bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Antipassive propensities and alignment
Authors: Mithun Marianne 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Antipassive constructions were once thought to be
unique to languages with ergative/absolutive alignment. Subsequent
work demonstrated their existence in languages with
nominative/accusative alignment as well. Here antipassives are
described in languages with a third kind of system, agent/patient
patterning. The languages come from four genealogically and areally
unrelated families indigenous to North America: Siouan, Haida,
Pomoan, and Iroquoian. Antipassives in all three types of systems,
ergative, accusative, and agent/patient, serve similar semantic and
discourse functions, eliminating less topicworthy participants from
the core. But the perception of a special link to ergativity is not
unmotivated. Two explanations are given. One is the formal salience
of the shift in argument marking resulting from detransitivization
in ergative systems. The other is a by-product of syntactic
constructions which require absolutive status of one of the
arguments. In many cases antipassivization is exploited to meet this
requirement. These two factors are illustrated with material from
Hiligaynon, a language of the Philippines.
Antipassive in the Cariban family
Authors: Sapién Racquel-María , Arandia Natalia Cáceres , Gildea Spike , Meira Sérgio 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
To date, no published reference grammar of a
Cariban language has described an antipassive construction. However,
all languages of the family have a cognate verbal morpheme, termed
detransitivizer, which prefixes to a transitive verb to
derive an intransitive verb. While monovalent, the detransitivized
verb bears inflectional person morphology that is distinct from that
of non-derived intransitive verbs. We collected all available text
examples of detransitivized verbs from five Cariban languages
(Akawaio, Hixkaryana, Kari’nja, Tiriyó, and Ye’kwana) and
categorized them into formal and functional subtypes. Alongside the
well-described functions of reflexive/reciprocal/middle,
anticausative, and passive, we encountered a substantial number of
examples that can only be characterized as antipassive: the S of the
detransitivized verb corresponds to the A of the transitive verb
from which it is derived and the P of the transitive verb is either
absent or expressed in an oblique (locative) PP.
This paper has four goals: first, we present the
detransitivized construction and explain the methodology by which we
identify tokens of the construction functioning as an antipassive.
Second, we present the results of our text counts – a significant
number of the categorizable detransitivized tokens have the
antipassive function – and we discuss why this phenomenon has been
overlooked until now. Third, given that the detransitivized
construction is semantically polysemous, we explore the conditions
under which it has an antipassive reading, identifying one pragmatic
and two semantic subtypes: Nontopical P, Semantically Absent P, and
Locative P. Finally, we discuss the implications of these patterns
for a diachronic typology of antipassive.
Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives
Authors: Denniss Jessica 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
I present data from Pama-Nyungan languages that
display aspectual and modal readings in the antipassive
construction, and propose that antipassives contain a
predicate-internal aspectual morpheme that derives an atelic
predicate. Taking a modal approach to aspect unifies the aspectual
and modal readings. I detail the striking resemblance between the
set of interpretations attested in antipassives and imperfectives
more generally, and show how the compositional analysis I propose is
able to provide insight into unexpected volitional and “total
effect” readings.
Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages
Authors: Moyse-Faurie Claire 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This article will discuss the different
constructions which could be relevant for identifying antipassives
in Oceanic languages, in spite of the fact that there is no
dedicated antipassive marker. Some of these constructions involve
the backgrounding of the object, but are associated with different
syntactic devices, discursive strategies and semantic functions,
giving rise to either incompleteness of the action, low
individuation of the patient, or restrictions on its uses.
Looking at their semantic and pragmatic
specificities, I will investigate what these types of construction
have in common and to which extent they can be labelled
‘antipassive’, as has been done inter alia by Cooreman (1994), Dixon (1992) and Janic (2013, 2016).
Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs
Authors: Say Sergey 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Descriptions of antipassive constructions in
individual languages show that these constructions are often
compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are
significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that
allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of
these verbs: (1) agentive A, (2) specification of the manner
component in the verb meaning, (3) lack of inherent telicity (the
transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is
cancelled under antipassivization), (4) narrow class of potential
Ps, and (5) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in
(1)–(5), such as ‘eat’, constitute the core of “natural
antipassives”, whereas verbs with only some of these properties are
at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to
enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural
antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. First,
polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to
yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives.
Second, natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked
construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. Third,
lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack
natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of
lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties.
Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument
for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of
lexically unrestricted and semantically uniform antipassive
constructions in the world’s languages.
Unspecified participant
Authors: Bugaeva Anna 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This paper shows that there are two
synchronically distinct i- markers in Ainu, viz.
the derivational antipassive i- and inflectional
‘fourth’ person object i- with the functions of
first person plural inclusive, second person honorific, and
logophoric. The derivational antipassive marker i-
‘person/thing’ can be regarded as an antipassive marker per
se based on its syntactic (eliminating a
patient/theme/recipient argument), semantic (denoting an unspecified
generic participant or lexicalizing it to a single or subset of
objects) and discourse (patient-defocusing) properties. Contrary to
the accepted view, I adduce the ‘antipassive to 1pl.incl.o’
scenario based on extensive cross-linguistic and Ainu-internal
evidence. The antipassive i-, in its turn,
originated in the incorporation of a generic noun
*i ‘thing/place/time’, which is not unusual in
languages without overt expression of the demoted O participant in
the antipassive. The extended use of the antipassive
i- is attested on obligatorily possessed nouns
to enable their use without possessive affixes. Finally, my
corpus-based study of semantic classes of verbs with a predilection
for antipassive derivation revealed that the antipassive in Ainu is
most likely to apply to a ‘middle section’ of the semantic
transitivity hierarchy since it belongs to the lower individuation
of patients (LIP) type, which is assumed to be more typical of
antipassives in non-ergative languages.
Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions
Authors: Janic Katarzyna 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
The coding of antipassive constructions displays
crosslinguistically irregular though noteworthy patterns. It
commonly involves a phonologically overt form, labeled here
antipassivizer. However, this segmental coding
is not the only way to signal an antipassive meaning. In some
languages, antipassive constructions can also involve a change in a
verbal stem. This non-linear morphological type of coding has not,
however, attracted much attention among linguists so far. It is the
aim of this study to fill this gap. Given also that an
antipassivizer may have different origins, another goal is to bridge
the synchronic investigation of these markers with their diachronic
description in order to provide a survey of the most common forms,
which developed into an antipassive function.
Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande)
Authors: Creissels Denis 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Soninke, a West Mande language spoken in Mali,
Mauritania, Gambia, and Senegal, provides crucial support to the
view that accusative languages may have fully productive antipassive
derivations. In Soninke, the distinction between transitive and
intransitive predication is particularly clearcut. The alignment
between transitive and intransitive predication is neutral in
indexation, but accusative in flagging, and accusative alignment is
found in constituent order too. Soninke has two verbal suffixes that
can be involved in antipassivization defined as a morphologically
marked alternation by which transitive verbs are converted into
intransitive verbs whose sole core argument fulfills the same
semantic role as the A argument of the transitive verbs from which
they derive. One of these two suffixes is a dedicated antipassive
suffix, whereas the other is a multifunction detransitivizing suffix
acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs. In
Soninke, there is no interaction between antipassive and aspect, and
there is no constraint restricting the use of the antipassive form
of transitive verbs to the encoding of habitual events or
stereotyped activities either. Antipassive constructions can refer
to specific events, provided no specific patient is mentioned. In
Soninke, null objects are not allowed, only a tiny minority of
transitive verbs can be used intransitively with a subject
representing their agentive argument, and the high productivity of
antipassive derivation follows from the use of derived intransitive
verbs as the preferred strategy for not specifying the patientive
argument of transitive verbs. Diachronically, there is evidence that
the multipurpose detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive
marker with a limited number of verbs was originally a reflexive
marker, whereas the dedicated antipassive suffix results from the
grammaticalization of a verb ‘do’ in a cross-linguistically common
type of antipassive periphrasis.
Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví
(Guaycuruan)
Authors: Juárez Cristian , Álvarez González Albert 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Among the polyfunctional valency markers, an
antipassive-causative marker is a rather typologically unusual
grammatical feature. This paper tries to explain the antipassive-causative
syncretism in Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in northeastern
Argentina, by examining the synchronic functions and the diachronic
formation of the valency modifier -aɢan. We propose
that both -aɢan antipassive and causative concentrate
on the subject activity and involve the backgrounding of a core
argument. These two functions, which are traceable to the formation of
-aɢan from the state/change-of-state
nominalizer -aɢa and the transitive verbalizer
-n, work in tandem with the syntactic constraint of having
only two core arguments per derived and non-derived transitive
clauses, which crucially allows for the -aɢan
reanalysis from causative to antipassive.
Polyfunctional vanka- in Nivaĉle and the
antipassive category
Authors: Vidal Alejandra , Payne Doris L. 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) is a non-ergative language
of Argentina and Paraguay. It has a voice/valency mechanism that
resembles an antipassive. Stell (1989: 310) refers to
vanka- as an intransitive marker. Fabre (2015, 2016) glosses
vanka- as ‘antipassive’ but does not provide an
in-depth analysis. We examine vanka- as an
antipassive marker, but also its connection to other functional
domains and its use with certain intransitive stems. On intransitive
stems, its semantic effects range from strongly agentive to middle
meaning. It implies that there is an extra but unexpressible
‘non-specific participant’ in the context. The extra participant
implication suggests that vanka- may originate in a
third-person marker va- plus a ‘cislocative’ or
‘middle’ n-, plus a ka- which may
correspond to an ‘indirect possessive’ formative.
The antipassive and its relationship to person markers
Authors: Auderset Sandra 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This paper presents a cross-linguistic study of
morphological overlaps between antipassive and person markers and
their historical relationships, addressing the question of how
frequent developments from antipassive to person marker or vice
versa are and whether there are recurrent patterns of change. The
results show that historical connections between antipassive and
person markers are not confined to a specific macro-area or language
family. The development from antipassive to first person plural
patient marker is the most frequent pathway in the languages
investigated. However, this diachronic pathway does not account for
all cases, i.e. other pathways are also possible. While many
uncertainties concerning the detailed history of such diachronic
connections remain, this study shows that there are tendencies that
contribute to the understanding of the history and subsequent
development of antipassives.
Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their
sources
Authors: Jacques Guillaume 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This paper presents an overview of antipassive
constructions in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. It shows
that all of these constructions are relatively recent developments,
and originate from three distinct historical sources, including the
incorporation of generic nouns, the verbalization of action
nominalizations and reflexive/middle markers. All productive
antipassive constructions in the family are found in languages with
polypersonal indexation and ergative case marking.
The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic)
antipassive
Authors: Payne Doris L. 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Maa (Eastern Nilotic) language varieties have
nominative/accusative syntactic patterns, but also an antipassive
construction marked by the verb suffix -ɪshɔ(r).
This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an
intransitive one that can no longer express the P. Semantically the
-ɪshɔ(r) construction focuses on the action of
the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the
agent. It is not required in imperfective situations, but most
commonly does correlate with them. Interestingly,
-ɪshɔ(r) may occur on some intransitive roots
where it appears to highlight imperfectivity. The
-ɪshɔ(r) antipassive construction does not
appear to reconstruct to proto-Eastern Nilotic, though a verb root
cognate with Maa ɪshɔ(r) ‘give’ does go back to a
Proto-Maa-Lotuko-Lopit genetic node (though non-Maa languages within
this group may lack the antipassive function). Given similarities
between ɪshɔ(r) ‘give’ and the suffix
-ɪshɔ(r), the possibility of an antipassive
developing from ‘give’ is explored. Potential “drift” or borrowing
under Kalenjin (Southern Nilotic) influence is also noted.
Indirect antipassive in Circassian
Authors: Arkadiev Peter M. , Letuchiy Alexander 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
The article focuses on antipassive formation in
Adyghe and Kabardian (Circassian < West Caucasian), polysynthetic
languages with ergative alignment of basic morphosyntax. The
Circassian antipassive is typologically unusual in several respects. First, it is
derived not only from transitive, but also from intransitive verbs:
in these cases, it eliminates the indirect object. Thus, antipassive
in Circassian targets an object argument, but not necessarily the
direct object, contradicting the general ergative patterning.
Second, the Circassian antipassive is expressed by the change of the
root-final vowel, which complicates the determination of the
direction of the valency change. Third, although the Circassian
antipassive mainly fulfils the semantic functions typologically
associated with antipassives, sometimes the syntactic type of the
argument (i.e. nominal vs. clause) is relevant for the choice of the
valency frame as well.
Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages
Authors: Comrie Bernard , Forker Diana , Khalilova Zaira , van den Berg Helma 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Several Nakh-Daghestanian languages present
constructions that are candidate antipassives, in that the
construction is intransitive and is (at least sometimes) related to
a corresponding transitive construction, with A of the transitive
construction appearing as S of the intransitive, and P of the
transitive either corresponding to an oblique in the intransitive or
being omitted. All Nakh-Daghestanian antipassives are lexically
restricted, and their function is typically to shift aspectual value
in the direction of durativity, atelicity, iterativity, etc.
However, only Dargwa restricts the construction to transitive verbs,
while other languages also allow it with intransitive verbs, in
which case there is no change in argument structure. We explore the
implications of this for the definition of “antipassive” from the
perspective of canonical typology.
Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan
languages
Authors: Heaton Raina 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter details the characteristics of the
various constructions found in Mayan languages that exhibit some
number of antipassive features (absolutive, incorporating, agent
focus, reflexives/reciprocals). Although the label ‘antipassive’ has
been applied to many of these structures historically, based on the
features presented in this volume as diagnostics for antipassives
cross-linguistically, only certain instantiations of the
‘absolutive’ antipassive qualify as antipassives.
When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore
Authors: Hemmings Charlotte 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This paper presents the Actor Voice
(av) construction in Kelabit, a Western Austronesian
language spoken in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia. It compares Kelabit
av with prototypical antipassives and related
constructions in the more conservative Western Austronesian
languages, using case studies of West Greenlandic and Tagalog. On
the basis of morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse diagnostics,
the paper demonstrates that Tagalog av constructions have
the semantic and discourse characteristics of antipassives but are
syntactically transitive. In contrast, Kelabit av, which is
also syntactically transitive, has a mixture of semantic and
discourse properties: some antipassive-like but many active-like.
This has important implications for Western Austronesian and the
theory of alignment shift, as well as the ways in which antipassives
vary and change over time.
Antipassivization in Basque revisited
Authors: Zúñiga Fernando , Fernández Beatriz 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
In this paper, we explore three phenomena that
have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics.
First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988),
related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide
instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects
only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in
finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A
and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there
is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review
two biclausal constructions, namely the
ari-progressive (Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 1987;
Laka 2006) and
participial clauses (Ortiz
de Urbina & Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded
as antipassives by Postal
(1977) and Coyos
(2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by
some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which
is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives
some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones.
This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in
Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and
idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other
languages of the world.
Network-based identification genetic effect of SARS-CoV-2 infections to Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) patients
Authors: Taz Tasnimul Alam , Ahmed Kawsar , Paul Bikash Kumar , Kawsar Md , Aktar Nargis , Mahmud S M Hasan , Moni Mohammad Ali 
Published: September 2020

AbstractSevere acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) is accountable for the cause of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) that causes a major threat to humanity. As the spread of the virus is probably getting out of control on every day, the epidemic is now crossing the most dreadful phase. Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) is a risk factor for COVID-19 as patients with long-term lung injuries are more likely to suffer in the severity of the infection. Transcriptomic analyses of SARS-CoV-2 infection and IPF patients in lung epithelium cell datasets were selected to identify the synergistic effect of SARS-CoV-2 to IPF patients. Common genes were identified to find shared pathways and drug targets for IPF patients with COVID-19 infections. Using several enterprising Bioinformatics tools, protein–protein interactions (PPIs) network was designed. Hub genes and essential modules were detected based on the PPIs network. TF-genes and miRNA interaction with common differentially expressed genes and the activity of TFs are also identified. Functional analysis was performed using gene ontology terms and Kyoto Encyclopedia of Genes and Genomes pathway and found some shared associations that may cause the increased mortality of IPF patients for the SARS-CoV-2 infections. Drug molecules for the IPF were also suggested for the SARS-CoV-2 infections.
Examining the effect of feralization on craniomandibular morphology in pigs,Sus scrofa(Artiodactyla: Suidae)
Authors: Neaux Dimitri , Sansalone Gabriele , Lecompte François , Haruda Ashleigh , Schafberg Renate , Cucchi Thomas 
Published: September 2020

AbstractFeralization is the process by which domestic animals return to the wild and produce self-sustaining populations. It is often considered as a model in understanding the permanence of morphological changes associated with domestication; however, it is still unclear how much the release of anthropogenic selective pressures affects domestic traits. Here, we assessed the influence of feralization on the domestic morphological traits acquired through selective breeding using craniomandibular differences in shape and size between populations of feral pigs, wild boar and domestic pigs, using landmark-based geometric morphometrics. Our results suggest that numerous cranial and mandibular traits associated with domestication still exist in feral specimens, corroborating that domestication-induced changes in the shape of morphological elements are broadly maintained in feral populations. This is not the case for size variations, however, as the cranium is significantly smaller in feral pigs than in domesticated breeds, which could be due to the selective pressures associated with founding events. Our exploratory study, therefore, underlines the complexity of feral population history, the intricate influence of variations in genetic diversity, and novel selection pressures in the morphology of these groups. Future studies will need to expand the sample to take into account the diversity of morphotypes.