bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Reclaiming Bentham on Torture
Authors: Barela Steven J. 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Nearly two and a half centuries ago, Jeremy Bentham presented a moral challenge to the absolutist view on eliminating torture in all circumstances—written in the privacy of his study and never published during his lifetime. Although three sentences of his utilitarian argument for torture in limited situations have become quite well-known (often equated with the ticking bomb scenario), Bentham’s view on torture would be greatly served by a more nuanced understanding of his sometimes-contradictory opinions, the development of his thought, and the context of his writing. This chapter aims to provide a fuller view. We will find four main points well worth highlighting: (1) Bentham was strikingly indecisive about the effectiveness of interrogational torture; (2) he keenly touched on the same questions that drive scientific research today; (3) he worried that torture could open the door to tyranny; and (4) he struggled to find the proper standard of “certainty” that could trigger the government’s use of severe pain and suffering. In the long run, the trigger softened as Bentham identified the insurmountable hurdle that we can only suspect what resides inside a prisoner’s mind. As a result, I will suggest that a moral epistemic duty was implied in his work and would require that when choosing subjects for questioning, we must begin with a presumption of innocence as the innocent and ill-informed will inevitably wind up under questioning.
Preventing Torture: What Works?
Authors: Thomson Mark , Bernath Barbara 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Torture can be prevented by first understanding why it happens, and secondly by taking a combination of actions to reduce risks of it occurring: replace discriminatory and abusive practice with professional policing that conforms with international human rights law. With reference to country-specific experiences and an academic research commissioned by the Association for the Prevention of Torture, the authors provide examples of measures that work to reduce the risk of torture and other ill-treatment. The most effective measures are the application of detention safeguards, such as the immediate notification of family, access to a lawyer and a medical doctor, and being brought promptly before a judge. The presence of a lawyer during interrogation, in particular, has an important preventive effect. These safeguards have greater impact when combined with other measures that tackle discriminatory practice and injustices. For example, independent oversight bodies, especially OPCAT National Preventive Mechanisms, who have the mandate to visit all places where persons are deprived of their liberty, have not only a deterrent effect but also act as agents of change by presenting well-informed recommendations to prevent possible future abuse. The authors use country-specific examples (e.g., Sri Lanka, Fiji, Northern Ireland, South Africa, Georgia, Turkey, and Chile) to explain how sociopolitical order, cultural traditions, and institutional culture that are discriminatory and prejudiced in nature need to be addressed, challenged, and changed. Examples are given of when this has and hasn’t been achieved through professional skills training; institutional, judicial, and legal reform. Put simply, prevention works best when anchored within a rights-based paradigm of dignity, justice, and equality before the law.
Repairing the Damage from Illegal Acts of State
Authors: Finkelstein Claire , Xenakis Stephen N. 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
The United States is only just beginning to grapple with the fallout from the program known as Rendition, Detention and Interrogation (RDI), an illegal interrogation practice designed to further the United States counter-terrorism efforts against al-Qaeda and the Taliban. One of the most consequential legacies of the program stems from the way it was justified: lawyers for the Bush administration sought to legitimize the program through distorted legal doctrines, some of which remained in currency even after the RDI program was finally abandoned. The attempt to justify illegal conduct with false legal arguments, along with the failure of the subsequent administration to hold the principal architects of the program responsible, has eroded the rule of law in the United States and done permanent damage to norms of armed conflict as well as to domestic and international law. This chapter discusses the consequences of the RDI program, with particular attention paid to the impact of legal manipulations used to justify the program as well as the failure of accountability that resulted. In Part IV, this chapter addresses the question whether torture has been permanently eliminated from U.S. law, or whether the practice is likely to return. In this connection, the chapter raises concerns about the McCain-Feinstein Amendment that tied permissible interrogation methods to the Army Field Manual (AFM), which continues to authorize the psychologically and emotionally damaging techniques of sensory and sleep deprivation through Appendix M. The chapter finally discusses ways to repair the damage the RDI program and its aftermath inflicted on the rule of law.
Drinking from a Poisoned Chalice
Authors: Baker John G. , Spears Mary E. , Newell Katherine S. 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
The following is an adaptation of the keynote speech given by John G. Baker at the 2018 NATSECDEF Conference, “Preserving Justice in National Security,” hosted by the George Washington University Law School on September 20, 2018. Brigadier General Baker examined whether the United States military commissions, special military tribunals established by President George W. Bush in the aftermath of 9/11 solely to try noncitizen terrorism suspects, were capable of achieving justice. Answering with an empathetic “no,” Brigadier General Baker described an increasingly troubling series of actions taken against defendants who had been secretly held and tortured by the same government that was then seeking their criminal convictions and executions. It is clear from this speech that by the time this piece is published, more, and possibly more troubling events, will have occurred, as the United States continues to pay the price of torture.
Facebook Japan
Authors: Sun Huatong 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
This chapter explores why Japanese users were never crazed about Facebook and illustrates the value of a practice-oriented critical approach to global design with design tools. It begins with the case background. It then develops a nuanced and multifaceted discussion to uncover the hidden relations between power, ideology, and identity surrounding the local uses of Facebook Japan: Built on the findings triangulated from primary and secondary research, it reviews the different networked sociality between Japan and the United States within the postcolonial discourse, and then presents a design instrument of discursive affordances to redress asymmetrical power distribution for culturally sustaining design. It concludes the discussion by situating the Facebook Japan case within the political economy scholarship: The asymmetrical power structure demonstrated in the design and operation of the Facebook platform shows the importance of moving from the micro to the macro and connecting both toward a practice-oriented critical design with the culturally localized user engagement and empowerment (CLUE2, or CLUE-squared) approach. This chapter also introduces a few sets of social media notions to frame the design discussion in this book and to use them as sensitizing concepts to inspire social media technology design. Concepts include networked sociality, social capital, ties, and connectedness versus connectivity. Two design tools are introduced, including the activity-based affordances model for design inspiration and the design heuristics of discursive affordances.
Technocratic Naiveté
Authors: Friedman Jeffrey 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
An epistemological critique of technocracy may seem unnecessary if one believes that the causes of social and economic problems, and their solutions, are self-evident. However, this belief must confront the fact that technocrats frequently disagree with one another about the causes of and solutions to social and economic problems. One might respond to the fact of technocratic disagreement, however, by impugning the genuineness of technocratic disagreement: if the truth is self-evident, debate about it must be disingenuous. This response becomes untenable once we specify exactly the types of knowledge that a legitimate technocracy needs, for we then see that most of this knowledge is outside of anyone’s immediate experience and must be mediated to technocrats by fallible human interpreters. Moreover, unintended policy consequences may be counterintuitive, not self-evident. This chapter does not demonstrate that unintended consequences do plague technocracy, but it shows that they might.
Lippmann and Dewey
Authors: Friedman Jeffrey 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
During the 1920s, Walter Lippmann expressed his growing doubts about the epistemic capacities of the journalistically informed mass public, and John Dewey published three responses to these doubts—none of which grappled with the interpretive problems that Lippmann saw as the barrier to an adequate understanding of modern society. Rather than lamenting the mass public’s lack of knowledge, as Dewey did, Lippmann was mainly worried about the inevitably biased stereotypes by means of which journalists and their readers winnow down overabundant knowledge into coherent interpretations. Dewey’s hopes for a new form of journalism, his faith in ordinary people’s knowledge of the problems afflicting them, and his ideas for a new social science failed to confront this problem of interpretation. However, Lippmann’s own solution, early in the debate, was an epistocracy of statisticians, which also failed to confront the interpretive problem he had identified. The debate ended, then, with neither engagement nor resolution.
The Pathological Pressure to Predict
Authors: Friedman Jeffrey 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
The premier technocrats of our age, neoclassical economists, are poorly equipped to balance homogenizing forces against heterogeneous ideas, as economists altogether ignore agents’ ideas. They do so by attributing to agents the automatic ability to act optimally, effacing the agents’ need to interpret their circumstances and thus the possibility that the ideas on which their interpretations are based will be mistaken. An error-free agent—meaning, for practical purposes, one whose interpretation of her circumstances matches that of the economist—is an agent whose actions the economist can conveniently predict. Similarly, attempts by economists of information and behavioral economists to render economics more realistic overlook ideational heterogeneity and the fact that ideas must form interpretations before they can guide actions. Thus, the agent depicted by these types of economist remains predictable despite the information asymmetries and putative irrationality identified in these literature. Even the recent shift toward empiricism in economics relies on an undertheorized positivism that, again, ignores the causal force of ideational heterogeneity. Nontechnocratic research in social psychology, however, suggests that the neglect of people’s ideas is not unique to economists, posing a wider cultural problem for technocracy—but also the hope that ideational changes might lead to a judicious form of technocratic governance.
Late Bronze Age Tombs at the Palace of Nestor, Pylos
Authors: Murphy Joanne M. A. , Stocker Sharon R. , Davis Jack L. , Schepartz Lynne A. 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
This chapter presents the results of a recent reexamination of the Late Bronze Age tombs excavated in the area of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos by Carl W. Blegen: three tholoi, seven chamber tombs, and one cist grave. New light can now be shed on the chronology of the construction and use of each. The various tombs range in date from MH III/LH I to LH IIIC late, although it appears that the tholos tombs and chamber tombs were not used intensively at the same time. Grave goods point to more wealth being invested in burials during MH III/LH I to LH II, less in LH IIIA. Most nonceramic imports in the tombs date to LH I–II; there are few ceramic imports with burials of any period. The object of the study was to examine burial customs in the context of social and political developments at the Palace of Nestor itself. Innovations in burial ritual reflect changes that occurred in the course of the Late Helladic period in the way that power was defined and expressed in the community associated with these graves.
“You Can’t Take It with You”
Authors: Shelton Kim 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Using evidence from the extensive cemeteries at the palatial center of Mycenae and at Prosymna, a second tier settlement site within the territory of Mycenae, this chapter examines the burial practices, patterns, and traditions within the sociopolitical context of the Palatial period itself, but also with a longer diachronic lens toward what came before and what follows. In the form and scale of burial architecture, in the treatment of interments, and among the objects associated with burial practices, significant changes occur. During the period of state formation, tomb architecture and burial practices exhibit diverse and potentially competitive characteristics. The variety of exotica and specialized ceramic sets suggest conspicuous consumption and differential access to status as much as do the weapons and jewelry in valuable materials. A sociopolitical flourishing comes with the Palatial period. While there is great expansion in the numbers of tombs, at the same time the patterns of use both stabilize and standardize. Remarkable at both sites is a pronounced contraction of investment in the mortuary sphere when the Palatial period is at its height—burial traditions are simplified and streamlined including characteristics from constructional details down to a marked decline in grave provisions, especially among higher value and status materials and exotica. This previews by several generations the characteristics of the Postpalatial period, when a dramatic decline in material culture generally is reflected also in tomb construction and use.
The Mycenaean Cemetery at Clauss, Near Patras
Authors: Paschalidis Constantinos 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
This chapter presents various significant aspects of the tombs and the activities at the Mycenaean cemetery at Clauss, near Patras there, resulting from the study and analysis of both artifacts and skeletal remains. In particular, the Clauss cemetery provides considerable skeletal remains that were examined in detail, which show that both the site and Achaea were densely populated during the Mycenaean palatial period (14th–13th c. bc). This conclusion contrasts greatly with what scholars have previously proposed: a massive infiltration of population from the Argolid in LH III C. The study of the Clauss material distinguished all LH III C burials in six successive chronological phases, which correspond more-or-less to six generations of its people. This was accomplished with the combined and careful classification of the local pottery, workshops, and styles, together with the tombs’ stratigraphy. The evaluation of such a sequence gave the unique opportunity to trace the biographies of its people. Through the identification of mothers, children, farmers, craftsmen, traders, noble ladies of the oikos, hunters, and warriors—based on the grave goods and modes of burials—the story unfolds of a vivid local society at the periphery of the Mycenaean world toward the end of its era.
Hail Columbia!
Authors: Lohman Laura 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
This book examines music as political expression in the early American republic from the post-revolutionary era through the aftermath of the War of 1812. Americans used music as a discursive tool during every major political development. The nation’s leaders faced challenges ranging from threats to the structure of the government to impressment, all amid the nearly constant threat of embroilment in European war and insecurity about the republic’s viability. Americans responded by using music to protest, stifle protest, propagandize, and vie for political dominance. Through music they persuaded, intimidated, lauded, legitimated, and demonized their fellow Americans based on their political beliefs and actions. In music they debated crucial questions about the roles and rights of citizens, the structure of government, and the pursuit of peace and prosperity. They used music to construct powerful narratives about the nation’s history, values, and institutions; to celebrate the accomplishments of country, community, and individual; and to reinforce a sense of identity in national and partisan terms. Organized chronologically, chapters address musical forms of propaganda during ratification of the Constitution, musical expression of transnational revolutionary aspirations, Federalist and Republican narratives of political legitimacy in music, political debates in music during the embargo years, and musical myth-making during the War of 1812. The conclusion summarizes this music’s reception through the remainder of the nineteenth century.
Introduction
Authors: Lohman Laura 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
The introduction outlines why Americans turned to music for political expression in the early republic and how music shaped Americans’ visions of the nation through performance, imagination, and print. It situates Americans’ use of music for political expression in long-established and transatlantic practices, including those used in Britain and before and during the Revolutionary War. It introduces the wide range of Americans who created, circulated, interpreted, and performed political music in the early nation. The introduction surveys the types of sources that circulated this music and the musical genres that were commonly used. Chapter summaries and the challenges of studying this music are included.
Musical Myth-Making and the War of 1812
Authors: Lohman Laura 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines how Americans used music to craft powerful myths about the War of 1812. The war began amid strong sectional and partisan divisions, but Americans obscured these divisions by circulating a large volume of selective accounts of the war that ignored reversals of Republican policy and highlighted the Republican administration’s success in bringing peace with a navy of Federalist design. Understood in the context of the previous chapters, Francis Scott Key’s “The Star-Spangled Banner” illustrates the sonic transcendence of ideological and partisan debate. The American nationalism that the song came to symbolize developed not only in a transatlantic context but also alongside strong regional and other allegiances. Following years of economic stress and partisan strife, Americans used music to portray the nation as self-sufficient, militarily competent, and united in feeling.
A Mother’s Violence in Global Politics
Authors: Krulisova Katerina 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Analyzing the cases of Biljana Plavšić and Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, two prominent female politicians accused of perpetrating political violence in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, respectively, this chapter focuses on the ways violent women represent themselves when accused of crimes against humanity, genocide, and genocidal rape. Employing the concepts of twisted motherhood, maternal love, and monstrous mothering, together with maternal naivety about realities of war-fighting, the work first traces the feminist theorization of politically violent womanhood and motherhood; second, the chapter discusses the conceptualization of female violence in relation to the dominant motherhood narratives; and, finally, it offers an alternative critical reading of mothering as connected representation of oneself when politically violent. Studying representation of the violent self through feminist lenses enable one to critically analyze the importance of motherhood narratives in global politics. Both women employ a motherhood narrative as a way to humanize themselves in response to accusations of violent crimes. A mother’s violence, in their narratives, is completely unintelligible and impossible, or becomes an unfortunate yet understandable result of a mothering instinct that dictates to protect one’s own mythical child. In both cases, the defense rests on narrating themselves as good mothers, disabling other potential narratives to be employed.
Privatized Bodies in Public Locations
Authors: Griffin Penny 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Understanding motherhood as practices of mothering not necessarily limited to women’s bodies, this chapter sets out to examine some of the many and various ways in which neoliberalized public spaces enable, encourage, and reproduce motherhood. It asks, specifically, how, where, and why human, mothering bodies are subjected to the neoliberal “gaze,” how this gaze on motherhood privileges certain forms of identity and practice over others, and how this influences, overtly and indirectly, the moral status of “mothers” in neoliberal societies. Neoliberal governmentality has been vastly effective in enacting its own self-reproduction across divergent societies, masking the totalitarianism of its core focus on centralizing the “free” market in social life through clever reconstructions of conflicting social value systems and practices. This can be seen, this chapter argues, in the normalization of highly invasive medical procedures on mothering bodies, in the proliferation of professionalized parenting “experts,” and in the individualization and social segregation of “mothers” themselves. In particular, the author examines how everyday moments in and practices of motherhood have become highly effective normative technologies of neoliberal governmentality. The author takes as a starting point those “small” things about life as a mother (or as someone who mothers) in a neoliberal society in terms of how they represent two interwoven social elements: the impacts of the prejudiced gaze of neoliberal authorities, including hospitals, supermarkets, cafés, trains, and day care centers; and the apparent achievement of limitless neoliberal tolerance and acceptability.
“Being a Friend in a Nest of Vipers”
Authors: Gillies Alexandra 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
During the boom years, companies, banks, and other private sector players used all kinds of tactics to tilt the oil sector playing field in their favor. They wined and dined top decision-makers, went into business with political insiders, and paid bribes, often via middlemen or fixers. Collusion and tax avoidance reared their heads too. Stories from Angola, Australia, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Libya, Nigeria, Norway, and the United States reveal the risks companies took in order to win a piece of the oil boom action.
“An Octopus That Reaches around the Globe”
Authors: Gillies Alexandra 
Published: January 2020

Abstract
Corruption is an international undertaking. A global cast of enablers, including oil-rich players from Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia, Caribbean letterbox companies, banks in Switzerland and Singapore, American real estate agents, and the giant investment bank Goldman Sachs, helped an ambitious young Malaysian businessman capture and spend over $4 billion in just a few years. Most oil boom corruption cases followed roughly the same playbook: spirit away illicit funds via offshore shell companies and bank accounts and then sink them into foreign property, businesses, luxury goods, and public relations campaigns. Through these channels, corrupt money and its destabilizing influence spread around the world.