Lorenzo Bini Smaghi: The Triffin dilemma revisited
Speech by Mr Lorenzo Bini Smaghi, Member of the Executive Board of the European Central
Bank, at the Conference on the International Monetary System: sustainability and reform
proposals, marking the 100th anniversary of Robert Triffin (1911-1993), at the Triffin
International Foundation, Brussels, 3 October 2011.
* * *
I wish to thank Ettore Dorrucci for his contribution to this speech. I remain solely responsible for the opinions
contained herein.
Introduction
The intellectual heritage of Robert Triffin begins with the relevance of his "dilemma" to our
days. We still have a situation in which one national currency - the US dollar - serves as the
main international currency. It remains at the heart of the international monetary and financial
system (or IMS). And we still have a fundamental tension between the currency demands of
rapidly growing economies, the domestic policy incentives of reserve issuing/holding
countries, and global economic and financial stability: in Triffin's words, the system remains
"highly dependent on individual countries' decisions".
This tension - the Triffin dilemma - was linked to the specific modalities of the
goldexchange standard in 1960, when his Gold and the dollar crisis was first published. Today
we are in a much more flexible system, where the demand for global liquidity can be more
easily accommodated. But even if the mechanics have changed, the dilemma is still valid if
we capture its essence and formulate it in broader terms, as I will do in the first part of my
comments today. In second place, I will briefly recall how the dilemma came into being and
was addressed in Triffin's times. This will allow me to better identify the main differences and
similarities compared with our times, which will lead me to conclude that it is indeed correct
to talk about a "Triffin dilemma revisited". Finally, I will look ahead and ask whether and how
it is possible to escape the dilemma today.
My main policy conclusion is that we need a number of incentives for the major reserve
issuers and holders so as not to cause negative externalities for other countries, thereby
helping to ensure global stability.
1. Triffin dilemma: a general formulation
Each international monetary and financial system has to rely on one or more international
currencies in order to allow economic agents to interact in the global economy by using such
currencies as a means of payment, a unit of account or a store of value. When these
international currencies are also domestic ones, the supply of global liquidity stems from one
or more "core countries". And when the core countries operate as a monopoly or
quasimonopoly, over time they tend to take advantage of other countries' high dependence on
their domestic money. By exploiting this "exorbitant privilege", the core countries develop
policy incentives to accommodate shocks (e.g. the financing of a war) or growth models
(e.g. based on over-consumption) that can ultimately be sustained only if the rest of the world
unconditionally demands their own liquid, safe assets. However, when policies become too
short term-oriented and inward-looking, they tend to produce negative spillovers on the rest
of the world (e.g. inflationary pressures or an environment with relatively low yields) and over
the longer run may, if there are no rebalancing measures, prove unsustainable and impair
the smooth functioning of the IMS.
For some time (or even a very long time), however, this behaviour does not jeopardise the
international status of the core currencies. This is not only because there are no alternatives,
but also because certain systemic countries in the rest of the world have in the meantime
developed incentives to increasingly demand assets denominated in the core currencies.
Such countries in the "IMS periphery" tend to pursue growth models that match, with
opposite sign, those of the core countries and may likewise produce negative externalities:
think of the current account surpluses and reserve accumulation, which conflicted with the
IMS rules during Bretton Woods times and which contribute to excessively low yields and
trade distortions at the present time.
Hence the tension, which can sooner or later become a genuine dilemma involving
shortterm domestic policy incentives in the key reserve issuing/holding countries on the one hand,
and the longer-term stability of a given international monetary and financial system on the
other.
Given this general formulation, however, there is no single way to address the tension here.
And indeed many different types of IMS have existed over time. In Triffin's day, some set
stringent rules on the system's adjustment and on the availability of global liquidity, as I will
recount in a minute. Others, as at present, have instead made it easier to create global
liquidity and to finance imbalances while neglecting the system's longer-term stability - an
issue which I will discuss later.
2. Triffin dilemma in Triffin's times
During the Bretton Woods system, the dollar was the international currency, and the
international currency was mainly needed as a means of payment and a unit of account to
purchase foreign goods. Given largely closed capital accounts and underdeveloped financial
markets, the store of value function was limited, and mainly related to the need to cover any
temporary shortage of dollars to import goods from abroad. The other key features of the
system were fixed exchange rates vis-à-vis the dollar, the gold convertibility of the dollar, and
a mechanism of adjustment of imbalances based on a symmetrical correction of domestic
absorption and relative prices in the relevant countries. However, there was no mechanism
to impose symmetry in the adjustment process, and adjustment through exchange rate
realignments was possible, although it rarely happened.
When the Bretton Woods system was launched, in the second half of the 1940s, the huge
economic gap with the United States made it difficult for other countries to acquire dollars
without US help. By the end of the 1950s, however, the global shortage of dollars was over,
thanks to rising dollar-denominated exports. This was welcomed since it implied that
countries no longer needed American assistance to obtain dollars in order to address
postwar economic problems. Yet it was not entirely good news, as Triffin realised. Countries such
as Germany and Japan had indeed started accumulating large current account surpluses
and, therefore, dollars in the form of rising official reserves. This implied an accumulation of
US monetary liabilities vis-à-vis non-residents. The problem was that the supply of such
liabilities by the United States at a fixed exchange rate was elastic to the growing demand,
but the American commitment to supply gold upon request at an equally fixed price was not.1
Already by the early 1960s, US monetary liabilities towards non-residents exceeded US gold
holdings. Hence the dilemma, which in Triffin's day took the well-known, specific shape: if the
United States refused to provide other countries with US dollars, trade would stagnate and
the world economy would eventually be trapped in a deflationary bias; but if the United
States provided an unlimited supply of dollars, the confidence that it would convert them into
gold would erode confidence in its international currency.2
The dilemma could, however, be formulated in more general terms. Given the BW rules,
there were domestic policy incentives in the key reserve-issuing and holding countries not to
comply with these rules, at the expense of the system's sustainability. This is mainly because
using the exchange rate as an alternative rebalancing tool was always a temptation which,
especially in case of large shocks, offered a politically more palatable option than lengthy
and costly domestic adjustment. At the end of the 1960s, the largest of all shocks - the
Vietnam War - was financed by the United States with expansionary policies that resulted in
high inflationary pressures and took no account of global monetary stability. As a result, the
US dollar-denominated reserve assets lost 40% of their purchasing power, thus making the
creditors to the United States increasingly reluctant to finance the war by accumulating
reserves denominated in dollars. The system eventually collapsed, as Triffin had predicted:
faced with the dilemma, the system's core country preferred not to maintain its commitment
to keep the value of the dollar in terms of gold, but rather to pursue its internal needs while
providing the other countries (which were not adjusting either) with its reserve currency.
3. The dilemma today: What has changed? What is still valid?
What has changed since Triffin's times? Well, the way in which the IMS works and thus the
modalities through which the dilemma operates have changed considerably; but the
fundamental tension between short-term domestic policy incentives and the stability of the
IMS has not. Hence the Triffin dilemma is, in its essence, still alive and well.
3.1 What has changed?
There have been three major changes.
First, we have learned that the BW rules were too stringent. Over the past 40 years, a new
informal IMS has been developing which has turned out to be much more elastic in nature
than the previous ones. The dollar no longer needs to be "as good as gold"; exchange rate
adjustment has become an important element in the rebalancing toolkit; and the IMS has
been adapting to the different economic conditions and policy preferences of individual
countries. In particular, the exchange rates of all advanced economies and some emerging
economies are now freely floating, whereas a new dollar area encompassing systemically
relevant creditors has emerged, thus making the IMS an hybrid floating/fixed system.
Second, a new globally important currency, the euro, has appeared on the stage. This has
had important consequences, but has not meant a shift to a genuine duopoly in the supply of
international currencies. While the euro has become a credible alternative to the dollar, this
has had little impact on the dollar's centrality in the IMS. In particular, the exorbitant privilege
remains largely the dollar's attribute. To be sure, it is undeniable that the very low yield
spreads associated, until approximately 2008, with the debt of certain European countries
were mainly a by-product of the "privilege" of being part of the euro area. And it is also true
that this was one of the factors that contributed to underestimating the crucial importance of
fiscal discipline and competitiveness in the monetary union. But it is equally accurate that the
idiosyncratic negative shocks stemming from such euro area countries in the past two years
have led to a major re-pricing of their sovereign risk. This is opposite of what has happened
on the occasion of similar negative shocks originating from the United States. The current
stability of the exchange rate of the euro is more attributable to the overall good
fundamentals of the whole euro area than to any exorbitant privilege.
But the third and most significant change, from a Triffin perspective, is the following: there is
no longer a fundamental global liquidity3 shortage that is intrinsic to the very functioning of
the system. The accumulation of global external imbalances in today's world should not be
seen as a necessary precondition for the provision of global liquidity and the expansion of
world trade. Let me explain.
Today, the United States and the euro area are not obliged to run rising current account
deficits to meet the demand for dollars or euros.4 This is for two main, interlinked reasons.
First, well-functioning, more liquid and deeply integrated global financial markets enable
reserve-issuing countries to provide the rest of the world with safe and liquid financial
liabilities while investing a corresponding amount in a wide range of financial assets abroad.
The euro has indeed become an important international currency since its inception and the
euro area has been running a balanced current account. In a world where there is no longer
a one-to-one link between current accounts, i.e. net capital flows and global liquidity, a
proper understanding of global liquidity also needs to include gross capital flows.
Second, under BW global liquidity and official liquidity5 were basically the same thing, but
today the "ease of financing" at global level also crucially depends on private liquidity directly
provided by financial institutions, for instance through interbank lending or market making in
securities markets. Given the endogenous character of such private liquidity, global official
and private liquidity have to be assessed together for a proper evaluation of global liquidity
conditions at some point in time, and there is no endemic shortage of global liquidity, as the
empirical evidence confirms. This is not to deny that temporary shortages can occur, as
happened after the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in September 2008. But such shortages
are a by-product of shocks and boom-bust cycles, not an intrinsic feature of the IMS, and can
be tackled with an appropriate global financial safety net.
3.2 What is still valid?
First, there remain factors that create Triffin-dilemma-like pressures on the IMS. In particular,
the official sector of several emerging market economies (EMEs) still consistently adds its
own demand for safe US assets to the market-based private demand for US dollars. Even
when a shock originates from the United States, sizeable and persistent official capital flows
to that country seek out the dollar as a safe store of value and a precautionary source of
liquidity. As a result, total net capital stemming from EMEs taken as a whole flows uphill to
advanced economies (the Lucas paradox), even though private capital continues to flow
downhill, as the theory would predict. This would not be a problem if it did not increase the
fragility of the US financial system by pushing down risk premia and real interest rates,
thereby boosting financial innovation and encouraging upswings in the degree of leverage.6
But it does increase that fragility.
4
It should be noted that in BW times the United States had managed to keep a sustainable current account
position. The U.S. current account indeed recorded surpluses (though declining ones after the onset of the
Vietnam war) or, at most, minor deficits over the whole BW period. On the capital account side, this was
mirrored by large long-term capital outflows from the United States, especially foreign direct investment (FDI)
by American multinationals, which were financed with short-term capital inflows in the form of bank deposits
and Treasury bills and bonds. The United States was, therefore, acting as "banker of the world", and the
accumulation of U.S. net long-term foreign assets was reassuring foreign investors (Eichengreen 2011).
However, assuming that capital flow restrictions and underdeveloped financial markets elsewhere in the world
would have persisted, the country would likely have soon reached a limit in its ability to engage in maturity
transformation in the capital account. Triffin's prediction that the core country would have had to eventually run
increasing current account deficits to allow for world trade expansion was, therefore, basically right under the
BW rules.
5
Official liquidity can be defined as the amount of funds that is unconditionally available to settle claims through
monetary authorities, mainly consisting of central bank money in reserve currencies and foreign exchange
reserves.
6
See, for example, Caballero 2009 and Caballero and Krishnamurthy 2009.
Three core drivers of reserve accumulation can be identified, in particular:
1. A few surplus EMEs buy dollars as a by-product of a strategy aiming to
systematically keep their real effective exchange rate undervalued;
2. Other EMEs with largely open capital accounts, which are exposed to capital flow
volatility, purchase dollars to build up precautionary reserves in the event of a
reversal of capital inflows;
3. The commodity exporters recycle their current account surpluses into safe
dollardenominated assets.
As in Triffin's day, however, this cuts both ways. The demand for safe assets feeds that
exorbitant privilege enjoyed by the United States. This contributes to a weakening of
US policy discipline as the country tends to excessively rely on easy credit in normal times
and very expansionary macroeconomic policies in times of crisis. The outcome is excessive
US indebtedness. The corporate sector was in debt prior to the burst of the dot-com bubble
in 2001; so were the household and financial sectors before the eruption of the sub-prime
crisis in 2007-08; and the official sector is in debt today.
This leads me to the second valid element of the Triffin dilemma. The IMS is not in a better
situation today. The quandary under the BW system - the lack of a credible anchor for
international monetary and financial stability - continues to exist. Key issuers and holders of
reserve currencies pursue domestic objectives independently of what would best serve the
global system and even their longer-run interest. To the extent that these policies pay
insufficient attention to negative externalities for other countries and longer-term
macroeconomic and financial stability concerns, they tend to produce unsustainable
imbalances and fuel vulnerability in the global financial system. In particular, a large body of
literature supports the view that a worldwide glut of both liquidity and planned savings over
investment - stemming from, respectively, reserve-issuing and reserve- accumulating
economies - was a key driver of the hazardous environment at the root of the global financial
and economic crisis which broke out in summer 2007.7
All in all, as in Triffin's time, there is no a credible mechanism for symmetric adjustment of
imbalances at work today, even though we now have more flexible exchange rates, more
financial innovation, more capital mobility and more private international liquidity.
4. Is it possible to escape Triffin?
In the event, Triffin was proved right not in the strict sense, but in a broader sense.
Shortsighted policies that support unsustainable growth models not only tend to fuel the booms
that precede financial crises, but may also, over the longer run, undermine the confidence
that is the basis for the reserve asset status of one or more national currencies. Even the
more flexible IMS of today may therefore, in this sense, prove inherently unstable.
To obtain the missing link between the policy discipline of major reserve issuers and holders
on the one hand and global stability on the other, we need incentives to prevent them from
causing negative externalities. And such incentives can only stem from a mix of
i) internationally cooperative policy actions, ii) proper crisis responses and iii) structural
developments.
First, regarding international cooperation, we have seen significant progress in IMF and
regional multilateral surveillance, as well as in G20 mutual policy assessment, in the
aftermath of the crisis. Countries have indeed been looking for a platform to exert some
influence on those policies of partner countries that were producing negative spillovers - be
they fiscal profligacy, lack of financial sector reform, unconstrained reserve accumulation or
the reintroduction of capital controls. To obtain this platform, countries have at the same time
to allow their partners a platform to influence their own policies. This is the moment when
things might start to change.8
Second, experience suggests that cooperative policies, unfortunately, are not enough, and
crises do play a part in producing fundamental changes in the system of policy incentives. For
instance, it was not until the euro area sovereign debt crisis that EMU's economic governance
started to be seriously enhanced - and the list of examples is of course very long.
Third, not only crises, but also longer-term, largely market-driven structural developments
may eventually alter the system of policy incentives. One such development could be,
according to some, a shift towards a truly multi-polar currency system.9 In such an IMS, it is
argued, there would be credible alternatives to dollar-denominated investments, which in turn
would inevitably enhance policy discipline in the United States. Also, a multi-polar currency
world would allow for greater monetary policy autonomy in EMEs such as China, which
would thus be in a position to better address their imbalances and overheating pressures.
I broadly share the view that a truly multi-polar IMS would imply better policy incentives for
stability-oriented policies. But how do we get there? And would a multi-polar currency system
be stable, or would a new hegemon eventually emerge, as the United States did in the past
century? To deal with possible dollar shortages, Triffin preferred the issuance by a global
central bank of a new supranational currency serving as "outside fiat money" and floating
against national currencies, which countries would be obliged to accept in international
transactions. Wouldn't this be the best pattern to follow?
Conclusion
These questions are very relevant ones, and the responses to them are far from
straightforward. Let me, therefore, conclude by just offering a few final thoughts:
How do we achieve a truly multi-polar IMS? The role of further financial market

development, capital account liberalisation and exchange rate flexibility in EMEs is
often underestimated in this context. The more progress EMEs make in this
direction, the lower their official capital outflows to advanced economies will be. This
would progressively reduce the demand for safe debt instruments issued by
advanced economies and eventually contribute to greater financial stability
worldwide.10 It would also allow a better channelling of domestic credit to investment
and consumption, which in turn would promote growth driven by domestic demand,
thereby reducing the incentive to pursue export-led models based on undervalued
exchange rates. Such a process would probably be, by its very nature, gradual and
driven by a myriad of autonomous and independent decisions by private and official
actors. Hopefully this would make possible an orderly transition towards a
multipolar IMS, with the dollar still remaining "first among equals" for a long time. But in
the meantime, a lot will, of course, depend on the ability of policy-makers to take the
right decisions.
 Would a multi-polar IMS be a stable one? Greater symmetry in financial
globalisation would certainly go in this direction. But would economic weight and
policy credibility - the other key ingredients for a currency to acquire an international
status and start enjoying incumbency advantages - also materialise in such a way
that there would be a sufficient number of currency competitors around the table?
Once again, the response is to a significant extent in the hands of today's
policymakers.
 Finally, would not a bancor-based IMS, as Keynes was hoping for in the 1940s and
Triffin in the 1960s, be the best response? This type of solution had very few
advocates in the 1960s - an attitude that has hardly changed 50 years later. I
remain very sceptical about the bancor proposal, and not only because of its
doubtful feasibility. Indeed, some have said that a supranational currency would
need to be kept strong in order not to depreciate against the other major existing
currencies. Any weakening would undermine its attractiveness, and hence its
function as a reserve asset. However, if the supply of a supranational currency were
to be restricted, it might fail to meet demand and so fall short of its function.11
As you can see, it is unclear even whether a new supranational currency could solve the
dilemma once and for all, or whether the dilemma would simply take on a different form.
Given such uncertainty, the Triffin International Foundation may well have to organise
another conference in the 22nd century!
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