circumstances are however not sufficient to explain the political role they then assumed. More precisely, the article is intended to show that in order to explain the peculiarity of the phenomenon, one must necessarily turn to the cultural data, i.e. the set of values and representations that found the social recognition of intellectuals in France and that account for the believe according to which those who, because of their intellectual activity, arenotorious, have an authorized opinion on political matters. In this perspective, one may conclude that the commitment of intellectuals in France of the thirties may not be reduced to a political fact. It also constitutes a cultural fact, resulting from the combination of a value crisis and the system of political attitudes attached, in this country, to the status of intellectuals.
La crise du système politique italien par des observateurs socio-politiques nationaux
Authors: Rossetti Di Valdalbero Domenico 
Published: July 2021

In the last five years, the Italian political system registered its most important crisis. All parties, existing since the second world war, disappeared or were greatly transformed. The main purpose of this article is to analyse the deepest causes of the first Italian republic's collapse, following some specific interpretations of ltalian political observers.L. Ricolfi bases his theory on the emergence of "Lega" and the return of laïque culture in Italy. The old christian democratic and communist parties will suffer the most from these changes.A. Sofri emphasizes the identity of northern regionalism between the "Lega" and the "Pool of Milan" ('Clean hands operation"). A real opposition emerges between the judges of Milan and the politicians of Rome.S. Romano and M.L. Salvadori prefer the historical approach: for them, the events of1990-1994 are very similar to what happened in 1922-1926and in 1943-1945. The absence of a pacific alternative and the "ideological war" among political forces produce the effect that every change in Italian politics implies an end of regime.L. Ornaghi and V.B. Parsi deal with the "values" of citizens which, very often, do not correspond to the values of old politicians. For them, a democracy for the political parties -as structured in the last 45 years- must give priority to a democracy for the citizens.
De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog
Authors: Vandeweyer Luc 
Published: July 2021

Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the constitution of 1830. King Leopold III did the same during the thirties as his predecessors and tried to block this evolution. The Second World War established the circumstances to expand his power. The Council ofM inisters choosed for the western democracies. Leopold III did not. Nevertheless the dynasty was not treathened but Leopold, who was not able to adapt, had to forsake the throne. After the war, the Council of Ministers was acknowledged as one of the most important institutions of the Belgian political system.
Waiting for 'The big one' : The uncertain survival of the Belgian Parties and Party Systems(S)
Authors: Deschouwer Kris 
Published: July 2021

The Belgian party system is aften considered to be or to have been very stable. This article investigates the possibility of the Belgian parties and party systems to 'go Italian ', i.e. to be confronted with a radicial change resulting from a fundamental lack of legitimacy. This problem of legitimation can be expected from the fact that Belgium is a very consociational democracy, in which the parties play a very important role, but tend to become very entangled with the state. The split of the national parties and the federal reform of the state have made the decision-making structures even more complex than before, and have therefore not at all reduced the 'partitocratic' nature of the system. For these reasons a future Italian-style collapse of the parties and the party systems is certainly not to be excluded.
Les adhérents d'Ecolo et le rapport au catholicisme
Authors: Delwit Pascal , De Waele Jean-Michel 
Published: July 2021

Presumed catholic or christian influence inside the french speaking green party of Belgium is a very strong stereotype since 1981. Nevertheless no scientific work has ever proved that supposition. Starting from a large survey among the 2 500 Ecolo's members, the authors examine and analyze the inventory of fixtures. They present the main features of the members and distinguish the outlines of catholic and non-catholic's members.
Belgian politics in 1996
Authors: Couttenier Ivan 
Published: July 2021

In 1996, Belgian politics centered around three major issues: the jobs contract, the 1997 budget and political fallout of the Dutroux affair (the four girls killed by a pedophile ring).During the first months of the year, Prime Minister Dehaene attempted to win support for a comprehensive jobs contract, but the draft agreement was turned down by the Socialist trade union militants. Nevertheless, the measures contained in the agreement were later implemented by the cabinet, without the consent of the employers and organized labor. Together with adjustments made to the social security system and implementation of budgetary measures needed to reach the conditions set by the EU for joining the Economic and Monetary Union, the jobs contract was implemented by means of special powers. The cabinet obtained these special powers from Parliament before the summer recess. After the summer, as a result ofthe Dutroux alfair, the cabinet dealt with legal reform, in the process trying to quell tensions arisen among the law enforcement agencies.
Wie is de natie ? : Een analyse van de betekenis van taal en territorialiteit in België
Authors: Detant Anja 
Published: July 2021

The institutional reform of the Belgian state seems to run parallel with a redefinition of the whole of Belgian society. 'Subnationalism' has overtaken the traditional ethno-linguistic definitions which used to provide a basis for political identification and mobilisation. The territorial demarcation of the regions and the politicisation of cultural life on both sides of the linguistic border constitute basic ingredientsfor 'nationbuilding'projects in Flanders and Wallonia. A number of elements are distinguished to explain why the 'nationalism' of the regions will have repercussions on the political developments in the capital area. Language and territoriality have always played a special role in Brussels. Changes in connection with definitions of territoriality and identity now seem to create opportunities to redefine the relationship between the communities in Brussels. It is not inconceivable that, in the long run, the linguistic divide wilt fade out and wilt be replaced by an identification on the basis of a territorial criterion shared by all the Brussels' inhabitants.
La politique européenne de la Belgique : Les années 1970-1996: entre orthodoxie et pragmatisme
Authors: Franck Christian 
Published: July 2021

The 1969-72 period bas shown an evolution in the belgian european policy. White instituional orthodoxy and federalist teleology had prevailed in the sixties, some pragmatism has been added since Prime minister Gaston Eyskens met President Pompidou in Paris in june 1972. Belgium accepts the launching of a cooperation among the national foreign policies outside the sphere of the EC institutions; regular summits of heads of government are also agreed on. Pragmatism doesn't weaken however the belgian concerns about orthodoxy. Belgian diplomacy is claiming a twofold orthodoxy. The "de lege fata" one insists on the compliance of the institutional practises with the legal provisions of the Treaties and on the extension of the scope of the EC policies by using the faculty provided by art. 235 EC. The constant refusal of the so called "compromis de Luxembourg" and the recurrent plea for the qualified majority voting, or the emphasis put on the powers of the Commission illustrate this kind of orthodoxy. The "de lege ferenda" orthodoxy consists of preventing institutional evolutions from closing the road to the long term federalist aims belgian diplomacy is still working towards for European integration. Hence some dilemmas between pragmatism on short term issues and some dogmatic rigidities which refer to the federalist finality. The discussion about twofold orthodoxy is grounded on a belgian positions' analysis on european affairs which covers the period from the end of the sixties to the belgian positions at the 1996 IGC. By the future perspective of a broader EU enlargement, Belgium will also face a new challenge: will its relative political weight be decreasing in the same time theUnion will extend? Which will be the price for accepting less Belgium in a larger Union ?
De samenstelling van de regering en het Belgische belastingbeleid : Een empirisch onderzoek over de periode 1965-1995
Authors: Van Driessche Frank , Heyndels Astrid 
Published: July 2021

We analyse whether Belgian (federal) tax policy over the period 1965-1995 was affected by the ideological position of the government. Both the level and composition of taxation are considered. We find no significant ideological effect on the level of the tax burden. The burden has increased systematically over most of the period, irrespective of the ideology of the incumbent. Considering individual tax categories, one can find a significant ideological influence for taxes on financial and capital transactions. Under centre-left oriented governments this tax is lowered whereas it increases under centre-right governments. A possible explanation is that centre-left governments try to stimulate households' wealth acquisition by keeping taxes on transactions of immovable properties low.
Les changements en Belgique de 1980 à 2000 : La vue d'un président de parti
Authors: Busquin Philippe 
Published: July 2021

Several reforms were brought into force in Belgium in the last twenty years. First of all, Belgium has become a federal state with its typical characteristics of assymetry and complexity: it consists of three regions and three communities which do not coincide completely. The federalisation process has led to linguistic agreements between the Flemish and the French community taking largely into account the specific situation of Brussels. Also budgettary agreements concerning the financing of the communities and the regions are a product ofthe federalisation process. In these decades Belgian government has also significantly taken care of its public finances: The deficit has decreased and Belgium now finds itself in the European average but it has given Belgium governments a hard time. Today Belgium has reached the objectives necessary to participate at the european monetary union.Fundamental changes in society have put ethical questions on the political agenda. This has led to arrangements in one way or another on subjects like abortion and made discussions on euthanasie and the use of soft drugs at least possible.Last but not least new rules were adopted concerning democracy and the functioning of political parties. Especially the way political parties will befinanced has been take care of but also measures increasing equality between men and women and procedures for more direct democracy. The reform of the judiciary has been tackled.These changes put forward that the role of the party leaders altered considerably. At the interface of political convictions and the management ot the state, the position is loaded multifunctionally due to the several levels of policymaking and the various ways of political expression. "One bas to strive for the ideal without overlooking the real".
Het dramatisch Eerste Ministerschap van Mark Eyskens : een terugblik na twintig jaar
Authors: Van De Voorde Aloïs 
Published: July 2021

The Christian-democrat/socialist government Martens IV resigned at the end ofMarch 1981, because the socialist party could not agree with an urgency plan to reorganize the public finances. Mark Eyskens, Minister of Finance in that cabinet, put together a new government as soon as April 6 of the same year. He succeeded as Prime Minister while all the other resigning ministers remained in their function. Minister Robert Vandeputte, an extra-parlementarian and honorary governor of the Central Bank, became the new Minister of Finance. Like the preceding governments, the Eyskens cabinet was strongly hampered by deep mistrust between the coalition partners, opposing views between the two communities of Belgium and by disagreements about the way to deal with the socio-economic crisis.The Eyskens cabinet was particularly confronted with the organization of the restructured steelmill Cockerill-Sambre and with the absolute low point of the economic crisis. The budget was strongly affected by the increasing unemployment benefits and the collapse of the fiscal revenues. Due to the continuing protest of the trade unions, Mark Eyskens did not succeed to adapt the automatic wage indexation in order to improve the competitive position ofthe Belgian enterprises. He did however manage to prevent the devaluation of the Belgian franc, which had come under pressure regularly on the financial markets.By the middle of September 1981 the Eyskens government fell as a result of disagreements between the coalition partners about the financing ofthe money loosing steelmill Cockerill-Sambre in Wallonia. Parliamentary elections were advanced to November 8, 1981. The Christiandemocrats lost a considerable number of seats. A Christian-democrat/liberal cabinet, again headed by Wilfried Martens, emerged by mid December. It would carry out a neoliberal policy. Mark Eyskens became the Minister of Economicaffairs in the new government.
On en sont les partis politiques, au lendemain du 8 octobre 2000?
Authors: Fraeys William 
Published: July 2021

On October 8th 2000 municipal elections were held in Belgium to renew the local councils which had been elected in 1994. In the Walloon region and in Flanders in addition provincial elections were organised. The aim of the article is to try and measure globally where the political forces stand after these elections and among others to assess whether significant swings have take place since june 13th, 1999, when the latest parliamentary and regional elections took place. On the basis of an estimation of the global results in the municipal elections of the various parties in the Walloon region, in Flanders and in Brussels, backed up by the actual results of the provincial elections, one can say that the liberal group bas strengthened its first position.The Christian democrats, who make up the second most important political group and the Socialists, who rank third, have regained a large part of the losses they incurred onjune 13th, 1999.Although improving their results in comparison with 1994, the Green parties lost again part of their advance they registered in the parliamentary and regional elections and which had probably been boosted by the dioxin crisis.The frenchspeaking far right practically disappears, whereas the Vlaams Blok obtained an average of 15 % of the Flemish electorate in the municipal and provincial elections, a level which it had reached in the 1999 parliamentary elections.
Federalisme, multi-level governance en twee types van hiërarchie
Authors: Kovziridze Tamara 
Published: July 2021

In analyzing European institutional structures, the multi-level governance literature speaks of mutual interdependence, of cooperative and coordinated processes between different levels of authority. The emergence of these processes is sometimes associated with the disappearance of hierarchical relationships organized across vertical channels of communication. The type of hierarchy, which is declared 'eroded', is not further specified. In the first part of the article a definition of hierarchy is given and an attempt is then made to develop a diversified concept of hierarchy consisting of two types : unilateral and asymmetrically interdependent. The second part applies this modified concept of hierarchy to relationship structures in those federations which are part of European multi-level polity, and examines the types of hierarchy that exist between federal and federated levels when the latter act within the European framework. The external policies of German and Belgian federated units are analyzed in a comparative perspective.
Jongerenafdelingen van politieke partijen : Een onderzoek naar hun recruteringsfunctie en hun functioneren binnen Vlaamse politieke partijen
Authors: Hooghe Marc , Stouthuysen Patrick 
Published: July 2021

Despite the fact that numerous political parties in Western democracies include separate youth chapters, these have not been studied systematically in political research. There are two reasons to study youth chapters : we know youth participation has strong and enduring political socialisation effects, while several authors have expressed concern about a decline of political engagement among adolescents. Our assumption is that youth chapters fulfil two functions within a party : recruitment of members and ideological innovation. Given the structural evolution toward cartel parties (Katz & Mair), both functions have become partly obsolete. Youth chapters of Flemish political parties have indeed lost 70 percent of their members since the 1970s. A survey among city councillors confirms the recruitment,function of,youth chapters : 41 percent of them started their political career in youth chapters. The demise of youth chapters therefore can be seen as a clear indication of a structural transformation of political parties.