Special Hearings — Media Hearings — UNKNOWN

CRAIG KOTZE: Thank you, if I might begin.  I make this submission in full support of the process of Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa, to reconcile and heal the wounds of the past.	Thus enabling all our people to constructively participate in building a genuinely non-racial democratic and prosperous South Africa.	A balanced and fair approach to this process is essential, if the danger of leaving behind seriously disgruntled elements with the capacity to actively resist and undermine democracy, is to be avoided.	As President Nelson Mandela has warned, democracy in South Africa did not come about by military victory of one side over the other.  The SAP and the SADF were never beaten in open battle or overwhelmed by revolutionary violence.	Indeed, it was exactly the strength and power of the SAP and SADF that made a negotiated settlement and democratic elections possible.  This created a power balance in which neither side could be violently overthrown and made negotiation the only viable alternative.	During both the conflict torn 1980's and the subsequent negotiation years in the 1990's I was never ideologically or politically motivated.  I did not wake up every day and say good morning South Africa, another fine day to defend Apartheid.	I realised even in the early 1980's that Apartheid was dead and the only question remaining was how it would be dismantled.  By revolutionary violence costing untold lives or by negotiated settlement of some kind or another.  In the 1980's no one could say how Apartheid would be ended.	But I could not support any violent overthrow in direct contrast to the feelings of others, including journalists, who directly tried to overthrow the then government.	Due to actions by both the State and Liberation Movements, an utterly abnormal situation reigned in South African during the Apartheid years and no South African Institution, including the media, could function normally.	Normal conditions and considerations simply could not and did not apply.  This resulted in a distorted working environment for especially the media, where duty, truth and what was considered right and just, were extremely subjective concepts and very much in the eye of the beholder.	This effected everybody regardless of political, ideological or other affiliations.  To put it bluntly, everybody was forced to choose sides in an ever growing conflict.  Nobody and no institution was allowed the luxury of de facto neutrality.	I chose the SAP and the SADF, not to defend Apartheid, not to fight the liberation of the oppressed black people per se, but simply to avert the slaughter or Rwanda, Liberia, Ethiopia, Chad, Sudan, Matabeleland, Angola and Mozambique in South Africa.  My convictions were reinforced by continuous and intensive personal exposure to the arbitrary revolutionary violence of liberation movements.	Anybody, even ANC supporters, became a victim of indiscriminate necklacing, car bombs, petrol bombs, limpet mines, AK-47 hand grenade attacks.  This contrasted with the more target approach of the Security Forces, which tried not to alienate the masses by concentrating on persons falling under the broad definition of activists, or be it sometimes in a brutal and murderous fashion.	Of the thousands of people who died in the political conflict during the 1980's and the negotiation years, I believe that only a relative hand full can be attributed to the action of the SAP and the SADF.  However much individual Security Force atrocities are highlighted and publicised.	These views cannot simply be dismissed as the view of a white person clinging to the unnecessary privilege of pigmentocracy.	Tens of thousands of black, coloured and Indian persons voluntarily joined the Security Forces during the Apartheid years for the same purpose and not from ideological convictions.	Indeed, as far back as I can remember, blacks were in the majority in the old SAP.  It is exactly these thousands of black men and women who voluntarily joined the old SAP and SADF who now formed the back bone of the new South African Police Service and are committed to defending the democratic order in South Africa.	Despite having served during the Apartheid era.  President Mandela has also publicly recognised this, by openly stating that service in old policing structures, even the old Security Branch, does not automatically disqualify one from loyally serving in the new democratic structures.	Mr Chairman, in the interest of saving some time, with your permission, I would like to skip over the next profile of my personal profile, to get down to the real nitty gritty of the day's proceedings, if I may.  Thank you.	During my period at the Star, I not only openly did military camps as an SADF Infantry Officer, but also served as an official undercover Intelligence Agent of the Security Branch of the SAP.	I was deployed in terms of the then RS, which is an acronym for Republic Security Intelligence Programme of the Security Police.  Other prominent agents already known to have been part of this particular programme, were Craig Williamson and Olivia Forsyth.	Although due to the need to know Intelligence principle, I had no contact with them and had no knowledge whatsoever, of their activities.	I have subsequently learnt that Mr John Horak was also on this programme.  Even today, whilst directly involved in building the new South African Police Service, I do not regret this.  I believe I played a role however small, in ensuring that the SAP was ultimately able to maintain cohesion, underpin the negotiation process, smash right wing extremist threats to the 1994 elections, and so safeguard the very same elections.	In saying this, I do not plead for sympathy, only for understanding of the forces and dynamics which invalidated normal consideration for everybody.  On both sides of the conflict in what was a defacto war situation.	At the Star, it was my distinct impression that many reporters had become journalists not to inform the community as fully and truthfully as possible, but in order to fight for their favourite political cause as they saw it.	There was always a very strong black consciousness, BC, AZAPO, PAC sentiment in the Star newsroom.  Later, however, ANC sympathizers seemed to have gained the upper hand along with bombing, necklacing, petrol bombing and assassination campaigns in the townships and elsewhere.	A climate of advocacy journalism prevailed.  Making it impossible for the newspaper and journalists to function as impartial observers in terms of normal journalistic practise.	In short there could be no normal journalism in an abnormal society.  It was a sobering experience to realise that many journalists sitting in the same newsroom and accompanying me to townships and other crime scenes, could easily be infiltrated agents or soldiers of liberation movements and even of foreign Intelligence Agencies.	I was convinced that several journalists were in fact ANC, MK or other agents, actively promoting a specific cause at the expense of factual, balanced reporting.	Even at that stage, well-known journalists had committed acts of terror and had joined liberation movements, quite openly.	This is confirmed by the submission of Forum of Black Journalists, to the TRC.  Not only is MK member and journalist, Rafic Rohan mentioned, he personally admits to MK membership, but it is openly stated that many journalists, especially black journalists, did not see the need to adhere to normal journalistic principles and were openly part of the struggle.	Infiltration of liberation movement agents into the media, was a logical step in the ANC's openly stated policy of armed propaganda.  The operational strategy for MK operatives to plant bombs and carry out indiscriminate acts of terror whilst others, or the same, planted in the media, would either highlight certain of these acts for deliberate propaganda effect or suppress the more gruesome or brutal atrocities committed by the comrades, especially against black policemen.	It is an undeniable fact that many journalists were actively involved in both propaganda and terror/military operations.  Some of those who are known at this stage include Arnold Geyer, Rand Daily Mail reporter who along with fellow journalist and MK member Damien de Lange, fire bombed offices of the then PFP.	David Radkin of both the Star and the Argus, planted pamphlet bombs, joined the ANC in Maputo and was subsequently killed in Angola I believe.  Marian Sparg also of the RDM, who placed bombs in two police stations.	Rafic Rohan self confessed MK member and journalist for the Daily News.  Damien de Lange of the Rand Daily Mail, who earlier cooperated with Arnold Geyer and became leader of the ill-fated Broederstroom ANC MK cell.  Damien de Lange is now reportedly a Colonel working for SANDF Military Intelligence.	This short list illustrates just how polarised the media itself was during the Apartheid years.  Hundreds of black policemen and councillors were assassinated by MK hit squads in the townships over this period.  But the full story was never told by ANC aligned  journalists working in the townships.	Advocacy journalism raised the highly disturbing possibility of direct conflict within the Star newsroom.  This issue was never really sufficiently addressed by Editorial Executives.	Although no physical violence manifested itself, I was subjected to high levels of psychological intimidation, often being heavily pressurised to turn even mundane crime issues into anti-police and SADF propaganda.	It was clear that many journalists on the Star wanted to turn police reporting into yet another propaganda arena.  Often I received anonymous death threats and abusive calls.  Including calls from persons claiming to be MK members and ANC sympathizers.  Initially I shrugged these off as being part of the crime scene.  Criminals also regularly threatened me in the same way.	I live constantly with the real threat of assassination, either as a victim of political violence in the townships or by other methods such as petrol bombing or a limpet mine on my private vehicle.	This situation was worsened by the unenviable position admittedly of Editorial Executives, that Editorial Executives found themselves in.  Namely enormous political and professional ferment.	Traditional journalistic ethics have been diluted or ignored to such an extent that they had been rendered almost meaningless to every one.  The main stream English press had clearly lost the battle for the soul of its own institutions.	Added to this was the traditional hostility of the liberal English press.  Including the Star, to even ordinary grassroots police and SANDF members, who did not receive the recognition they deserved in fighting crime and violence affecting the entire community daily.	Editors would often be the first to criticise the SAP for not fighting crime effectively, all the while deliberately ignoring the fact that through knee-jerk  propaganda and criticism which alienated the community, they were destroying the capacity of ordinary police officials to do just that.	I was always especially close to policemen and women and detectives involved in crime fighting, and keenly shared their personal frustration at being caught between political dynamics and crime fighting.    I became acutely aware that anti-SAP propaganda, much unjustified, much distorted, but some of it correct, was by destroying good police community relations, reducing the efforts of policemen and women to fight crime which affected everyone regardless of the political affiliation.	The liberation policy of ungovernability added to this process to such an extent that even some black journalists realised that revolutionary activity was suppressing information flow to the same, if not greater extent, than the State.	Another example is the Winnie Mandela Soccer Club who conducted a long reign of terror for years.  Culminating in the murder of Stompie Sipei without certain journalists bothering to report it because Mrs Mandela held high ANC status.	The suppression by ANC aligned reporters of atrocities by liberation movements, coincided with the propaganda campaign against the SAP on detaining children and youths, many of whom were in any case killers or involved in mob violence against policemen, councillors and any one perceived as the enemy.	Suffice to say Mr Chairman, that Stompie Sipei received far better a humane treatment from the SAP than from an icon from the liberation struggle.  These issues, and the brutal and violent treatment of black people by those enforcing boycotts and stayaways, were never sufficiently highlighted by liberation movement sympathizers on the Star and elsewhere in the media.	The concept of ungovernability itself and its physical consequences anarchy, was never fully explored by such journalists, who could not have said they did not know because they lived in the townships.	I was personally never directly exposed to police or SADF atrocities.  So as a journalist, I could not write about them.  However, many journalists daily saw liberation atrocities and violence in the townships, but suppressed it because it reflected negatively on the struggle.	Such aspects must also form a focus point of TRC media hearings, especially since only a handful of outspoken and brave black journalists, condemned de facto news blackouts imposed by revolutionary forces in the townships, and supported by ANC aligned journalists.	Such non reporting of revolutionary atrocities and events, indicated that Editorial Executives had lost control of events and were increasingly allowing themselves to be swayed by specific interests.  Both by commission and omission.	Another case in point was the assassination of Anton Lubowsky.  I had sent through a story that the South West African police, the then South West African police were investigating that he had been assassinated by his own side, namely SWAPO.  This story was published as a front page lead story in the first relevant edition, but then downgraded after protest by certain journalists, that the story was propaganda.	Lubowsky was subsequently officially confirmed as a military Intelligence agent.  This further confirmed that the main stream English media was hopelessly polarised and divided against itself during the 1980's and the 1990's.  It was inevitable, the individuals caught up in this maelstrom, would either have to abdicate or make hard choices.	There was simply no impartial and balanced journalistic focus to which one could owe loyalty.  The threat of revolution and the polarisation of the media, compelled me to choose the side of an organisation as opposed to a political party or group which could most effectively combat violence and crime in my view.  In my view, many journalists had already chosen sides in some or other capacity, whether through active membership of political and military organisations, or by involvement in some or other front of the mass democratic movement.	I was also convinced that the SAP, despite many glaring faults and atrocities by some of its members, was indispensable to a future democratic South Africa, and that its efforts should therefore receive due credit.	This did not even require the armed propaganda of the revolutionary forces, as by its very nature, policing produced and still produces countless daily services to the community.  I reasoned as I still do today, that merely recording the newsworthy amongst these, in a factual and objective manner, would at least balance the books for the public.	Inevitably certain questions will arise about my role as a Security Police Intelligence Agent and the fact that I was also a SADF Infantry Officer involved in quite openly combatting revolutionary violence.	Those questions are most notably.  Did I spy on my journalistic colleagues?  Did I deliberately manipulate my reports or suppress news?  The answer to both is no.  This was simply not my mission and was also at no stage required of me by either the SAP or the SADF.	During most of the 1980's, bona fide journalists merely critical of police and State, were no longer regarded as the enemy.   The emphasis was by then on focusing attention on existing news which was readily available, but under-reported because of inherent bias by especially English liberal media, against the police.	The guiding principles were that truth is the best communication or propaganda.  And that one would be caught out if lies or distortions were disseminated.	Ironically fear of English media vigilance in so far as the SAP and the SADF, but not the liberation movements, were concerned, acted to keep most SAP communications truthful and factual albeit often incomplete.	My task was simply as outlined above, to report on, within the normal journalistic channels and processes, on what was being done to fight crime and violence.  I was never especially favoured by any normal police structures, which themselves did not know that I was a Security Police agent with exclusive stories.	I was expected to operate like any other journalist and I was in fact often scooped by opposition media on some very big stories.  The Winnie Mandela/Stompie Sipei and the Olivia Forsyth story amongst them.	Throughout I continued to rely on and extend my extensive contact networks in the SAP, traffic, ambulance and fire departments, etc.  As well as in the community at large.  At all times it was my mission to balance in so far possible, what I came to perceive as an inherent media bias in the English liberal media against the police.	I was never involved in any human rights' atrocities by police, nor did I ever witness police covering up atrocities or crime scenes.  This would in any case have been regarded as virtual suicide by any SAP member involved in such a cover up as any such activity would never in any case be formally reported in SAP structures.	I often regarded with great amusement, attempts of some journalists to cheaply gained struggle credentials by getting themselves detained by the SAP, but I never did them the favour.  I recall one white journalist's very obvious attempts to get himself detained, by showing me where he and other activists lived in a Yeoville commune in Johannesburg and all the banned or subversive literature in their possession.	This was no doubt calculated to trigger the instant detention desired so ardently by many a journalist at the time.  It must be understood that at high Ministerial level, I am now speaking as my role as a spokesperson for the Ministry of Law and Order, it must be understood that at high Ministerial level, one is absolutely reliant on the integrity and accuracy of information as provided by the police department itself.	It was never required of me ever to tell a lie or to distort information.  But it was expected of me to effectively market the viewpoint of the Ministry at all times.	Throughout this period it was of the utmost strategic importance, that the moral of the SAP be maintained in order to play its necessary role in securing the 1994 elections and then formed the basis of the new policing order.	It would seem that the Ministry's resolute and strong defense of the SAP during the negotiation years, paid off when shortly before the election, Mr Mandela announced that the SAP was vital to the success of the elections.	This ended years of virulent political propaganda against the SAP, the effects of which are still being keenly felt today because good police community relations have still not been developed, despite almost four years of democratic government.	To achieve reconciliation and serve the truth, it is vital that the full spectrum of infiltration of the media be examined by the TRC, without fear or favour.  It would be grossly one-sided and detrimental to the reconciliation process if attempts were made to expose only the agents of the Security Forces.	I have in support of reconciliation come clean with the disclosure of my personal role as a Security Police Intelligence agent in the media.  Now, is thus the time to challenge all other individuals and organisations such as the ANC, MK, PAC, APLA, etc, to do the same and to come clean on their agents in the media, both past and present.	Just as it evokes suspicion that after resigning as a journalist, I started working openly in the SAP, so it also evokes suspicion that after the 1994 elections several journalists, specifically from the Star included, and who were known to be supporters of the ANC, ended up as spokespersons in various central government ministries and provincial government structures.	In another case, a journalist and Communist Party member reportedly convicted in Germany for spying for the former East German stasie, Intelligence Service, worked as a Ministerial spokesperson for the late Minister Joe Slovo. 	The same person is now a senior journalist on a Johannesburg newspaper.  Other senior journalists have also been mentioned in various newspaper reports as being agents of not only domestic Security Agencies, but also of foreign Intelligence Agencies, such as Zimbabwe Central Intelligence Organisation.	This raises the alarming possibility that the government of the new South Africa, has been penetrated by Intelligence Agents posing as journalists, of foreign countries.  The role of journalists openly sympathetic to the liberation movements and those who ended up working for them and government Ministers, should also be closely perused by the TRC in exactly the same way my case is being scrutinised.	The question also arising is whether infiltrated liberation movement agents are not influencing the media today in support of specific political objectives.	Thus posing a serious threat to press freedom and independence in a democratic South Africa.  It is difficult to avoid the impression that the print and certain other medias, such as independent radio stations are once again under seige in the new South Africa, with attacks especially intense whenever incompetence or corruption in the government sector, are exposed.	Lessons learnt and my personal development.  The events during the decade of the 1980's and the seven years of the 1990's, have made a profound and lasting impression on me personally and on South Africa.  I do not regret the cause I chose then or have embarked on at present with regard to policing in South Africa.	Like South Africa, I have changed and developed in certain key aspects, but much still remains to be done.  As a serving member of the new South African Police Service, I believe I have made a significant contribution based on my past experiences to change policing in South Africa.	I must emphasise that even while serving as a Security Police Intelligence Agent, and as a Ministerial spokesperson, I did not necessarily agree with all established police communication practises and working procedures.	I resolved to do everything possible to change the state of affairs, should I be granted an opportunity of serving in the new South African Police Service, which is now the case.  I believe that I have made a substantial contribution towards a more transparent, credible and community orientated police service, although the change process if far from complete.	  From the establishment of the new South African Police Service, fundamental changes in many key areas of police relations with the media, were proposed to National Commissioner George Fivas.  Many were accepted and implemented by him including the maximum level of transparency possible in a democratic policing environment, has been implemented.  The media are now free to approach any member of the SAPS, not just official spokespersons as in the past.	A pro-active communication philosophy was adopted to provide far more information to media and community about policing than in the past.  Integrating communication structures with police management structures to limit the possibility of being manipulated or misinformed.	A progressive approach to the use of controversial Section 205 of the Criminal Procedure Act, against journalists, limiting its application to journalists to the absolute minimum.	And then lastly Mr Chairman, forbidding recruitment by the new SAPS of agents within the media and the immediate termination of the services of those still within the media.	This reflects that many of the abnormalities which in the past required action, no longer exist.  Much still needs to be done, before it can be claimed that the SAPS as an institution, fully understands and can function properly in the democratic environment of the information age.  But I believe a firm basis has been laid.	I make this submission in the spirit of reconciliation and disclosure and in what I believe  to be the public interest.  I am a firm supporter or a transformation process aimed at improving efficiency and accountability in both the government and private sector in South Africa.  But an effective transformation process, requires that trust be established between persons and organisations previously at war in one or other form with each other.	It is therefore imperative that if the seeds of future conflict are not to be sown again, the TRC be even-handed in order to get the full picture.  With specific reference to the media, this means that not only must the role of the Security Forces in dealing with the media, be fully understood, but also the role of the Liberation Movements, their armed wings, Intelligence structures and that of foreign Intelligence agencies allied to them.	The media was turned into a battle ground because it failed or was inherently incapable of comprehensively covering the full story on both sides.  The result was that the media itself was turned from being an impartial observer to an active participant in the struggle.	The media could thus in the conflict years be considered a legitimate focus for actions by all involved in the conflict of the past, and those who felt they were being unfairly treated by the media.  Attention has almost exclusively been focused on the role of the SAP and the SADF in this regard, but compelling evidence and indications of infiltration by the media by liberation movements and the organisational fronts, exist.	Indeed, this has been confirmed by MK soldier and journalist Rafic Rohan, as well as by the case of journalist Damien de Lange, who also became an MK member and later Commander of the ill-fated Broederstroom cell.	The TRC is in a position to rectify this imbalance and therefore contribute towards allowing the media to, without fear or favour, properly perform its function.  I therefore, again urge, the agents of the Liberation Movements, infiltrated into the media during the struggle years, to also disclose their identities.  Media institutions can never claim the impartial respect afforded the Red Cross or the Green Crescent whilst allowing their power and influence to be used to support a specific side in any conflict.	This is made all the more important because in a war situation, there can be no grey areas and if impartiality is claimed, it must be firmly and distinctly demonstrated throughout.	The new South African Police Service has no agents whatsoever inside the media and has a policy of never recruiting such agents.  The media in the new South Africa is therefore not infiltrated by police agents, but no guarantee exists that political organisations, including foreign Intelligence Services, have not done so.  Thank you Mr Chairman.