Special Hearings — Armed Forces Hearings — 1997-10-07

UNKNOWN: From very early in the history of our land, our people were divided on the basis of skin pigmentation and race.  These God-given characteristics defined privileges and rights which determined the type and quality of life from the cradle to the grave.
 Some political parties, which at one time considered themselves to be legitimate and legal, and waging a peaceful struggle, were stripped of that legitimacy and legality by the passing in 1960 of the unlawful Unlawful Organisations Act, the Suppression of Communism Act and later on a host of other similar laws, which placed our country on a winding road of conflict, armed struggle, racial strife, all leading to a precipice of bloody conflagration. 
 In the process the apartheid system reacted to peaceful protest with violent brutality.  Our people took arms against their fellow countrymen and women and when I say "our people" here, I mean, the whole nation, Whites took up arms against Blacks; Blacks took up arms against Whites.  The whole question of the saga of the border war and the counter to that, showed that we were a nation at war with itself.
 It is in that context that legitimate parties were banned and leaders fled into exile, and were imprisoned for long periods in our jails.  
 The policy documents of our party, the Pan Africanist Congress which date back to 1959, show that we had high hopes for our party and our country.  Non-racialism was propounded and phrases like one human race were taken very seriously.  Tribalism, ethnic obsession and exclusive nationalism were roundly condemned.  Inclusive national Africanism propounded by political philosophers like Anton Lambedi, A P Mda and Robert Mangashia Sobukwe, inspired many young and old people in our land. 
 Pan-Africanism was embraced and this raised hopes for a united states of Africa, taking its place among the great countries and continents of the world.
 Tragically, Sharpeville and the Poqo uprising, amongst others, signalled a frightening trend and development.  On the other hand Herren Volkanism gained the upper hand and brought even more racial intolerance and polarisation.
 The era of the emergence of the armed struggle by the liberation movements was a reaction to the desperation and humiliation of the viciousness of the apartheid system.
 Speaking personally, my own arrest and detention and trial, in fact, which was a travesty of justice, followed by my imprisonment, brutal treatment in prison - very brutal.  The death of my daughter during detention and the manner in which I was treated at that time by my jailers.  Later on - and I want to say that perhaps one of the most difficult times was when we had a hunger strike at Robben Island and as a result of that finally, I was sentenced to six cuts. I was tied to a bench and given six cuts.  After very, very brutal solitary confinement.
 Much later, after leaving Robben Island, I want to refer to the death of my wife, which I particularly believe was attributable to the suffering she had to endure during my detention, and the child that died in labour - my wife's labour.  Much later, when I became a minister, the police still followed me.  Actually I have been followed by the police for a very, very, very long time, and the more I tried to get away from them the more they pursued me.
 But I want to refer particularly to the time when the church stationed me in Roodepoort, and later on Middelburg, and I was actually told to leave. I was endorsed out of those municipalities, actually sometimes within 24 hours, and with total disregard the authority of the church to put me there.
 Now these are just some of the brutalities which show that our country was placed on a shameful pedestal the world over. I want to say whilst on that point, that I believe that there are very people who have not been hurt. We have hurt ourselves, we are a country that has really been hurting ourselves. I believe that most of the things that happened, happened as a result of that.
 When early in my ministry I became one of the exponents of reconciliation, many people, particularly my fellow sufferers in the liberation struggle, were surprised, and even shocked. 
 I have supported the Truth and Reconciliation Commission at all times.  Even when personal hurt and humiliation was experienced.  Because I am convinced that this country can never break out of its cocoons of hatred and bitterness unless we reveal all the truth and seek forgiveness. The greater responsibility in that exercise, of course, naturally lies with the perpetrators of apartheid.   It is in this spirit that I have extended a hand on behalf of my party to the St James Church so that we can try to bury the painful past and help to bring reconciliation and healing to our members and to our beloved country.
 I am also planning to further the overtures that have been made by my party already, to the Amy Biehl's family and all other families who are hurting and who were victims of the dreadful and unfortunate racial war.
 The Pan Africanist Congress is appearing this morning before the TRC with the hope that we can help to expose the truth and to assist the process of reconciliation. But, in particular, to close - and I want to emphasise that - to close the third chapter of the past, in order that we can open a new era of peace, of justice, of tolerance and of development. 
 I thank you.

CHAIRPERSON: Bishop Mogoba, on behalf of my colleagues, let me thank you very much indeed for that very moving opening statement. You will know from our own discussions that we are committed to reconciliation and we believe that truth is indispensable, however harsh it may be, however uncomfortable it may be, however costly it may be, and you have, I think, certainly inspired me.  Let me not speak for my panellists, let me say for myself, to hear your own commitment and pledge, having come out of the main maelstrom of suffering, personal and political.  You are an example to many of us.
 I am going to ask if there are any comments or any questions that my panellists may want to put to you before we proceed with the questions that we will put directly to the former commanders of APLA, and of course, to find out if they wish in turn to make an opening statement as well.  But let me just stop for a moment there.
 Well, let me say again, thank you very much indeed for that opening statement, which I think has set a tone which would be hard to improve on.  We are not sure whether you are going to be with us for the remaining part of the session or whether you have to go to other duties.  You are obviously welcome to stay as long as you like and welcome to go whenever you need to go.  We are in your hands.

UNKNOWN: I just want to say that the general secretary of my party will stand in for me when I am not here.

CHAIRPERSON: Thank you very much indeed.  Thank you again very much for that opening statement.

UNKNOWN: Thank you.

CHAIRPERSON: Could I ask the members of APLA if they wouldn't mind moving across a little bit, because this awful pillar here makes it very difficult for my colleagues across on the right.  So it would help us quite a lot if you wouldn't mind doing that.
 Brig Mofokeng, I know you are a very democratic party. So I don't want to assume anything and I am not assuming that you are the leader of the delegation.  But one amongst equals, you must tell us, please.

UNKNOWN: Thank you, Mr Chairman and the Commissioners.  Firstly I would like to appeal to the Commission that we are running short of the two important members of the delegation, that is Mr Mlambo and Mr Mkhwanazi. I was thinking in my approach that when I present they would be around here, because it is expected that they are also to respond to the questions that are going to be put forward. If we can follow the programme as stated, we will be presenting at 11:15, I think I will feel a bit comfortable in that regards.