For release on delivery
11:00 a.m. EDT
March 29, 2021
Treasury-Federal Reserve Cooperation and the Importance of Central Bank
Independence
Remarks by
Christopher J. Waller
Member
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Peterson Institute for International Economics
Washington, D.C.
(via webcast)
March 29, 2021
By way of introduction, I spent the first part of my career as an economics
professor and researcher. One of my main fields of inquiry was monetary policy theory.
I have long been a strong believer in the virtues of central bank independence, and today
I will devote my remarks to that topic.1
As a result of the COVID-19 crisis, tremendous monetary and fiscal measures
have been taken to provide economic relief to American households and businesses. The
Federal Reserve took a host of actions, including lowering its policy rate to zero and
purchasing securities to support market functioning and provide monetary
accommodation.2 The Congress enacted several packages that funded the health
response to the pandemic, expanded unemployment insurance, and provided economic
assistance payments to households and businesses.3
The virus also created uncertainty and turbulence in financial markets, which led
the Federal Reserve to establish emergency lending programs to serve as lending
backstops and support the flow of credit to households, businesses, nonprofits, and state
and local governments.4 Establishing these programs under section 13(3) of the Federal
1
I am grateful to Jane Ihrig for assistance in preparing these remarks. These remarks represent my own
views, which do not necessarily represent those of the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market
Committee.
2
See, for example, the statement issued after the conclusion of the Federal Open Market Committee's
March 15, 2020, meeting, which is available on the Board's website at
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomccalendars.htm.
3
See, for example, the Coronavirus Preparedness and Response Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2020,
Pub. L. No. 116-123, 134 Stat. 146 (Mar. 6, 2020); the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, Pub. L.
No. 116-127, 134 Stat. 178 (Mar. 18, 2020); the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES)
Act, Pub. L. No. 116-136, 134 Stat. 281 (Mar. 27, 2020); the Paycheck Protection Program and Health Care
Enhancement Act, Pub. L. No. 116-139, 134 Stat. 620 (Apr. 24, 2020); the Consolidated Appropriations
Act, 2021, Pub. L. No. 116-260, 134 Stat. 1182 (Dec. 27, 2020); and the American Rescue Plan Act of
2021, Pub. L. No. 117-2 (Mar. 11, 2021).
4
See Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2020), "Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19):
Funding, Credit, Liquidity, and Loan Facilities," webpage,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/funding-creditliquidity-and-loan-facilities.htm.
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Reserve Act required substantial cooperation between the Department of the Treasury
and the Federal Reserve.
The Congress has provided spending of roughly $5.8 trillion during the past year
to deal with the pandemic and its effects on the economy.5 This action has pushed the
ratio of publicly held U.S. debt to nominal gross domestic product to more than 100
percent for the first time since World War II.6 The Federal Reserve's holdings of U.S.
government debt has risen to around $7 trillion, with about $2.5 trillion of that total
resulting from its asset purchase program aimed at smoothing credit market functioning
and providing monetary accommodation.
Because of the large fiscal deficits and rising federal debt, a narrative has emerged
that the Federal Reserve will succumb to pressures (1) to keep interest rates low to help
service the debt and (2) to maintain asset purchases to help finance the federal
government. My goal today is to definitively put that narrative to rest. It is simply
wrong. Monetary policy has not and will not be conducted for these purposes.
My colleagues and I will continue to act solely to fulfill our congressionally
mandated goals of maximum employment and price stability. The Federal Open Market
Committee (FOMC) determines the appropriate monetary policy actions solely to move
5
See Congressional Budget Office (2020), The Effects of Pandemic-Related Legislation on Output
(Washington: CBO, September), available at https://www.cbo.gov/publication/56537; Congressional
Budget Office (2021), "Summary Estimate for Divisions M through FF, H.R. 133, Consolidated
Appropriations Act, 2021, Public Law 116-260, Enacted on December 27, 2020," January 14,
https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2021-01/PL_116-260_Summary.pdf; and Congressional Budget Office
(2021), "Estimated Budgetary Effects of H.R. 1319, American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, As passed by the
Senate on March 6, 2021," summary tables, March 10,
https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/202103/Estimated_Budgetary_Effects_of_HR_1319_as_passed_0.pdf.
6
See Congressional Budget Office (2021), The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2021 to 2031
(Washington: CBO, February), available at https://www.cbo.gov/publication/56970; and Congressional
Budget Office (2015), An Update to the Budget and Economic Outlook: 2015 to 2025 (Washington: CBO,
August), p. 71,
https://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/114th-congress-2015-2016/reports/50724-UpdateOneColumn_0.pdf.
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the economy towards those goals. Deficit financing and debt servicing issues play no
role in our policy decisions and never will. Chair Powell made this same point in his
recent comments to the Economic Club of New York.7 My objective today is to
reinforce that message.
This does not mean, however, that the Treasury and Federal Reserve should never
work together. My comments today will focus on the issue of cooperation-on when and
how much is beneficial and on the potential costs that should not be overlooked.
Let me point out that there are two fronts for interaction between the Treasury and
the Federal Reserve. The first is what I will call "back office" operations. By this term, I
mean the range of fiscal agency services that the Federal Reserve provides to the
Treasury by statute.8 For example, the Federal Reserve maintains the Treasury's
operating account, accepting deposits, paying checks, and making electronic payments on
behalf of the Treasury. It provides securities services on behalf of the Treasury,
supporting the auction, issuance, and redemption of marketable Treasury securities. It
also provides application development and infrastructure support services, assisting in the
Treasury's efforts to improve government cash- and debt-management processes. Since
the Federal Reserve is the fiscal agent for the Treasury-and to play that role efficiently
and at low cost-the Federal Reserve and the Treasury must always work closely
together on operations issues.
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The second form of interaction involves the Treasury and the Federal Reserve
working together on certain macroeconomic policy issues. I will discuss two areas where
differing degrees of interaction could occur, emergency lending facilities and economic
stabilization, and one area where that interaction should not, and does not, occur-debt
financing.
First, let me talk about emergency lending facilities authorized by section 13(3) of
the Federal Reserve Act.9 During a financial crisis or extreme market malfunctioning,
cooperation between the fiscal and monetary authorities is imperative. An important role
of a central bank is to step in and provide liquidity to ensure market functioning during
those "unusual and exigent circumstances."10 And under those circumstances, since the
passage of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, the
Secretary of the Treasury is required to approve any new programs under the Federal
Reserve's emergency lending authority.
As I mentioned, the Federal Reserve and the Treasury undertook this kind of
coordinated response a year ago, as uncertainty about the economic effect of the virus
caused markets to begin seizing up. Many section 13(3) facilities were established to
support the flow of credit to households, businesses, and state and local governments.
All of these emergency programs required the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury,
and many of them were supported by the Treasury's financial backing, using funds
specifically appropriated by the Congress for these facilities in the Coronavirus Aid,
Relief, and Economic Security Act.
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At times like these, cooperation between the fiscal and monetary authorities
strengthens financial stability. A financial crisis is not a time for uncooperative behavior
from either side. However, with regard to the second area, economic stabilization, it is
imperative that the central bank remain independent from the fiscal authority. There are
sizable costs if cooperation turns into fiscal control.
To understand this point, consider a situation where the economy is hit with a
negative shock that depresses aggregate demand. The Macro 101 textbook policy
response we teach students is for the monetary and fiscal authorities to enact stimulative
policies to increase aggregate demand. This effort involves fiscal actions, such as
increasing spending and cutting taxes, which increase the deficit. The finance ministry's
job is to finance the deficit that results from these fiscal policy actions. Greater
borrowing by the finance ministry to finance these policies will tend to put upward
pressure on interest rates, which crowds out private sector spending. In this textbook
example, the monetary authority should respond to this upward pressure on interest rates
by adopting a more accommodative policy stance to bring rates back down.
From an institutional design viewpoint, what would be the appropriate
arrangement to ensure this type of policy response? One obvious solution would be to
give the finance ministry control of monetary policy to ensure a coordinated policy
response. This logic suggests central bank independence is an impediment to optimal
stabilization policy.
So why have an independent central bank? Why create an impediment to socially
beneficial cooperation?
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In the situation where monetary policy is under control of the Treasury, and thus
the executive branch in the United States, political motivations may influence decisions.
To return to my stabilization example, as the economy recovers, with all of the monetary
and fiscal stimulus in place, this stimulus may lead to undesirable inflation pressures.
The standard monetary policy response is to evaluate the current employment and
inflation situations and raise interest rates when deemed appropriate. However, if
monetary policy is under the control of the Treasury, then to further juice the economy
for short-term political gains, this action could be delayed past the date the central bank
would want to raise rates. Consequently, the argument goes that a hot economy may
cause substantial inflation pressures that are hard to rein in politically, and which
ultimately harm Americans in the longer run. This view is backed up by the political
economy literature, which argues that having monetary policy under the control of
political authorities may lead to excessive inflation and economic volatility that is not
socially optimal.11 Put another way, it can lead to an unstable economy, on which
households and businesses cannot rely.
Subsequent academic research, including mine, focuses on ways in which the
central bank could be designed to prevent this undesired outcome from happening.12 One
of those ways is delegating decisionmaking to a policy committee that is insulated from
short-term political pressures. Institutional details that enhance insulation include giving
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central bankers long terms and prohibiting removal from office for political reasons. This
literature provides the theoretical foundations for central bank independence and the
importance of central bank credibility.
A look across countries is instructive. Operational independence with clearly
specified goals for monetary policy has become the norm for central banks in advanced
economies, reflecting the consensus that has emerged over the past 30 years concerning
the benefits of central bank independence.
The Congress was fully aware of the potential misuse of monetary policy for
political reasons, and it purposefully created the Federal Reserve as an independent
central bank. The design features of the Federal Reserve minimize political influence
over monetary policy while still maintaining accountability to the Congress and to the
electorate for its policy actions.13
Eventually, in 1977, the Congress mandated that the Federal Reserve conduct
monetary policy to effectively promote the goals of maximum employment and price
stability. By having monetary policy overseen by independent officials, the incentive to
misuse stabilization policy for partisan purposes is reduced. Monetary policymakers can
focus on what is best for the economy over the long run.14
13
An example of a design feature of the Federal Reserve that balances accountability with independence to
conduct monetary policy is the provision in the Federal Reserve Act that requires "open market" purchases
and sales of Treasury securities (12 U.S.C. § 355). The requirement for purchases and sales to be in the
open market makes the Federal Reserve accountable for paying a market price, and, by preventing the
Federal Reserve from purchasing directly from the Treasury, it supports the independence of the Federal
Reserve in the implementation of monetary policy. For a discussion of various tensions between allowing
the Federal Reserve to be independent to conduct policy and also being accountable to the electorate, see
Christopher J. Waller (2009), "Why the Fed Is a Well-Designed Central Bank," in Federal Reserve Bank of
Saint Louis, Annual Report, 2009 (St. Louis: FRBSL),
https://www.stlouisfed.org/annualreport/2009/why-the-fed-is-a-well-designed-central-bank.
14
See Michele Fratianni, Jurgen von Hagen, and Christopher Waller (1997), "Central Banking as a Political
Principal-Agent Problem," Economic Inquiry, vol. 35 (April), pp. 378-93.
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Finally, we come to the third area of potential interaction between the central
bank and the Treasury: debt financing. When governments run up large debts, the
interest cost to servicing this debt will be substantial. Money earmarked to make interest
payments could be used for other purposes if interest rates were lower. Thus, the fiscal
authority has a strong incentive to keep interest rates low.
The United States faced this situation during World War II.15 Marriner Eccles,
who chaired the Federal Reserve at the time, favored financing the war by coupling tax
increases with wage and price controls. But, ultimately, he and his colleagues on the
FOMC concluded that winning the war was the most important goal, and that providing
the government with cheap financing was the most effective way for the Federal Reserve
to support that goal. So the U.S. government ran up a substantial amount of debt to fund
the war effort in a low interest rate environment, allowing the Treasury to have low debt
servicing costs. This approach freed up resources for the war effort and was the right
course of action during a crisis as extreme as a major world war.
After the war was over and victory was achieved, the Treasury still had a large
stock of debt to manage and still had control over interest rates. The postwar boom in
consumption, along with excessively low interest rates, led to a burst of inflation.
Without control over interest rates, the Federal Reserve could not enact the appropriate
interest rate policies to rein in inflation. As a result, prices increased 41.8 percent from
January 1946 to March 1951, or an average of 6.3 percent year over year.16 This trend,
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and efforts by then-Chair Thomas McCabe and then-Board member Eccles, ultimately
led to the Treasury-Fed Accord of 1951, which restored interest rate policy to the Federal
Reserve. The purpose of the accord was to ensure that interest rate policy would be
implemented to ensure the proper functioning of the economy, not to make debt financing
cheap for the U.S. government.
The upshot of these examples is that cooperation between the Federal Reserve and
the Treasury is important to address macroeconomic policy issues. But research shows
that, to avoid distortions in using monetary policy for deficit financing, it is important to
have an independent central bank with a clear and credible inflation target, which the
Federal Reserve does.17 Central bank independence is critical for maintaining that target
and keeping inflation expectations in line with that target.
My message today is that the Federal Reserve and the Treasury should work
together at key times and along certain dimensions. Back-office operations are done
efficiently and effectively in this manner. And in times of crisis, coordination allows
policies to be implemented quickly and forcefully to set the stage for a strong path of
recovery. But for this arrangement to work, the political independence of the Federal
Reserve is essential-it is the best way for the Federal Reserve to meet its congressional
mandate and allow policymakers to meet the longer-term needs of the American people.
The Treasury and the Federal Reserve both recognize this necessity and have issued joint
statements to this effect in the past.18
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With this independence, of course, the FOMC is committed to being accountable
and transparent about our actions to both the Congress and the public-and the Federal
Reserve strives to continually improve its transparency. In 2020, for example, the FOMC
released a new Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy.19 This
new framework explains how we interpret the mandate that the Congress has given us
and describes the broad framework that we believe will best promote our maximum-
employment and price-stability goals.
Going forward, the monetary policy choices of the FOMC will continue to be
guided solely by our mandate to promote maximum employment and stable prices.
These congressionally mandated goals always drive our decisions; partisan policy
preferences or the debt-financing needs of the Treasury will play no role in that decision.
Cooperation in times of crisis, like during the initial phases of the COVID crisis,
was crucial for staving off an economic disaster, putting us on the road to recovery, and
helping avoid long-run scarring and was the appropriate way to serve the Fed's dual
mandate. But the independence of the Federal Reserve is in the nation's best interest and
should be valued and protected by all.