bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Birthing the Liberal International Order
Authors: Lascurettes Kyle M. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Chapter 7 (“Birthing the Liberal International Order”) focuses on the American order project after the Second World War. It argues that there were actually two distinct American visions for order in the 1940s, a universalist global order vision—manifested in the United Nations system—and a smaller Western order vision—comprised of the Bretton Woods economic and NATO security systems. Observers often posit that these layers were complementary, representing an evolving but not contradictory strategy by the United States to build an inclusive and multilayered international order. By contrast, this chapter argues that this transition from global to Western order can be best explained by American leaders’ shifting threat perceptions during this critical period. While they began with a more inclusive global order vision, they soon shifted to a more exclusive and adversarial Western order idea as they became increasingly wary of the extraordinary threat posed by their former wartime ally, the Soviet Union. The Soviet threat is the most important causal force in explaining this shift in America’s ordering strategy, and the story of the liberal international order’s origins simply cannot be told without it.
Candidate Matters
Authors: West Karleen Jones 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
In Candidate Matters: A Study of Ethnic Parties, Campaigns, and Elections in Latin America, Karleen Jones West argues that the characteristics of individual candidates campaigning in their districts shapes party behavior. She does so through a detailed examination of the Pachakutik indigenous party in Ecuador, as well as with the analysis of public opinion in fifteen Latin American countries. Ethnic parties that are initially programmatic can become personalistic and clientelistic vehicles because vote-buying is an effective strategy in rural indigenous areas, and because candidates with strong reputations and access to resources can create winning campaigns that buy votes and capitalize on candidates’ personal appeal. When candidates’ legislative campaigns are personalistic and clientelistic in their districts, niche parties are unable to maintain unified programmatic support. By combining in-depth fieldwork on legislative campaigns in Ecuador with the statistical analysis of electoral results and public opinion, this book demonstrates how important candidates and their districts are for how niche parties compete, win, and become influential in developing democracies. In the process, the author shows that, under certain conditions, niche parties—such as ethnic parties—are not that different from their mainstream counterparts.
The Role of Candidates, Districts, and Campaign Strategies in Determining Party Behavior
Authors: West Karleen Jones 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
This chapter develops a framework of party behavior that focuses on how district-level legislative campaigns influence the behavior of national parties. In a departure from much of the literature, the text argues that parties’ electoral behavior is significantly determined by candidates who are constrained by their personal characteristics and the demographics of their districts when shaping their campaign strategies. Using ethnic parties as an exemplar of niche, policy-seeking parties, the chapter contends that some campaign strategies are inherently conflictual with niche-party goals, resulting in party behavior that does not always reflect the niche focus of the party. Certain candidate characteristics—such as experience with party leadership and access to resources—combined with district characteristics—such as the level of partisan support—generate conditions under which candidates benefit from campaigning on the basis of their personal characteristics and clientelism, rather than their party platform. The result is that, in the aggregate, the ethnic party ultimately sacrifices its niche policy-making goals for the sake of campaign strategies that make legislative candidates more electorally viable in their districts.
The Evolution of Ethnic-Party Behavior
Authors: West Karleen Jones 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Ethnic parties are not unitary actors, and this chapter shows that their behavior is constrained by the campaign strategies that their individual candidates adopt. By analyzing election results for over five thousand candidates and forty-five parties that have competed in four legislative elections in Ecuador—in 1998, 2002, 2006, and 2009—this chapter evaluates how ethnic parties and their candidates connect with their constituencies. Candidates affiliated with ethnic parties receive greater programmatic support, but only in earlier elections. This change is largely attributable to the behavior of individual ethnic-party candidates, and reflects the evolution of ethnic-party behavior in Ecuador. Building on the theory developed in chapter 2, the text explores why ethnic-party candidates form the linkages with voters that they do. As expected, ethnic-party candidates form more programmatic linkages in districts of higher magnitude, but struggle to form programmatic linkages when they are party leaders and incumbents, suggesting that they are instead connecting with voters on the basis of their personal characteristics.
Candidate Matters for Mainstream-Party Campaigns in Ecuador
Authors: West Karleen Jones 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
This chapter evaluates the campaign strategies used by four different traditional-party candidates in the Andean and Amazonian regions during Ecuador’s 2006 elections. The analysis focuses on the extent to which traditional-party candidates cultivate a personal vote versus a vote for their party’s label. Like the Pachakutik candidates, traditional-party nominees are highly influenced by their own personal experiences in politics, as well as district-level factors such as the incidence of poverty. However, the profiles of these four candidates illustrate the variety of techniques that can be adopted by those who campaign on non-ethnic-party labels. Together, these traditional-party candidates provide a baseline for making comparisons between candidates associated with an ethnic-party label and candidates who are not. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the similarities and differences between the Pachakutik candidates profiled in chapter 4 and the traditional candidates profiled here.
Revolution and Religion
Authors: Wang Xiaoxuan 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Under nation-building efforts in the first half of the twentieth century, communal temples became targets of political and military appropriation, which shook the foundations of traditional communal religion in Rui’an and Wenzhou. Yet local religion continued to thrive. Protestant churches, the Catholic Church, traditional salvationist groups, and redemptive societies all grew rapidly, perhaps due in large part to the greater social uncertainty brought about by political turbulence and wars. Since its foundation in the region in the late 1920s, communist forces stayed close to local peasant society, including their religious communities. Before 1949, they both clashed and collaborated with religious groups, depending on the circumstances.
The Land Revolution and Religious Communities in the Early 1950s
Authors: Wang Xiaoxuan 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
The Communist government after 1949 did not have a systematic program to crack down on religion. Yet the sweeping land reform—Mao’s core revolutionary agenda—dealt a huge blow to religious communities. Land reform, however, did not impact all religious traditions in the same manner or to the same extent. Land seizures removed one of the main sources of livelihood for Buddhist and territorial temples, but salvationist groups and Christian churches, whose “ways of organizing actions” were less bound by locality, were hit less hard economically. The most significant consequence of land reform’s uneven effects on religious life may have been the dramatic expansion of indigenous salvationist groups during land reform, followed shortly thereafter by the swift downfall of the same groups. This marked a critical shift in the local religious landscape since the turn of the twentieth century.
Diversification and Unification
Authors: Wang Xiaoxuan 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
During the early Cultural Revolution, Christian churches ran into a second wave of repression, more violent than the Great Leap, yet with less severe consequences for the church. Indeed, the political chaos of the time, particularly the factional conflicts crippling the state’s management and oversight capabilities, dramatically opened up space for religious activities. Faced with the state’s intense hostility toward religion, Christian preachers adopted tactics to evade the attention of the state. These tactics ensured not just the survival of the church, but its rapid and dramatic territorial expansion, leading to a fundamental transformation in the institutions of Protestant Christianity in Wenzhou, with the establishment of regional networks and the extensive paidan system for sharing pastoral resources. The Cultural Revolution saw both diversification and unification in the church. There was competition between different churches, even as new collaborative networks started to reduce the importance of denominational lines.
Drunk Japan
Authors: West Mark D. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
What does it mean to be drunk in Japan? This book provides a rich description of Japanese alcohol consumption, drinking culture, and intoxication distilled from a unique data set: thousands of published Japanese court opinions. The opinions bring to light fascinating patterns in what, where, and why people drink in Japan, but they also focus to a surprising extent on characteristics of individual litigants. Courts humanize people in the opinions in various ways, for instance, by dropping clues about their social status (occupation, wealth, gender, education, and the like) or by discussing in depth their particular histories with alcohol. The focus on individual people sometimes leads courts to ignore forensic evidence when defendants don’t fit their image of drunkenness, to rely on postarrest drinking tests to see how people handle their liquor, and to calculate prison sentences based on such factors as whether mothers promise to help their adult children abstain. The consistencies and contradictions that emerge from a deep reading of the cases reveal a comprehensive picture of alcohol in Japan and an entirely new vision of Japanese law.
Conclusion
Authors: Stokes Leah Cardamore 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Chapter 9, the book’s conclusion, charts a path forward both theoretically and empirically. It shows how using a more complex model of policy feedback enables a better understanding of the conditions under which retrenchment is likely. This chapter makes the case that understanding organized combat between policy advocates and opponents is crucial to explaining policy change. It also shows how advocates and states can get climate policy back on track, reviewing more hopeful recent developments in state clean energy laws. For too long, a small set of interest groups has captured the regulatory process—the very mechanism that is supposed to serve and protect the public interest. They have used their power to imperil the health and well-being of all people on the planet. To address climate change, policy advocates need to win policy conflicts more often. Clean energy advocates must learn from their opponents’ success in retrenching policy.
Approaches to Measuring the Impact of Music Therapy and Music Activities on People Living With Dementia
Authors: Dowson Becky , McDermott Orii 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
This chapter provides an introduction to the evaluation of music activities and music therapy for people with dementia. We outline some of the main challenges and considerations involved in choosing or using outcome measures. An overview of common outcome measures used in current research, including those for behavioral and psychological symptoms, quality of life, physiological changes, cognitive function, and music-related behaviors, is provided. Two music-therapy case studies are presented as real-life examples of how to select clinically relevant measures. Clinicians have long argued that some clinically meaningful changes may not always be measurable. We propose that when insights obtained from high-quality qualitative and mixed methods studies are added to the evidence base of quantitative research, it will lead to a deeper understanding of the benefits that music can have in the lives of people living with dementia.
Music Interventions for Advanced Dementia
Authors: Mercadal-Brotons Melissa 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
This chapter presents a review of the scientific literature published in English and Spanish concerning the use of music and music therapy with people in the advanced stages of all types of dementia. The aim of this review was to identify the needs of this client group, areas addressed in music therapy and music interventions, specific techniques which appear to be the most appropriate and effective, and other methodological issues that have arisen when working with this population. Based on the results of this literature review, a list of criteria and recommendations is provided to guide music therapists in the selection of appropriate music-therapy interventions and to assist caregivers to make informed choices on how to use appropriate music-based interventions with clients in the late stages of dementia.
Therapeutic Music Interventions to Support People With Dementia Living at Home With Their Family Caregivers
Authors: Tamplin Jeanette , Clark Imogen N. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Music can be used therapeutically in home and community settings throughout the trajectory of dementia. Communal singing experiences offer opportunities for music participation and social engagement that are accessible and enjoyable for people with dementia at any stage of severity. They also provide a means of communication and facilitate relationships between people with dementia and their carers through shared and meaningful musical interactions. In the early stages after a diagnosis of dementia, supported opportunities to sing together, along with the associated prospects for peer support and social interaction, may enable family carers to care for loved ones at home for as long as possible. In the later stages of dementia, singing may be the only way for the person with dementia to communicate and connect with others. Music processing capacities can be retained until the severe stage and music can stimulate memories and self-awareness for the person with dementia. Supported songwriting can be therapeutic for both people with dementia and their caregivers in facilitating emotional expression and acknowledging and validating feelings. This chapter explores the range of music participation opportunities available to people living with dementia at home with their caregivers at various stages of the disease. We also outline the differences in groups facilitated by music therapists and community musicians and highlight ways that caregivers can use music therapeutically in the home environment.
Rebels in the Making
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Rebels in the Making narrates and interprets secession in the fifteen slave states in 1860–1861. It is a political history informed by the socioeconomic structures of the South and the varying forms they took across the region. It explains how a small minority of Southern radicals exploited the hopes and fears of Southern whites over slavery after Lincoln’s election in November of 1860 to create and lead a revolutionary movement with broad support, especially in the Lower South. It reveals a divided South in which the commitment to secession was tied directly to the extent of slave ownership and the political influence of local planters. White fears over the future of slavery were at the center of the crisis, and the refusal of Republicans to sanction the expansion of slavery doomed efforts to reach a sectional compromise. In January 1861, six states in the Lower South joined South Carolina in leaving the Union, and delegates from the seceded states organized a Confederate government in February. Lincoln’s call for troops to uphold the Union after the Confederacy fired on Fort Sumter in April 1861 finally pushed the reluctant states of the Upper South to secede in defense of slavery and white supremacy.
Uneasy Rest the Masters
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
The maturation of the slave economy by the 1850s restricted opportunities for whites and provoked populist stirrings of discontent challenging planter rule. The cotton prosperity of the decade resulted in the pricing of good land and slaves beyond the reach of the bulk of the population, and the numbers of poor whites with neither land nor slaves rose to one-third of the free population. The color line blurred as poor whites were forced into competition with slave labor and miscegenation increased. Frustrated by shrinking opportunities, the sons of planters yearned to win glory and status as the South’s future leaders. To defend their jobs and white manhood, urban workers organized politically to protest the use of slave mechanics in the job market. Moral and economic opposition blocked efforts to widen slave ownership by lowering prices through reopening the African slave trade. The decade ended with new political groupings demanding greater political and economic power for non-slaveholders.
Deadlock and a Deepening Crisis
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Congressional efforts to quell secession through a sectional compromise collapsed in December. As Northerners debated ways to deal with secession, President James Buchanan, a Democrat who had long sympathized with Southern grievances, lost credibility on both sides when he declared secession to be an unconstitutional act that he was powerless to put down. Following the departure of House members from the Lower South and South Carolina’s secession on December 20, a Senate committee proposed the Crittenden Compromise, a package of constitutional amendments guaranteeing the protection of slavery, including the recognition of slavery in all present and future territories south of the Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30'. Lincoln emphatically rejected the territorial feature on the expansion of slavery, and the Republicans backed him by scuttling the compromise. At the same time, the governors in the Lower South denounced the surprise move by Major Robert Anderson of his federal garrison from the vulnerable Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter in the Charleston harbor as a hostile act portending a new aggressive federal policy against secession. In what amounted to de facto secession, the governors ordered the seizure of federal forts and possessions in their states. War over Fort Sumter was averted when Buchanan and the South Carolina governor agreed to maintain the status quo in the wake of the firing on a poorly planned relief effort to resupply the fort.
Secessionist Surge
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
The states of the Lower or Cotton South seceded in January 1861 following the failure of the Crittenden Compromise and the seizure of federal property by their governors. Here, unlike in South Carolina, moderates initially mounted a strong opposition to immediate straight-out secession. Coalescing under the label of cooperationists, they hoped to delay secession while seeking redress for Southern grievances within the Union. Some called for a convention of all Southern states to present demands; others wanted a prior agreement to secede by blocs of states before any decisive steps were taken. Republican refusals to grant them any significant concessions destroyed any chances of their success. Led by upwardly mobile young planters and slaveholding lawyers, the immediate secessionists easily carried Mississippi and Florida, where slavery was still undergoing vigorous growth. Elsewhere, the contests for the secession conventions were quite close as older, established planters and non-slaveholders in the backcountry condemned secession as certain to provoke a war that would result in economic ruin and the end of slavery. In all the elections, support for secession was strongest where slavery was most dominant. Once their states seceded, the cooperationist delegates called for popular referendums on secession. When those calls were rejected, they joined the original secessionists in presenting a united front against the North.
The Upper South
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
The failure to gain the states of the Upper South when they held their secession elections in February 1861 was a major setback for the cause of secession. The seven states of the original Confederacy needed the manufacturing and white manpower of the Upper South, either to convince the North of the futility of military coercion or to be competitive should war break out. Both for its prestige and size, Virginia was the pivotal state that had to be won. As an institution, slavery was stagnant or declining across most of the Upper South, and levels of slave ownership and slaves in the population were roughly half of those in the Lower South. Secessionist appeals for the immediate need to leave the Union to protect slavery failed to gain any majority support. The conservative Whig Party was still very competitive and warned that the cotton Confederacy would push for free trade and the African slave trade, both of which would undermine the more diversified economies in the Upper South. Its leaders rallied non-slaveholders under the banner of conditional Unionism, a commitment to remain in the Union so long as concessions on slavery were granted and the North refrained from any military action against the states that had seceded. Aware of their distinctly minority status and the vulnerability of their slaves given the proximity of the free-labor Northern states, most of the slaveholders in the border slave states clung to the Union as the safest defender of their slave property.
Conclusion
Authors: Barney William L. 
Published: April 2020

Abstract
Southern whites paid a terrible price in mangled bodies and lives lost in their bid to win independence and perpetuate slavery. On the defensive since the late eighteenth century when the Western world turned against slavery, they saw in Lincoln’s election, followed by his call for troops in April 1861, the realization of their worst fears. Duty, honor, and the protection of loved ones motivated them to fight for liberties that in their minds were inseparable from the ownership of slaves. Many non-slaveholders in the mountains and backcountry opposed the Confederacy by 1863 and slaves fled to Union armies wherever they could, but slaveholders fought on with ever greater desperation. As the losses mounted, whites came to understand the war as divine retribution for their sins and those of the nation.