bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Landscape of Civil Society Organizations in the Economy of Kosovo
Authors: Vllasaj Kushtrim 
Published: May 2020

Civil society organizations (CSOs) in the scientific literature have been studied broadly from various aspects such as cultural, political, social and economic. But as far as the last one is concerned, there is still a research gap because there is a lack of study about their contribution to economies under development, such as Kosovo, and which must be filled because of its importance. This paper tends to analyze the present situation of CSOs in Kosovo and their potential contribution to economic activity. Highlighting the activities, the structure and the place of these organizations in the economy will be the approach, in the beginning, to pave the way for further study of specific areas related to them. The methodology established contains analyses of secondary sources that are done by using data from the Ministry of Public Administration of Kosovo, Kosovar Index of Civil Society which is a regular report of the Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF), and other supplementary data. However, this will proceed after the scientific conceptual issues of CSOs and their place within the economy. Finally, the results show that civil society in Kosovo is very diverse with organizations in different sectors, and the economic activity sector consists of mostly agricultural NGOs. In transition countries, CSOs are seen as an alternative that improves a particular sector. Thus far, there are over 10,000 organizations established in Kosovo, but relative studies suggest only 1000 to be active. Furthermore, their activity and contribution to economic development is little known so far, while the main problem of the economy remains unemployment.
Egy bútoripari cég gyártásütemezése során fellépő nehézségek döntéstámogatása
Authors: Bakon Krisztián , Holczinger Tibor 
Published: May 2020

„Egy bútoripari cég gyártásütemezése során fellépő nehézségek döntéstámogatása” című munkánk során bemutatásra kerül egy konkrét bútoripari cég működése és a működése során tapasztalt nehézségek, melyeket valamilyen módon igyekeznek elhárítani, hogy a cég működését ezek ne akadályozzák. Ezek után bemutatásra kerül, hogy milyen módon kívántuk elérni a termeléstervezés támogatásához készített rendszert. Különböző verziók szerint részletezve, hogy aktuálisan milyen célt kívántunk elérni, miközben olyan eredményeket mutatunk, amelyek jól szemléltetik a rendszer fejlődését. Továbbá érintjük a fejlesztés nehézségeit, mely Java nyelven készült el. A rendszer fejlesztése során elért utolsó verzió és az általa készített eredmények is bemutatásra kerülnek. A rendszer alkalmassá vált a bemeneti paraméterek feldolgozása után olyan ütemezési algoritmusok felhasználásával eredményt készíteni, mely a termeléstervezés során fontos döntések meghozatalakor segíthetnek.
Az e-book-termékek használatának kutatási irányai és a termékfejlesztésben alkalmazható eredményei
Authors: Légrádi Miklós 
Published: May 2020

A tanulmány célja a hazai és nemzetközi e-book használati és olvasási preferenciákra fókuszáló tudományos kutatások feltárása. A témához köthető saját primer kutatási eredmények összehasonlításra kerülnek a vizsgált e-book kutatások eredményeivel. Az elemzés alapján elkészül az e-book és az e-reader Kotler-féle termékmodellje. A hazai és a külföldi e-book / nyomtatott könyvkiadási trendek és számok áttekintésével kiegészítve a cikk felvázol további javasolt kutatási irányokat, és az eddigi kutatási eredmények alapján ajánlásokat tesz az e-book és e-reader termékek fejlesztési irányaira.
Considering the Sub-Regional Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Some Conclusions on Integrating and Disintegrating Tendencies in the Sub-Regional Dialogue
Authors: Wieclawski Jacek 
Published: May 2020

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251
Neoliberalism and Gender Equality: Canadian Newspapers’ Representations of the Ban of Face Coverings at Citizenship Ceremonies
Authors: Previsic Ivana 
Published: May 2020

In late 2011, Canada’s Conservative government banned face coverings for those taking oath at citizenship ceremonies. The ban was unequivocally interpreted by the press to be targeting veil-wearing Muslim women. This paper analyzes newspaper coverage in the month following the announcement of the policy. It argues that most commentators conceptualized citizenship to be a neoliberal tool of rescuing veiled Muslim women from their male oppressors and making them more like the equal/neoliberal “us” and/or as a reward for those who already are or will become equal/neoliberal. Most non-Muslim commentators constructed gender oppression as the reason for which veiled women should (not) become citizens. Gender equality in Canada was represented as a key national value and inequality was erased or minimized and presented as a Muslim problem. In attempting to deflect these arguments, most Muslim commentators silenced gender inequality among Muslims by arguing that veiled Muslim women choose the practice and by relegating gender oppression to Western societies, thereby constructing veiled Muslim women as ideal neoliberal subjects worthy of Canadian citizenship.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i1.253
Criteria and Methodologies for Assessing Efficiency of Environmental Government Programs in the Russian Federation
Authors: Margolin Andrey 
Published: May 2020

Existing approaches to performance evaluation for environmental government programs require improvement. In the Russian context, the obstacles to objective evaluation include: target indicators for state programs are not set according to SMART (Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, Time-bound) criteria; the importance of budget efficiency indicators for investment decision-making is underestimated; and, some approaches to ex post evaluation of government programs are oversimplified. Specific recommendations are given that would allow improvement of the methodology for ex ante appraisal and ex-post evaluation of environmental programs. A flowchart is developed to guide decision-making on whether to terminate or continue the program on the basis of its overall evaluation rating, which is calculated using a modified Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART), and the degree of conformity between actual and planned volume of financing. The flowchart represents a formalized procedure for the adjustment of the program implementation period and schedules for the achievement of target values for individual indicators; review of target indicator values; funding amounts and schedules; and change of management. A case study of two Russian environmental programs, Pure Water and Water Industry Development, is used to test the approaches recommended by the author.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1190
Accommodation of Interests of the State, Business and Civil Society in Environmental Projects Implemented Through Public Private Partnership in the Russian Federation
Authors: Margolin Andrey , Krasnoshchekov Valentin 
Published: May 2020

Environmental projects have a number of distinctive features, among them an increased capital/output ratio, relatively high risks, lengthy payback periods, and outcomes that are hard to evaluate using financial indicators. Public private partnership (PPP) appears to be a viable approach for the implementation of such projects; however, existing mechanisms for the accommodation of long-term interest of the state, business and civil society are inadequate to ensure their success. In this context, the author presents an algorithm of multi-criteria analysis to evaluate the social efficiency of PPP-based environmental projects, which takes into account the impact of both financial and non-financial outcomes and includes crowdsourcing public opinion into the final decision-making process. Special priority is given to the assessment of multiplicative effects, as their role and impact on the feasibility of investment are often underestimated. The author’s conclusions and recommendations are illustrated using the case study of a construction project for a municipal solid waste processing facility.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1191
Carbon Emissions Embodied in Russia’s Trade: Implications for Climate Policy1
Authors: Makarov Igor , Sokolova Anna 
Published: May 2020

According to the current international climate change regime, countries are responsible for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions that result from economic activities within their national borders, including emissions from producing goods for export. At the same time, imports of carbon-intensive goods are not addressed by international agreements, including the Paris Agreement that was adopted in 2015. This paper examines emissions embodied in Russia’s exports and imports based on the results of an input-output analysis. Russia is the second largest exporter of emissions embodied in trade and the large portion of these emissions is directed to developed countries. Because of the large amount of net exports of carbon-intensive goods, the current approach to emissions accounting does not suit Russia’s interests. On the one hand, Russia, as well as other large net emissions exporters, is interested in the revision of allocation of responsibility between exporters and importers of carbon-intensive products. On the other hand, both the commodity exports structure and relatively carbon inefficient technologies make Russia vulnerable to the policy of “carbon protectionism,” which can be implemented by its trade partners.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1192
The European Union’s Policy towards its Eastern Neighbours: The Crisis in Ukraine
Authors: Shaban Tatsiana 
Published: May 2020

The European Union’s neighbourhood is complex and still far from being stable. In Ukraine, significant progress has occurred in many areas of transition; however, much work remains to be done, especially in the field of regional development and governance where many legacies of the Soviet model remain. At the crossroads between East and West, Ukraine presents an interesting case of policy development as an expression of European Union (EU) external governance. This paper asks the question: why was the relationship between the EU and Ukraine fairly unsuccessful at promoting stability in the region and in Ukraine? What was missing in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine that rendered the EU unable to prevent a conflict on the ground? By identifying security, territorial, and institutional challenges and opportunities the EU has faced in Ukraine, this paper underlines the most important factors accounting for the performance of its external governance and crisis management in Ukraine.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i2.1310
Politique de la concurrence et intégration des marchés intérieurs : analyse comparative entre les perspectives canadienne et européenne (U.E)
Authors: Diawara Karounga 
Published: May 2020

L’objet de cet article est d’analyser les objectifs de la politique de la concurrence au Canada et en Europe relativement à l’objectif d’intégration des marchés intérieur. L’auteur montre que les politiques canadienne et européenne en matière de concurrence n’ont pas les mêmes orientations quant à l’objectif d’intégration des marchés intérieurs. Tandis qu’en Europe, la législation antitrust constitue un moyen pour parvenir à l’objectif essentiel d’édification d’un marché intérieur; au Canada, les règles de la concurrence visent d’abord et avant tout à promouvoir l’efficience économique et à lutter contre le gaspillage des ressources économiques rares. Dans la première partie, l’auteur met en exergue cette différence d’orientation en insistant sur les contextes constitutionnels et historiques qui expliquent cette différence. Dans la seconde partie, l’auteur analyse la nature juridique différente des deux regroupements d’États qui constitue le fondement principal de cette différence. L’auteur démontre que la nature économique du Traité CE a facilité, dès le début, une politique européenne de la concurrence tournée vers l’érection d’un marché intérieur ouvert et concurrentiel. Alors qu’au Canada, la nature politique de la fédération n’a pas permis d’orienter la politique de concurrence vers l’intégration des marchés provinciaux.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i1.165
The Politics of Immigration: a new electoral dilemma for the right and the left?
Authors: Zaslove Andrej 
Published: May 2020

The success of radical right, anti-immigrant political parties and the recent riots in France are only two of the more publicized examples of how volatile the issue of immigration has become across Western Europe. It is often believed that the dichotomy between racism and anti-racism is quite clear. Right-wing and center-right parties and their electoral constituencies are less accepting of immigrants, while center-left and left-wing political parties and their supporters are more accommodating. In this paper, however, I argue that this distinction is not as clear as it is often perceived. Using Italy as my case study, I outline the various ideological positions on the left and the right, and within the left and right, vis-à-vis immigration legislation and important related issues such as integration and multiculturalism. In the second section, I then examine how these ideological positions respond to the realities of immigration and to new pressures from voters within civil society. The question is whether immigration has created a new electoral dilemma for both sides of the political spectrum. I examine whether: 1) left-wing parties are experiencing pressures from their traditional working class constituencies to be tougher on immigration and issues of law-and-order. How does this mesh with more liberal attitudes regarding policies that permit immigrants to enter, find work, and integrate into society? 2) The question is whether right-wing political forces are also experiencing an electoral dilemma between center-right voters who support less liberal immigrant legislation and their traditional business constituency who support center-right economic policy but also realize that they require immigrant labour. In the conclusion, I, briefly, examine whether this new electoral dilemma experienced by the Italian left and right is consistent with other West European countries such as Germany, Austria, Demark, the United Kingdom, and France.

Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.172
An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union
Authors: Raney Tracey 
Published: May 2020

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179
The promotion of security sector reform strategies: Comparing the roles of the European Union and Canada
Authors: Vandemoorteele Antoine 
Published: May 2020

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.

Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186
Anti-Americanism and the Spirit of European Unity
Authors: Kazarinova Daria 
Published: May 2020

The European integration process was initiated based on the model of the United States. The idea was to create a unit similar in some ways to the United States, while at the same time a unique, European entity. Anti-Americanism can be defined as the ideological tendency to resist the reproduction of American economic, social and cultural patterns. At the heart of this article is the question of whether anti-Americanism is an effective contributor to the European integration process.

Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.190
‘Making the Margins of Europe’: Marginalization, Europeanization and Islam in the contest for Public Space.
Authors: Young Jason R. 
Published: May 2020

This article intervenes into the debate around European identity, political Islam, and Turkey’s potential accession to the European Union through treating Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” as a bordering discourse. The article argues that the ‘clash thesis’ highlights uncertainty around cultural change in Europe as well as a tension within European Integration itself between the Nation as State and the Nation as political and cultural identity. Discourses which position specific groups as being unEuropean, or less European can be linked to the shifting meaning of Europe in light of political and economic integration and its affects on the Nation as titular owner of the State. The article argues that the debate around the compatibility of Islam and Europe and therefore, also the debate around Turkey’s accession to the European Union must be situated within the context of boundary formations driven by im/migration to Europe and within Europe and the rise in public visibility and assertiveness by second and third generation Islamic communities, thereby moving the debate beyond the Self /Other dichotomy upon which the ‘clash thesis’ functions by understanding the boundaries of Europe as negotiable and culturally situated within a publicly mediated discourse about ‘Europe’.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v4i2.200
EU Equality Commitments and Shifting Meanings of Gender Equality
Authors: Black Erin J. 
Published: May 2020

This article follows the development of a European Union gender equality regime through three broad periods: equal treatment policies, positive action measures, and Gender Mainstreaming. The policy-making process entails conflict between competing policy frames; unequal resources behind each secures the dominance of an economic frame. Strategical framing practices have been employed by equality advocates to overcome this disadvantage. This article traces the gradual shifts in meaning within each period until equality goals are integrated into the dominant economic policy frame. It concludes that equality advocates need to engage in deeper analyses of power in order to sustain attention to equality goals over longer periods of time.

Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v5i1.201