bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Digital Campaigning across Space
Authors: Gibson Rachel K. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines developments in digital campaigning in comparative perspective. It does so using survey data from Wave 4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) to measure the extent of digital voter contact occurring in eighteen countries (2011–2015). Based on the understanding that extensive voter mobilization is a key feature of a country’s entry into phase IV digital campaigning, the authors infer which nations have progressed more rapidly through the four phases, and are thus most advanced in their use of digital campaign tools. Using this measure, they find that the United States is the most advanced nation and Thailand the least. They investigate the rankings more systematically using multilevel modeling techniques, and find that presidential elections and higher internet penetration rates are most predictive of higher rates of digital campaign contact. The results are helpful in building expectations about the digital campaign performance of the four national case studies.
The Early Bloomer
Authors: Gibson Rachel K. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines developments in digital campaigning in Australia from 1994 to 2013. It does so by reviewing the findings from the secondary literature, and conducting original analysis of web content and national survey data. These data sources build a picture of key changes in the supply and demand for digital campaigning in Australia and particularly whether they fit the four-phase model of development. The results show that digital campaigning has broadly followed the anticipated cycle with parties making a strong early start. However, efforts slowed considerably following a highly publicized failure by prominent right-wing state politician and web campaigner Jeff Kennett. Much of the subsequent innovation appears to have been driven by the mainstream left and also the non-party online activist group GetUp!
The Trendsetter
Authors: Gibson Rachel K. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines developments in digital campaigning in the United States during the period 1994–2012. It does so by reviewing the findings from the secondary literature, and conducting original analysis of web content and national survey data. These data sources build a picture of key changes in the supply and demand for digital campaigning in the United States and particularly whether they fit the four-phase model of development. The results show that the model fits, and that US parties and voters were considerably faster in engaging with web campaigning than was the case elsewhere. This enthusiasm appeared to be driven, to an extent, by the more conducive regulatory environment and also innovation among left-wing organizations and particularly the Democrats from the middle of the first decade of the 2000s. Their ability to sustain activist involvement in their online cause beyond 2008, however, is challenged by the author’s findings.
Conclusion
Authors: Gibson Rachel K. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
The final chapter reviews the key findings of the book, and reflects on the future direction of digital campaigning. The main conclusions are threefold: (1) Developments in digital campaigning follow a similar pattern across countries. A four-stage cycle of experimentation, standardization, community building, and individual voter mobilization is clearly evident across the book’s four case studies. (2) The pace of that development and countries’ current positions differ according to regime-level characteristics and levels of national technological advancement. Notably, parties and individual candidates can also play a significant role in shaping that process. In particular, mainstream leftist parties and some of the more prominent minor parties serve as key catalysts for change. (3) The “mainstreaming” of digital technology is fostering the growth of a new type of campaign operative—the apolitico—and a new condition of hypernormality in which power is centralized organizationally and systemically to an unprecedented degree.
Life in the Political Machine
Authors: Hiskey Jonathan T. , Moseley Mason W. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Against the backdrop of a world characterized by highly uneven democracies, in which subnational dominant-party enclaves persist within nationally democratic regimes, this book explores the ways in which these enclaves shape the political attitudes and behaviors of citizens who reside in them. Through analysis of a decade’s worth of survey data across the 55 provinces and states of Argentina and Mexico, this study finds a distinct subnational political culture among individuals nested in dominant-party enclaves. This culture is characterized by heightened exposure to corruption and vote buying, low levels of support for democratic principles, and patterns of political behavior that reflect the governing characteristics of the political machines that citizens must confront on a daily basis. In contrast, among those individuals living in subnational political systems that have successfully shut down the machine, the work finds a political culture more akin to that found in established democracies. As such, this book provides extensive support for the need to more fully incorporate subnational political dynamics into accounts of the drivers behind citizens’ political attitudes and behaviors, in an era in which democracies across the world appear increasingly at risk.
Dominant-Party Citizens
Authors: Hiskey Jonathan T. , Moseley Mason W. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter presents a theory of dominant-party citizens that posits a connection between one’s subnational political system and her political attitudes and behaviors. It then introduces the three governing characteristics of dominant-party enclaves that are most influential in shaping the ways citizens think about and engage with politics. These include: (1) the politicization of the rule of law, (2) the partisan use of state resources, and (3) the tilting of the electoral playing field. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how such subnational political dynamics can not only shape the ways individuals engage with politics at the local and provincial level but also influence their interactions with their national system. This work offers a new direction for political behavior research in seeking to understand the effect of local political context on citizen attitudes and participation, and it represents an effort to redirect the conversation toward the broader consequences of this local-level dynamic.
Conceptualizing and Measuring Dominant-Party Enclaves
Authors: Hiskey Jonathan T. , Moseley Mason W. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 3 begins with a brief review of previous efforts to measure regimes at the national level and then introduces the study’s central concept, dominant-party enclaves, and the measurement strategy the authors employ to capture that concept. The latter focuses on the first transfer of power from incumbent to opposition as the marker for a system’s move from single-party dominance toward a multiparty electoral environment. This approach is then applied to the provinces and states of Argentina and Mexico, in which 16 cases of dominant-party enclaves are identified. These cases, home to more than 30 percent of citizens of the two countries, serve as the focus for the remainder of the study. The chapter then concludes with further exploration of the two cases that serve as prototypes for this study of dominant-party enclaves: the province of San Luis in Argentina and the state of Mexico (Edomex) in Mexico.
Severed Linkages
Authors: Hiskey Jonathan T. , Moseley Mason W. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter focuses on the question of whether individuals living in political machines evaluate their incumbent government in ways that are similar to their counterparts in multiparty systems. Previous chapters established that dominant-party citizens are more likely to be exposed to corruption and vote-buying efforts and tend to be less supportive of basic democratic institutional processes. The expectation is that individuals forced to play the daily game of machine politics will not use common incumbent government performance metrics such as evaluations of the state of the economy, levels of crime and insecurity, and the quality of local health services. Through analysis of self-reported voting intentions, the chapter finds that respondents’ views on these issue areas have little impact on whether or not they will support the incumbent. This severed linkage also appears, to a lesser extent, in the evaluations of national-level politicians made by dominant-party respondents.
Hard White
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This book analyzes data from a variety of sources to understand the mainstreaming of racism today, putting this research in a historical context. With issues of globalization, immigration, and demographic diversification achieving greater public salience, racism is now more likely to manifest itself in the form of a generalized ethnocentrism that expresses “outgroup hostility” toward a diverse set of groups, including Latinos and Muslims as well as African Americans. Changes in both structure and agency have facilitated the mainstreaming of racism today. Changes in the “political opportunity structure,” as witnessed by the rise of the Tea Party Movement, enabled the mainstreaming of white extremists into the Republican Party and established the basis for an electoral politics focused on giving voice to white people more generally acting on their outgroup hostility. Changes in the political opportunity structure were matched by the appearance of a charismatic leader in the person of Donald Trump, who made great use of a transformed media landscape to stoke white people’s outgroup hostility. Trump won the presidency by strategically deploying his demagoguery to mobilize white nonvoters in swing states, with the end result greatly accelerating the mainstreaming of racism and placing it at the center of policymaking in the White House. Providing extensive empirical evidence, this book documents how the mainstreaming of racism today began before Trump started to run for the presidency but then increased under his leadership and that it is likely to be a troubling presence in U.S. politics for some time to come. The findings provided create the basis for suggestions on how to push racism back to the margins of American politics.
The Changing Face of Racism
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 2 begins by surveying the literature on white racial prejudice and voting behavior. It shows that over the four presidential elections from 2004 to 2016, white hostility toward African Americans, Latinx immigrants, and Muslims became increasingly intertwined and formed the basis for what is defined here as a contemporary form of ethnocentrism as expressed in white outgroup hostility. The chapter confirms the results of other studies that have shown that while the effect of outgroup hostility on vote choice greatly increased in 2016, the level of outgroup hostility actually declined between 2012 and 2016. Therefore, to properly understand the political mainstreaming of racism over the 2010s, the chapter argues that one must not only consider the evolution of whites’ racial attitudes but also examine the processes by which outgroup hostility is translated into political participation. Chapter 2 introduces a theoretical framework that combines insights from social identity theory to understand changes in whites’ racial attitudes with theories of political participation originating from the social movement literature. The framework thus emphasizes the highly contingent nature of the relationship between white racial consciousness, outgroup hostility, and political mobilization. Specifically, the chapter outlines a model of the process by which racialized political narratives help activate a politicized white consciousness that leads to anger, expressed though outgroup hostility, and thus serves as the catalyst for political mobilization.
The Mainstreaming of the White Nationalist Movement
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 4 documents the rise of the Tea Party movement (TPM) and how it evolved into an attractive vehicle for the expression of outgroup hostility and the pursuit of racist policy priorities. We show that the TPM not only mobilized a significant number of previously inactive white racial conservatives but also co-opted a significant portion of the white nationalist movement, especially the traditional white supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. In many ways the TPM set the stage for Trump by bringing more white racists and racial conservatives into electoral politics. Yet this newly energized constituency lacked a national leader. Trump’s emergence as a presidential candidate thus represents the second critical change in the political opportunity structure. With Trump, white racial extremists and racial conservatives now had a national leader who spoke directly to their outgroup hostility and their anger.
From Tracking to Trolling to Tribalism
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 6 focuses on the role of a changing media landscape in disseminating misinformation to a disproportionately underinformed audience to support Donald Trump. It shows how the Trump campaign and its allies, including the contract firm Cambridge Analytica as well as Russian operatives, exploited the changing media landscape to spread misinformation to sow racial division and stoke white outgroup hostility. The chapter examines the nexus between Fox News, fake news, and Trump to provide evidence of the specific connection that demonstrates the key role of the mass media, social media included, in disseminating misinformation about outgroups and sustaining high levels of outgroup hostility among whites.
Preying More Than Pandering
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 7 examines the success of the Trump campaign and its allies in garnering the support of “low-information voters” who were more vulnerable than informed voters, especially in this changing media environment, to relying on emotions for making their vote choice. It shows that low-information whites who had a low need for cognition were most likely to have high levels of outgroup hostility and were therefore most likely to be responsive to Trump’s race-baiting and to believe Trump’s lies.
The Critical Role of Outgroup Hostility in the 2016 Election
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 8 offers a thorough analysis of survey research data from the American National Election Study (ANES), the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), and the Democracy Fund’s Voter Study Group (DFVSG) to show that white outgroup hostility had a uniquely strong effect on vote choice in 2016. It provides evidence that outgroup hostility was as important in predicting vote choice as party identification. Although many people have argued that a major factor in Trump’s victory was increasing economic anxiety within the white working class, the findings presented offer evidence that economic anxiety had a relatively small direct effect on support for Trump. Rather, its effect was largely exerted indirectly, filtered through the primary effects of outgroup hostility toward blacks, Latinx immigrants, and Muslims. The influence of outgroup hostility is even more compelling when we consider its indirect effect on vote choice through its effects on party identification and ideology. This chapter most significantly (1) specifies the causal pathways that are suggestive of a process by which white identity gets politicized as what has been called white racial consciousness; (2) discusses how white racial consciousness is the result of the dissemination of racialized political narratives as propagated by race-baiting elites; (3) examines how this dissemination of racialized political narratives agitates attitudes of outgroup hostility; and (4) explores how that outgroup hostility was a critical factor in producing a winning Trump coalition that furthered the mainstreaming of racism right into the White House.
How Trump Used Outgroup Hostility to Win
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 9 shows that the Trump campaign’s explicitly stated strategy of mobilizing nonvoters through targeted, emotional appeals in swing states paid off. The chapter also provides empirical evidence that Trump benefited more from mobilizing nonvoters from 2012 than in persuading 2012 Obama voters to switch parties and support Trump, although both groups of voters were important to Trump’s success. We show that one of the most important factors that contributed to the success of Trump’s mobilization strategy was his rhetorical emphasis on outgroup hostility, which resonated among the most hardcore racists within the white nationalist movement, including the emerging alt-right, leading to an unprecedented level of interest from and involvement of white nationalism in Trump’s campaign. By providing a more attractive venue for white nationalists to channel their activism, Trump has essentially facilitated the co-optation of a significant segment of the white nationalist movement into the Republican Party, helping him mobilize white nonvoters with high levels of outgroup hostility and as a result accelerate the mainstreaming of racism in American politics.
Outgroup Hostility and the Mainstreaming of Racism
Authors: Fording Richard C. , Schram Sanford F. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 10 reviews the major findings of the book and draws conclusions about what is to be done to respond to the mainstreaming of racism in the current era. The findings suggest that U.S. politics has become extremely polarized, with the Republican Party becoming disproportionately comprised of whites with high levels of outgroup hostility. While Donald Trump was central in making this happen, white outgroup hostility is likely to have an enduring influence on American electoral politics for some time to come. In the current era of extreme polarization, the hopes for an inclusive democracy can be derailed for dictatorship. Whites increasingly are expressing declining support for democracy given that it means to them a stronger government that supports outgroups. Given the high levels of racialized outgroup hostility, it is futile to try to convert them or achieve common ground. Mobilization of an opposition and resistance to white racism is more likely to prove effective than trying to persuade those whites to switch sides. Evidence from the Blue Wave in the 2018 midterm elections suggest that is indeed likely to be effective.
States and Diasporas in Fragile Regimes
Authors: Burgess Katrina 
Published: August 2020

AbstractChapter 8 revisits the research questions laid out in Chapter 1 and provides a comparative overview of the feedback loops driving state–migrant relations through the first decade of the twenty-first century. It treats these loops as integrated systems that have produced unstable equilibrium in the Turkish case, punctuated equilibrium in the Philippine case, and stable equilibria in the Dominican and Mexican cases. It then explores how these systems are being affected—and in some cases disrupted—by current regime crises in all four countries. The chapter concludes with a few thoughts about the role of migrants in democracy-building and avenues for future research.
The Dancer as Statue and the Geopolitics of Neoclassicism
Authors: Franko Mark 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
An examination of the influences of German thought on French dance theory, an area of scholarship that has been neglected, but is beginning to emerge in the interest in Nietzsche’s influence on Valéry. Lifar epitomized the idea of the dancer as animated marble figure sculpture, an idea traced back to Winkelmann and Hegel’s Lectures on the Fine Arts. Lifar operates in a triangle of cultural influences including France, Germany, and Russia. This chapter thus reveals the influence of eighteenth-century German aesthetics on the Russo-French theory of ballet neoclassicism. Particular attention is paid to Lifar’s interpretation of Apollo in George Balanchine’s Apollon Musagète in its first years.
Serge Lifar and the Question of Collaboration with the German Authorities under the Occupation of Paris (1940–1949)
Authors: Franko Mark 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines the political and artistic activities of dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar at the Paris Opera during and immediately after the Occupation of Paris. Although Lifar was condemned as a collaborator in a postwar trial he was rehabilitated after a brief exile and returned to work at the Opera until his retirement in 1958. The question of collaborationism has arisen again in light of performances by the Paris Opera and other dance companies of his ballets. Using archival materials usually ignored by dance scholars, the article examines Lifar’s political activities, his political convictions, and his political ambitions. His theory of ballet as set forth in La Danse: Les grands courants de la danse académique (1938) and two of his successful ballets of this period—Joan de Zarissa (1942) and Suite en blanc (1943)—are discussed in light of his politics. The chapter concludes with an analysis of corporeal fascism from a theoretical perspective including discussion of Carl Schmitt, Georges Bataille, Louis Marin, and Claude Lefort.
A Conceptual Framework for Technology-Assisted Music Learning
Authors: Bauer William I. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter serves as an introduction to the book and the Technological Pedagogical and Content Knowledge (TPACK) conceptual framework around which the book is designed. The discussion situates the use of technology for music learning within a context of technology’s role in general education, society, and our daily lives. Drawing on the research literature, the point is made that technology hasn’t become a truly integrated aspect of many music classrooms. Taking the position that a major reason for this is that most music teachers don’t have the complete knowledge and skill set (TPACK) necessary to effectively incorporate technology into classes and rehearsals, the TPACK model is introduced as an approach that may be advantageous. The model is explained, with applications to music provided.
Technology Fundamentals
Authors: Bauer William I. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
An understanding of various technologies is an important component of one’s TPACK. This chapter presents the essential technological knowledge and skill necessary for a music educator to successfully begin to utilize technology for music learning. Topics include explanation of the key components of computers and their operating systems, description and comparison of MIDI and digital audio, discussion of graphic and video media, identification of types of music software and the evaluation of software titles, and exploration of internet resources that may be used for music learning. Free and low-cost implementations of these technologies are emphasized; using technology to facilitate music learning does not require excessive amounts of money. Since technologies are always being refined and improved, with new technologies that may be applicable to music learning constantly emerging, music educators need to maintain a mindset of ongoing professional learning in this area.