For release on delivery
11:45 a.m. EST
November 30, 2016
A View from the Fed
Remarks by
Jerome H. Powell
Member
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at
"Understanding Fedspeak," an event cosponsored by
the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution
and the Center for Financial Economics at Johns Hopkins University
Washington, D.C.
November 30, 2016
Thanks to David Wessel and the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy
at the Brookings Institution for putting together this event.1 Today I will share my own
views on the Federal Open Market Committee's (FOMC) public communications, which
are designed to serve three important purposes. The first is to provide the transparency
that enables the Congress and the public to hold the Committee accountable for its
decisions on monetary policy. The second is to enhance the effectiveness of monetary
policy. If the public understands the central bank's views on the economy and monetary
policy, then households and businesses will take those views into account in making their
spending and investment plans; policy will be more effective as a result. And the third is
to show the full range of FOMC participants' views, even if doing so may sometimes
make it difficult for the public to identify a consensus view. In my view,
acknowledgment of this diversity of views is important in sustaining the public's support
over time for the Federal Reserve as an institution--what Jon Faust refers to in his paper
as our "democratic legitimacy."2 In my comments, I will also react to Jon's thought-
provoking and well-reasoned paper.
The Modern Era
I will start with a brief tour of the modern era of FOMC communications,
beginning with the issuance of the first postmeeting statement in February 1994.3 That
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statement contained four sentences and noted that the policy action was being announced
immediately "so as to avoid any misunderstanding of the Committee's purposes."4 The
Committee took additional steps to enhance transparency over the next two decades by
putting its target for the federal funds rate into the statement (July 1995); releasing
statements after every meeting rather than only after meetings at which the Committee
had changed its policy (May 1999); including voting information along with an
explanation of dissents in the statement (March 2002); adding the first explicit forward-
guidance language to the statement--the "considerable period" language (August 2003);
and accelerating the release of the minutes after an FOMC meeting (December 2004).5
The pace of change accelerated notably after Ben Bernanke became Chairman in
2006. At that time, the Fed was said to be a bit of a communications laggard compared
with some other central banks. Chairman Bernanke's agenda would move the FOMC to
the forefront of transparency and accountability in modern central banking.
In October 2007, after extensive discussions and internal trial runs, the FOMC
published its first Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), which built on the
macroeconomic forecasts from the semiannual Monetary Policy Report to the Congress.
Since then, SEP projections have been expanded to include longer-run values for real
gross domestic product growth, the unemployment rate, headline PCE (personal
consumption expenditures) price inflation, and the federal funds rate; assessments of
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uncertainty and risks to the economic outlook; and, of course, the federal funds rate
projections, or "dot plot," added in January 2012.6 An extensive write-up of the
projections is included as an addendum to the meeting minutes. Finally, and perhaps
most important, since April 2011, the Chair has held a quarterly press conference
following the FOMC meetings at which SEP projections are collected.
In January 2012, the Committee first released its Statement on Longer-Run Goals
and Monetary Policy Strategy, which is reaffirmed annually. This consensus statement
serves as a quasi-constitutional document that clarifies that the Committee's inflation
objective is 2 percent as measured by the annual change in the PCE price index, that this
objective is symmetric, that the maximum level of employment is largely determined by
nonmonetary factors affecting the structure and dynamics of the labor market, and that
the Committee will take a balanced approach to promote its objectives of maximum
employment and 2 percent inflation under circumstances in which the Committee judges
that those objectives are not complementary.
Compared with a decade ago, FOMC participants express their views more
frequently through speeches and interviews, and our communications vehicles reveal a
greater diversity of viewpoints. In FOMC meetings, as readers of our transcripts know,
FOMC participants now speak longer than they did before 2006, and they typically make
their remarks prior to hearing the policy views of the Chair. Since September 2010, the
minutes have included paragraphs that reflect the views on monetary policy expressed by
all meeting participants, not just those who vote on the policy decision. These changes,
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taken together with the SEP and the dot plot, have given greater emphasis to the diversity
of views of Fed policymakers.
Discussion
The large size and unique structure of the FOMC have important implications for
our communications. The Committee has seats for up to 19 participants, up to 12 of
whom hold votes at any given time. Governors are appointed by the President and
confirmed by the Senate. Reserve Bank Presidents are appointed by the Banks' private-
sector board members who are not affiliated with commercial banks, subject to approval
by the Board of Governors. This unique federated structure was designed to ensure a
diversity of views, among other purposes. My strong view is that this institutionalized
diversity of thinking is a strength of our System. My own experience is that the best
outcomes are reached when opposing viewpoints are clearly and strongly presented
before decisions are made. The Committee's diversity shows through most clearly at
times such as these, when economic conditions have been particularly challenging and
when there have been significant policy disagreements.
Our communications are intended to enable the public to better understand how
the Committee sees the economic situation and outlook, as well as what the Committee is
likely to do if incoming data differ from that outlook--the Committee's "reaction
function." My sense is that market participants and other members of the public focus
instead mainly on the timing of the next policy change or on how many policy moves will
occur in a given year. It also seems that the public may not fully appreciate the
uncertainty that surrounds the outlook. In addition, market participants often say that
there are too many voices saying too many different things about policy--the cacophony
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problem. The dot plot has been a poor predictor of the Committee's actual policy path,
and some have questioned its usefulness. However, markets do not appear to be
unusually uncertain about FOMC decisions.7
In theory, our communications about monetary policy can be roughly divided into
those that express the consensus and those that show the diversity of views. Today I will
focus on the latter. Specifically, are communications that illustrate the diversity of views
about the likely policy path--particularly the dot plot and public commentary by FOMC
participants other than the Chair--currently serving us well? And if not, how can we
make improvements?
Questions of how much to say about the likely path of policy were extensively
debated in the public sphere in the years leading up to the Bernanke era, and by the
FOMC while Ben was Chairman.8 The benefits of greater transparency are typically
thought to include more efficient pricing of financial assets and a closer alignment
between the market's views and those of the Committee.9 Transparency should allow
asset prices to respond immediately to incoming economic data, which would foster
progress toward the Committee's objectives. Those who supported the publication of
some form of policy rate path generally saw it as part of a forecast-based approach to
policymaking, in which policy plans depend in a complex way on policymakers'
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outlooks, risk assessments, and objectives.10 The whole forward interest rate curve
matters for financial conditions, not just the overnight rate. Monetary policy was
therefore thought to be made more effective by communication of the full expected path
of policy, which could then be incorporated into private-sector expectations and longer-
term interest rates. But all along, there have been other voices urging caution and asking,
in effect, "How much transparency is too much?" As Don Kohn noted in 2005 remarks,
"more is not necessarily always better" when it comes to Fed communication.11 Critics
have often argued that too much discussion of the likely path of policy could be taken as
a commitment to a particular path and timing and could ultimately constrain the
Committee from pursuing what it views to be the optimal path. Indeed, to the extent that
the Committee's talk about the path of policy is given weight, that talk may leave "too
little scope for private assessments of economic developments to show through" in
market prices.12
Jon notes in his paper that communications about monetary policy generally
received high marks from 2008 through early 2013, and he focuses his analysis on the
challenging period since mid-2013. I am also going to skip over the years 2013-14,
which included the "taper tantrum" and the relatively uneventful taper itself. I will focus
instead on the years 2015-16, which seem to me to be the most relevant to the challenges
10
See Ben S. Bernanke (2004), "The Logic of Monetary Policy," speech delivered at the National
Economists Club, Washington, December 2,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/speeches/2004/20041202/default.htm.
11
See Donald L. Kohn (2005), "Central Bank Communication," speech delivered at the Annual Meeting of
the American Economic Association, Philadelphia, January 9, paragraph 5,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/speeches/2005/20050109/default.htm.
12
Quote taken from Kohn, "Central Bank Communication," paragraph 12, in note 10. This point has been
emphasized in work by Stephen Morris and Hyun Shin. See, for example, Jeffery D. Amato, Stephen
Morris, and Hyun Song Shin (2002), "Communication and Monetary Policy," Oxford Review of Economic
Policy, vol. 18 (December), pp. 495-503.
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the Committee faces today. I will pay particular attention to the dot plot, the cacophony
issue, and the need to do a better job of explaining uncertainty.
The Dot Plot
The dot plot is not a consensus forecast of the Committee. Rather, the dots
represent each individual participant's assessment of the appropriate policy path. The
Committee considered the use of a consensus forecast in 2012 but abandoned the effort
after struggling to reach agreement on its parameters.13
As you can see from figure 1, the median dots have moved down from SEP to
SEP. The December 2014 SEP median dots showed increases of 350 basis points over
the years 2015-2017. In the event, there was one 25 basis point rate increase in 2015, and
the September 2016 SEP median shows one more in 2016 and two in 2017--for a total of
100 basis points. Figures 2 and 3 display rate expectations derived from financial market
prices and forecasts made by financial market participants, respectively. These market
paths have also declined significantly over the period. And the path estimated from
overnight index swaps (figure 2) has been substantially below the SEP median. It does
not appear that markets have uncritically accepted the dots, let alone taken them as a
commitment.14
13
According to the minutes from the October 22-23, 2012, FOMC meeting, "In their discussion,
participants agreed that FOMC communications could be enhanced by clarifying the linkage between
participants' economic forecasts, including the underlying policy assumptions, and the Committee's policy
decision as expressed in the postmeeting statement. However, most participants judged that, given the
diversity of their views about the economy's structure and dynamics, it would be difficult for the
Committee to agree on a fully specified longer-term path for monetary policy to incorporate into a
quantitative consensus forecast in a timely manner, especially under present conditions in which the policy
decision comprises several elements." See Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2012),
"Minutes of the Federal Open Market Committee, October 23-24, 2012," press release, November 14,
paragraph 52, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20121114a.htm.
14
The expected policy rate paths shown in figures 1, 2, and 3 are not entirely comparable. The SEP paths
are median values of the modal projections of individual participants for the end of the calendar year. The
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Some argue that the downward march of the dots has damaged the Committee's
credibility. For me, the story is both more complicated and more interesting. Like Jon, I
do not think of the dot plot as a useful predictor of near-term policy moves. But that is
not to say that the dot plot is without value. Indeed, changes in the SEP and the dot plot
over time have been quite revealing about the evolution of policymakers' views about the
path of policy.
In recent years, FOMC participants have significantly revised their views about
the values to which key economic variables will converge over the longer run. The same
is true of many other economic forecasters. Since the beginning of 2012, participants'
views about the longer-run annual growth potential of the economy have dropped from
2.45 percent to 1.85 percent (figure 4).15 Much of the downward revision in estimates of
longer-run potential growth reflects the implications of demographic trends and the
slowdown in productivity growth.16 These structural factors have also weighed on
participants' assessments of the longer-run neutral federal funds rate--the rate that would
be neither expansionary nor contractionary if the economy were operating near its
overnight index swap (OIS) paths are estimated using a spline approach; each line corresponds to the
estimated path on the day before the release of SEP projections. OIS paths are mean forecasts of market
participants and may be influenced by variations in risk premiums over time. The primary dealer survey
paths are medians of modal forecasts, and the survey responses are collected about a week before the SEP
projections are released.
15
Other forecasters--for instance, Blue Chip and the Survey of Professional Forecasters--have also revised
down their estimates for longer-run real gross domestic product (GDP) growth. See Jerome H. Powell
(2016), "Recent Economic Developments, the Productive Potential of the Economy, and Monetary Policy,"
speech delivered at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington, May 26,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/powell20160526a.htm. In making these comparisons, I
use the midpoint of the central tendency for real GDP growth and the unemployment rate.
16
See John G. Fernald (2015), "Productivity and Potential Output before, during, and after the Great
NBER Macroeconomics Annual 2014,
Recession," in Jonathan A. Parker and Michael Woodford, eds.,
vol. 29 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 1-51; and Etienne Gagnon, Benjamin K. Johannsen,
and David Lopez-Salido (2016), "Understanding the New Normal: The Role of Demographics," Finance
and Economics Discussion Series 2016-080 (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System, October), https://www.federalreserve.gov/econresdata/feds/2016/files/2016080pap.pdf.
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potential.17 The median assessment of the longer-run neutral federal funds rate declined
from 4.25 percent in 2012 to 2.90 percent in September of this year, with 60 basis points
of that shift occurring just since September 2015 (figure 5). The persistence of low
inflation despite faster-than-expected reductions in unemployment has also led
participants to lower their estimates of the longer-run normal unemployment rate; the
median estimate has declined from 5.60 percent in January 2012 to 4.85 percent in
September 2016 (figure 6).
Taken together, these revisions explain a good part of the downward movement of
the dots. One way to see that is through the application of a policy rule, such as a Taylor
rule.18 Simple policy rules, as they are sometimes called, incorporate key factors for
monetary policy, including the natural rate of unemployment, the neutral rate of interest,
and deviations of inflation and unemployment from their long-run values. As they
prepare for FOMC meetings, FOMC participants routinely see policy recommendations
from a variety of rules, including several Taylor rule variations. While these rules are
useful as benchmarks, in my view they should not be excessively relied on for policy
decisions.19
17
For further discussion of the neutral nominal federal funds rate, see Janet L. Yellen (2015), "The
Economic Outlook and Monetary Policy," speech delivered at the Economic Club of Washington,
Washington, December 2, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/yellen20151202a.htm.
18
See Fernanda Nechio and Glenn D. Rudebusch (2016), "Has the Fed Fallen behind the Curve This
Year?" FRBSF Economic Letter 2016-33 (San Francisco: Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco,
November),
http://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/publications/economic-letter/2016/november/has-fedfallen-behind-curve-this-year.
19
For example, FRB/US simulations using the Taylor (1993) rule for the period 2010-15 show
substantially higher unemployment and lower inflation than was actually realized. For more information
about the Taylor (1993) rule, see John B. Taylor (1993), "Discretion versus Policy Rules in Practice,"
Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy, vol. 39 (December), pp. 195-214.
The red solid line in figure 7 shows the policy prescription using the original 1993
Taylor rule together with the September SEP dots for the federal funds rate.20 The
Taylor rule prescription has been derived using the median value for core PCE price
inflation, the unemployment rate, and the longer-run normal unemployment rate from the
September 2016 SEP.
The intercept in this Taylor rule represents the longer-run real interest rate--or r*--
which is set to 2 percent. If we replace that intercept with the median of the longer-run r*
implied by the most recent SEP, which is 0.9 percent, we see that the rule prescribes
much lower settings for policy interest rates than the unadjusted rule (the blue dashed line
in figure 7). The lower intercept does not completely close the gap between the Taylor
rule prescription and the dots. However, many observers believe that the neutral real
interest rate is currently well below its longer-run value. The language that has appeared
in the Committee's postmeeting statement since December 2015 that "the federal funds
rate is likely to remain, for some time, below levels that are expected to prevail in the
longer run" is consistent with this view.21
We can estimate a short-run, time-varying r* using a standard reduced-form IS
(investment and saving) equation that relates the unemployment gap to its own lagged
value and the lagged real interest rate gap. We use the median of FOMC participants'
20
The SEP policy projections are for the midpoint of the federal funds rate target range at the end of a
= 2 + +
calendar year. The Taylor (1993) rule is defined as Rt πt 0.5(πt - 2) + 0.5Yt. In this expression, R
is the federal funds rate, π is the percent change in the core PCE price index from four quarters earlier, and
Y is the output gap. The rule used here is in terms of the unemployment gap instead of the output gap. The
output gap is approximated using Okun's law; specifically, Yt = 2.0(U* - Ut), where U is the
unemployment rate and U* is the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment, or NAIRU.
21
See, for example, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2016), "Federal Reserve Issues
FOMC Statement," press release, November 2, paragraph 4,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20161102a.htm.
projections from the September SEP in this exercise. The IS specification employed here
is similar to that used in Laubach-Williams (2003) and is shown in figure 8.22 Using
these short-run, time-varying estimates of r* as intercepts in our Taylor rule gives us the
purple dashed-dotted line in figure 9. This rule now tells us that the median dot remains
slightly below the adjusted rule's prescription at the end of 2016 and 2017 but is back in
line by the end of 2018.
As Don Kohn recently noted, "We have been in uncharted waters with unreliable
anchors."23 The downward march of the dots shows that policymakers have been
learning, and our understanding of the economy has been evolving, as we navigate the
treacherous shoals of the post-crisis economy. The revisions in the longer-run values and
the short-run, time-varying r* estimates provide a framework for understanding
policymakers' evolving views of the economy and of appropriate monetary policy. And
the dots for 2016 and 2017 lie below the purple dashed-dotted line in figure 9, showing
that FOMC participants see an even more gradual path of rate increases than suggested
by the short-run r* estimates. This lower path may be related to global economic
weakness and risk-management considerations at the effective lower bound. Of course,
all of this would have happened in the absence of an SEP or a dot plot. The new
22
For a discussion of the short-run, time-varying estimates of r* using projections from the SEP, see
Michelle Bongard and Benjamin K. Johannsen (2016), "The Neutral Rate and the Summary of Economic
Projections," FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, November
28), https://doi.org/10.17016/2380-7172.1890. These authors combine the IS specification used here with
SEP projections to calculate implied values for r*. See also Thomas Laubach and John C. Williams (2003),
"Measuring the Natural Rate of Interest,"
Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 85 (November), pp. 1063-70.
23
See Donald Kohn (2016), "How Should Central Bankers Talk about Future Monetary Policy? Lessons
from the Crisis and Beyond" (Washington: Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy, Brookings
Institution, November), https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/kohn_central-bankers.pdf.
communications tools have made the process more transparent to the public. In this
sense, the dot plot is more messenger than message.
Cacophony
I often hear that there are too many voices offering too much diversity of views
about the likely path of policy-the cacophony problem. Reserve Bank Presidents and
Governors are expected to publicly discuss their views on the economy and policy.
Indeed, our policy on the external communications of FOMC participants states that "the
Committee's public accountability is strengthened by open discussion of Committee
participants' views about the economic outlook as well as their judgments about the
appropriate course of monetary policy."24 Central banking often comes across as obscure
and complicated, and we try to help the public understand what we do. But there is more
to it than that. Jon Faust's paper captures well the framers' vision of an institutionalized
diversity of perspectives. In my view, the public expression of our diverse views helps
sustain public support for the Federal Reserve as a public institution. Those members of
the public who disagree with our policy should know that their concerns are given voice
in our deliberations. But there is a tradeoff here that needs to be managed: On the one
hand, the effectiveness of policy is thought to depend on the public's understanding of
the Committee's consensus. On the other hand, the expression of diverse views may
sometimes make it difficult for the public to see that consensus.
Jon sees this public discussion about policy as mainly a form of negotiation. In
my view, motivations are simpler and more obvious. Many of us enjoy getting out of the
office to speak to outside groups. We appear to enjoy talking to print journalists, and
some of us like going on television. With the proliferation of media of all kinds, there is
a need for content, and we have been willing suppliers. In my view, these public
appearances are mostly not about gaining leverage in a negotiation. There is a single
FOMC participant who has most of the leverage in our policy discussions. Observers
would be well advised to listen carefully to what she says.
I strongly agree with Jon that it is wise not to read too much about the path of
policy into all of this communication. FOMC participants other than the Chair speak
only for themselves and customarily make that clear at the beginning of their remarks.
Their commentary is not intended to express the consensus or to predict its evolution.
As Jon notes, during the Greenspan era, there was very little discussion of the
likely path for the policy rate by FOMC participants, including the Chairman. The
proliferation of forward policy guidance during the crisis utterly broke that equilibrium.
Many of us seem to be trained to a new habit, which is to offer one's views about the
near-term path for policy, typically at the end of a speech on the outlook. While such
communication can serve a useful purpose, I have come around to the view that focusing
too much on the precise timing of policy moves may be adding to confusion and
frustration about our communications. I am trying to avoid this problem in my own
remarks.
Uncertainty
All economic forecasts are subject to considerable uncertainty. There is always a
wide range of plausible outcomes for important economic variables, including the federal
funds rate. In her remarks at Jackson Hole in August, Chair Yellen showed the median
path for the federal funds rate from the June SEP surrounded by a 70 percent confidence
interval based on the historical accuracy of private and government forecasts.25 I
reproduce that figure here (figure 10), updated for the September 2016 SEP.26 Note that
the tan confidence interval in the figure is much wider than the disparity of views as
represented by the central tendency of the projections (the black dashed lines). This
uncertainty is a fundamental aspect of our world, and it should probably feature more
prominently in our communications.
Conclusion
To sum up, the FOMC and individual participants communicate a great deal these
days--much more than in the past. Some of those communications are designed to
express the consensus, and some are designed to show the diversity of views. In my
view, communications should do more to emphasize the uncertainty that surrounds all
economic forecasts, should downplay short-term tactical questions such as the timing of
the next rate increase, and should focus the public's attention instead on the
considerations that go into making policy across the range of plausible paths for the
economy.
25
The reason for the confidence interval is that the economy is frequently buffeted by shocks and thus
rarely evolves as predicted. See Janet L. Yellen (2016), "The Federal Reserve's Monetary Policy Toolkit:
Past, Present, and Future," speech delivered at "Designing Resilient Monetary Policy Frameworks for the
Future," a symposium sponsored by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, held in Jackson Hole, Wyo.,
August 26, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/yellen20160826a.htm.
26
The confidence interval equals the median SEP path for the federal funds rate plus or minus average root
mean squared prediction errors of the three-month Treasury bill rate (subject to a lower bound of 12.5 basis
points), for horizons from zero to three years ahead, based on forecast errors made over the past 20 years.
For general information on the methodology used to construct confidence intervals using historical
forecasting errors, see David Reifschneider and Peter Tulip (2007), "Gauging the Uncertainty of the
Economic Outlook from Historical Forecasting Errors," Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2007-60
(Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, November), available at
www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/feds/2007/200760/200760abs.html.
Figure 1. Federal Funds Rate Paths from the SEP
Percent
September 2016
December 2015
4
December 2014
3
2
1
0
2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
Note: Based on median projections for year-ends.
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), December 2014, December 2015, and September 2016 (documents available
on the Board's website at https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm).
Figure 2. OIS-Implied Federal Funds Rate Paths
Percent
September 2016
December 2015
4
December 2014
3
2
1
0
2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021
Note: Based on overnight index swap (OIS) quotes on the day before the release of the Summary of Economic Projections in
December 2014, December 2015, and September 2016.
Source: Bloomberg; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.
Figure 3. Federal Funds Rate Paths from the PD Survey
Percent
September 2016
December 2015
4
December 2014
3
2
1
0
2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
Note: Based on the median of the modal forecasts from the primary dealer (PD) surveys conducted before the December 2014,
December 2015, and September 2016 meetings of the Federal Open Market Committee.
Source: Federal Reserve Bank of New York.
Figure 4. Longer-Run GDP Growth Projections from the SEP
Percent
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
Jan. Sept. Sept. Sept. Sept.
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Note: The whisker bars show the central tendency, and the line shows the midpoint of the central tendency. GDP is gross domestic product.
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), January 2012, September 2013, September 2014, September 2015, and September 2016
(documents available on the Board's website at https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm).
Figure 5. Longer-Run Federal Funds Rate Projections from the SEP
Percent
5.0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
Jan. Sept. Sept. Sept. Sept.
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Note: The whisker bars show the central tendency, and the dot shows the median.
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), January 2012, September 2013, September 2014, September 2015, and September 2016
(documents available on the Board's website at https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm).
Figure 6. Longer-Run Unemployment Rate Projections from the SEP
Percent
6.5
6.0
5.5
5.0
4.5
4.0
Jan. Sept. Sept. Sept. Sept.
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Note: The whisker bars show the central tendency, and the line shows the midpoint of the central tendency.
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), January 2012, September 2013, September 2014, September 2015, and September 2016
(documents available on the Board's website at https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm).
Figure 7. SEP Projected Federal Funds Rate: Taylor (1993)
Percent
Intercept: 2 percent
5
Intercept: 0.9 percent
4
3
2
1
0
-1
2016 2017 2018
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), September 2016 (document available on the Board's website at
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm); John B. Taylor (1993), "Discretion versus Policy Rules in Practice," Carnegie-Rochester
Conference Series on Public Policy, vol. 39 (December), pp. 195-214.
IS equation relates the unemployment gap to the lagged unemployment
gap and the lagged real interest gap as follows:
*
- = α - + β -
(ut+1 ) ×(ut *) ×(rt *)
ut+1 ut rt
α = 0.86 and β = 0.14
Use median values of the longer-run unemployment rate, the
unemployment rate, and the real federal funds rate from the September
2016 Summary of Economic Projections to solve for the implied
short-run, time-varying r*
Note: IS is investment and saving.
Source: Federal Reserve Board staff.
Figure 9. SEP Projected Federal Funds Rate: Taylor (1993)
Percent
Intercept: 2 percent
5
Intercept: 0.9 percent
Intercept: r*
4
3
2
1
0
-1
2016 2017 2018
Note: r* calculated as in figure 8.
Source: Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), September 2016 (document available on the Board's website at
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm); John B. Taylor (1993), "Discretion versus Policy Rules in Practice," Carnegie-Rochester
Conference Series on Public Policy, vol. 39 (December), pp. 195-214.
Figure 10.
Median of I