bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
The Future of Christian Marriage
Authors: Regnerus Mark 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Marriage has come a long way since biblical times: Women are no longer thought of as property, and practices like polygamy have long been rejected. The world is wealthier and healthier, and people are more able to find and form relationships than ever. So why are Christian congregations doing more burying than marrying today? Explanations for the wide recession in marriage range from the mathematical—more women in church than men—to the economic, and from cheap sex to progressive politics. But perhaps marriage hasn’t really changed at all; instead, there is simply less interest in marriage in an era marked by technology, gender equality, and secularization. This is a book about how today’s Christians find a mate within a faith that esteems marriage but a world that increasingly yawns at it, and it draws on in-depth interviews with nearly two hundred young adult Christians from the United States, Mexico, Spain, Poland, Russia, Lebanon, and Nigeria, in order to understand the state of matrimony in global Christian circles today. Marriage for nearly everyone has become less of a foundation for a couple to build upon and more of a capstone. Christians are exhibiting flexibility over sex roles but are hardly gender revolutionaries. Meeting increasingly high expectations of marriage is difficult, though, in a free market whose logic reaches deep into the home today, and the results are endemic uncertainty, slowing relationship maturation, and stalling marriage. But plenty of Christians innovate, resist, and wed, suggesting the future of marriage will be a religious one.
Uncertainty
Authors: Regnerus Mark 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Uncertainty characterizes the marriage market today, fostered by job insecurities that have accompanied global free-market economic expansion and the surge in options it produced. The new chronic uncertainty has slowed marriage, even though the opposite scenario could have occurred. It happened this way because uncertainty is, in part, a conviction that you don’t yet have what it takes to merit getting married—a reflection of the capstone mentality. Parental divorce adds to uncertainty, fostering anxiety among young adults that they, too, may not have what it takes to stay together. Emerging technologies—social-media and online dating—boost options and unwittingly diminish relationship confidence. As a result of heightened uncertainty, some Christians are choosing to cohabit. But they are not seeking to rewrite the rules about Christian marriage. Living together before marriage, however, almost always contributes to a diminished life of faith, even if only temporarily.
Unequal Growth
Authors: Gustafsson Björn , Ding Sai 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter investigates inequality and poverty among formal urban residents in China by using CHIP data from 1988 through 2013, with a focus on the period from 2007 to 2013. It begins with an overview of changes in the urban economy and relevant public policies. Analysis of the data reveals a slowdown but still fairly rapid growth of urban household incomes from 2007 to 2013, as compared to earlier periods. This slowdown reflects slow growth in urban wage income, the main component of formal urban household incomes. From 2007 to 2013 growth in urban incomes was mainly due to increases in pension income and in the imputed rent from owner-occupied housing. Inequality among formal urban residents increased from 1988 to 1995, but thereafter it did not follow a clear trend. From 2007 to 2013, however, inequality increased slightly. Estimates of urban poverty show ongoing large declines in absolute poverty but an increase in relative poverty.
Consumption Inequality in Urban China
Authors: Xia Qingjie , Li Shi , Song Lina 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Compared to income or wealth, household consumption expenditures can reveal households’ real economic well-being derived from income and other material resources. This chapter uses the CHIP data from 1995, 2002, and 2013 to investigate the structure and inequality of consumption expenditures in urban China. Overall inequality in urban household consumption expenditures as measured by the Gini coefficient decreased slightly from 1995 to 2002 but then increased to 2013. The percentile ratio of p90/p10, however, increased continuously during these years. Basic food consumption inequality was much smaller than inequality of overall consumption, and as consumption grew over time, the food share of consumption fell steadily—from 34 percent in 1995 to 24 percent in 2013. Housing consumption inequality was much larger than overall consumption inequality but it decreased over time. Housing’s share of total consumption, however, rose markedly from 23 percent in 1995 to 38 percent in 2013.
A Global Genealogy
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 2 traces the global emergence of the concept of violence against women in politics. It outlines how the first efforts to name the problem of violence against women in politics emerged in parallel across different parts of the global South: Working inductively, locally elected women in Bolivia theorized their experiences as “political harassment and violence against women” in the late 1990s; networks of elected women across South Asia, with support from global organizations, mapped and condemned manifestations of “violence against women in politics” in the mid-2000s; and state and non-state actors in Kenya recognized and sought to tackle “electoral gender-based violence” in the late 2000s. The chapter then goes on to show how inductive theorizing planted important seeds subsequently taken up by a wide range of international practitioners, who in the late 2000s and early 2010s actively worked to craft a global concept of “violence against women in politics.”
Debates and Controversies
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 7 applies a more critical, comparative lens to the developments discussed in previous chapters. It outlines a series of debates and controversies emerging from practitioner work, which have been subject at times to tense academic engagement, including disputes over terminology; violence against women or gender-based violence as the defining feature of this phenomenon; differing typologies and classifications of specific forms of violence; views on targets and perpetrators of violence; the presence of intersecting forms of violence based on race, class, age, and other identities; and contextual factors and their role in shaping incidents of violence. The chapter stakes out the position of this book in relation to each of these debates, providing a short summary of the ideas subsequently elaborated at length in the next part of the book.
Politics as a Hostile Space
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 8 addresses arguments suggesting politics is simply a hostile space, drawing on examples from both the theory and practice of politics. It then turns to several bodies of work problematizing these assumptions. The literature on political and electoral violence, for example, contends that using force to achieve political ends poses a threat to democracy and, as such, is illegitimate. More recent efforts in both activism and research focus on violence against three types of political actors: politicians, activists, and journalists. The chapter argues that despite running largely in parallel to one another, these debates converge in arguing that violence not only harms democracy—but also violates personal integrity, undermining human rights.
A Bias Event Approach
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 10 develops an approach for identifying empirical cases of violence against women in politics. It begins by outlining methodological challenges related to under-reporting, comparisons, and intersectionality. The chapter argues that work on hate crimes offers a way forward, as this approach explicitly seeks to develop tools to ascertain whether bias against particular groups was a motivating factor behind a given crime. Because not all acts of violence against women in politics constitute crimes, the chapter proposes to focus instead on “bias events”: actions of both a criminal and non-criminal nature driven by bias against women in political roles. It then builds on existing legal guidance to propose six criteria for determining whether an incident was potentially motivated by bias.
Physical Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 12 provides an overview of physical forms of violence against women in politics. Physical violence encompasses a wide range of bodily harms involving unwanted contact and confinement resulting in death or injury. The tangible nature of these acts makes them the most widely recognized and least contested forms of violence against women. They tend to be relatively rare, however, with offenders opting for “less costly” means of violence before escalating to physical attacks. While legal redress may be a solution for at least some forms of physical violence, politically active women have developed a number of grassroots strategies to respond to and anticipate physical violence. At the same time, individual women and state actors have devised new preventive security arrangements, seeking to avert or mitigate the effects of physical attacks.
Economic Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 15 provides an overview of economic forms of violence against women in politics. Economic violence employs economic hardship and deprivation as a means of control, most often by destroying a person’s property or harming their financial livelihood as a form of intimidation. Forms of economic violence include vandalism, property destruction, theft, extortion, raids to remove property, withholding of funds and resources, threats to terminate employment, withdrawal of financial support, and restrictions on access to funding. Despite direct links between economic violence and the ability of women to perform political functions, it remains a largely invisible phenomenon. Few women, indeed, appear willing to speak on the record about their experiences for fear of negative effects on their personal and professional livelihoods. Relative silence on these dynamics, in turn, means that few measures exist to address economic violence, with civil society largely filling the gap to provide emergency grants and accounting oversight.
Semiotic Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 16 provides an overview of semiotic forms of violence against women in politics. These dynamics involve mobilizing semiotic resources—words, images, and even body language—to injure, discipline, and subjugate women. Unlike other forms of violence against women, these acts are less about attacking particular women directly than about shaping public perceptions about the validity of women’s political participation more broadly. Analyzed inductively, women’s experiences in politics suggest two main modes of semiotic violence: rendering women invisible, attempting to “symbolically annihilate” women in the public sphere, and rendering women incompetent, emphasizing “role incongruity” between being a woman and being a leader. Emerging solutions seek to counteract these dynamics by revising or reversing prevailing semiotic frames, forging new semiotic tools to defend women’s right to participate and create a more inclusive public sphere.
Data Collection and Documentation Challenges
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 18 surveys and evaluates existing attempts to collect data on violence against women in politics, which either modify existing datasets and approaches or develop new sources and methods of data collection. This work has been crucial in raising public awareness, establishing that the problem of violence against women in politics exists—as well as motivating action to address it. At this nascent stage, however, studies share a tendency to elide the theoretical distinction between violence in politics and violence against women in politics. Neither comparing the experiences of women and men, nor centering women’s lives, provides a clear cut methodological solution. A bias event approach offers a potential means forward: focused on collecting and evaluating evidence on the presence or absence of gender bias in particular incidents, it can assist both qualitative and quantitative researchers in distinguishing these phenomena in future work.
Political and Social Implications
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.
Concluding Thoughts
Authors: Krook Mona Lena 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Chapter 20 concludes the volume with some final thoughts. It addresses concerns, in particular, that raising awareness about violence against women in politics may potentially depress the political ambitions of other women by highlighting the dangers inherent in engaging in public life. The chapter argues that speaking out about these experiences can also be empowering, pointing to research showing that—while fear may be demobilizing—anger can be mobilizing, producing positive, rather than negative, effects on political participation. Thus, although some may be deterred, many women may instead be galvanized to continue—or begin—their political work.
Return-Risk Evaluation of Investments
Authors: Weirich Paul 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
In finance, a common way of evaluating an investment uses the investment’s expected return and the investment’s risk, in the sense of the investment’s volatility, or exposure to chance. A version of this method derives from a general mean-risk evaluation of acts, under the assumption that only money, risk, and their sources matter. Although the method does not require a measure of risk, finance investigates measures of risks to assist evaluations of risks. An investment creates possible returns, and the variance of the probability distribution of their utilities is a measure of the investment’s risk. This measure neglects some factors affecting an investment’s risk, and so is satisfactory only in special cases. Another measure of risk is known as value-at-risk, or VAR. It also neglects some factors affecting an investment’s risk, and so should be restricted to special cases.
Conclusion
Authors: Weirich Paul 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Recognizing that an act’s risk is a consequence of the act yields a version of expected-utility maximization that does not need adjustments for risk in addition to the probabilities and utilities of possible outcomes. This treatment of an act’s risk justifies the expected-utility principle, and the mean-risk principle, for evaluation of an act. Rational attitudes to risks explain the rationality of acting in accord with the principles. They ground the separability relations that support the principles. The expected-utility principle justifies a substantive, and not just a representational, version of the decision principle of expected-utility maximization. Consequently, the principle governs a single choice and not just sets of choices. It demands more than consistency of the choices in a set. It demands that each choice follow the agent’s preferences, and these preferences explain the rationality of a choice that complies with the principle.
“They Will Yield”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter begins its narration of events toward the end of July, as it attempts to explain the context in which President Truman was considering the implications of America’s entry into the atomic age. They needed a solution. The chapter looks at Truman’s journal entries of that time as a way to analyze what was going through his mind. He had some complicated issues to deal with and difficult decisions to make. The chapter charts events surrounding the Potsdam Declaration and looks at for Japan’s response to it. The urgency with which the Allies approached planning for a sudden end to the war was in marked contrast to the desultory fashion in which the Japanese sought an alternative to unconditional surrender.
“A Great Victory Has Been Won”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter’s point of departure is the thirteenth and final meeting of the Big Three at Potsdam. During the first few days of August, as the chapter states, the entire outlook for the Pacific War changed dramatically—namely, by one single event: on August 6 (Washington time), the first atomic bomb was exploded 1,900 feet above the city of Hiroshima. The chapter covers the ramifications of this historic point in time. One question was, to what extent should Japan be spared the psychological and physical burdens of defeat? The answer: they shouldn’t be spared it at all. The surrenders conducted throughout Asia relied on displays of force and potent symbols to convey the irresistibility of Allied power and impress upon the Japanese the unconditional nature of their defeat.
“The A-Bomb Was Not Needed”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
The final chapter looks at the aftermath of Japanese surrender. The initial post-surrender policy of the U.S. government put forward a whole host of reforms in Japan. The first year and a half of occupation was known as the “liberal phase.” General MacArthur implemented many of the first reforms. The chapter looks at how these reforms were devised, put in place, received, and implemented and how the nature and extent of reforms changed in time. The chapter also considers the consequences for Japan of the demotion and humanization of the emperor that came with surrender. Did sparing the emperor from prosecution grant the Japanese public general immunity? How could individual Japanese citizens be held responsible for the war if the emperor, in whose name they had acted, was not? The chapter looks at the ramifications for the events covered in this book for the time between then and now, as we are at the point of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the surrender of Japan. Finally, the chapter looks to the future and lesson learned.
From Dissent to Democracy
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Under what conditions will successful nonviolent revolutions lead to democratization? While the scholarly literature has shown that nonviolent resistance has a positive effect on a country’s level of democracy, little research to date has disaggregated this population to explain which cases of successful nonviolent resistance lead to democracy and which do not. This book presents a theory of democratization in transitions initiated by nonviolent resistance based on the successful resolution of two central strategic challenges: maintaining high transitional mobilization and avoiding institutionally destructive maximalism. I test the theory, first, on a data set of every transition from authoritarian rule in the post–World War II period and, second, with three in-depth case studies informed by interviews with key decision-makers in Nepal, Zambia, and Brazil. The testing supports the importance of high mobilization and low maximalism. Both have strong, consistent effects on democratization after nonviolent resistance.
Introduction
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
Why do nonviolent revolutions sometimes go so wrong? Scholars have found that nonviolent resistance promotes democratic transitions, but have not yet developed explanations for when this effect will occur and when it will not. This introduction places this central puzzle in the wider scholarly literature and debates over the decline of democracy and previews the argument and evidence made in the remainder of the book: transitions after nonviolent revolutions (civil resistance transitions) become democracies or not based on the patterns of political behavior during the transitional period. When there is high mobilization and low maximalism, democracy is likely. The introduction then defines the key terms for the study and lays out the evidence to be presented.
The Challenges of Civil Resistance Transitions
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C. 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
What are the effects of nonviolent (civil) resistance on political transitions? This chapter examines what we know about the relationship between nonviolent resistance and political order and uses that established knowledge to argue for a novel theory of civil resistance transitions. Civil resistance gives countries a democratic advantage relative to other ways of initiating a political transition. But that advantage must be carried through the uncertainty of the transitional period. Two key challenges can undermine this advantage: a failure to maintain high levels of social and political mobilization and a failure to direct mobilization away from revolutionary maximalist goals and tactics into new institutional avenues. The chapter details the mechanisms of civil resistance transitions that these challenges undermine and the unique regime types that variation in these challenges leads to.
Chocolate Dandies and the End of Sissle and Blake
Authors: Carlin Richard , Bloom Ken 
Published: August 2020

Abstract
This chapter describes how, after touring, In Bamville arrived in New York in debt and with a new name: Chocolate Dandies; the successful introduction of the dance craze, The Charleston, in Miller and Lyles’s competing show, Runnin’ Wild; the mixed reception and short run of Chocolate Dandies on Broadway; successful reception of comedian Johnny Hudgins and the lawsuit by the show’s producers when he left the show for a better-paying gig. The chapter further examines how the show returned to the road to try to work off its debt; Sissle and Blake’s trouble with the law when they were arrested at an after-party for another touring show in Toronto; their successful tour of England; their return to vaudeville in America; and their appearance in a now-lost Vitaphone short. Then the chapter explores the duo’s breakup over Eubie’s refusal to return to Europe; Eubie’s new partnership with comedian/singer Broadway Jones; their touring of an abbreviated form of Shuffle Along in vaudeville under the name of Shuffle Along Jr.; and other touring work, including appearances with Fanchon and Marco’s revues.