bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Introduction
Authors: Clubb Gordon , Scrivens Ryan , Islam Md. Didarul 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Former extremists and former combatants can make an important contribution to preventing and countering violent extremism, and programs across the world have to varying degrees and roles sought to involve formers in their work. The earlier enthusiasm for involving formers has given way to a more nuanced view that individual and contextual factors have a significant influence on if, when, and how formers should be involved in such initiatives. The introduction sets out the objectives of the book, which center on unpacking the different conditions surrounding the involvement of formers in violence prevention work. Specifically, the introduction outlines contentions with the label of ‘former’ itself by distinguishing between the role-type as an analytical category and reflecting on the stigmatizing harms that labelling individuals as formers can create. Finally, we give an overview of the book chapters written by a combination of academic researchers and practitioners.
“Informed Informants”
Authors: Lakhani Suraj 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Former extremists have been employed widely in the field of preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) for several decades. The underlying assumption for their involvement in P/CVE was, and continues to be, the potentially higher levels of milieu-specific knowledge, personal experience, and expertise in detecting and countering extremist radicalization, as well as a strong intrinsic credibility when working to persuade others not to become attracted to extremist environments (primary prevention) or convince radicalized individuals to quit extremism and accompany them in this process (secondary and tertiary prevention). However, little empirical evidence beyond mostly anecdotal and descriptive accounts exists regarding this assumed effectiveness. This chapter summarizes the available literature and assesses the current state of evidence to highlight the most important steps forward. Most important, experimental and quasi-experimental evaluation designs are inevitable to determine when, why, and how formers are effective in P/CVE.
Missed Potential for Former Fighters’ Involvement in Conflict Prevention
Authors: Friðriksdóttir Guðrún Sif 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
This chapter analyzes the case of Burundi regarding how formers can be an instrumental resource in preventing and countering violent extremism works. The potential to use former fighters as active participants in conflict prevention and peacebuilding has been explored and has been fruitful in certain scenarios. In Burundi, some former fighters are interested in working toward peace and development for their community and country. These types of efforts could also prove highly beneficial toward the reintegration of ex-combatants. Despite the potential benefits of including ex-combatants in conflict prevention and peacebuilding in Burundi, their participation is limited to none. There are several reasons why this is the case, including challenges in the political environment, lack of legitimacy of former fighters, and distrust between various groups of people given the still fragile peace. A possible solution could be to have civilians and ex-combatants work in collaborative efforts toward conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Transitioning from Former Violent Extremist to Exit Peer Specialist
Authors: Meredith Katharina , Örell Robert 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
This chapter analyzes the role of formers in various exit programs with a specific focus on the transitions of former extremists becoming exit peer specialists. Exit programs can increase initial contact if formers, a highly skeptical and stigmatized population, are also working at such programs. As peer supporters, former extremists can share their lived recovery experience and motivate individuals to leave extremism and start over. In this chapter, formers’ roles in exit organizations, the organizations’ responsibilities toward formers, peer support, as well as evaluation and future steps are discussed. This chapter suggests that by creating a job analysis and robust exit specialist peer training, formers may increase their effectiveness as peer supporters.
How I Understand the Role of Former as a Former Turned Activist
Authors: Shaikh Mubin 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
There is debate regarding the involvement and efficacy of formers both in countering extremism and in peacebuilding throughout the world. Whereas one school of thought conceives it as a worthy option to include formers in the process, the other school of thought does not consider it a viable option. But there is no denying the fact that worldwide, formers are working to different degrees in various organizations to contribute both to preventing extremism and to peacebuilding. In this chapter, the author (a former extremist turned peacebuilding activist) illustrates his own understanding about the role of formers. As a deradicalized former extremist turned human resource for the Canadian Security Intelligence Service and a police agent with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Integrated National Security Enforcement Team–Toronto, he examines the reality of engaging formers in preventing and countering violent extremism settings.
Conclusion
Authors: Clubb Gordon , Scrivens Ryan , Islam Md. Didarul 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
While there is limited evidence for involving formers in violence prevention, this critique is equally valid for other actors in P/CVE, the argument often hinges on excluding expert experiences as a valid form of evidence, and it is based on the belief that credibility is the main measure of effectiveness. Ethical considerations raise important challenges that need addressed when involving formers, but it is also important to recognize that involving formers is motivated by ethical and normative consideration. In staking this position, we do not aim to diminish the criticisms against involving formers but rather to take on board these criticisms to develop norms and standards for involving formers in violence prevention. The most effective way to overcome these problems is the development of norms for engaging formers to provide a form of oversight and professionalization of work that will likely take place regardless of whether formers are opposed or criticized.
The Maize People
Authors: Lucero Lisa J. 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
This chapter highlights how the Maya mimic forest biodiversity in their fields, home gardens, and orchards to spread risk. Crops include maize, beans, and squash and a plethora of other domesticated (tomatoes, tobacco, avocados, and pineapple) and nondomesticated plants. Diverse crops and agricultural strategies (e.g., raised fields, drained fields, dams, canals, ditches, and terraces) fed a growing population sustainably without the massive deforestation we see today. Families lived in the same place for centuries, which was only possible due to their respectful relations with water, soils, and forests. A map of the ancient Maya world would show a mosaic of farmsteads, fields, cities, seasonal wetlands, and forests that mirror the diverse but dispersed soil types. The larger the plot of fertile soil, the more farmsteads there were and the bigger the cities. Vital to agricultural success was rain, which the Maya acknowledged by performing Cha’a Cháak, or rain, ceremonies.
Inside the Political Mind
Authors: Power Greg 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Drawing on his experience of working with hundreds of politicians in more than sixty countries, Greg Power explores how social norms, public expectations and the personal interests of MPs influence the path of political development. Where states are weak, politicians solve problems by going around the state. From Tanzania and Nepal to Iraq and Ukraine, voters actually want MPs who can find informal fixes, and a reciprocal logic holds the system in place. But this also means that weak institutions tend to stay weak. Combining insights from behavioral economics, change management and comparative politics, this fascinating book argues for a different approach to political reform, one concerned less with institutional design and more with the existing logic of human behavior. One that starts inside the political mind, and works outwards from there.
Introduction
Authors: Power Greg 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Traditional approaches to political reform have focused more on institutional process than politicians and the underlying logic of their behavior in any given country. No matter how odd it might look from the outside, there is always a logic to political behavior, shaped by norms, social mores and cultural traditions. However, such norms can create cyclical and self-defeating patterns, which are difficult to change. Understanding that interaction is key to strengthening political institutions. You should never denigrate a behavior until you have worked out what purpose it really serves. The book argues for a more behavioral approach to reform, which draws on insights from behavioral economics, change management and comparative politics, and is built around four principles: individuals over institutions; personal interest and political principle; reciprocity as a tool for reform, and; think big, act small.
What the Rules Mean
Authors: Power Greg 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
There are three key components in establishing some sort of political order in new systems: trust, reciprocity, and mētis. First, trust is vital as the basis for political negotiation and agreement—success in Somaliland was partly due to pre-existing networks of trust among key political figures, as they had all been to school together. Second, getting away from the sort of zero-sum politics that characterized Libya and Egypt depends on establishing a basis for reciprocity, and specifically by using economist Robert Axelrod's concept of "the shadow of the future", which ensures some certainty and familiarity between protagonists. Third, these elements are bound together through mētis as legislators develop the skills, know-how and mastery of their profession. Mētis is defined as skills that can only be built up over time and through a process of reflexive interaction between politicians. The combination of these three factors is central to giving new rules meaning and fostering further political development.
Coda
Authors: Power Greg 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
The way that “politics” is understood by international development agencies is very different from politics as practiced by politicians. Politics is ultimately about the fight for power. This shapes how politicians engage with each other and how political institutions evolve. International assistance tends to specialize in creating organizations rather than institutions, because they are often devoid of power and significance. If the international community is intent on trying to address the challenges to democracy worldwide and the threats of populism and polarization, it needs to help democratic politicians find the means and the motivation to protect their own institutions. The best defense against such attacks is a cohort of democratic politicians who are good at politics. No amount of global intervention will have an effect unless domestic politicians want to protect and strengthen their own institutions. Achieving that needs to start with what those politicians believe to be important in the first place—which means starting inside the political mind and working outwards from there.
Days Eleven to Thirteen and the Second Weekend
Authors: Shukman Ann 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
The Runcimans visit the pro-German Kinskys in the Sudetenland for another sporting weekend. They stay in the three chalets of the Kinskys’ shooting lodge at Balzhutte. The chapter describes the stalking practices for shooting capercailzies. The glamorous English-speaking international set gathered for the weekend. Among them, Alfons Clary-Aldringen, the Khuen Lutzovs, and their host were admirers of Hitler. Hilda feels at ease. A Sudeten crowd gather to petition Runciman for justice. Ashton-Gwatkin reports to the British Foreign Office that these German aristocrats despise the Czechs, fear Bolshevism, admire the English, and support the SdP.
Days Fourteen to Sixteen
Authors: Shukman Ann 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
The first successes of the Mission: the Negotiating Committee is re-established under the chairmanship of Milan Hodža; the Mission members win the trust of the SdP in Prague and hold regular “beer evenings” together; behind the scenes, President Beneš starts to prepare his Third Plan. There are positive reports from the Czechoslovak Government on the work of the Mission. The chapter describes Konrad Henlein, his duplicitous character, and hidden loyalty to Hitler. It goes onto explore his histrionic behavior among the Sudetens, in spite of his skillful diplomacy in England and friendship with Vansittart who had trusted him. The meeting between Runciman and Henlein (“the Chicken”) that had been arranged by the Nazifier Max Hohenlohe at Schloss Rothenhaus is not a success. There are riots at Brux.
Days Twenty-Seven to Thirty-One
Authors: Shukman Ann 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Ashton-Gwatkin sends his optimistic report to Halifax without further discussions with Walter. Halifax responds directly to Runciman, rejecting any suggestions that Henlein should be allowed to play this role as he feels that it might lead to complications. Runciman denies that he had expressed any approval of Henlein’s proposals and feels that his own role is solely as a mediator between the Czech Government and the SdP. Meetings with Beneš are irregular and Beneš does not communicate about his new negotiations with Kundt and Sebekowsky. He delivers his Third Plan memorandum which Runciman states is no use for publication and a delaying tactic. Beneš is offended. London urges the Czechoslovak Government to go public with its offer. Ashton-Gwatkin meets again with Henlein before his next visit to Hitler. There is a message to say that the Mission would assist in reaching an agreement on the basis of both the Third Plan and the Carlsbad Program. Henlein is keen to distance himself from the Reich Nazis as he desires peace. Beneš considers Runciman gullible in believing this claim. Hitler dismisses Henlein by saying that England is bluffing for time but Germany is prepared for war. David Stephens joins the Mission.
Days Thirty-Eight to Forty and the Sixth Weekend
Authors: Shukman Ann 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
With hopes for a restful weekend, the Runcimans travel to Petrohrad with their visiting son Leslie. Armed Czech police are visible along the roadside as well as small groups of villagers giving the Hitler salute as they pass into the Sudetenland. At the Petrohrad gate, a larger group were waiting shouting “Sieg Heil” and “Runciman mach uns frei von der Tschekoslovakei”. Leslie noted his father looked exhausted, depressed, and that he went to bed early, leaving the other guests to discuss politics. Count Czernin hopes for the re-establishment of Bohemia. The chapter describes the Saturday shooting party. The SdP ask to present a memorandum to “the Lord”. They agree to return the next morning. The deputation returns on Sunday, followed by a march past led by Georg Wollner singing noisy separatist songs and shouting slogans. Runciman quietly addresses the now silent crowd as “Men and women of Bohemia” going on to express his desire for peace. The marchers leave quietly on Wollner’s command.
Wars Without End
Authors: Anderson Noel 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Despite their untold human suffering, widespread destruction and loss, and far-reaching destabilization, the fires of many of the world’s most violent civil wars continue to burn. In light of their devastating effects, how can we explain the intractability of costly and stalemated, yet seemingly endless, civil wars? By situating internal conflicts within the broader geopolitical environment in which they take place, this book provides an answer. It highlights the critical role of competitive intervention—opposing, simultaneous transfers of military assistance from different third-party states to both government and rebel combatants—in the dynamics, duration, and global prevalence of internal conflict. Providing a comprehensive theoretical and empirical account of this form of external meddling, it brings together battlefield bargaining dynamics, the escalatory pressures of interstate competition, and the systemic dimensions of geopolitical rivalry in civil wars to explain how protracted fighting within states is linked to enduring competition between them. In doing so, it challenges traditional conceptions of “proxy war” by deriving new propositions about the strategic logics that motivate it, offering new and productive angles on the behaviors of armed groups, the strategies of foreign interveners, and the trajectories of internal wars. Combining statistical analyses with detailed case studies drawing on fieldwork, original interviews, declassified intelligence reports, and archival research, the book explains competitive intervention’s pernicious effects, documents its consequences for civil wars, and proposes policy prescriptions aimed at resolving some of today’s most intractable conflicts.
Standing for the Counter-Revolution, 1794–6
Authors: Gilks David 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
This chapter substantiates Barras’s verdict that Quatremère ‘stood for the counter-revolution with distinction’. The first part shows how Quatremère humoured the Thermidorian Republic in public whilst questioning its foreign policy and depoliticizing state funding for painting, sculpture, and architecture. The second part examines how, in response to royalist setbacks, Quatremère joined writers and politicians who attacked the Convention’s Law of Two Thirds. He condemned the Thermidorians as Robespierre’s heirs and co-organized the Vendémiaire revolt, for which he was tried in absentia by a military tribunal while he was hiding in Paris. The chapter concludes by identifying Quatremère as the author of several polemical writings, which accused the Republic of abusing the arts and sciences and squandering France’s material, spiritual, and intellectual heritage.
The Mask of Constitutionalism, 1796–9
Authors: Gilks David 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
This chapter examines Quatremère’s life under the Directorial Republic after a sympathetic jury acquitted him of conspiring against the state. It describes how he became a leading Clichyean deputy in the Council of Five Hundred, where he exploited his role as a legislator to advance the Clichy club’s politics and attack the ruination of art and education since 1789. Despite wearing what he called the ‘mask of constitutionalism’, the Directory prescribed him after the Fructidor coup. The chapter concludes by shedding light on his exile in Eutin and the conservative Christian intellectuals who influenced his critique of the ‘materialist’ way of seeing, which he blamed on idéologie, the desacralization of art, and recent ‘mania for collecting’.
Army Reform in the Ottoman Empire
Authors: Zürcher Erik Jan 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
By the early nineteenth century important sections of the Ottoman ruling elite had concluded that the empire would only be able to withstand the onslaught of European powers, particularly Russia, by adopting the key elements that supported European military power: a professional officer corps, modern armaments, and conscription. Over the period of half a century a powerful army was indeed built, but at great cost. Under the pressure of imperialism, the empire was unable to raise its tax income sufficiently. It therefore had to borrow from Europe. As a guarantee for the state debt, it had to hand over control of ever larger parts of its economy to its European creditors. This was the Ottoman paradox: independent military strength was bought at the expense of economic dependency. Yet, it can be argued that without the investment in the modern Ottoman army, the post-World War I resistance out of which the Republic of Turkey was born, would not have been possible.
Extraterritoriality and Capitulations in Qajar Iran
Authors: Chehabi H. E. , Gheissari Ali 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
As a result of losing two wars against Russia, Iran had to conclude an unequal treaty with it that granted Russian subjects extraterritorial rights, known as “capitulations.” Soon other powers demanded and received similar concessions. To be freed of this burden, Iran had to modernize its legal system so as to allow foreigners to receive a fair trial. Conservative opposition prevented this throughout the nineteenth century, as it would have meant granting equal rights to Muslims and non-Muslims, which is against the Sharia. It was only in the 1920s that the conservative opposition was overcome and a new legal system was established, allowing the capitulations to be abrogated in 1928.
Ottoman Royal Uses of Western Symbolism and Pageantry in the Imperial Age
Authors: Eldem Edhem 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Some of the most visible aspects of Ottoman modernization during the long nineteenth century are linked to a top-down Westernization process in which the sultan and his immediate entourage played a central role. From Selim III at the turn of the nineteenth century to the collapse of the empire after World War I, imperial symbolism and pageantry were constantly invented, displayed, and revisited to convey a message of modernity in tune with the norms and forms set by contemporary European states. Driven by a strong desire to emulate the West, this visual and symbolic overhaul of the imperial image was initially almost exclusively directed at foreign audiences and was often fraught with inconsistency due to cultural and ideological differences. As such, it suffered from a considerable degree of superficiality and from an overall predominance of form over content, a feature that seems to have plagued Ottoman, and later Turkish, modernization cum Westernization.
Korea’s Fall
Authors: Larsen Kirk W. 
Published: December 2024

Abstract
Korea’s fall into Japanese colonial rule in 1910 ended what was arguably at least one thousand years of sovereign autonomy. 1910 was presaged by gunboat diplomacy and the introduction of Korea into Westphalian norms and practices carried out by a variety of actors ranging from significant Western powers like Great Britain and France to Asian powers including Japan and the Qing empire (China). Korea experienced the unilateral informal imperialism of Meiji Japan followed by the multilateral informal imperialism of the East Asian treaty port system and then the increasingly aggressive competition between Japan, China, and Russia for dominance on the peninsula. While fingers of blame have pointed at a variety of culprits for Korea’s 1910 disappearance from the map, this story might fruitfully be reimagined as one not of failure and blame but of strength and surprising durability.