Human Rights Violation Hearings — Pietermaritzburg — UNKNOWN

MR LYSTER: But we need to go further back, and I'd like to start with the 60s or I'd like to bring to remembrance the human rights abuses of the 1960s, for what happened then set the foundation for what was to happen later in these more violent times.  The foundation of these abuses was the policy of apartheid, and the legislation and practices that were created by it.  In this region in the 60s we saw a rapid and systematic application of apartheid and segregation.  We saw the ethnic cleansing of nearly three-quarters of a million people, who lost their land and were forced into inhospitable resettlement areas.  In Pietermaritzburg we saw the Group Areas Act, which separated out people and created new black township developments, which were the scenes for violent conflict in later years, and we also saw the same process at Mphopomeni near Howick, at Wembezi, near Estcourt, and Mpumalanga near Hammarsdale.

MR LYSTER: Lastly, a mind-set developed within the Government and the Security Forces, and particularly in the Security Police, that saw non-violent and legal opposition to apartheid as treasonable and deserving of destruction by any means, however immoral, including intimidation, calumny, arson, assault, torture, and the abuse of already abusive legislation.  During this period there were bannings and detentions, arrests and trials of members of banned organisations, the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress and the Communist Party, as well as of nominally not yet banned ones such as the Liberal Party, the Non-European Unity Movement and the Natal Indian Congress, and SACTU, the South African Congress of Trade Unions.

MR LYSTER: It was known that torture was used by the Special Branch to extract confessions, and one of the most shameful aspects of this period was the unwillingness of prosecutors, Magistrates and Judges to resolutely refuse to co-operate in legal processes corrupted by torture of suspects.  But the key to this slippery slope down which South Africa went was, of course, the Parliamentary legislation of security legislation that in practice led from intimidation to torture, to extra judicial killings and terrorism.  Suppression that was originally turned against banned organisations was turned against legal organisations, and I know from personal experience how the Liberal Party of South Africa was effectively squeezed out of existence by Security Police intimidation and bannings, before it was rendered illegal in 1967.

MR LYSTER: For the record I would like the role of the then head of the Pietermaritzburg Security Police, Dreyer, in encouraging the abuse of police power in this region to be noted.  Dreyer went on to greater notoriety in Port Elizabeth and Namibia as the head of Kufoot(?).  I believe that in particular the allegation of his role in the torture and the killing of ABDUSA, Non-European Unity Movement detainees, needs to be investigated.

INTERPRETER: From 1985 to 1993 people who died here in Pietermaritzburg, but I would like to go back from 1960.  All this it was because of apartheid.  I will just estimate people her in 'Maritzburg were removed from where they were staying to other places because of Group Areas Act.  Laws like Group Areas Act, that a black person should be here, and a white person should stay here, led that people lost things which were precious to them.  Wembezi and Mpumalanga, those locations were implemented just because they wanted people to stay where the Government wanted them to stay.  And another thing that I would like to say is that from the Security Police we experienced harassment and violence.  It led to the banning of ANC, PAC, Communist Party, which led to the closure of Liberal Party in 1957.  Another thing that I would like to clarify is that Mr Dreyer from 'Maritzburg was the leader of the Flying Squad.  He didn't just harass people here in Natal, but also in Namibia.

UNKNOWN: (Incomplete) ... saw the cancer of human rights abuse spread.  Government intolerance increased.  The Christian Institute was banned.  Trade union organisers were banned.  Black Consciousness Movement leadership was banned and gaoled.  Spies and agents provocateurs infested the university and other organisations.
In a broader field South Africa's engagement in Rhodesia, Namibia, Angola and Mozambique encouraged an ethos that cared little for the loss of lives in the pursuit of political objectives.  There was massive development of the techniques of destabilisation and the use of surrogate forces, particularly in Angola and Mozambique.
However, the rise of two movements led to, in one sense, a more stable position within the anti-apartheid struggle within this province, the Independent Trade Union Movement and the Inkatha National Cultural Liberation Movement, formed in 1975.  The Independent Trade Union Movement, which comes out of the 1971 Durban strikes, laid the basis for modern South African trade unionism.  Its early supporters included Richard Turner, who was assassinated in 1978.  On the basis of steady shop floor work, and an unwillingness to get involved in political adventures, COSATU's predecessor, FOSATU, built up a strong base among the black working class in this region, including large members of Inkatha supporters.  
The Inkatha National Cultural Liberation Movement was led by Chief M G Buthelezi, who had in a very principled way resisted the imposition of the preliminaries for bantustan independence in the 60s.  Inkatha was set up in 1975 after much discussion with President Kaunda in Lusaka and the ANC in exile, and certainly received the consent, if not the outright blessing, of the ANC.   It was thought by many that in this province some kind of non-racial experiment could be tried, something that took a political form in the attempts to propose a KwaNatal Indaba in the mid-1980s.  But a decisive breach took place between Inkatha and the liberation movements at a meeting in late 1979.  Also Inkatha's espousement of a more free enterprise model, its rejection of sanctions, led to conflict with the more radical liberation movements and with the trade union movement.

INTERPRETER: Now I proceed to the 1970s.  Let me just say that the Government continued to oppress the people who were opposing the ideologies of the Government.  They continued to ban freedom movements or liberation movements, as well as Christian Institute, even workers unions.  They also banned the Black Consciousness Movement, which advocated the colour of the skin of the black person, or the colour of his skin.  They deployed people who were specifically there to end the peace that prevailed.  Even the neighbouring countries like Rhodesia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola, as well as Mozambique.  They also caused a lot of destruction.  They were sewing seeds of hatred.  There was a time when we saw an emergence of independent unions, as well as an Inkatha Liberation Movement in 1975.  That's how was known way back then.  They tried to form a conglomerate and fight the Government's oppression peacefully.  Let me just further that these independent organisations got help from the educators in universities.  Richard Turner was killed in 1978, who was supporting the movement for the liberation of black people.  Buthelezi also contributed towards supporting the unions which were emerging at that time.  In that way he was supported by the majority of the black people, as well as the unions.  All went well.  Let me point out that when the Inkatha organisation was initiated or started respected people like President Kaunda, as well as the ANC, they played a particular part in helping the Inkatha.  But as time went on the organisation showed some cracks.  That was caused by the difference in ideologies.  The unions believed in the liberation of workers, and the other organisations believed in free trade enterprise.