bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025_split huggingface dataset:
Introduction
Authors: Schwartz James S.J. 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter highlights pushes to commercialize space exploration as foils for raising questions about which fundamental values and goals spaceflight serves, emphasizing the interdisciplinary nature of these issues. It also provides a summary of the book. Intended to contribute to professional philosophical discourse, this book is also intended to be accessible, meaningful, and relevant to individuals from a wide range of disciplinary and vocational backgrounds—from planetary scientists to political scientists; from astrobiologists to anthropologists; from space program employees to lawyers and legal scholars. The reasons why we should reject most basic tenets of space advocacy, and the reasons the book offers in their place, should be persuasive to a wide audience, including philosophers as well as anyone with serious interests in space exploration and space policy.
The Instrumental Value of Scientific Knowledge and Understanding and the Rationale for Space Science
Authors: Schwartz James S.J. 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter provides a defense of the instrumental value of scientific knowledge and understanding as well as a defense of the use of public funds in support of scientific research, including space science. It motivates a more sophisticated understanding of the “spinoff” justification for space exploration by drawing on research in philosophy of science which connects social progress to scientific progress, and scientific progress to scientific exploration. This establishes the instrumental value of scientific (including space) exploration. It then uses a framework derived from Mark Brown and David Guston to argue that democratic states have obligations to provide wide-ranging and substantial support for scientific research, including space research. Finally, it provides an overview of various space research projects, identifying the ways they contribute to democratic governance. It also contains a discussion of the crewed vs. robotic exploration debate.
“Innovate First, Permission Later”
Authors: Gray Joanne Elizabeth 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter provides a thorough exploration of Google’s copyright policy agenda. The traditional approach to copyright assumes permission from rightsholders is required to use copyright subject matter, unless the law provides otherwise. Google challenges this assumption. Google views copyright law from the perspective of an innovator and submits that a “permission first, innovate later” approach to copyright chills innovation. According to Google, to ensure continued technological advancement, copyright must be limited. Google’s copyright policy framework prioritizes public rights to access and engage with information and content, including strong and flexible exceptions to copyright and limitations on liability. Underpinning Google’s framework is a philosophy that technological innovation is virtuous, supporting economic and social progress.
The Problems of Google News in Europe
Authors: Gray Joanne Elizabeth 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
In 2019, the European Union introduced a new copyright directive that provides news publishers a new right to be paid for the use of their works in the digital environment. The directive is squarely aimed at Google. Indeed, it is the latest step in a long history of European lawmakers seeking to regulate Google in order to support European news organizations. When navigating its way through the problems of Google News in Europe, Google has sought to appeal to the power of innovation, reframing disruption as opportunity, and doing everything it can to resist burdensome regulation. Indeed, the history of Google News in Europe shows Google leveraging its wealth, market power, and technological capabilities to compel and entice news publishers to work within Google’s system and according to Google’s copyright framework.
In the Path of Conquest
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This book offers a fresh insight into the conquests of Alexander the Great by attempting to view the events of 336–323 from the vantage point of the defeated. The extent, and form, of the resistance of those whose territories were invaded varied in accordance with previous relationships with either the Macedonian invader or the Achaemenids. The internal political situations of many states—particularly the Greek cities of Asia Minor—were also a factor. In the vast Persian Empire from the Aegean to the Indus, some states surrendered voluntarily, and others offered fierce resistance. Not all regions were subdued through military actions. Indeed, the excessive use of force on Alexander’s part is demonstrated as ineffective and counterproductive. This book examines the reasons for these varied responses, giving more emphasis to the defeated and less to the Conqueror and his Macedonians. In the process, it debunks many long-held views concerning Alexander’s motives. Such a study involves rigorous analysis of the ancient sources, and their testimony is presented throughout the book in the form of newly translated passages.
The Long Road to Asia Minor
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
When Philip II was assassinated in October 336, his expeditionary force under Parmenion, Attalus and Amyntas had already established a foothold in Asia Minor. But his death was a signal for Alexander’s enemies at court and in the army to challenge his kingship and for the Greeks and the tribes in the north to throw off Macedonian power. The result was a delay of almost two years but one that saw the young king strengthen his position on the throne and prove his worth as a military leader. Campaigning in the north, he overcame the Thracians, Triballians, and Illyrians in rapid succession. Thereafter he marched south to besiege, capture, and destroy the city of Thebes. The men were killed and the women and children sold into slavery. The message was clear: resistance was futile. Athens feigned contrition but dared not take action even in the king’s absence. Alexander had no need of the Greeks’ love, only their obedience and their manpower—and even the latter he used sparingly. Despite a later literary tradition that compared Alexander with Achilles, the truth was that the first two years of his reign had established the king as a latter-day Agamemnon.
First Clash in Asia Minor
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Persian Asia Minor had experienced upheavals since the late stages of the Peloponnesian War. When the Spartans emerged victorious from that contest, with the financial help of the Persian king, they soon set out on a program of liberation. But their leadership was corrupt and their methods of controlling the Greek city-states oppressive—Spartan garrisons were imposed under a commander called a harmost, and boards of ten (dekarchies) ruled the cities. Persia successfully removed the Spartan menace, but the Achaemenids were themselves soon threatened by an uprising known as the Great Satraps’ Revolt. Some of the rebels sought refuge at the court of Philip II of Macedon, who later sent an expeditionary force to Asia Minor in the spring of 336. Although this force of 10,000 accomplished little, it was followed in 334 by a full-scale invasion by Alexander the Great, who defeated the armies of a satrapal coalition at the River Granicus. Although Memnon of Rhodes emerged as the leading defender of Persian interests in the West, many of the empire’s leading commanders fell on the battlefield or soon afterward. It was an ill omen for the future of Achaemenid Asia Minor.
The Levant and Egypt
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Alexander’s victory at Issus gave him two options: advance directly into the heart of the Persian Empire, or turn south to deal with Phoenicia and Egypt. The latter was strategically more sound, but some scholars have questioned it. Alexander had to negate the power of the Persian fleet—the Macedonian fleet that had been disbanded in 334 was soon reconstituted but was preoccupied with the affairs of the Aegean—and needed to win over the states that contributed most to Persia’s naval power: Cyprus and Phoenicia. The Phoenicians were divided regarding resistance. The smaller coastal cities or those without adequate defenses against attacks by land—Byblos, Aradus, Sidon, Tripolis—saw little point in resisting. Indeed, the Sidonians had recently suffered at the hands of Persia and were keen to rid themselves of the Achaemenids and their collaborators. Tyre, on the other hand, was an island a safe distance offshore, defended by high, sturdy walls. It opted for resistance or, at least, hoped for neutrality. But the defection of most of the Phoenician and Cypriot navy after Issus made even Tyre’s situation untenable. The city was taken and its inhabitants slaughtered in great numbers. Gaza also resisted but was taken with much bloodshed. Egypt, by contrast, welcomed the invader. It had long struggled to stay independent and had only recently been reincorporated into the Persian Empire. Egypt had few Persian defenders and could find no better alternative to collaboration with the invader. Alexander was recognized as the legitimate pharaoh.
The End of Darius III
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Defeat at Gaugamela and the surrender of the Achaemend capitals ended Darius’ hopes for victory and the recovery of his empire. There was some talk of gathering new forces from central Asia, but his political enemies, Bessus and Nabarzanes, were already plotting to arrest the king and turn him over to the Conqueror. If they hoped to save themselves through this action, they had made a serious miscalculation. Some of the nobles remained true to Darius, and after his arrest and murder, they made their peace with Alexander and reaped varying degrees of reward. Artabazus, Phrataphernes, Autophradates, and Amminapes abandoned the fleeing Persian army and sought the Conqueror’s mercy. Bessus was, however, hunted down and eventually subjected to torture and execution. Despite Alexander’s attempt to endear himself to the defeated, he was met with distrust and was soon confronted with a major insurrection in Bactria and Sogdiana, a land well suited to guerrilla warfare.
The War in Central Asia
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Alexander’s invasion of Bactria caught Bessus and the regicides off guard. The arrest and extradition of Bessus by his fellow conspirators promised a quick settlement and the submission of the semi-nomadic people of Bactria and Sogdiana. But the Macedonian campaigns at the Iaxartes River, which bordered on the lands of the Scythians, threatened the traditional patterns of life. Distrust on the part of the local headmen and warlords put an end to negotiations, and Alexander resorted to a campaign of terror, as the army (divided into five parts) swept through the countryside to force submission. Mountain fortresses were captured, and at the first of these the rebels and their leader were either cruelly executed or enslaved. An attempt to place the satrapy under a Persian ruler from the western portion of the empire was also greeted with resentment. Terror proved counterproductive, and in the end only the “political” marriage of Alexander to the local princess, Roxane, brought stability.
Persianizing and the Internal Enemy
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Not all resistance to the Conqueror came from the peoples who were invaded by the Macedonians. Indeed, there was opposition within the army, particularly among the officer class. The purpose of the expedition had changed from vengeance to accommodation of the defeated, and there were many who saw the promotion of Persian nobles at the court and the integration of barbarian troops in the army as a demotion of the conquerors. Was it for this that so much Greek and Macedonian blood was shed? Furthermore, the king had been transformed into a despot of the Oriental type from a leader who was recognized as primus inter pares. Several conspiracies came to light—that of Alexander the Lyncestian, early in the campaign, and those of Demetrius the Bodyguard (involving Philotas) and the Pages, led by Hermolaus. And then there was opposition to the Persian court practice of proskynesis. The king weathered the storms, but his image was forever tarnished, and some later alleged that he was poisoned by a group of disaffected nobles and generals. Although this was almost certainly a false rumor, it pointed to the dangerous changes that victory had engendered.
From the Punjab to Pattala
Authors: Heckel Waldemar 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
The campaign in the Punjab saw Alexander, supported by his Indian ally Taxiles, attack Porus, who lived beyond the Hydaspes River. The battle, at the beginning of the monsoon season, involved a division of the Macedonian forces. One part faced Porus at the river crossing, where the current and the elephants in the Indian army made a direct attack virtually impossible. Alexander took a portion of his army and marched upstream. Once across the river, he drew Porus away from his defensive position and defeated the Indian ruler in a battle fought primarily by cavalry, although the Macedonian pikemen inflicted injuries on the elephants, which became a danger to their own troops. After the Hydaspes victory, Alexander advanced to the Hyphasis (Beas), where the army refused to cross in order to march to the Ganges. The whole episode was contrived, since Alexander clearly had no intention of going farther east. His failure to reach the eastern end of the world was thus attributed to the timidity and war-weariness of his soldiers. During the descent of the Indus river system, Alexander received a near-fatal wound at the hands of the Mallians. Once he recovered, Alexander conducted a series of bloody massacres as he sailed to the mouth of the Indus and accomplished his goal of sailing out into the ocean. Although the Indian campaign was by far the bloodiest of the expedition, there was little long-term gain from the conquest.
Feminist Whiteness
Authors: Lépinard Éléonore 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter focuses on feminist whiteness, a concept it introduces and defines as the product of a process of political subjectivation as a white feminist. The concept captures the various repertoires that white feminists elaborate to talk about—or rather actively ignore—race relations of power and their own privileged positions in this racial order. The chapter traces how white feminists are constituted as political subjects through their relationship to nonwhite feminists, and to those whom they perceive and label as “bad” feminist subjects. It shows that debates on Islamic veiling have operated a shift in feminist whiteness, from feminist whiteness as ignorance to feminist whiteness as an active participation in national identity and femonationalist discourses. It also shows that feminist whiteness is multiple and varies across contexts. In France and Quebec, white feminists use different repertoires to address race issues. Some work around or evade race, while others recognize its political salience. These different forms of feminist whiteness are articulated with specific moral dispositions and emotions.
A Cognitive-Relational Process
Authors: Passy Florence , Monsch Gian-Andrea 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Chapter 2 is effectively the book’s theoretical heart. Building on existing literature, it deploys the theoretical toolkit with the purpose of explaining why the mind and conversations enter into play in the sustainment of activism. We begin by clarifying why the mind is central to our study and for human life in general, before highlighting our contribution to the literature on social movements, which is twofold: we broaden the set of meanings that serve to explain commitment and sustaining participation, and we specify the cognitive paths that link broad understandings to action. The chapter continues by describing the relational mechanisms that shape the activist’s mind and expands on the reasons these cognitive and relational mechanisms both enable action and help sustain it. Chapter 2 hence sets out to detail the nexus between an activist’s mind and the conversational interactions which maintain action, thereby resulting in the thesis that a cognitive-relational process is at play in the sustainment of commitment.
Networks as “Islands of Meanings”
Authors: Passy Florence , Monsch Gian-Andrea 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Why do activists’ minds differ from one commitment site to another? And why are people’s minds synchronized when they are engaged in the same commitment community? Chapter 6 proposes an explanation of the findings advanced in the previous chapters by adding a relational layer to the cognitive mechanisms. We show how conversational interactions shape the meanings about common good and politics that activists construct. The chapter also shows that not every interaction shapes the activist’s mind but that specific relational mechanisms are at work behind the synchronization of understandings. First, we demonstrate that face-to-face interactions are the key to the construction of socially shared meanings. By contrast, mediated interactions (through discursive outcomes of the organization like newspapers or newsletters) are insufficient to shape an activist’s mind. Second, we highlight how face-to-face interactions in interpersonal networks allow passive members to construct socially shared meanings with fellow activists. Third, we show that the redundancy and abundance of interactions are not essential to the nourishment of the activist’s cognitive map. Finally, we claim that the density of interactions is a crucial relational mechanism for cross-committed activists. This chapter ultimately shows the importance of conversational interactions to the synchronization of the activist’s mind.
Culture in Mind
Authors: Passy Florence , Monsch Gian-Andrea 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
Chapter 7 wraps up the book’s main findings and highlights our main theoretical conclusion: The interplay between the mind and social interactions helps explain the process behind sustained commitment. But what does our conclusion imply for the study of social movements and activism more generally? We begin by emphasizing the necessity to bring the mind back in all its complexity. Second, we argue for the need to take into account considerations regarding the interpretative dimensions of social networks. Third, we advocate a better integration of culture in the study of social movements, as this places an emphasis on the role of culture in shaping a person’s mind, and ultimately provides for finer theories of mobilization. Finally, as with any research, this study faces limits; we expose these in this final chapter, providing us with the opportunity to suggest avenues for further research.
Second Homes
Authors: Farmer Sarah 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
In the rural exodus of the 1950s and 1960s, peasants abandoning the countryside left behind boarded-up farmhouses and derelict barns. Members of the urban middle class began scouring rural backwaters looking to purchase a vacation homes. A new real estate market opened up in peasant houses as secondary residences. In the 1970s fascination with the peasant house became a paradoxical hallmark of the radical modernization of French society. During the postwar economic boom, the French had welcomed the fruits of consumer society. But rapid progress also sparked a nostalgic embrace of tangible vestiges of traditional peasant society. Renovating a dilapidated farmhouse as a rural retreat in the French countryside became an internationally shared fantasy and practice. This chapter links the popularity of rural secondary homes to the developing environmental movement, as organizations concerned with rural preservation found common cause with peasants and environmentalists in supporting the protest movement in the Larzac region of central France.
Progress and Nostalgia
Authors: Farmer Sarah 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
In the 1970s, autobiographies and life stories by French peasants became bestsellers. Appearances on television turned some of these authors into celebrities. Their popularity reflected a passionate interest in peasant life and peasant society among the general reading public and scholars alike. Peasant memoirists recounted the old ways, but they also bridged the rift between France’s rural past and its modern technological present by addressing contemporary issues that the social and political activism of May 1968 had put on the agenda: environmentalism, feminism, regionalism (including movements seeking Breton and Occitan autonomy), and an interest in the local as a place for utopian experiment and renewal. This chapter focuses on some of the best-known peasant memoirists: Émilie Carles, Pierre Jakez Hélias, Ephraïm Grenadou, and Antoine Sylvère. It also describes the fame of “La mère Denis,” a country washerwoman who starred in washing machine advertisements.
Conclusion
Authors: Farmer Sarah 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
The postwar history of rural France has often been experienced and analyzed as one of perpetual decline measured by rural outmigration and the death of the peasantry as a social class. While this book has underlined and explored these dislocations and ruptures, it has also pushed back against a declensionist narrative by showing ways in which the French countryside was renewed and changed in the decades of the 1960s ad 1970s by social practices and culture representations that attached symbolic and material value to rural life. Rural society did not die when the peasantry disappeared. Rather, it continued to be reinvented.
The Democratic Advantage in Theory
Authors: Kroenig Matthew 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter puts forth the argument that democracies enjoy built-in advantages in long-run geopolitical competitions. It begins by defining key terms, such as “democracy” and “autocracy.” Then, drawing on the writing of political philosophers, such as Herodotus, Machiavelli, and Montesquieu, and contemporary social science research, this chapter explains the unique economic, diplomatic, and military advantages that democracies bring to the international arena. These advantages include: higher long-run rates of economic growth, access to international capital, larger and more reliable alliances, and a tendency to win international wars. It then explains how these advantages grant democracies an edge in amassing wealth and power, becoming great powers, and achieving global hegemony at rates greater than their autocratic rivals.
The Autocratic Advantage?
Authors: Kroenig Matthew 
Published: March 2020

Abstract
This chapter explores the idea of an autocratic advantage in international politics. Throughout the ages, scholars, including Alexis de Tocqueville, have argued that autocracies have an advantage in international politics. These arguments are resurfacing today as Russia and China vie for global leadership. According to the autocratic advantage idea, autocracies can set a long-term plan and stick to it. They can take bold action. They can be ruthless when necessary. And their domestic politics are marked by stability. In contrast, democracies are preoccupied by two-year election cycles, stymied in endless debate, and unduly constrained by morality and law. And their politics are marked by messy political infighting. This chapter weighs these ideas, and concludes that many of these so-called autocratic advantages are not, in fact, unique to autocracies and others should more properly be considered handicaps rather than advantages.