Mr Ferguson compares Asian and Latin American experiences
during the recent financial turmoil
Remarks by Mr Roger W Ferguson Jr, Vice-Chairman of the Board of Governors of the US Federal
Reserve System, before the National Economic Association in Boston on 7 January 2000.
* * *
Now that the recent emerging markets crisis has been resolved - or at least is well on its way toward
resolution - it is appropriate to step back and assess what we have learned from this episode. Perhaps
more than anything else, the crisis has raised an array of questions that demand our consideration,
including the following: what are the major macroeconomic and financial characteristics that make
countries vulnerable to crises? What factors determine the depth and severity of such crises, both for a
particular country and for the global financial system as a whole? What is the nature of contagion?
Why does a crisis in a given country adversely affect other countries that often have little interaction
with (or little similarity to) the initial crisis country? These questions are of more than just intellectual
interest. They have enormous implications for the formulation of economic policy and directly affect
the welfare of millions of people across the globe. The economics profession in recent years has made
some progress in formulating answers to these questions, but the limits of our understanding remain
substantial.
Today, I will focus on a subset of these issues, examining an aspect of the recent emerging markets
crisis that remains something of a puzzle. For many years, the Asian developing countries have been
held up as one of the global economy's shining success stories. Fueled by high domestic savings and
investment rates, coupled with fiscal restraint and low inflation, real per capita GDP in these
economies has risen dramatically since the 1960s. In contrast, during large portions of this period, the
Latin American countries have been afflicted by a variety of economic ailments - including fiscal
imbalances, capital flight, hyperinflation, and currency crashes - that have depressed domestic savings
and investment and hindered economic growth.
Judged by several measures, however, the Asian countries were hit much harder by the recent crisis
than were the Latin American countries. Why was this the case? What vulnerabilities pushed these
dynamic Asian economies into severe crisis? What economic policies or characteristics allowed the
major Latin American countries to weather the storm with comparatively less damage? One apparent
answer to these questions is that Latin America recently had endured a crisis - the 1994-95 peso
devaluation. This observation, however, raises a complementary set of equally intriguing questions.
Namely, in what sense does a crisis today inoculate a country against crisis tomorrow? Does this
inoculation occur through improved macroeconomic fundamentals, stronger financial sector
performance, or some other factors? In an effort to answer such questions, I will focus on two issues.
First, I will discuss some evidence assessing the impact of the recent crisis on the emerging Asian and
Latin American countries. Second, I will offer some working hypotheses that might explain the
differential effects of the crisis on the two regions.
Before going further, let me underscore the following point. The Asian economies have proven
themselves to be very competitive in global markets and highly resilient. Consistent with this
observation, the major Asian crisis countries appear to be well on their way to recovery, with the
possible exception of Indonesia, which remains plagued by political instabilities. But notwithstanding
the underlying strength of the Asian economies - or perhaps precisely because of their underlying
strength - there is much to be learned in assessing why they fared poorly relative to their Latin
American counterparts during the recent round of crises.
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Comparing the impact of the crisis
The behavior of GDP provides a natural measure for assessing the severity of the recent crisis in the
two regions (exhibit 1). The Asian crisis began in Thailand during July 1997, when a run on the
country's currency - the baht - forced the government to float the exchange rate. Not coincidentally,
real GDP peaked in mid-1997 and fell more than 10% before reaching a trough during the second half
of 1998.1 After the devaluation of the baht, the crisis spread to Malaysia, Indonesia, and the
Philippines. Each of these countries was eventually forced to allow its currency to float more freely
against the dollar, and each country also experienced a sharp contraction of its GDP. In Malaysia,
output fell 10% between the third quarter of 1997 and the third quarter of 1998. Indonesia was even
more severely afflicted, with GDP plunging more than 15% during that time. The Philippines was
relatively less affected, however, as GDP declined just 3% from peak to trough. Korea, which was the
last major Asian country hit by the crisis, endured sharp declines in the value of its currency and its
domestic financial markets during late 1997 and early 1998. Korean GDP dropped about 8% during
this period.
Now turning to Latin America, this region first felt the effects of the financial crisis during the fall of
1997. At that time, Brazil - the center of the crisis in Latin America - raised interest rates to high levels
and drew down its stock of international reserves to keep its currency - the real - from falling.
However, pressures on Brazil re-emerged following the Russian devaluation in August 1998. The high
interest rates necessary to defend the real became increasingly difficult to sustain, and the authorities
floated the currency in January 1999. The real depreciated about one-third in the subsequent six
months.
To the surprise of most observers, Brazilian GDP fell only 3% from its peak during the second quarter
of 1998 to a trough at the end of that year. Perhaps even more surprisingly, Brazilian inflation
remained restrained after the devaluation, and the economy registered strong growth during the first
half of 1999, nearly erasing the contraction that occurred during the second half of 1998.
Ironically, several of Brazil's neighbors have fared worse. Argentina successfully defended its
exchange rate regime but has suffered a comparatively steep decline in economic activity. The high
interest rates necessary to defend its peg to the dollar, along with the intensified uncertainty generated
by the crisis and reduced competitiveness following the Brazilian devaluation, pushed Argentine GDP
down 5% from mid-1998 to mid-1999. Activity in Chile, Colombia, and Ecuador has fallen by a
comparable amount. Mexico's experience, however, stands as an interesting contrast. For a number of
reasons, which I will discuss later, economic activity in Mexico generally has remained strong. The
country has endured only one quarter of negative GDP growth in the past three years.
A second means of assessing the impact of the crisis on the two regions is the degree of external
adjustment that occurred (exhibit 2 or exhibit 2A). Significantly, Thailand's current account swung
from a deficit of 8% of GDP in 1996 to a surplus of 12% of GDP in 1998. This startling adjustment in
the current account balance was accomplished entirely by a compression of imports, as the dollar
value of exports was about flat, but imports plunged 40%. The story for other major Asian crisis
countries is broadly similar. In contrast, current account adjustment in the three major Latin American
countries has been much less pronounced. All three countries have remained in deficit, with total
adjustment during the crisis estimated to amount to only about $15 billion (compared with
$120 billion in Asia) and current account deficits remaining around 3% to 5% of GDP.
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The extent of current account adjustment in Asia was necessitated in part by a sharp tailing off of
private capital flows to the region (exhibit 3). Specifically, gross private financial flows to Korea,
Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines plunged from $28 billion in the second half of 1996 to just
$4 billion in the last half of 1998.2 Over this period, new bank loans issued to these economies fell
nearly two-thirds, and bond issuance declined more than 90%. Private financial flows to Latin
America, in contrast, did not decline severely until the second half of 1998. Flows to both regions
rebounded during the first half of 1999.
The available evidence clearly indicates that the Asian developing countries experienced sharper GDP
declines, more severe current account adjustment, and a steeper falloff in private capital flows during
the recent crisis than did their Latin American counterparts. I will now consider four broad hypotheses
that may account for the differential impact of the crisis on the two regions.
First, were macroeconomic conditions in Asia in worse shape than those in Latin America? Asia's
growth performance in the years immediately preceding the crisis did not hint of disruptive
imbalances. These economies were registering average annual growth of roughly 7% to 8%. While
such rates of expansion might be considered unsustainably rapid, these countries had maintained such
performance for many years without any apparent adverse effects. By comparison, the Latin
Americans recorded more moderate growth rates in the years before the crisis. Inflation in both
regions generally was well contained. What about current account imbalances (exhibit 4)? All of these
countries ran current account deficits in the period before the crisis. Although the imbalances in Asia
were somewhat larger than those in Latin America, such differences - with the possible exception of
Thailand - do not appear to be particularly significant. Moreover, the current account performance of
the three major Latin American countries deteriorated further during 1998.
Were real exchange rates in Asia substantially overvalued relative to those in Latin America
(exhibit 5)? During the first half of 1997, immediately before the onset of the crisis, the broad real
exchange rates for Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia were only about 5% to 8% stronger than their
1990-96 average, and Korea's real exchange rate was slightly weaker than its 1990-96 average. The
real exchange rate for the Philippines was more than 20% above its average, but - as previously noted
above - this country was relatively less affected by the crisis. Hence, there is little evidence of
substantial overvaluation of exchange rates in these countries. In comparison, during the first half of
1998, before the onset of the Latin American phase of the crisis, the real exchange rates for Argentina
and Brazil were about 10% stronger than the 1990-97 average, while Mexico's real rate was about 5%
stronger.
Finally, the fiscal position of the Asian countries (exhibit 6) was no worse - and perhaps somewhat
better - than that of the Latin American countries. Countries in both regions ran small deficits or slight
surpluses. Brazil was the pronounced exception, with a fiscal deficit well over 5% of GDP.
Accordingly, there seems to be little evidence that Asia's macro fundamentals in the run-up to the
crisis were significantly weaker than those for the Latin American countries. Indeed, indicators point
to roughly comparable performance and risk in the two regions.
A second hypothesis is that the financial systems in the Asian developing countries were beset with
greater vulnerabilities than was the case in Latin America. This explanation seems to be more
promising. Consider the case of Thailand. In the mid-1990s, the country's domestic savings rate was
about 35% of GDP, and the current account deficit was about 8% of GDP. This suggests that the
financial system each year was intermediating investment flows on the order of 40% of GDP. It is
conceivable that an economy with sound financial infrastructure and well-developed legal and
regulatory institutions could have efficiently allocated such massive flows. However, in an emerging
market economy that is still developing the institutions required to regulate, supervise, and support a
viable financial system, it is not surprising that over time financial resources were misallocated and a
substantial stock of bad loans emerged. In the absence of strong prudential regulation, the financial
sector may have had inadequate incentives to assess risk properly and to monitor borrowers. From this
perspective, the real puzzle may be why the Asian financial system did not falter sooner.
Stated in slightly different terms, IMF statistics (exhibit 7) indicate that in 1996 bank claims on the
private sector were about 100% of GDP in Thailand and about 60% of GDP in Korea. These numbers
far exceed the ratios of roughly 20% of GDP that prevailed in Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil,
countries that also experienced considerably slower domestic loan growth in the years preceding the
recent crisis. The systemic risks implied by weak regulation may be much more severe in countries
with relatively large banking systems. This observation is not unique to developing countries. Even
Japan, one of the world's advanced industrial countries, has struggled with a bad-loan problem,
partially because of massive bank lending in an environment of inadequate prudential supervision.
Moreover, countries where the banking system is large relative to GDP may be forced to endure more
severe macroeconomic disruptions when a banking crisis actually occurs, since the costs of cleaning
up the crisis are likely to be large compared with the size of the economy and firms are likely to be
highly dependent on banks for the provision of credit.
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In light of these considerations, it is perhaps not surprising that Asian financial institutions were hit
harder by the crisis than Latin American institutions. For example, Thailand was forced to close
dozens of finance companies, and deep financial problems in two of Korea's largest banks persuaded
the authorities to temporarily nationalize those institutions. In addition, an enormous bad-loan problem
in Thailand and Indonesia - and to some extent in the other Asian crisis countries, including Korea
emerged after the crisis, thus creating uncertainty about the future economic performance and financial
viability of these economies. In contrast, major Latin American countries moved to strengthen their
financial systems following the peso crisis in the mid-1990s. As a result, banks in these countries
appear to have sustained minimal new damage. Argentina is a notable example: efforts to strengthen
the financial position of the banks, coupled with improvements in prudential regulation, have allowed
the banks to remain relatively healthy, despite the effects of the crisis and the country's protracted
recession.
This discussion suggests that financial system vulnerabilities probably were more severe in Asia than
in Latin America. Such a conclusion, however, does not necessarily imply that Asian financial
institutions were fundamentally less efficient or effective, only that they were more vulnerable when
the crisis hit.3 Suffice it to say that policymakers in Latin America also are wrestling with sizable
financial sector problems.
A third hypothesis is that the crisis hit Asia harder because investor sentiment shifted more abruptly
than it did in Latin America. In other words, one might be asked - did the crisis somehow reveal
comparatively more information about the performance of the Asian developing countries and their
economic prospects? The answer to this question seems to be "yes." The major revelation - or wake-up
call - that transformed the Asian devaluations into first-order crises was the (apparently sudden)
realization on the part of investors that the Asian countries were suffering from deep structural
imbalances, particularly in their financial sectors. This dramatic shift in sentiment was a central feature
of the crisis in Asia. Importantly, there were no similar downside surprises in Latin America, because
investors were already familiar with the region's structural inefficiencies and difficulties. It is fair to
say that memories of the peso devaluation in 1994-95 remained fresh in investors' minds.
The sudden shift in investor perceptions of the Asian countries is reflected in the dramatic
downgrading of sovereign debt ratings that occurred between mid-1997 and early-1998 (exhibit 8).
During this period, Standard & Poor's downgraded Thailand four notches (from A to BBB-),
Indonesia, six notches (from BBB to B), and Korea, ten notches (from AA- to B+). In contrast, S&P's
credit ratings for Argentina and Mexico were unchanged during the crisis (at BB), and Brazil's rating
was reduced only one notch (from BB- to B+).4
The less-pronounced reversal in sentiment regarding Latin America may be partially due to the fact
that the crisis hit Asia first. This gave policymakers in Latin America an opportunity to implement
pre-emptive measures, such as interest rate increases and initiatives to improve fiscal performance,
that may have helped minimize subsequent damage. Another implication of the difference in timing
was that "hot money" was able to leave Latin America gradually rather than in one frenetic rush. The
Latin American countries also may have benefited because global economic policymakers - including
the IMF - had learned from their experiences in Asia and Russia.
A fourth hypothesis focuses on the speed and effectiveness of the policy response. Were policymakers
in Asia slower to respond to the crisis than those in Latin America, and did this have a bearing on the
severity of the crisis? The response to the crisis in the two regions differed in at least one important
respect: the Latin Americans were much quicker to raise interest rates aggressively. Notably,
short-term interest rates in Thailand did not peak until the second half of 1997, well after the baht was
allowed to float. The authorities were hesitant to raise interest rates rapidly during the first half of that
year, notwithstanding the fact that the currency had come under severe pressure. As an alternative
strategy, the Thai authorities attempted to defend the pegged exchange rate regime through substantial
foreign exchange intervention, which drained a significant fraction of official reserves and still failed
to achieve the desired goal. In contrast, the major Latin American countries raised interest rates
significantly as soon as they were hit by the shock waves from the crisis.
More generally, Thailand's experience highlights the fact that a half-hearted defense of a fixed
exchange rate regime may drain reserves, reduce the credibility of the authorities, and ultimately prove
unsuccessful. Accordingly, an emerging consensus in the policymaking community suggests that,
when fixed exchange rate regimes come under attack, they either should be abandoned as quickly as
possible or defended with all available instruments, including aggressive monetary tightening.
This discussion suggests a further observation. Ironically, Latin America's history of financial crises
actually may have helped limit the damage done by the recent crisis. The regions' previous crises have
allowed policymakers (many of whom are well-trained technocrats) to gain significant experience in
crisis management. The Asian economies, in contrast, had grown essentially without interruption for
many years. Perhaps as a result, policymakers in the region may have been less prepared to deal with
the crisis. Additionally, since the Latin American countries had much experience with economic
crises, the turmoil associated with the recent crisis may have been less damaging to the sentiment of
investors and the general public than was the case in Asia. It seems reasonable to hypothesize that,
when economic crises are a fact of life, institutions and practices are likely to develop that make
countries more resilient in the face of such crises.
Lessons from Mexico's recent experience
I now turn to Mexico. As mentioned earlier, the Mexican economy has been particularly buoyant
during the recent crisis. Are there any general lessons that can be drawn from Mexico's experience?
Although the Mexican authorities have raised interest rates at various times over the past two years to
stabilize the peso, they nonetheless have allowed the peso to depreciate. It is probably fair to say that
any adverse effects of peso depreciation are small compared with the costs that would have been borne
had the authorities attempted to prevent the currency from weakening. This suggests that the policies
required to defend a pegged exchange rate - not to mention the disruptions that are endured when such
pegs are blown out - may leave countries with this sort of regime more vulnerable to downturn when
crises occur.
An additional factor that likely has contributed to Mexico's resilience in recent years is its close
relationship with the exuberant US economy. Roughly three-quarters of Mexican exports are
purchased by the United States, representing about one-fifth of Mexican output. The strength of the
US economy also has benefited Latin American countries more generally. On the other hand, the
Asian countries are highly integrated with Japan. It may be more than coincidence that the Asian crisis
erupted after a sustained depreciation of the yen and as Japan fell into a deep recession. Moreover,
during the darkest days of the Asian crisis, Japanese imports from Asia declined sharply, and Japanese
bank lending to these countries slowed. Developments in Japan almost certainly exacerbated the
breadth and depth of the Asian crisis.
Some conclusions
What conclusions can be drawn from this discussion? First, and not surprisingly, developing countries
that are hit with adverse shocks are likely to fare much better if they are highly integrated with a large,
booming economy. This unfortunately is more a matter of luck (namely, the position of the partner
country in its business cycle) than a clear prescription for economic policy.
Second, during times of crisis, flexible exchange rate regimes appear to have major advantages
relative to more rigid regimes. Flexible regimes may provide additional room for maneuver, since
adjustment to an adverse shock can come through exchange rate depreciation. Flexible exchange rate
regimes are also less costly to defend.
Third, when adverse shocks arise, the authorities should move quickly to put appropriate policies in
place to pre-empt potential difficulties. Particularly, in the context of a fixed exchange rate regime,
monetary policy should be tightened aggressively to defend the peg, or the regime should be
abandoned.
A fourth lesson from the discussion is that strong macroeconomic fundamentals are necessary - but not
sufficient - for avoiding crisis. Structural policies are also of first-order importance.
Fifth, developing countries should move to strengthen their financial infrastructure, improve the
efficiency of financial intermediation, and ensure that the regulations and incentives for proper credit
assessment and monitoring are in place. This is particularly important for those countries with huge
quantities of domestic savings; if appropriate measures are not implemented, such countries may face
further financial crises in coming years.
Finally, probably the major factor generating the sharp economic decline in Asia was the dramatic
reassessment of prospects for the region, largely reflecting a "wake-up call" regarding the financial
sector's level of performance. Of necessity, investors will punish such downside surprises severely. To
limit the magnitude of such downside surprises, policymakers should take action to maximize
financial sector transparency and ensure appropriate disclosure of information.