bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Conclusion
Authors: Hardwick Julie 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Although the later decades of the eighteenth century and the decade of the Revolution are often associated with important changes in marriage and family as well as other issues, the persistence of key patterns in young couples’ relationships is also striking. Courtship, heartbreak, untimely pregnancy, and out-of-wedlock births remained common in working communities. Pragmatic as well as emotional concerns underpinned marriage choices just as they had in the Old Regime. Women remained more vulnerable due to legal, cultural, and economic patterns that were very slow to change. The particularities of the Old Regime configurations of intimacy in working communities were only gradually adjusted after 1800.
Ask the Experts
Authors: Uy Michael Sy 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
From the end of World War II through the U.S. Bicentennial, the National Endowment for the Arts, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Ford Foundation granted close to $300 million (approximately $2.3 billion in 2017 dollars) in the field of music alone. In deciding what to fund, these three grantmaking institutions decided to “ask the experts,” adopting seemingly objective, scientific models of peer review and specialist evaluation. They recruited music composers at elite institutions, professors from prestigious universities, and leaders of performing arts organizations. Among the most influential expert-consultants were Leonard Bernstein, Aaron Copland, Lukas Foss, and Milton Babbitt. The significance was twofold: not only were male, Western art composers put in charge of directing large and unprecedented channels of public and private funds, but also, in doing so, they determined and defined what was meant by artistic excellence. They decided the fate of their peers and shaped the direction of music making in this country. By asking the experts, the grantmaking institutions produced a concentrated and interconnected field of artists and musicians. Officers and directors utilized ostensibly objective financial tools like matching grants and endowments in an attempt to diversify and stabilize applicants’ sources of funding, as well as the number of applicants they funded. Such economics-based strategies, however, relied more on personal connections among the wealthy and elite, rather than local community citizens. Ultimately, this history demonstrates how “expertise” served as an exclusionary form of cultural and social capital that prevented racial minorities and nondominant groups from fully participating.
Gatekeeping from Within
Authors: Uy Michael Sy 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter elucidates the previously opaque and little-understood roles of foundation and National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) staff and officers, or “philanthropoids” as famous American writer Dwight Macdonald referred to them in his famous New Yorker article. These officers included program directors Walter Anderson (NEA) and Norman Lloyd (Rockefeller); vice president W. McNeil Lowry (Ford); and chairmen Roger Stevens (NEA) and Nancy Hanks (NEA). Foundation and NEA officers, as well as board of trustee members, were “interactional experts”—experts knowledgeable about a field, even if not actively contributing to new knowledge or self-identifying as experts—with tremendous influence in the operation of the system. They decided the kinds of outside voices that were heard in the decision-making process. They were gatekeepers, interlocutors, and translators between the outside consultants they recruited and grant applicants. They wielded the almighty red and black pens and their Rolodexes were a who’s who of asked experts.
The National Endowment for the Arts, the U.S. Bicentennial, and the Expansion Arts and Jazz/Folk/Ethnic Programs
Authors: Uy Michael Sy 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter investigates the National Endowment for the Arts’s (NEA’s) jazz program, Expansion Arts division, Bicentennial fellowships for “jazz/folk/ethnic” artists, and Folk Arts division. While the NEA mirrored a policy of matching requirements in its Treasury grants—which supported predominantly symphony orchestras—it also provided several millions of dollars to otherwise underrepresented and undersupported artists and communities. Not only were the NEA’s officers keenly committed to helping jazz and folk music, but also they brought in experts from urban, suburban, and rural communities to work as program directors. Vantile Whitfield and A. B. Spellman—key figures in the black arts movement of the 1970s—became directors. These experts recruited panelists of a broader geographical, racial, and gender representation, and similarly funded more diverse musicians and artists. Compared to the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, which rarely provided funding to jazz or the music of minority communities, the government agency was a lifeline to otherwise unseen and unheard cultural practices.
Bill of Rights
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines Article II of the Oklahoma constitution. Compared with other states in existence when Oklahoma’s constitution was written, Oklahoma’s contained a moderate list of rights. With few exceptions, these rights are similar, if not identical, to those found in the U.S. Constitution. The first two sections are theoretical statements concerning the role of government. These express ideas similar to those found in the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, Sections 1 and 2 explicitly recognize that the government is founded on popular consent and may be changed when the people consent to such changes. Among the “rights” not in the U.S. Constitution are: prohibition of imprisonment for debt; indictment by information; procedures for punishing for contempt; and regulations concerning the availability of corporate records to public inspection.
Impeachment and Removal from Office
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter discusses Article VIII of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns impeachment and removal from office. Section 1 states that “the Governor and other elective state officers, including the Justices of the Supreme Court, shall be liable and subject to impeachment for wilful neglect of duty, corruption in office, habitual drunkenness, incompetency, or any offense involving moral turpitude committed while in office.” Moreover, “all elected state officers, including Justices of the Supreme Court and Judges of the Court of Criminal Appeals, shall be automatically suspended from office upon their being declared guilty of a felony by a court of competent jurisdiction.” Two other methods for removing elected officials not mentioned in Section 1 are specified in state law pursuant to Section 2. The first provides for a grand jury to accuse an official and present its findings to a district judge. The second allows the governor to instruct the attorney general to investigate an official and, if official misconduct is found, to institute proceedings in court. Section 3 designates the chief justice of the Oklahoma Supreme Court as the presiding officer in an impeachment trial. Lastly, Section 4 requires senators to take an oath and specifies a two-thirds vote of those present in order to convict.
Oklahoma State System of Higher Education
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter describes Article XIII-A of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the Oklahoma State System of Higher Education. This article is probably one of the most important steps this state has taken to improve and better coordinate its public institutions of higher learning. Section 2 states that the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma is responsible for governing the university. The university’s president has only the authority given to him by the Board of Regents and their acts are subject to review by the board. Section 3 allows the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education to move money between funds and accounts as it sees fit. Lastly, under Section 4, a private denominational institution awarding academic and professional degrees may be subject to reasonable state regulation without violating the First, Fifth, Ninth, or Fourteenth Amendments. Thus, the secular-type activities of a religious school are subject to nonarbitrary governmental regulation exercised under the policy powers of the state.
Manufacture and Commerce
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter assesses Article XX of the Oklahoma constitution. This article concerns manufacture and commerce. Section 1 states that “nothing herein shall prevent the manufacture or sale of denaturized alcohol under such regulations as may be prescribed by law.” “Denaturized alcohol” is alcohol that has been made unfit for drinking without impairing its usefulness for other purposes. Section 2 provides that “until changed by the Legislature, the flash test provided for under the laws of Oklahoma Territory for all kerosene oil for illuminating purposes shall be 115 degrees Fahrenheit; and the specific gravity test for all such oil shall be 40 degrees Baume.”
Miscellaneous
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter explores Article XXIII of the Oklahoma constitution. Section 1 promotes industrial welfare of the people by fixing a high standard for employees on public work. It states that “eight hours shall constitute a day’s work in all cases of employment by and on behalf of the State or any county or municipality.” Section 1A reflects the state’s concerns that no person be forced to participate in, or pay for, a labor union and its activities. Section 2 prohibits the contracting of convict labor, while Section 3 prohibits “the employment of children, under the age of fifteen years, in any occupation, injurious to health or morals or especially hazardous to life or limb.” Section 5 deals with the health and safety of employees in factories, in mines, and on railroads. Section 10 focuses on the salary and emoluments of public officials.
Alcoholic Beverage Laws and Enforcement
Authors: Adkison Danny M. , Palmer Lisa McNair 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter looks at Article XXVIII-A of the Oklahoma constitution, which greatly loosens Oklahoma’s previously tight, conservative grip on the use and distribution of alcoholic beverages. Section 1 sets out the definition of alcohol in a self-explanatory way: “All beverages that contain alcohol, unless otherwise defined by law, shall be considered alcoholic beverages by this state and therefore governed by this Article and all other applicable laws.” Section 2 states that “the Legislature shall enact laws providing for the strict regulation, control, licensing and taxation of the manufacture, sale, distribution, possession, transportation and consumption of alcoholic beverages, consistent with the provisions of this Article.” Under the old law, Oklahoma citizens could not receive direct shipments of wine; this change in law allows the legislature to authorize direct shipments to consumers of wine. Additionally, grocery stores and other retail locations are allowed to sell wine and beer under this article, which previously was not the case. Section 3 directs the legislature to create licenses for the sale of alcoholic beverages to consumers for consumption off the premises. However, Section 5 prohibits the sale of alcoholic beverage to a person under twenty-one years of age, and to insane, mentally deficient, or intoxicated persons. Section 7 deals with the taxation of alcoholic beverages
Introduction
Authors: Adler Eric 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
The introduction examines the sorry state of the humanities in American higher education. Especially after the 2008 global financial meltdown, the contemporary humanities are increasingly embattled; downsizing and even program closures have become the norm. In such an environment, humanities professors and their supporters have written many defenses of the modern humanistic disciplines, eager to stave off their downfall. Unfortunately, these works tend to ignore the long history of the humanities and offer unsatisfying apologias for the modern humanities. For this reason, it seems valuable to examine the so-called Battle of the Classics of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when educators hotly debated the role of the classical humanities in US higher education. Such an examination will allow educators to provide a satisfying contemporary case for the humanities.
Skills Are the New Canon
Authors: Adler Eric 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter examines recent defenses of the humanities, demonstrating that most of them present a portrait of the humanities strikingly bereft of content. Instead of stressing the need for students to encounter and contemplate particular works associated with the modern humanities, these defenses typically vouch for the humanities’ value on the basis of their purported ability to inculcate various skills in students. Such arguments, it is shown, possess intrinsic disadvantages and vulnerabilities. Many apologists, for example, highlight the notion that the humanities supply students with the skill of “critical thinking.” But they cannot claim that the humanities alone are conduits for this nebulous aptitude.
Humanism vs. Humanitarianism
Authors: Adler Eric 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter surveys Irving Babbitt’s writings in defense of the classical and modern humanities. It demonstrates that Babbitt’s critique of the American research university and its philosophical underpinnings provides a more satisfying intellectual foundation for the humanities than do typical contemporary defenses. The chapter demonstrates that Babbitt offered a radical critique of professionalized American higher education and the attractively romantic—but ultimately problematic—conception of human nature that informs it. It shows that Babbitt fundamentally recast the humanistic tradition to fit the needs of the contemporary world. Importantly, the chapter argues that Babbitt avoided the skills-based rationales for Latin and ancient Greek that had proved so underwhelming during the Battle of the Classics. In their place, Babbitt underscored the unique role that specific humanities content must play in American higher learning in order for the nation to flourish.
Staying on the Sidelines
Authors: Levin Dov H. 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Chapter 4 includes the second set of case studies designed mainly to test this book’s arguments about the causes of such interventions. These are cases in which the U.S. (at the highest decision-making levels) is now known to have seriously considered doing an electoral intervention but eventually decided against that option. Accordingly, after fleshing out the theoretical predictions in each case, this chapter includes three detailed case studies of the decision-making process that led the U.S. to decide to not intervene: the 1958 Venezuelan election, the 1967 Greek election, and the 1965 Philippine election. These cases provide strong support for the theoretical model as well.
Private Militaries and the Security Industry in Civil Wars
Authors: Akcinaroglu Seden , Radziszewski Elizabeth 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
Whether they train police forces in Afghanistan or provide military assistance to governments in Africa that are battling rebel groups, private military and security companies (PMSCs), or corporations that provide security and military services for profit, have been present in numerous conflicts around the globe. In 1984 only one international PMSC intervened in a civil war; in 1989 there were 15 international PMSCs present in conflict zones, while from 2003 to 2019 over 120 of such companies provided services during the Iraq war. Why do international PMSCs sometimes help with conflict termination while in other cases their intervention is associated with prolonged wars? And in what ways does market competition affect PMSCs’ military effectiveness? Relying on quantitative analysis of original data on international PMSCs’ involvement in civil wars from 1990 to 2008 and PMSCs’ human rights and fraud violations in Iraq from 2003 to 2019, the book investigates how local and global competition impacts accountability of these non-state actors and their contribution to the termination of major and minor wars.
Private Military and Security Industry
Authors: Akcinaroglu Seden , Radziszewski Elizabeth 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter describes existing international, domestic, and industry-wide approaches to improving PMSCs’ accountability in conflicts. It argues that monitoring PMSCs in the conflict zone remains a challenge for weak and strong states, though the problem is less severe for the latter, and limits PMSCs’ military effectiveness. The chapter argues that local and global competition among international PMSCs has the potential to improve military effectiveness by increasing accountability and shifting the balance of power in favor of the government, the most lucrative client of international PMSCs, with positive impact on reducing war duration. The focus is on improving military effectiveness in the area of skill and corporate professionalism, specifically PMSCs’ adherence to international humanitarian law and commitment to anti-fraud practices. The chapter shows why corporate professionalism matters for military effectiveness. It then highlights initial insights about the nature of international PMSCs’ presence in conflict zones from 1990 to 2008.
The Necessary Double-Face
Authors: Gill Sam 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
The development of comparison as technique is essential to the development of a proper academic study of religion. Beginning with Smith’s groundbreaking study of James Frazer’s The Golden Bough, the several essays of Jonathan Smith are critically engaged to situate comparison in its long history as Smith documented it, including modes, styles, and classes. The chapter examines Smith’s careful consideration of the technical details and implications of the comparative method. Centrally, comparison must be motivated by difference to be interesting; things considered unique or sui generis are outside comparison. Comparison is engaged by the creative interests of the comparer rather than the naturalness of the items compared. Gill develops comparison as an ongoing iterative process, akin to joke and riddle, essential to persistent academic (and ordinary) engagement with the world, essential even to perception, classification, and the acquisition of all knowledge.
Juridical Politics
Authors: Field Sandra Leonie 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter sketches Hobbes’s early view of human collective power, arguing that he conceives of this power in exclusively juridical terms. Hobbes’s most obvious account of collective power is his theory of the sovereign state (or commonwealth, civitas), which possesses power as authority, potestas. The holder of potestas could be a popular sleeping sovereign, a more traditional ruling assembly, or a head of state, but in all cases the potestas itself can only arise when the powers of the individual members of the population are brought together in formal juridical union. This chapter argues that in Hobbes’s early view, there is no other kind of collective power; it offers no conceptual rubric to conceive of informal or emergent collective human power. This view is characterized as neo-scholastic; the conceptual limitation of the neo-scholastic view is undergirded by a practical confidence that informal collectivities will not be robust or politically troubling.
The Power of Producing Effects
Authors: Field Sandra Leonie 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
This chapter establishes a new interpretation of Spinoza’s political conception of potentia, from within his broader metaphysical framework. Centrally, the chapter distinguishes between, on the one hand, potentia operandi (power of producing effects, for better or for worse, with no particular connection to virtue), which is similar to Hobbes’s notion of power; and, on the other hand, potentia agendi (power of acting), associated with a thing’s essence and virtue. An entity may be extremely powerful in the first sense without being powerful in the second sense. Politically, this manifests as a distinction between merely having right and power, versus being in control of one’s own right (being sui juris). Sui juris status is normatively desirable, but in this chapter the relation (and possible divergence) between the sui juris status of a political collectivity and the sui juris status of the members making up that collectivity is not yet established.
The Cycles of Constitutional Time
Authors: Balkin Jack M. 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
The constitutional system in the United States evolves through the interplay between three cycles: the rise and fall of dominant political parties, the waxing and waning of political polarization, and alternating episodes of constitutional rot and constitutional renewal. American politics seem especially fraught today because we are nearing the end of the Republican Party’s long political dominance, at the height of a long cycle of political polarization, and suffering from an advanced case of constitutional rot. Constitutional rot is the historical process through which republics become increasingly less representative and less devoted to the common good. Caused by increasing economic inequality and loss of trust, constitutional rot seriously threatens the constitutional system. But the United States has been through these cycles before, and will get through them again. The country is in a Second Gilded Age, slowly moving toward a Second Progressive Era, during which polarization will eventually recede. The same cycles shape the work of the federal courts and theories about constitutional interpretation. They explain why political parties have switched sides on judicial review not once but twice in the twentieth century. Polarization and constitutional rot alter the political supports for judicial review, make fights over judicial appointments especially bitter, and encourage constitutional hardball. The Constitution ordinarily relies on the judiciary to protect democracy and to prevent political corruption and self-entrenching behavior. But when constitutional rot is advanced, the Supreme Court is likely to be ineffective and may even make matters worse. Courts cannot save the country from constitutional rot; only political mobilization can.
The Recent Unpleasantness
Authors: Balkin Jack M. 
Published: September 2020

Abstract
American politics appears dysfunctional because the country is going through a very difficult transition. Understanding politics in terms of recurring cycles can offer some hope in troubled times. There are three cycles at work: a cycle of the rise and fall of political regimes; a cycle of polarization and depolarization; and a cycle of constitutional rot and renewal. The United States is facing similar challenges as other constitutional democracies, but the US party system, institutional history, and constitutional structures affect the way that our politics processes these challenges. Hence there is reason for a guarded optimism. We are at the end of our Second Gilded Age, which will give way to a Second Progressive Era. Even in our bitterly polarized world, we can already see signs of how American politics will eventually depolarize, creating new opportunities for cross-party collaboration.